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Research Methods: Quantitative Research
Comparing Strategies for Health Information Dissemination: Messengers That Can Help or Hinder
Jessica Fishman, PhD 1 , Patricia Greenberg, MS
2 , Margy Barbieri Bagga, MS
3 ,
David Casarett, MD, MA 4 , and Kathleen Propert, PhD
5
Abstract
Purpose: To test the effects of different messengers on the dissemination of health information.
Design: An experimental study exposed participants to 12 news articles pertaining to 1 of 3 health topics framed from the perspective of 4 generic messengers: religious figures, doctors, celebrity patients, or ordinary patients. Participants select as many of the 12 articles as desired.
Setting: A cancer clinic within a large, urban hospital serving a sociodemographically diverse patient population.
Participants: Eighty-nine patients with a history of cancer.
Measures: The primary outcome was the frequency with which each news story was selected.
Analysis: Summary statistics and a general estimating equation model.
Results: For each health topic, news articles using celebrity messengers were the least likely to be selected; almost half of the participants (36 [41.4%] of 87) rejected all such articles. Articles linked to religious figures were equally unpopular (P ¼ .59). Articles that used doctors or ordinary patients as the messenger were very likely to be selected: Nearly all women (84 [96.6%] of 87) selected at least one of these. Furthermore, the odds of choosing articles linked to celebrities or religious leaders were statistically significantly lower than the odds of choosing those linked to ordinary patients or doctors (P < .01).
Conclusion: Commonly used generic messengers had large effects on the dissemination of information. Health materials linked to celebrities or religious figures were consistently less likely to be selected than those linked to ordinary patients, or doctors.
Keywords health communication, cancer communication, mass media effects, information dissemination, persuasion, influence, behavior change, messenger, source, implementation science
Purpose
Health information is made widely available to millions
through news reporting, where various types of messengers
(or sources) are used to convey information. For example,
news coverage of health issues often begins with a
celebrity-focused introductory “hook.” 1-3
In other cases,
ordinary patients serve as the messenger. Sometimes, news
reports rely on doctors as the messenger, and in yet other
cases, they use religious leaders.
Despite the various types of messengers that appear in the
news media, the value of using one type versus another is
unclear because the effects have yet to be compared empiri-
cally. Studies of news coverage have examined the effects of
celebrity messengers, but they do not compare them to the
effects of using noncelebrity messengers. 1,4-8
The comparison
between different types of messengers is particularly
meaningful for mass-mediated health communication where
it is highly feasible to change the messenger and use any of
these potential messengers. In response, the current study
1 Department of Psychiatry, Perelman School of Medicine, University of
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA 2
Hackensack Meridian Health, Jersey Shore University Medical Center,
Neptune, NJ, USA 3 University of Pennsylvania Health System, Philadelphia, PA, USA 4 Department of Medicine, School of Medicine, Duke University, Durham, NC,
USA 5
Department of Biostatistics, Perelman School of Medicine, University of
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Jessica Fishman, University of Pennsylvania, Room 3103, 3535 Market Street,
Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA.
Email: [email protected]
American Journal of Health Promotion 2018, Vol. 32(4) 932-938 ª The Author(s) 2017 Reprints and permission: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0890117117733780 journals.sagepub.com/home/ahp
builds on earlier literature by comparing different types of
messengers while controlling for other factors, such as the
amount of health information offered, which can have poten-
tially confounding effects. 9-11
The goal of the current study is
to test which type of messenger is particularly effective at
attracting attention to health information.
This study is conducted with patients with breast cancer
because, although research on cancer communication has been
growing rapidly, there is little evidence about best practices,
especially with women. 9-13
Cancer is a leading cause of mor-
bidity and mortality, with breast cancer being one of the most
common types, and it is important to test strategies for sharing
health information with those affected. 14,15
Patients with can-
cer, and in particular, those with breast cancer, have a docu-
mented and substantial need for health information, 16-18
and
the dissemination of information about cancer through the
news can play a pivotal role in reducing the disease
burden. 19-21
In addition, breast cancer receives more funding
than other diseases, including other cancers, meaning that the
current findings will be relevant to future interventions funded
to improve communication with patients having breast
cancer. 22
It is important to identify the most effective
messengers for this large population of women, since the ideal
messenger may differ for other populations, and a stronger
evidence base can potentially improve women’s health.
Methods
Design
In this study, patients met individually and privately with a
research assistant who offered them a varied selection of health
materials. Specifically, the patient encountered copies of 12
different news articles and were told they could select any news
articles that were of interest to take home and read. The
research assistant briefly described each article as pertaining
to 1 of 3 different health topics from the perspective of reli-
gious figures, doctors, celebrity patients, or ordinary patients.
This design allowed 3 tests of whether these common yet dis-
tinct types of messengers (the independent variable) influenced
whether the material would be selected or rejected (the depen-
dent variable).
The dependent variable of interest is whether patients
select a news article because this outcome is a rate-limiting
one in studies of mass communication effects. Whether the
information influences patient knowledge, beliefs, health-
care decisions, or other health-related behaviors, depends on
the patient first deciding to select a news article. Therefore, it
is important to initially test the effects messengers have on
whether patients will select a news article. The current study
is also designed to test whether these effects depend on the
health topic presented.
This study was designed to compare the effects of the gen-
eric messenger, which is frequently used by the news media in
headlines and “teasers.” Recent examples of the celebrity gen-
eric messenger include the following news articles: “Celebrity
Cancer Patients and Survivors,” “Stars Who Have Battled
Cancer,” “14 Celebrities with Breast Cancer,” and “11
Celebrities Affected by Breast Cancer.” 23-26
Similarly, health
reporting also refers generically to doctors as messengers, as
these news headlines illustrate: “Doctors excited by new cancer
treatment” and “Doctors object to high cancer-drug
prices.” 27,28
In yet other headlines, the generic messenger may
include religious leaders or ordinary patients. 29,30
Despite the common journalistic practice of using generic
messengers, we are not aware of studies empirically comparing
their effects. Past studies have examined the effects of a celeb-
rity messenger but, in addition to lacking a comparison to
another messenger, they differ from the current study because
they have studied cancer news coverage of a specific celebrity
(eg, Kylie Minogue or Nancy Reagan, when diagnosed with
breast cancer). 4-8
The effects attributed to a specific celebrity
may not be generalizable to another famous individual or to the
generic celebrity messenger. These prior studies have also
measured outcomes that differ from those of interest to the
current study.
Participants
To strengthen the generalizability of the results among
patients with breast cancer, the current study was designed
to attract a socioeconomically diverse sample. Specifically,
using relatively inclusive eligibility criteria, the study
enrolled patients with breast cancer who were at least 21 years
old and spoke English. There were no other requirements.
These eligibility criteria were also designed to include rela-
tively healthy patients (with lower morbidity and mortality
risks), as well as sicker ones, and therefore represent patients
with breast cancer across the spectrum.
Setting
Participants were recruited from an outpatient breast cancer
clinic in a large, urban hospital (located in Philadelphia). Those
who were eligible, based on clinic records, were approached
while waiting at the clinic for a scheduled appointment. The
clinic setting is of interest because it may offer many neglected
opportunities for disseminating health-related materials. A
majority of Americans visit health-care providers at least annu-
ally, and those with life-threatening diagnoses, such as cancer,
do so more frequently. 31
Furthermore, clinics often have long
wait times, creating a “captive” audience for any health infor-
mation provided. For these reasons, health promotion research-
ers have urged clinics to increase efforts to provide health
materials for their patient population. 32,33
Experimental Procedures and Measures
During recruitment, a research assistant approached eligible
patients in the clinic and assessed their interest in study partic-
ipation. Interested patients provided informed consent for this
study (which was approved by the institutional review board of
Fishman et al. 933
the University of Pennsylvania and the Abramson Cancer Cen-
ter). To avoid bias during recruitment, the study was described
in very general terms. Potential participants were told that the
study was designed to summarize patients’ daily activities and
that there were no correct or incorrect responses.
Study participants first answered a brief set of questions
about their daily activities, which were not actually germane
to the current tests. Subsequently, the research assistant
thanked them for their participation and, as a token of appre-
ciation, offered participants an array of informational materials
that they were invited to select from, depending on which (if
any) were of interest. As confirmed by exit questions (data not
shown), participants were not aware that the study was testing
the effects of messengers on their selection behavior. Partici-
pants only perceived that they were offered a wide-ranging
selection of health information simply as a courtesy.
This study was designed to test the effects of different mes-
senger types when patients first encounter the headline or
“teaser,” as this is a point when they decide whether to forgo
that news story. Therefore, when offering the news articles, the
research assistant briefly summarized each article (in 10 words
or less), reflecting the small amount of information typically
presented by an Internet or print news headline or a “teaser”
before the start of a television or radio news segment. To con-
trol for potential order effects, the sequence in which articles
were offered to each patient was randomly determined.
The 12 articles presented to the patients focused on 1 of 3
different health topics: (1) surviving cancer, (2) coping with a
terminal illness, or (3) health-care reform controversies. These
topics are commonly covered by the news media, and they are
widely considered important public health topics. 34
For each
article addressing a particular topic, the research assistant’s
description of an article was the same except for the messenger
referenced. For example, one article was described as one in
which doctors discuss a particular topic, whereas another was
described as one in which religious figures discuss the (same)
particular topic, and so forth, for each of the 4 messengers. (For
reasons discussed above, instead of personally identifying indi-
vidual religious figures, doctors, patients, or celebrity patients,
each messenger type was referenced generically.)
The frequency with which each news story was selected
determined the study’s primary outcome, but the study also
included a secondary outcome, proving another means of test-
ing messenger effects with the same participant. For this sec-
ondary outcome, the research assistant asked the participants to
rate their level of interest in each article. In turn, patients
selected a number from a Likert scale ranging from 0 to 10,
where 0 ¼ not at all interested and 10 ¼ extremely interested. (Prior to data collection, the reason for collecting this informa-
tion was again disguised from participants to avoid response
bias, and as mentioned above, exit interviews confirmed that
participants were not aware of the effects being tested.)
Other measures collected included standard sociodemo-
graphic factors (eg., age, race, education levels, and marital
status) that were self-reported. Participants also self-reported
their health status on a 5-point scale ranging from “poor” to
“excellent.” In addition, a patient’s health status was mea-
sured objectively using the cancer staging noted in their
clinic records. These sociodemographic and clinical charac-
teristics were used to describe the sample and test for possi-
ble predictors.
Analyses
The primary analytic goal was to compare the likelihood that
news articles with different messengers of health information
would be selected. Summary tables and box plots created a
numerical and visual representation of the findings. To for-
mally test the effects of each of the 4 messengers, a general
estimating equation (GEE) model with an exchangeable corre-
lation structure clustered on the individual participant, and a
logit link was used to predict the likelihood of article selection,
with the messenger as the sole predictor. 35
The reference level
was the celebrity messenger, which is commonly used by the
news media and of interest to a growing field of research. 1,4-8
After analyzing the actual selection frequencies, the study
also analyzed the mean levels of interest for each news story by
messenger type. To more formally test the patients’ level of
reported interest in each messenger, another GEE model sim-
ilar to the above, but now with an identity link, was used to
model patients’ average level of desire for information from
each messenger on the 0 to 10 scales. (The reference level was
again celebrities.) All statistical analyses were performed using
SAS/STAT software version 9.3.
Results
In this study, staff approached 122 patients with breast cancer
and 89 (73%) agreed to participate. All but 2 were included in the final analyses, resulting in a relatively diverse sample of
women with a history of breast cancer, as measured by age,
race, education, and other characteristics (Table 1). Women
ranged from 30 to 80 years old, with a median age of 56 years
(data not shown). About one-third of the sample self-
identified as black/African American, while the rest self-
identified as white/Caucasian. The patients reported varying
degrees of education: 84% graduated from high school and half of the participants had received some college education.
(According to the US Census, those enrolled had slightly less
education, on average, than the general US population.) The
sample also included patients with different levels of health,
as subjectively assessed by the study participant and objec-
tively by clinic records. For example, about half reported
having very good or excellent health.
Patients were likely to select information about the health
topics offered. More specifically, 79% (69/87) of patients selected at least 1 news article about a particular health topic.
Additionally, analyses showed that patients typically selected
at least 5 of the 12 available news articles, and all but 2 parti-
cipants selected at least 1 news article.
Although there was a high chance that articles would be
selected, the likelihood that a news article was selected
934 American Journal of Health Promotion 32(4)
depended on the messenger. Table 2 summarizes the number of
articles selected pertaining to each messenger type, regardless
of the topic, because the effect of each messenger did not vary
significantly between topics (data not shown). In other words,
the messenger effects were consistent across each of the 3 tests
using different health topics.
As shown in Table 2, the news articles using celebrity mes-
sengers were the most likely to be rejected; almost half of the
study participants (36 [41.4%] of 87) rejected all 3 celebrity- focused news articles available. Participants were also likely to
reject information linked to the religious messenger. In con-
trast, news articles that used ordinary patients or doctors as the
messenger were likely to be selected—nearly all participants
(84 [96.6%] of 87) selected at least one of these news stories. More than half of the participants (51 [58.6%] of 87) selected all 3 articles sharing information from the perspective of ordi-
nary patients. Most participants (49 [56.3%] of 87) also selected all 3 available articles sharing the perspective of doc-
tors. By contrast, only about a quarter of participants selected
all 3 of the celebrity-focused articles.
Consistent with the results presented in Table 2, a GEE
model that was fit to the data found that the odds of choosing
celebrity-linked health information were statistically signifi-
cantly lower than the odds of choosing information linked to
ordinary patients or doctors (P < .01). In addition, the odds
were not statistically significantly different from 0 that a
celebrity-linked news article would be chosen. The materials
linked to celebrity patients and religious figures were found to
be equally unpopular (P ¼ .59). As represented in Figure 1, when individuals rated their
level of interest in each article, the articles including celebrity
messengers received the lowest values. The information linked
to ordinary patients and doctors repeatedly received the highest
ratings and were each twice as high as the ratings for the
celebrity-linked articles, resulting in statistically significantly
differences (P < .01). Specifically, the mean interest levels
(with 95% confidence interval) were 2.7 (2.1-3.4), 3.2 (2.5- 4.0), 5.5 (4.9-6.1), and 5.8 (5.3-6.4), respectively, for articles
using celebrities, religious leaders, ordinary patients, and doc-
tors as the messenger.
This study also examined whether possible predictors
included available sociodemographics (such as race, age, edu-
cation level, and other factors reported in Table 1) or clinical
characteristics (such as cancer staging or self-assessments of
health). Among this sample with diverse sociodemographics
and wide-ranging levels of health, no results were significantly
predictive when analyzing whether articles were selected or
rejected. The same was true when analyzing the degree to
which patients rated being interested in each article.
Conclusion
In this study of patients with breast cancer, women frequently
selected the materials available, reflecting a substantial inter-
est in receiving health information. Patients wanted the mass-
mediated health information even though they were at a clinic
to meet with clinicians personally, suggesting that patients
may have high informational needs regardless of any direct
access to experts. Because this study was conducted in a
clinic, the findings suggest that clinic settings may present
feasible, valued opportunities for disseminating health infor-
mation, as others have advocated. 32,33
The findings also document large effects suggesting that,
for this study population, the messenger matters. By a sub-
stantial margin, the health materials using celebrity messen-
gers were the least likely to be selected. When religious
figures were the messenger, the health materials were also
unlikely to be selected. When the materials used ordinary
patients or doctors as the messenger, study participants were
very likely to select them.
Articles using doctors or ordinary patients as the messenger
may have been selected most often because the study was
conducted in a clinical setting, where the doctors and patients
physically present may have “primed” participants to value
doctors and patients as informational sources. Possibly, these
messengers would not be preferred in nonclinic settings, such
as work or home settings. However, it is also possible that if
this study was conducted in a nonclinic setting, that preferences
for doctor and patient messengers may be even stronger than
documented. In settings where doctors and fellow patients are
rare, and not immediately accessible for interpersonal
Table 1. Study Sample Characteristics.
Characteristics Frequency (N ¼ 87)a Percentage
Education Some high school 14 16.1 Some college 44 50.6 Some post-graduate 29 33.3
Race Black/African American 27 31.0 White/Caucasian 57 65.5 Other 3 3.5
Marital status Married/living with partner 52 59.8 Other 25 28.7 Missing 10 11.5
Employment status Working part-time 48 55.2 Working full-time 11 12.6 Unemployed 28 32.2
Cancer stage b
Stage 0 to 1 33 37.9 Stages 2 and 3 28 32.2 Stage 4 26 29.9
Self-reported health Poor 12 13.8 Good 35 40.2 Very good 29 33.3 Excellent 10 11.5 Missing 1 1.20
a Two of the 89 patients enrolled were excluded from this table and all analyses.
One patient was unable to complete the study due to time constraints. The other patient excluded was male and all others were female. bData based on clinic charts.
Fishman et al. 935
communication, their value as sources may actually increase.
Indeed, the clinic setting may have suppressed the full extent to
which these messengers are actually preferred.
It is also possible that the study setting does not have a large
moderating effect. Given the large effects found in the current
study, which showed an overwhelming preference for messen-
gers who are doctors or ordinary patients, the potentially mod-
erating effect of the study setting would have to be very strong
to reverse these preferences. Nonetheless, to test whether the
setting has a large moderating effect, additional studies should
be conducted in different settings.
Yet other study limitations should be emphasized. The evi-
dence base can also be expanded by testing messenger effects
for additional health topics, such as nutrition, vaccine safety, or
mental health treatment. Although ordinary patients and doc-
tors were the preferred messenger, consistently for each topic
studied, future studies with additional topics can provide more
tests of generalizability.
Although enrollment in the current study was high and
resulted in a diverse sample (as measured by various socio-
demographic and clinical characteristics), and although the
effects were strong, it would be worthwhile to test the extent
to which results are generalizable to all women with a history
of breast cancer. For example, one may question whether the
effects depend on one’s levels of education. We were able to
consider this question because the sample had a diverse range
of educational levels, and we did not find this to be the case.
The study population also included relatively healthy individ-
uals, as well as sicker ones, and when examining these possible
clinical predictors, nothing was significant. Still, since there are
no other known tests of these effects, the findings may or may
not apply beyond the study population, which was recruited
from a single clinic. Future tests could include different study
populations to further test generalizability.
Future research could also explore the extent to which pre-
ferences for messengers of mass-mediated health information
(which is the focus of the current study) reflect preferences for
interpersonal communication. Traditionally, the medical model
has considered doctors to be the ideal interpersonal messenger
for health-related information, due to their professional exper-
tise. More recently, however, models for lay health advisors
have implied that fellow patients can also serve as valued mes-
sengers precisely because they are lay.
Because this is the first study of its kind, the findings need
not be interpreted as conflicting with earlier research findings.
For example, although the current findings do not suggest that
the celebrity messenger should be used to disseminate infor-
mation to this study population, the findings need not be
viewed as conflicting those from earlier studies of a celebrity
messenger. 4-8
Some have argued that celebrity involvement is
ideal and have referred to research on what has been labeled the
“Katie Couric” effect, which refers to a celebrity’s work pro-
moting news coverage of cancer. 12
However, earlier studies
have examined news coverage of a single celebrity (without
a comparison to a noncelebrity messengers) and therefore
address a different question than the one of interest to the
current study. In fact, compared to the current study, earlier
studies had different independent and dependent variables.
The study did not find that religious leaders are ideal mes-
sengers, but the findings need not be viewed as conflicting
those from earlier studies of religious leaders, who have been
described as “uniquely positioned” with high credibility among
religious communities. 36
As a review of the literature sum-
marizes, great promise has been placed on these messengers:
“Health promotion researchers and practitioners agree on the
importance of clergy involvement, participation, and
Table 2. Selection of News Stories by Messenger Type.
The Number (%) of Participants Who Selected News Articles When the Messenger was . . .
Doctors Patients Religious Leaders Celebrities
Number of articles selected 0 4 (4.6%) 5 (5.7%) 33 (37.9%) 36 (41.4%) 1 7 (8.1%) 10 (11.5%) 8 (9.2%) 14 (16.1%) 2 27 (31.0%) 21 (24.2%) 15 (17.3%) 14 (16.1%) 3 49 (56.3%) 51 (58.6%) 31 (35.6%) 23 (26.4%) Selection of at least 1 article 83 (95.4%) 82 (94.3%) 54 (62.1%) 51 (58.6%)
Figure 1. Levels of interest in news stories by messenger type. Note: symbols designate the mean, and the line inside the bar designates the median. The bar for the celebrity median overlaps with the shaded area’s lower border. The confidence interval is represented by the shaded area.
936 American Journal of Health Promotion 32(4)
endorsement as an essential element for intervention
success.” 37
Conceivably, clergy may be more effective in other
contexts not examined by the current study. For example, they
may be more effective than other messengers when the inter-
vention relies largely on interpersonal communication of health
information. In contrast, this study compared messengers for
mass-mediated health communication.
To summarize, the current study has several limitations that
should be considered when interpreting results. Nonetheless,
for several health topics tested among a diverse population of
women with breast cancer, a consistent pattern emerged. Two
types of messengers—namely, ordinary patients and doctors—
substantially increased the likelihood that individuals would
select the available health information.
The findings also suggest that, for this study population,
the commonly used generic celebrity messenger may be least
effective at disseminating health information. Health advo-
cates have argued that “People with a personal history of
cancer—especially well-known or celebrity survivors—and
multiple mass media channels are key resources for
dissemination.” 38
Reflecting a similar assumption, a news
editor at the Huffington Post focused on the (generic) celeb-
rity messenger for an article entitled “13 of the Biggest Celeb-
rity Health Battles,” while claiming “Their stories and
courage will inspire you.” 39
Given that the current study find-
ings do not support this industry practice, the findings may
have practical implications.
Ideally, future attempts to disseminate health information
will embrace the most effective strategies, as determined by
additional studies. Fortunately, the messenger used to promote
health information can be easily switched with little cost.
Because mass media can influence public health by widely
disseminating information, there may be broad, immediate
opportunities to improve health communication.
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to thank the patients who participated in this
study.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to
the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for
the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: American
Cancer Society, MRSGT grant.
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SO WHAT? Implications for Health Promotion Practioners and Researchers
What is already known on this topic?
If disseminated, health information can have many posi- tive effects on populations. When attempting to pro- mote health information, different types of messengers can be used to disseminate the information, but little is known about their relative effectiveness.
What does this article add?
The findings from this study suggest that some different but commonly used types of messengers may not be equally effective at disseminating health information among patients with breast cancer—a large and impor- tant population of women with substantial informational needs. In separate tests on various health topics, infor- mational materials were unlikely to be selected by these patients if celebrity figures or religious leaders were the messengers, but likely to be selected if ordinary patients or physicians were the messengers.
What are the implications for health promotion practice or research?
This evidence suggests that the type of messenger used can influence the likelihood that mass-mediated health information disseminates. Those attempting to improve health communication with this patient population may consider these results. Fortunately, the decision to change a particular type of messenger is highly feasible and low cost.
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938 American Journal of Health Promotion 32(4)
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