food and political

Treaty Rights Ignored: Neocolonialism and the Makah Whale Hunt 

For Indigenous populations around the world, the last few centuries have been marked by colonization and economic, political, and cul- tural oppression. A few Indigenous populations have narrowly escaped subjugation, but these communities must often fight eco- nomic and political battles to keep rights to their lands and traditions. For other Indigenous communities that do not have access to the resources necessary for economic and cultural survival, it is seem- ingly only a matter of time before their lands are taken or their tradi- tions are lost, but this is not the only possible outcome. Some of the most important ways that Indigenous communities have resisted colonialism and braved the complexity of neocolonialism are through the oral tradition and contemporary literary narratives. It is abso- lutely essential that Indigenous tribal narratives continue to reflect the significance of cultural traditions, and it is critical that individuals outside of Indigenous communities respect these narratives. Many of the current economic, political, and cultural disputes affecting Indigenous communities stem from neo colonialist attitudes about economic resources and cultural traditions. Neocolonialism appears in different guises, and neocolonialist rhetoric is rampant in discourse about Indigenous populations and underdeveloped nations.

Even the relatively recent shift from using "third world" to "underde- veloped" signifies the manifestation of terminology that reinforces a certain economic neocolonialism. The rhetoric of neocolonialism must be exposed to ensure that Indigenous communities are not sub- jected to new forms of colonization, which threaten cultural survival. Moreover, individuals should be sensitive to the persuasive and subtle nature of neocolonialism because the rhetoric of neocolonialism is rampantly apparent in the media, seriously detrimental to Indigenous youth, and undermines Indigenous tribal narratives. While there are numerous examples of neocolonialism in the world today, the focus of this paper will be an analysis of the use of neocolonialist rhetoric in discussions about the Makah Nation. In the last decade, the Makah Nation has been in the process of revitalizing its whaling traditions, and the discourse about this revitalization reveals racist attitudes toward Indigenous peoples and the potential consequences of damaging neocolonialist rhetoric. One might not expect the state of Washington or the Pacific Northwest to be places that support neocolonialism, but the manifestation of neocolonialist rhetoric in a seemingly progressive part of the United States is a testa- ment to the ubiquitous nature of neocolonialism. It is my hope that this discussion will reveal the rhetorical strategies that individuals employ to criticize the revitalization of the Makah whale-hunting tra- dition, while also illustrating how this rhetoric presents dangerous neocolonialist points of view that undermine tribal sovereignty.

Historical Context of a Whale Hunt 

The Pacific Northwest is valued for its natural resources, and indi- viduals who now reside within these lands often acknowledge the diverse cultures that were here prior to the colonization of this region. However, many Pacific Northwest residents are unaware of the treaty obligations that the United States has with local tribes and do not acknowledge the Indigenous tribal narratives of the region. Anyone who resides within the Pacific Northwest should understand that many Indigenous communities were forcefully removed from their lands and relocated to reservations to make way for the commercial enterprises and agricultural developments that led to the region's prosperity. The region has dramatically changed in the name of progress and development, and Indigenous perspectives and rights cannot be ignored or forgotten. Prior to European contact, the Pacific Northwest was home to many diverse communities, and these Indigenous societies were inti- mately familiar with the abundant resources found in the region. Population estimates suggest that "as many as 200,000 Native Americans inhabited the Northwest Coast culture area, making it one of the most densely populated nonagricultural regions of the world" (Boyd 135). The relatively high population density reveals the abun- dance in natural resources, but it also indicates that Indigenous com- munities were able to sustain themselves by understanding, harvest- ing, and hunting these resources. European contact first occurred in the late eighteenth century, bringing numerous explorers to the including James Cook and George Vancouver, and the nineteenth cen- tury was a time of rampant commercial growth and development. At the same time, trade and other interactions with settlers spread diseases throughout Indigenous communties, diseases that claimed many lives, and Indigenous communities experienced significant sociocultural traumas as a result of these deaths. In addition to cop- ing with the consequences of smallpox and other diseases, Indigenous peoples also faced a considerable increase in the competition for nat- ural resources. While Indigenous societies prior to the nineteenth century had an impact on local ecosystems, these settlements did not affect the region as irreversibly as the extensive settlements that began in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The lands were rich in natural resources, and many individuals traveled great distances to become a part of the developing Pacific Northwest. In the rush to settle the region, Indigenous nations were either displaced or had to cooperate with settlers and government officials or risk losing their lands forever. Indigenous communities were subjected to blatant colonialism within the legal rhetoric and binding contracts of trea- ties, which is why the rights of Indigenous nations should be even more respected today. In the mid-nineteenth century, representatives of the United States government negotiated numerous treaties with Indigenous nations in the Pacific Northwest to secure lands for settlement Governor Isaac Stevens of the Washington Territory negotiated many of these treaties, including the Treaty of Neah Bay with the Makah in 1855. Governor Stevens had a dramatic impact on the economic development of the Pacific Northwest, but his success hinged on the acquisition of lands and resources used by Indigenous communities. In volume seven of the Handbook of North American Indians, Cesare Marino provides one view of Governor Stevens in his discussion of western Washington history since 1846: "A believer in Manifest Destiny and a strong proponent of westward expansion Stevens regarded tribes under his jurisdiction as an impediment to civilization. White settlement was to be facilitated by extinguishing Indian title to the land, concentrating tribes on reservations and pro- moting Indian acculturation" (169). Governor Stevens was not alone in his views, and the rhetoric of development and civilization allowed individuals to disregard Indigenous communities and their rights Indigenous communities in the region faced severe racism and were often coerced or forced to sign treaties or remove to reservations ... Governor (Marino 171). After securing lands in the Puget Sound area from 1854 to 1855, Stevens started negotiations with Indigenous communities along the coast and signed the Treaty of Neah Bay with four Makah villages (Renker 427). The Makah villages were remote from areas of commercial development and were able to secure lands and rights to fishing, whaling, and other resources. These Makah villages "ceded land in return for education, health care, and the right to fish in 'usual and accustomed grounds and stations" (Renker 427). In this treaty, the Makah representatives were careful to retain rights to fishing and whaling, because they understood the importance of these traditions to the future of the Makah Nation. The Makah Nation is located on the northwest tip of the Olympic Peninsula in the state of Washington. According to census data gath- ered in 2000, the Makah Nation comprises 42.7 square miles and wa home to almost 1400 individuals (DeCordoba). The word Makah is a Clallam word that has been in use since the 1850s, but Makah peoples referred and refer to themselves as Qwiqwidicciat, or the "people who live by the rocks and seagulls" (Makah). The Makah entry in the Handbook of North American Indians emphasizes that the Makah held "prestigious" occupational positions for whale and fur seal hunters, and "[bloth occupations involved knowledge of complex systems of navigation on the open ocean, the ability to interpret the activities of the prey prior to the kill, and a reliance on ritualized activity to secure the success of the hunt" (Renker 423). Whale hunters and whales were held in high regard and were politically, economically, culturally, and spiritually significant. However, by 1915, commercial whaling had dramatically reduced the gray whale population and prompted the Makah Nation to postpone the hunts with the hope that the gray whale would return. Moreover, members of the Makah Nation had been subjected to "Indian policy [that] revolved around the assimila- tion of Makah people through an educational system that ignored Makah priorities and prohibited the use of the language" (Renker 427). Even though the Makah Nation was dramatically affected by aggressive settlement of the Pacific Northwest, the Treaty of Neah Bay provides an important legal foundation for the Makah Nation today, and the whale-hunting traditions have survived despite legal attempts at cultural genocide. The last successful whale hunt took place in the early-twentieth century, but changes within the community and the drastic reduction in the whale population prompted the Makah Nation to forgo whale hunts until the gray whale population improved. In fact, the Makah Nation voluntarily stopped hunting whales over a decade prior to the United States government's ban on hunting gray whales that was implemented in 1937 (Gaard). When the gray whale population recovered and with resources in place to begin the complex legal pro- cesses involved in attaining permission to hunt for a gray whale, indi- viduals within the Makah Nation began the legal procedures in the 1990s. Many animal rights activists and environmental organizations attempted to delay the hunt, but the Makah Nation received permis- sion and carefully conducted a hunt that conformed to the strict rules set in place by the International Whaling Commission. In 1999, the Makah Nation celebrated the successful hunt of a gray whale off the coast of Washington state and revitalized spiritual and cultural prac- tices that had been carefully passed down for generations. In the years leading up to the whale hunt in 1999, the Makah Nation demon- strated respect for national and international legal systems, but the legal battles were relatively minor when compared to public reactions to the hunt. The rhetorically violent and legal backlashes from the 1999 hunt successfully delayed the Makah Nation from obtaining permission to hunt additional whales, which eventually led to a reckless and failed attempt at another hunt in 2007. In September of 2007 and out of frustration for the political delays, five members of the Makah Nation took the life of a gray whale without regard for tribal, national, or international rules. Many individuals viewed this hunt as an act of civil disobedience, but this unsuccessful hunt jeopardized the future of Makah whale hunts because it generated a great deal of public backlash. The five rogue hunters are still in litigation, and the Makah Nation is attempting to secure permission to hunt whales in the near future. The conflict surrounding the Makah whale hunt reveals signifi- cant ethical and moral differences, but it also uncovers a dangerous form of cultural imperialism that threatens tribal sovereignty and treaty rights. The Makah Nation has rights protected by the Treaty of Neah Bay, and any infringement of these rights indicates a significant political shift that affects tribal nations across the United States and Indigenous communities around the world. Individuals with com- peting interests in natural resources, from animal rights activists to farmers, express dissatisfaction with the special treatment that Indigenous communities receive, instead of honoring the communi- ties that flourished here prior to the fairly recent "development" of the region and nation. The Makah Nation must confront pervasive neocolonialism in the form of political, economic, and cultural pressures in order to continue practicing its whaling traditions. The rhetoric of neocolo- nialism rejects the tribal narrative of the Makah Nation as it attempts to coerce the Nation into relinquishing a tradition at the core of Makah cultural history. These manifestations of neocolonialism require the Nation to be prepared to challenge the neocolonialist rbetoric of the most "liberal" of individuals who ignore or forget the importance of Indigenous literary and tribal narratives. The ubiquity of neocolonialism exposes a need for an Indigenous tribal narrative that reinforces the importance of an ongoing whale-hunting tradi- tion for the Makah people. 

A Public Outcry 

The whale hunts of 1999 and 2007 generated a great deal of public discourse, especially in the Seattle metropolitan area. Headlines and lengthy articles in the local newspapers, the Seattle Times and the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, demonstrated the significance of these events for individuals who resided within the Pacific Northwest and beyond. In particular, the rhetoric of the letters to the editor reveals the public's spectrum of opinions in the days leading up to the 1999 hunt and after the disastrous hunt of 2007. Despite the difference in each hunt's circumstances, the letters to the editor often employ neo- colonialist rhetoric to argue for an end to the Makah whale-hunting tradition, blatantly disregarding tribal sovereignty and treaty rights. After the hunts, many letters to the editor rejected the validity of the Makah whale-hunting tradition and expressed abhorrence toward the Makah Nation. In one letter following the 1999 whale hunt, the writer exclaims, "[t] he murder of a whale by the Makahs has, if any- thing, hastened the demise of this culture. If they as a people are fool- ish enough to believe that killing whales will make them great, they are already beyond saving. I, for one, will not mourn their passing" (Geneva). The intentional use of the word "murder" to express the death of the whale is only one small example of rhetoric that employs neocolonialist strategies. In a strictly legal context, the word murder describes the premeditated and unlawful killing of one human being by another, but the use of the word murder to describe the killing of a whale by Makah hunters reveals a shift in the word's use that uses a form of cultural superiority to discredit the whale-hunting tradition. Furthermore, the letter openly expresses the author's disregard for all Makah people by writing that they "are already beyond saving," and he "will not mourn their passing" (Geneva). The letter superciliously emphasizes that Makah people are in need of "saving," which reveals the author's condescending attitude toward the Makah Nation, but it also illustrates public sentiments about Indigenous traditions that conflict with beliefs and views of a majority culture. The Seattle Times also included letters to the editor that used evo- lutionary terms to repudiate the 1999 Makah whale hunt and letters that alleged whale-hunting traditions were no longer necessary. One severe letter to the editor suggests that the Makah whale hunt is a sign of de-evolution: "Quite frankly, to re-establish this practice for the sake of restoring a culture's tradition or heritage reminds me of the resurgence of racial hatred that seems to be occurring around the world. It is a sign of de-evolution. That same movement bodes ill for  all ethnic groups, including the Makahs" (Trybyszewski). The author creates an unfair and culturally skewed parallel between the resur- gence of racial hatred and the restoration of cultural traditions in an attempt to discredit the Makah Nation. In creating this parallel, the author reinforces cultural imperialism and ignores the pervasive nature of racial and cultural discrimination that creates conflict in the world. Furthermore, by suggesting that there has been a "resurgence" of racial hatred, the author conveniently disregards the evidence that points to the persistence of racial hatred and reveals an historical ignorance about racism. The author ends the letter with the follow ing: "I, for one, will greatly scrutinize any attempts by any particular groups who seek to re-establish killing in the name of 'tradition.' The argument that 'people don't understand the Makah culture' is irrele- ent. Everyone understands what killing an innocent animal is." The author emphasizes the word "killing," which reveals one slanted spective on the death of an animal, and dismisses the Makah culture as "irrelevant." These sentiments impose unwarranted values and beliefs on the Makah Nation and present views that endanger Indigenous tribal narratives. Many individuals in the United States are consumers who accept systems of food production that disrespect animal life and deplete natural resources, and very few people have to directly experience "what killing an innocent animal is," but this is not the case for the Makah Nation. By targetinga small nation's traditions instead of confronting national issues of food production and the degradation of natural resources, this letter successfully employs neo- colonialist rhetoric to discredit the rights and cultural narratives of the Makah Nation. Many letters following the 1999 hunt also used economic pres- sures to discredit the Makah whale-hunting tradition. One writer wrote, "[t]he real tragedy is not just the death of one, five or fifty whales. It is that a native tribe could have evolved into a people who practice the respect of intelligent life that they preach, but instead chose to needlessly continue hunting sentient creatures for tradition's sake" (DeCordoba). According to this writer, the Makah Nation is "needlessly" practicing its whale-hunting traditions and has failed to "evolve." The author ends the letter by declaring that "You'll never see my business at a reservation-casino or otherwise," a statement that the ignorant assumptions that many individuals have about Indigenous communities western Washington across (DeCordoba). For one, this individual uses economic pressure to express dissatisfaction with the Makah Nation, assuming that a sig- nificant cultural tradition has a price and can be purchased, but the letter also economically condemns all tribal casinos for the actions of one group. This type of neocolonialist racism presents a significant threat to all Indigenous communities and tribal nations. Economic domination is a major issue that will continue to present obstacles to Indigenous communities, which is why it is essential to expose these forms of neocolonialism and recognize the continued significance of Indigenous tribal narratives. In the days following the 1999 Makah whale hunt, Jerry Large, a veteran columnist for the Seattle Times, wrote about the hypocrisy embedded within the language used by protestors. His weekly col- umns often deal with issues that demand multiple points of view, and this article is no exception. In "Amid Concern for a Whale, Logic Is Sunk," published three days after the hunt, Large reflected on the sig- nificance of the hunt: Monday the Makahs killed their first whale in generations. Those members of the tribe who wanted to resume the hunt after a 70-year hiatus saw it as a way to reconnect with their cultural roots. I sus- pect that what they really wanted to harpoon was cultural domination. Members of the culture most responsible for the decline of whales and the demise of untold other species, not to mention the decima- tion of the Indians, chastised the Makahs for their incivility. The sight of yelling protesters made me grind my teeth. (D1) Large points out that individual members of the majority culture, a culture more responsible for the decline in the whale population and degradation of the natural environment than the Makah Nation, are among the first to "chastise" the Makah Nation for revitalizing a cul- tural tradition. After publishing this column, Large received hundreds of negative responses that only served to reinforce his points. In his response to the letters, Large writes, "There are so many other issues that I have to wonder why this one so captivates people. Somehow who we are is being tested. Our different views of morality, diversity, history, all of those defining bits of society, of our identities, are at play here and that unleashes a lot of emotion" (F1). The emotional responses to the hunt and to Large's column reveal a spectrum of responses, but they also expose subtle elements of neocolonialism that can easily escape detection.As Large notes, individuals who argue for the need for the Makah Nation to relinquish its whale-hunting traditions often express racist and bigoted views that continue to reinforce cultural domination. The discourse about the Makah whale hunt allows a glimpse into public sentiments and offers a possibility to explore pervasive attitudes about Indigenous traditions and rights. The failed hunt in September of 2007 generated similar in the forms of letters to the editor. Even though there is not sufficient time to illustrate the various rhetorical strategies that writers employed after the 2007 hunt, these letters used strategies similar to the 1999 hunt to denounce the Makah whale-hunting tradition. Individuals used cultural, legal, and economic pressures to argue for the eradica- tion of the whale-hunting tradition once again. One writer revealed responses that (i]t is really challenging to understand the benefit (both in eco- nomic terms and in terms of the Makah sense of identity) of whal- ing, regardless of which treaties were signed. If you legal aspects, there is still the issue of whether it is right and reason- able in the 21st century. Several generations have passed since whaling was banned. (Johnson) take the The writer admits a lack of knowledge about the importance of the whale-hunting tradition to the Makah Nation, but he or she also expresses that the hunt is not "right" or "reasonable in the 21st cen- tury." The easy manner in which this writer dismisses the Makah Nation's treaty rights reveals the significant threat of neocolonialist rhetoric. Furthermore, the writer does not recognize the persistence of tribal narratives or their importance to Indigenous communities, which denotes a point of view that undermines tribal sovereignty through a disavowal of Indigenous tribal narratives. To be fair, many letters to the editor also mentioned the importance of Makah cultural traditions and treaty rights, but these letters and perspectives were often lost in the overwhelmingly negative response to the failed hunt. A brief examination of the public responses to the Makah whale hunts demonstrates how neocolonialist rhetoric is used to reinforce arguments against Indigenous cultural traditions. Many public voices represented in the Seattle Times reflect ideological beliefs of the larger nation, and individuals employ neocolonialist rhetoric to dis- regard the rights of the Makah Nation. Even though these voices rep- resent only a fraction of the public opinion in regards to the Makah whale-hunting tradition, these perspectives reveal pervasive and dan- gerous attitudes toward Indigenous communities and their traditions. 

Consequences 

Indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest practiced traditions that been dramatically affected by aggressive settlement and the com- modification of natural resources, and they now must confront attempts to challenge their traditions and rights through the use of pervasive neocolonialism. The fact that the Makah Nation is placed in a position where it has to obtain permission from local, national, and even international systems to hunt a whale is an indication of the cur- rent complexities of maintaining treaty rights and certain cultural traditions. The often-extreme responses to the Makah whale hunt directly threaten the Makah Nation's tribal sovereignty, and their treaty rights are targeted by blatant neocolonialism and anti-Indigenous sentiments. Indigenous communities have beliefs and narratives distinct to their own histories and traditions, and yet they are still held to the standards of other nations and individuals. In addition to expertly navigating the legal system in order to maintain certain cultural beliefs and traditions, many Indigenous communities face added pressures to conform to the ideological structures of dominant cultures and succumb to hegemony. In order to continue practicing cultural tradi- tions that do not resonate with beliefs of dominant cultures, Indigenous communities are also under pressure to validate their cul- tures through ongoing Indigenous tribal narratives that demonstrate the importance of specific traditions and practices. Indigenous tribal narratives are precious and vital to a collective understanding of the world and its history, and these narratives need to be more visible and available to deflect neocolonialism. While ceremonial knowledge should be respected, it cannot be respected by individuals who do not understand its importance. By either ignoring or being unaware of the value of these narratives, individuals perpetuate the colonialist agendas of the past and embrace forms of neocolonialism. Neocolonialist rhetoric will continue to manifest whenever a majority culture does not approve of Indigenous customs. Yet, indi- viduals who reside within the United States of America must see themselves as participants in a global world, now more than ever before. The U.S. and its citizens have an obligation to the Indigenous peoples within the United States and its territories who are still expe- riencing the effects of colonization. Neocolonialism and the use of blatant neocolonialist rhetoric further reinforce the wounds of colo- nization and marginalize Indigenous populations through economic, legal, cultural, and political oppression. It is time that neocolonialism is exposed so that Indigenous communities can be freed from colo- nialism in all of its forms, and Indigenous tribal narratives offer one possible defense against neocolonialism in all of its forms. 

Note 

The National Council for Science and the Environment sponsored a discussion about "Native Americans and the Environment," which provides a thorough discus- sion of responses to the 1999 Makah whale hunt. The information can be accessed as of July 2008 at the following Web address: http://www.cnie.org/NAE/cases/ makah/index.html.