deceptive arguments

Fear appeals in social marketing: The case of anti-speeding video advertisement “Mistakes”

Chiara Giachino, University of Turin, Italy* Margherita Stupino, University of Turin, Italy Gabriella Petrarulo, Escp-Europe, Italy Bernardo Bertoldi, University of Turin, Italy

Abstract

Taking the existing literature as a starting point, the goal of this research is to investigate the use of the recently popular fear appeals, and to prove the effectiveness of this communication tool through the analysis of a road safety advertisement.

The research has been conducted by exposing 20 Italian students to a fear advertisement and monitoring their driving attitude over a period of two months. The results show a general efficacy of fear-based approaches in reducing high- speed driving, and highlight several major constraints of the video advertisement viewed by the students, and how health organisations might improve safety

campaigns. This study represents a first attempt to investigate the subject better, based

on the reaction generated by this emotional stimuli, but it is biased by the small sample considered in the analysis. Further research should be conducted on a greater and more heterogeneous sample, in order to create a more accurate model of reactions.

Keywords Emotional marketing, Fear, Consumer behaviour, Companies’ behaviour

*Correspondence details and biographies for the authors are located at the end of the article.

JOURNAL OF CUSTOMER BEHAVIOUR, 2017, Vol. 16, No. 1, pp.61-74 http://dx.doi.org/10.1362/147539217X14909732699480 ISSN1475-3928 print /ISSN1477-6421 online © Westburn Publishers Ltd.

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JCB Journal of Customer Behaviour INTRODUCTION

The interaction of emotion and condition in reacting to advertising messages is a dynamic and intricate phenomenon. In the communication field particularly, advertisements are created with a specific content that is characterised by the co- presence of different strong emotional stimuli used with the purpose of motivating individuals to make changes in attitude. Among these stimuli, particular attention has been paid lately to fear communication, which is extremely common in health campaigns.

Fear appeals are extremely complex messages with multiple emotional characteristics. Their main purpose is to get the desired cognitive reaction from consumers by appealing to the natural feeling of fear, an emotional response related to a person’s perception of a possible threat. Thanks to the intensity of the involvement which they create in their audience, fear appeals have been used always more as a communication tactic to convey certain messages to the public, in particular, on topics related to public or personal welfare.

With this paper, the aim of the authors is to analyse the possible effects which may arise from an audience’s exposure to these various emotional stimuli, and, in particular, to understand the rationale behind cognitive responses to the emotion of fear on social marketing concerns.

The research, supported by a case study, will then try to provide evidence of the effectiveness of this emotional communication tool by analysing the responses of a specific target audience to a fear media campaign.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Fear is a primitive, natural emotional response composed of two dimensions, physiological and psychological, which may arise when an individual perceives a threat as serious and personally relevant (Witte, 1995). This emotional state, to which no human being is immune, has been described as a maximal state of insecurity, and derives from people’s uncertainty about what will be the best decision to make and whether they will be able to avoid or escape the perceived danger (Ortony & Turner, 1990). Since the reaction arising from fear is quite capable of provoking attitudinal and behavioural changes, several advertising campaigns have been using this feeling of fear which can move the audience towards desired actions in different contexts. Marketers have exploited this persuasive form of communication by taking advantage of the relationship between the danger evoked and the personal response produced by its representation.

The use of fear in marketing: Fear appeals

Before considering the variety of contexts in which they can be applied, we can firstly define fear appeals by referring to their two main features: (a) the content and the structure of their message; and (b) the desired audience response. Regarding the content of the message, many authors refer to a classification elaborated by Schoenbachler and Whittler (1996), which used as a determiner the “object” that would have been affected by the threat represented in the advertisement. Thus, considering this classification, fear appeals can be divided into physical or social,

Giachino, Stupino, Petrarulo & Bertoldi Fear appeals in social marketing 63

depending on the nature of the risk they represent, which might have an effect on the body of the person (as for instance health consequences such as cancer or death), or on the individual’s social acceptance. This division, which has been proven to be useful in determining which variables should be used for different targets, is however not exhaustive, as some physical negative outcomes can also lead to issues regarding social acceptance (e.g., mouth cancer and destruction of tissues which can have negative health consequences and can have an impact also on physical appearance).

Consequently, it would be more accurate to refer to the analysis of Jones and Leary (1994), who outlined two other possible categories: appearance-based ads and health-based ads. This classification, which refers to what might be the most important concern for the person, has been more effective in analysing the impact of the fear appeal.

In addition to the elements considered here, there is another important element on which it is essential to carefully reflect while creating a message for a specific audience - the level of fear that has to be introduced in the ad. Referring to this subject, many authors in past decades have written academic reviews, proposing different models regarding the optimal “amount” of fear in the campaigns.

A first consideration on this theme can be found in some early studies in which findings showed that the greater the amount of fear, the lower the effect on behaviour, which means that creating too much tension in the audience is not effective (Myers & Reynolds, 1967). This conclusion on the negative relation between fear and effect is not corroborated in later studies, which focus on two different alternatives: a positive relation of the two variables; and a curvilinear explanation.

In support of the first alternative, i.e., the positive correlation, we can find many relevant studies in which various authors state that the rapport between emotional fear response and persuasion is generally positive and linear Sutton (1992). The general finding is that increases in fear can be linked consistently to major changes in attitude or behaviour (Sutton, 1992).

Regarding the second alternative, the curvilinear explanation better explains the possible range of reactions that might be provoked in response to a predetermined fear representation. This theory, mainly based on the work of Ray and Wilkie (1970), states that there is an optimal level of fear which lies somewhere in-between the two extremes.

Together with the considerations on the right amount of fear, a properly defined message structure is necessary in order to obtain the desired outcome. A clear structure is an important basis from which each fear ad should start in order to be consistent and effective. This is reliant on the presence of two essential elements: the representation of a threat, which is severe, and relevant for the audience (e.g., contraction of HIV which can lead to death), so as to arouse fear; and the illustration of a possible safe solution, which can lead to the neutralisation of the threat and which can be easily implemented (e.g., use of condoms reduces the risk of contracting HIV).

Both of these components should be clear enough to induce a powerful impact on the consumer’s mind.

Another essential requisite for the success of the appeal is realism in the representation of the possible damage that can occur, and the threats represented by compliance with the unsafe behaviour. The more realistic this representation, the more personal the message is for the audience, and thus the greater the fear aroused. This factor can be considered together with the credibility of the appeal that is reliant on the representation of the dangerous situation. It has been proved, in effect, that when the source is specified (e.g., British Heart Foundation, American Association

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of Cancer Research) the audience is more likely to pay attention to the message and to feel moved by the threat represented (Olubunmi, Chima-Omeike, & Tob, 2016).

Perceived threat includes two further components, which are susceptibility to risk (i.e., how much individuals believe that the danger is relevant to them), and also its severity (i.e., how much impact this would have on an individual), while perceived efficacy refers to the ability of the individual to deal with the problem. Fear appeal results are more effective when the message is structured to have these two variables aimed at a person’s greatest fears (Lennon, Rentfro, & O’Leary, 2010).

Besides being subject to the content and the structure of the message, the effectiveness of a fear appeal can be determined by the target audience to which the advertisement is addressed. Although in this branch of communication individualism is even more accentuated than in other marketing domains, because of the complexity of the psychological response of fear which is influenced by personal beliefs and experiences, an accurate segmentation would allow marketers to reach greater levels of success in the development of the campaign.

The segmenting approach, which takes its basis from previous assumptions on the message structure, should include four typical and common marketing variables in order to be effective - demography, personality, usage/relevance, and socioeconomic factors. Furthermore, marketers should consider also the connection of fear with some reactions - guilt, shame, disgust, resistance response, maladaptive coping responses, boomerang effect (Brennan & Binney, 2010; Singer, 1965; Kantrowitz et al., 1987; Lazarus, 1991; Morales, Wu, & Fitzsimons, 2012; Ray & Wilkie, 1970; Witte, 1992).

Several authors have assumed that when people are pushed to change their behaviour, they might perceive a constraint to their personal freedom. Feeling this risk to their freedom, people would then be attracted to a negative attitude even more than before they were exposed to the ad. An example of this can be seen in the results of a campaign, the aim of which was to reduce tobacco consumption among college students: the researcher not only found that smokers’ responses were characterised by anger and avoidance but also that the appeal increased their desire to smoke a cigarette just after having viewed the ad. On the other hand, the campaign strengthened the conviction of non-smokers not to smoke (Wolburg, 2006).

Fear appeals in social marketing

With the term “social marketing” economists refer to that branch of marketing which seeks to develop communication concepts with the goal of encouraging behaviours that, since socially relevant, will translate in a greater social good.

Nowadays, we can ascribe to a positive trend in the use of social marketing for public associations and governments, even if certain worries about its effectiveness still exist (Rothschild, 2005).

Studies have been conducted on compliant attitudes, and the general findings state that the essential requisites to encourage these positive attitudes were clear regulations, a strong sense of duty, and a concern for the social environment (e.g., May, 2005). Compliancy refers to a behaviour in line with institutional rules, and, since we act in a regulated framework, people are well aware of the legal consequences that may arise from not complying with these rules (e.g., penalties, fines or legal actions, Harvey & McCrohan, 1988). Because of this observation, it is still unclear if it is right to use the expression “voluntary” when referring to compliant behaviour or if the attitude is just the result of a list of specific norms.

Giachino, Stupino, Petrarulo & Bertoldi Fear appeals in social marketing 65

In order to solve the previously mentioned “voluntary” issue, marketers have developed structured appeals in which the focus is on representing the desired behaviour as something which is also individually valuable for the person. Thus, clarity is a major requirement for these advertisements, as individuals should be able to see clearly the possible benefits they might gain as a consequence of amended behaviour. This benefit could be the avoidance of a negative situation or the achievement of a personal success, depending on the nature of the message. Indeed, for product purposes, appeals may be positive or negative depending on the feelings they try to provoke in the audience. Even if various authors wrote and debated on the topic of the relationship between emotions and behaviour compliance, the link between the intention and the effective change in attitude is still a problematic issue, as results have been ambiguous and contradictory (Chandon, Morwitz, & Reinartz, 2004). Notwithstanding these complications, emotional appeals have achieved a resounding success in social marketing, as they have been used a lot more in the last decade. In particular, much attention has been given to negative appeals on which social marketing has been focused, in order to convey messages for behaviour compliance (Brennan & Binney, 2010).

The goal of these appeals is to create a sense of discomfort in the audience which will cause them to react, in order to reduce the negative feeling. The possible solution to this threat is then “revealed” by the ad and represents the desired compliant behaviour which people should adopt. As already mentioned in the first part of this paper, the most popular negative emotion used in these appeals is fear, on which several campaigns are still based. However, since the audience is getting used to this particular kind of message, the trend is moving towards more complex ads, created with the interaction of many negative and positive emotions with the aim to provoke a deeper cognitive response.

The case of anti-speeding video advertisement “Mistakes”

Recently, many advertisements and social marketing campaigns have been created with the goal of increasing awareness on a topic not focused on so much in previous years - speeding.

Speeding, which can be defined as exceeding legal limits, driving too fast, or racing, is a dangerous driving behaviour that causes a significant number of car accidents every year (GHSA, 2013). One out of three traffic deaths is, in fact, related to this issue, and this is the reason why many road safety associations are focusing more and more on this topic, trying to reduce its impact.

There are several countermeasures used to combat speeding, and the most common one is represented by the employment of strong communication, through advertising campaigns on every channel and type of media (e.g., YouTube, TV). Furthermore, an effort has been made also by motor vehicle manufacturers, which have been encouraged to reshape their television spots in order to focus more on safety rather than on speed. The goal is to increase the awareness of the possible negative consequences of this risky behaviour and to persuade people to “slow down”.

Generally, these road safety video ads have mostly relied upon the use of negative emotions, and in particular on fear-based approaches (Lewis, Watson, & White, 2010). The structure implemented to achieve the effectiveness of the ad is typically characterised by the introduction of the possible negative outcome (e.g., car crash) deriving from the risky driving behaviour, and by the later presentation of the driving

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attitude that would have prevented the undesired situation (i.e., respecting speed limits).

This fear-based approach is still the most used for this topic, and many studies have focused on the possible success of using just fear, without the typical interaction with positive emotions, such as relief. The recent trend is to go in the opposite direction and this is the reason why complex emotional ads proliferate, aiming to create a complete cognitive response.

In order to analyse the real effectiveness of these safety campaigns, the research focused on a single case, which became the starting point of the analysis. The example chosen is the New Zealand ad “Mistakes” which became viral, with more than 9 billion views on YouTube (2014). This campaign, launched on January 2014, led drivers to think about other road users, in order to make them choose a moderate speed themselves, which could avoid the consequences of other drivers’ mistakes.

The 60-second video shows a conversation between two drivers who are about to crash because of a mistake. The video starts with one man seeing another vehicle coming from the right. Believing he has enough time to pass safely, he decides not to respect the stop signal and proceeds. The other driver, aware of his speed, gets scared and tries to slow down. In this moment, time stops and the two men exit their cars and start talking. The one who didn’t respect the signal apologises, but the other driver is already excusing himself because he was unable to stop. The first man is confused and pleads for the safety of his son in the back seat but it’s too late, the second man just says he’s sorry and that he was going too fast to stop in time. Unable to alter the outcome, both drivers return to their cars and a shot is taken on the speedometer of the speeding car which reads more than 100 kmph. Real-time suddenly returns and as the father looks worriedly at his son in the back seat, the two cars crash, impacting the son directly.

The particularity of “Mistakes” lies in the different approach used for the crash representation, which is not shocking and unexpected like in the typical road safety advertisements. In fact, the accident is not sudden and unpredicted, but it is already anticipated as the audience already knows that there is going to be a collision. However, the sense of tension is aroused through the use of time, since when the two men are talking and time stops, people are encouraged to feel that there might be a solution to the feared result and hope for this. It is in this moment that people get involved, as they hope for the safe option.

Based on this hard-hitting video, the following analysis focuses on its immediate effects in changing the attitudes to speeding of a selected group of Italian students.

In order to prove the effectiveness of fear appeal ads on safer driving, the authors have conducted a small research study on a sample of 20 Italian students (10 males and 10 females) aged between 20 and 30 years old. This experiment took place over a two-month period with the use of a mobile application, “Road Rider”, in order to calculate the maximum speed reached by the students. All students were frequent drivers and used their vehicles in the city of Turin (highest speed limit: 70 kmph) each day from Monday to Friday.

METHODOLOGY AND HYPOTHESES

The analysis has been performed with the use of a shared excel file on Dropbox. The period of time is divided into two parts, referring to each month. In month 1, all 20

Giachino, Stupino, Petrarulo & Bertoldi Fear appeals in social marketing 67

students have been asked to download the app on their smartphone and to report on the shared excel file, the maximum speed that they have reached each day. Students were asked to state if the car was used outside the city in order to compare each value with the legal speed limit. An average of the maximum weekly speed was then calculated for each person. This first part of the process was essential in order to have a range of non-influenced values as a benchmark.

Table 1 reports the results of the first month of the analysis during which the participants had not been exposed to the advertisement (data are in kmph). The numbers in the columns represent the average maximum speed each week, and at the end of the month, an average is calculated for all four weeks. These values can be considered as the starting point of the evaluation, as they represent data without the ad’s influence.

Then starting from the end of week 4 and during all of month 2, the participants were exposed to the anti-speeding commercial. The frequency of viewing was supposed to decrease after the initial exposure to the ad and therefore participants were told to watch the video three times during the first week, and then two times in the following weeks, usually in the evenings. Students were asked to watch it at home on their computers on YouTube and then to answer three questions related to the emotions that it aroused in them after watching it. Then, as for the previous month, participants were asked to keep recording their speeding values for the following days. Referring to the previously discussed literature on fear appeals and on similar case studies, there were a few expectations regarding the results of this analysis.

The first hypothesis relates to the general effectiveness of the ad and to the students’ reaction. Considering the previous expectations on the relationship between the level of emotion aroused and its relevance for the audience, the assumption was for a slight reaction from the 20 participants, derived from their status as frequent drivers. This reaction was expected to be more evident after the first exposure to the video, due to its novelty and to the surprise effect, and to decrease during the following weeks. This supposition is consistent with preceding experiments since, and, as already reported, the more one is exposed to something, the less effective it is.

The second hypothesis relates to how the reactions would have been influenced by the gender of the participants. In fact, as already outlined in the first part of this paper, the audience greatly influences the effectiveness of an appeal and, in this particular case, the determiner is represented by demographic circumstances. Starting from the driving attitudes of young drivers, the expectation was that females would react more than males, and therefore that the commercial would be more effective for women rather than for men. This assumption finds its roots in the riskier driving behaviour of young men, which is confirmed also by the pricing policy of insurance companies.

RESULTS AND FINDINGS

The results of the analysis are reported in Table 2 (all data are in kmph). Table 2 represents the results of month 2. A row has been inserted below each participant’s name which shows the change in percentage of the maximum average speed compared with the previous week. The percentage in the last column refers to

the change between the average speed in month 2 compared to month 1. As can be seen clearly, the exposure to the ad resulted in an overall positive effect, with the majority of participants showing a reduction in the monthly maximum speed

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JCB Journal of Customer Behaviour TABLE 1 Records of month 1 speeds - “Mistakes”

Month 1 Week 1 Week 2 Week 3 Week 4 Month Average

Females

Valerie Ashley Kate Isolde Marie Luise Francine Rachel Marthe Cassie 84 82 85 86 68 70 67 65 71 70 73 70 77 76 74 73 82 82 83 82 76 75 74 72 65 67 65 60 80 81 83 82 78 77 76 74 75 76 76 74 84.25 67.5 71 75 82.25 74.25 64.25 81.5 76.25 75.25

Males

Henry Archie Felipe Luke Mark Daniel Charles Michael Anthony Claude 94 89 88 86 95 92 86 84 81 84 78 80 76 75 95 92 86 84 89 90 91 95 85 87 90 98 85 82 82 78 76 75 75 73 90 100 85 82 87 90 92.25 86.5 93.75 84.25 81.25 77.25 74.75 94.25 84.25 89

Pseudonyms have been used.

average. In fact, of the 20 participants, 18 of them reacted in the the desired way and reduced their speed as expected (percentages in italics). Based on this positive finding, which validates the effects of the videos, and therefore the first hypothesis, it is possible now to analyse the second hypothesis.

With the second hypothesis, regarding the differences among the reactions of men and women, the prediction was a diverse reaction to the advertisement, and this has been confirmed by this case study. In fact, it can be noted that the percentage reductions for women are significantly greater than the ones for men, and this is due to their diverse attitudes to fast driving. This finding is also consistent with the study of Lewis, Watson and Tay (2007), who focused their research on the different impacts of gender in reaction to road safety advertisements. The results, in fact, suggested that women were more influenced than men by the risk of possible physical harm and therefore that these kinds of ads would have had a greater impact on them.

Another interesting finding of this experiment was noted when examining atypical reactions: the increase in percentage among men (highlighted in bold in Table 2). In fact, instead of reducing their speed, two male participants were driving even faster. This is a clear example of the so-called “boomerang effect”, a behaviour that occurs when people refuse to believe the risk represented, and ignore the message being communicated. As previously mentioned, many authors have discussed this topic, and different theories have been applied in order to explain it. A famous example

Giachino, Stupino, Petrarulo & Bertoldi Fear appeals in social marketing 69 TABLE 2 Records of month 2 speeds - “Mistakes”

Month 2 Week 1 Week 2 Week 3 Week 4 Month Average

Females

Valerie Ashley Kate Isolde Marie 83 82 83 86 83.5 -3% -1% 1% 4% -1% 64 63 65 66 64.5 -2% -2% 3% 2% -4% 68 67 69 71 68.75 -3% -1% 3% 3% -3% 72 72 74 75 73.25 -1% 0% 3% 1% -2% 81 80 83 83 81.75 -1% -1% 4% 0% -1% Luise 71 70 73 74 72 Francine Rachel Marthe Cassie -1% -1% 4% 1% -3% 57 56 57 60 57.5 -5% -2% 2% 5% -11% 81 80 81 82 81 -1% -1% 1% 1% -1% 73 72 75 78 74.5 -1% -1% 4% 4% -2% 73 72 74 76 73.75 -1% -1% 3% 3% -2%

Males

Henry Archie Felipe Luke Mark Daniel Charles Michael Anthony Claude 93 90 -2% -3% 86 85 -1% -1% 101 102 3% 1% 81 80 -1% -1% 77 76 -1% -1% 74 73 -1% -1% 72 71 -1% -1% 102 101 2% -1% 81 80 -1% -1% 89 88 -1% -1% 92 92 2% 0% 85 87 0% 2% 100 98 91.75 -1% 85.75 -1% 100.25 -2% -2% 7% 83 85 82.25 4% 2% -2% 78 80 77.75 3% 3% -4% 74 75 74 1% 1% -4% 72 74 72.25 1% 3% -3% 99 99 100.25 -2% 0% 6% 83 85 82.25 4% 2% -2% 87 88 88 -1% 1% -1%

1. Italic text indicates the change in percentage. 2. Bold text highlights the results of the two males who reacted differently from what was expected.

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is represented by the work of Miller and Rollnick (1991), which assumed that this reaction of driving even faster could have been a response to a perceived risk to individual freedom: feeling “compelled” to act in a certain way, the person perceives the negative response to the ad as a reason to defend his freedom and therefore considers the bad behaviour as being even more attractive than before.

Another reason for the two exceptions can be deduced by referring to the previous assumptions on usage and relevance for the audience. As already mentioned, the greater the relevance, the less the effect, as this case proves. Taking a look at the monthly averages (Table 2), it can be noted, in effect, that the two students who had this boomerang effect were the ones with the highest recorded speeds. This consideration, together with the relation of threat and freedom, fully explains these opposite reactions.

FIGURE 1 Records females month 1 vs 2

FIGURE 2 Records males month 1 vs 2

Giachino, Stupino, Petrarulo & Bertoldi Fear appeals in social marketing 71 CONCLUSIONS AND LIMITATIONS

Given the weight of this topic and the effect of speeding on car accidents, it is easy to understand why creating an optimal road safety campaign has become an important public health concern.

As demonstrated by previous studies and in this small experiment, video fear appeal advertisements can be considered successful communication tools, as they increase awareness of an issue which has been underestimated. However, even on this topic, much more research must be done to understand the real impact on the long term behaviour of drivers and not just on their immediate reaction. School programmes and other educational tactics should be used as well, in order to create a 360° campaign. Furthermore, although there is proof of the boomerang effect, additional analysis should be conducted on how to avoid these opposite reactions and how to reach more effectively the young male segment of society. Just with the interactions of all these potential instruments it should be possible to effectively act on speeding. The purpose of this paper was to measure the potential effectiveness of fear appeals, with a particular focus on social marketing topics. Considering two different desired outcomes - cessation of an unsafe behaviour and the adoption of a safer one (i.e., driving at a moderate speed) - the attempt was to prove how different fear-based tools could act on consumers’ cognitive reactions. As a result, it has been shown how diverse variables may have an impact on the success of these campaigns, and how each non-profit organisation can manipulate them in order to achieve its goals more effectively. These outcomes could then help these associations to implement more efficient campaigns aimed at solving various public health issues which undermine social welfare.

Before validating the results of the study, it is essential to consider first its major limitations. This little experiment, in fact, represents an attempt to test the response of a viral fear appeal on a restricted target of twenty young students. Therefore, in order to collect relevant results, a similar test might be proposed, but the number of participants should be greatly increased. It should include people from different social classes and the test should be applied at least at a national level. The students selected here were in effect representing a very small range of young adults and no real conclusions can be assumed with such a sample. In addition, all of them knew the purpose of the study, and thus the results might be biased.

Another important constraint is the duration of the test. Research should be conducted over a longer period, as two months cannot be considered enough to state an actual change in behaviour.

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Giachino, Stupino, Petrarulo & Bertoldi Fear appeals in social marketing 73 ABOUT THE AUTHORS AND CORRESPONDENCE

Chiara Giachino has a PhD and is a researcher in Business and Management at the Department of Management, University of Turin. She teaches Marketing, Industrial Marketing, Business Strategy and Business Management in Bachelor’s courses and Territorial Marketing in Master’s courses. She is the coordinator of the Master’s course in Management of Culture, Tourism and Wellness as well as a member of the scientific committee. She is a member of the Consulta Junior for the Italian Marketing Association (simktg.it). Chiara is a member of the Health Management Innovation Research Centre (HMI) of the ESCP-Europe. Her main research topics are culture and tourism, family business, entrepreneurship and innovation.

Corresponding author: Chiara Giachino, Department of Management, University of Turin, Corso Unione Sovietica, 218 Bis, 10134 Turin, Italy.

E [email protected]

Margherita Stupino was a PhD student in Business Administration at the Department of Management, University of Turin, Italy. She is now a post-doctoral researcher. Her research interests are in family businesses, fashion firms, food and wine businesses, and cultural marketing, on which several international publications were focused.

Margherita Stupino, Department of Management, University of Turin, Corso Unione Sovietica, 218 Bis, 10134 Turin, Italy.

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Gabriella Petrarulo graduated in 2014 with a Master’s degree in Management from ESCP-Europe. Gabriella currently works at Accenture as a Digital Marketing Analyst in the Financial Services industry. Before joining Accenture, she worked as a marketing intern for three different companies (Fiat Chrysler Automobiles, Vivienne Westwood and Lavazza) for periods of four and six months respectively. During her studies for her Master’s degree, a program which included three year’s experience in three different countries (Italy, England and France), she had the chance to attend Marketing and Psychology classes and participate in several teamwork activities in a multicultural environment.

Gabriella Petrarulo, Escp-EUROPE, Turin Campus, Corso Unione Sovietica, 218 Bis, 10134 Turin, Italy.

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Bernardo Bertoldi has a PhD and is a researcher in Business and Management at the Department of Management, University of Turin, where he teaches Marketing and Family Business. He is also an Affiliate Professor at ESCP-Europe where he teaches Fundamentals of Finance and Entrepreneurship. Bernardo is a member of the Health Management Innovation Research Centre (HMI) of ESPC-Europe. His research is focused on professional firms management and family business management, and his research projects benefit from collaboration with several Harvard Business School faculty members.

74 JCB Journal of Customer Behaviour Bernardo Bertoldi, Department of Management, University of Turin, Corso

Unione Sovietica, 218 Bis, 10134 Turin, Italy. E [email protected]