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Body Image 12 (2015) 82–88

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Body Image

j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : w w w . e l s e v i e r . c o m / l o c a t e / b o d y i m a g e

egative comparisons about one’s appearance mediate the elationship between Facebook usage and body image concerns

asmine Fardouly ∗, Lenny R. Vartanian chool of Psychology, UNSW Australia, Sydney, New South Wales 2052, Australia

r t i c l e i n f o

rticle history: eceived 5 June 2014 eceived in revised form 20 October 2014 ccepted 22 October 2014

eywords: acebook

a b s t r a c t

Use of social media, such as Facebook, is pervasive among young women. Body dissatisfaction is also highly prevalent in this demographic. The present study examined the relationship between Face- book usage and body image concerns among female university students (N = 227), and tested whether appearance comparisons on Facebook in general, or comparisons to specific female target groups (fam- ily members, close friends, distant peers [women one may know but do not regularly socialize with], celebrities) mediated this relationship. Results showed a positive relationship between Facebook usage

ocial media rive for thinness ody dissatisfaction ppearance-related social comparison omparison target group

and body image concerns, which was mediated by appearance comparisons in general, frequency of com- parisons to close friends and distant peers, and by upward comparisons (judging one’s own appearance to be worse) to distant peers and celebrities. Thus, young women who spend more time on Facebook may feel more concerned about their body because they compare their appearance to others (especially to peers) on Facebook.

© 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Introduction

For young women in Western society, the Internet is the most ommonly used form of media (Bair, Kelly, Serdar, & Mazzeo, 012; Bell & Dittmar, 2011), and social networking websites, uch as Facebook, are used more often than any other websites Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2013; Tiggemann & Slater, 2013). iven the popularity of social media, it is important to understand

ts association with young women’s body image concerns. Body dis- atisfaction has become normative among young women both in igh school (Bearman, Presnell, Martinez, & Stice, 2006; Ricciardelli McCabe, 2001) and in university settings (Berg, Frazier, & Sherr,

009; Neighbors & Sobal, 2007). The high prevalence of body dissat- sfaction among young women is particularly concerning because ody dissatisfaction is one of the most robust risk and maintenance actors for eating disorders (Stice, 2002). Sociocultural models of ating disorders highlight the role of the media in the development nd maintenance of body image problems (Keery, van den Berg, &

hompson, 2004; van den Berg, Thompson, Obremski-Brandon, & oovert, 2002), but research connecting the use of social media and ody image concerns is sparse.

∗ Corresponding author. Tel.: +61 2 9385 8758. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (J. Fardouly),

[email protected] (L.R. Vartanian).

ttp://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2014.10.004 740-1445/© 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

A few recent studies have found that Facebook usage in gen- eral is associated with appearance concerns. For example, research with Australian samples found that preadolescent and adolescent female Facebook users reported greater appearance concerns and dieting behavior than did non-users (Tiggemann & Slater, 2013, 2014). Similarly, research with female high school students in the United States found that Facebook users had higher levels of self-objectification (i.e., placed more value on their appearance than their competence), and made more appearance comparisons than did non-users (Meier & Gray, 2014). Beyond simply compar- ing users and non-users, research has examined the connection between the amount of time spent on Facebook and appear- ance concerns. Female primary school and high school students in Australia who reported spending more time on Facebook were more dissatisfied with their appearance, internalized the thin ideal to a greater extent, and had greater drive for thinness (Tiggemann & Miller, 2010; Tiggemann & Slater, 2013, 2014). Research has also found that it is greater exposure to photographs on Facebook, rather than overall Facebook usage, that is associated with greater body dissatisfaction in female high school students (Meier & Gray, 2014). The authors of several of these studies on Facebook usage suggested that appearance comparisons might be the mechanism responsible

for the relationship between Facebook usage and body image con- cerns (Tiggemann & Miller, 2010; Tiggemann & Slater, 2013, 2014), but no research has directly investigated the role of appearance comparisons in this relationship.

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J. Fardouly, L.R. Vartanian

Sociocultural models of body image and disordered eating ighlight the role of appearance comparisons in the pos- ible development and maintenance of body dissatisfaction Fitzsimmons-Craft et al., 2014; Keery et al., 2004; van den Berg t al., 2002; Vartanian & Dey, 2013). In particular, negative body mage can result when women make upward appearance compar- sons, comparing their appearance to someone whom they believe o be more attractive than themselves (Myers, Ridolfi, Crowther,

Ciesla, 2012; as is the case with many celebrities and fashion odels, for example; Leahey & Crowther, 2008). The majority of

esearch on appearance comparisons has focused on comparisons o media images through magazines, television, or music videos Myers & Crowther, 2009), and exposure to these traditional media ypes has been found to lead to greater body image concerns in oung women (Bell, Lawton, & Dittmar, 2007; Groesz, Levine, & urnen, 2002; Halliwell & Dittmar, 2004; Hargreaves & Tiggemann,

004). Furthermore, research examining exposure to these tradi- ional media types has found that people’s tendency to compare heir appearance to the appearance of others accounted for the elationship between media exposure and women’s body dissat- sfaction (Tiggemann & McGill, 2004; Tiggemann & Slater, 2004). hat is, media exposure is linked to body dissatisfaction because f appearance comparison. Similar processes might be at play in he context of social media. Given the vast number of images that re uploaded to Facebook every day (Mayer-Schönberger & Cukier, 013), this platform provides women with regular opportunities to ake appearance comparisons with others. Furthermore, because

eople tend to present an idealized version of the self on social edia (Manago, Graham, Greenfield, & Salimkhan, 2008; Zhao, rasmuck, & Martin, 2008), upward comparisons to other Facebook sers may be particularly likely.

Another important feature of sociocultural models of body mage, such as the tripartite influence model (van den Berg et al., 002), is the emphasis on appearance-related pressures from ifferent sources, including one’s family, peers, and the media. Sim-

larly, it may be that examining appearance comparisons to women ithin these different groups (family, peers, models/celebrities)

an play an important role in understanding the development f body image concerns. Unlike more traditional forms of media such as magazines and television), which predominantly features mages of models, celebrities, or other strangers, social media (such s Facebook) contains images of a variety of different types of indi- iduals. Facebook generally features known others (or “friends”) ho vary in relational closeness to the user, including family mem-

ers, close friends, and distant peers (i.e., people the viewer may now but does not regularly socialize with in person). In addition, hen using Facebook, people are also exposed to images of mod-

ls and celebrities through advertisements, fan pages, and other ommercial pages. Despite being exposed to a variety of different arget groups on Facebook, people mainly use Facebook to interact ith their peers (Hew, 2011), and having more “friends” on Face-

ook has been associated with greater body image concerns among emale high school students (Tiggemann & Slater, 2013). There is lso some evidence to suggest that appearance comparisons to eers may have a stronger association with body image concerns han does comparisons to models or celebrities (Carey, Donaghue,

Broderick, 2014), perhaps because the appearance of peers may e seen as more personally attainable than the appearance of elebrities. However, these effects have not been consistent in he literature (Leahey & Crowther, 2008; Ridolfi, Myers, Crowther,

Ciesla, 2011; Schutz, Paxton, & Wertheim, 2002). Given that acebook contains images of a variety of potential comparison tar-

ets varying in relational closeness, it is important to examine hether the frequency and direction of comparisons to specific tar-

et groups accounts for the relationship between Facebook usage nd women’s body image concerns.

y Image 12 (2015) 82–88 83

The Present Study

Overall, the aims of this correlational study are to: (a) investigate the relationship between the frequency of Facebook usage and body image concerns among female university students; and (b) exam- ine whether appearance comparisons in general or comparisons to different target groups on Facebook account for this relationship. Extrapolating from previous research (Tiggemann & Miller, 2010; Tiggemann & Slater, 2013, 2014), we predict that greater Face- book usage would be associated with higher levels of body image concerns. Furthermore, based on research using traditional media types (Tiggemann & McGill, 2004; Tiggemann & Slater, 2004), appearance comparisons to women on Facebook are expected to mediate, or account for, the relationship between Facebook usage and body image concerns. Finally, the frequencies and directions (i.e., whether the target was judged to be more [upward compar- ison] or less [downward comparison] attractive than oneself) of appearance comparisons to different target groups on Facebook are expected to be differentially associated with women’s body image concerns. Given that Facebook is generally used to interact with one’s peers (Hew, 2011), and that having more “friends” on Face- book is associated with greater appearance concerns (Tiggemann & Slater, 2013), appearance comparisons to peers on Facebook are expected to have the strongest association with young women’s body image concerns.

Method

Participants

Participants (N = 227) were female first-year psychology stu- dents at a large public university in eastern Australia. Power analysis indicated that this sample size was sufficient to detect small-to-medium effects with 80% power and alpha set at .05. The mean age of participants was 19.13 years (SD = 2.21), and their mean Body Mass Index (BMI: kg/m2) was 21.41 (SD = 3.93). One-hundred-and-five participants (46.3%) identified as White, 95 (41.9%) identified as Asian, and 27 (11.8%) identified as “other.”

Measures

Facebook usage. Two questions were used to measure how much time participants usually spend on Facebook: “On a typical day, how often do you check Facebook (even if you are logged on all day)?” (1 = not at all, 2 = once a day, 3 = every few hours, 4 = every hour, 5 = every 30 minutes, 6 = every 10 minutes, 7 = every 2 minutes); and “Overall, how long do you spend on Facebook on a typical day?” (1 = 5 minutes or less, 2 = 15 minutes, 3 = 30 minutes, 4 = 1 hour, 5 = 2 hours, 6 = 4 hours, 7 = 6 hours, 8 = 8 hours, 9 = 10 hours or more). Because these indicators were highly correlated, r = .57, p < .001, responses on these two questions were standardized and then aver- aged to form a single measure of Facebook usage.

Facebook appearance comparisons in general. Three state- ments taken from the Physical Appearance Comparison Scale (PACS; Thompson, Heinberg, & Tantleff, 1991) were modified to measure participants’ tendency to compare their appearance to others on Facebook. These three statements were chosen because they refer to the specific situation or place where the comparisons take place (e.g., “at parties or social events”) and could therefore be modified to address comparisons through Facebook. Participants were asked to indicate their level of agreement on a 5-point scale

(1 = definitely disagree, 5 = definitely agree) with each of the following statements: “When using Facebook, I compare my physical appear- ance to the physical appearance of others,” “When using Facebook, I compare how I am dressed to how other people are dressed,” and

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When using Facebook, I sometimes compare my figure to the fig- res of other people.” Responses were averaged to form a combined easure of Facebook appearance comparison tendency in general

Cronbach’s ˛ = .75).

Comparisons to specific target groups on Facebook. Partic- pants reported on the frequency and direction of appearance omparisons that they made to specific female target groups n Facebook. In each case, participants were instructed that the uestion “refers to people of the same sex as you.” For the requency-of-comparison item, participants were asked on a 5- oint scale, “When looking at photos of the following people n Facebook, how often do you compare your body to theirs?” 1 = never, 5 = very often); for the direction-of-comparison item, par- icipants were asked on a 6-point scale, “When comparing your ody to each of the following people on Facebook, how do you ate yourself?” (1 = much worse, 6 = much better). (Note that, for he direction-of-comparison item, responses were not included for hose participants who indicated that they never compared their ody to a particular target group in the frequency-of-comparison

tem.) The target groups varied in relational closeness and included: amily members, close friends (i.e., females you are friends with n Facebook and regularly hang out with), Facebook friends (i.e., emales you are friends with on Facebook but do not regularly ang out with), friends of friends (i.e., females you know but are ot friends with on Facebook and you do not regularly hang ut with), and celebrities (e.g., actors, musicians, models). Ratings or Facebook friend and friend of friend were averaged to form

single measure labeled the distant peer target group for both he frequency-of-comparison (Cronbach’s ˛ = .88) and direction-of- omparison (Cronbach’s ˛ = .90) measures. Ratings for the family ember, close friend, and celebrity target groups were consid-

red independently for both the frequency-of-comparison and irection-of-comparison measures.

Body image concerns. Two subscales of the Eating Disorder nventory (EDI; Garner, Olmstead, & Polivy, 1983) were used to ssess individuals’ concerns with body weight and shape: the Body issatisfaction subscale (BD) and the Drive for Thinness subscale

DFT). Using a 6-point response scale (1 = never, 6 = always), partici- ants rated the extent to which nine statements related to body issatisfaction (e.g., “I think my stomach is too big”) and seven tatements related to drive for thinness (e.g., “I am terrified of gain- ng weight”) described them. Internal consistency reliability in the resent study was high for both the Body Dissatisfaction (Cron- ach’s ˛ = .90) and Drive for Thinness (Cronbach’s ˛ = .91) subscales.

rocedure

This study was approved by the authors’ university ethics ommittee. Participants were recruited via an online psychology articipant pool. Only female students with a Facebook account ere eligible to sign up for this study, which was described as

n online study examining the use of social networking websites. hen participants signed up for the study, they were sent an email ith a link to the online survey that included the aforementioned easures as well as six filler questionnaires related to the self

hat were not part of the current investigation. Participants were lso asked if they had a Facebook account (all participants indi- ated that they did have a Facebook account), and were asked to eport their age, ethnicity, and height and weight (used to cal-

ulate BMI). Participants completed the online questionnaires in heir natural environment (e.g., at home or the library). Participants ere debriefed in person and given introductory psychology course

redit for their participation.

y Image 12 (2015) 82–88

Data Analysis

Before conducting any analyses, missing data points were replaced by series means for the body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness measures (no participant missed more than two ques- tions on each measure). Descriptive statistics were then calculated for the two Facebook usage questions before they were combined to form a single item. We next examined the correlations between Facebook usage and body image concerns (body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness) to test the hypothesis that greater Facebook usage would be associated with higher body image concerns, and conducted a mediation analysis using the bootstrapping procedure described by Preacher and Hayes (2008) to test whether the rela- tionship between Facebook usage and body dissatisfaction and/or drive for thinness was accounted for by Facebook appearance comparisons. This bootstrapping procedure generates confidence intervals for the indirect effect of the predictor variable on the criterion variable through the mediating variable by repeatedly sampling from the data set (in this case, 5000 bootstrap resam- ples) to create an approximation of the sampling distribution of the indirect effect. Note that a significant direct relationship between the predictor variable on the criterion variable is not necessary for mediation (Hayes, 2009).

We next conducted repeated measures analyses of variance (ANOVAs) to test whether the frequency and direction of appear- ance comparisons varied by target group (family members, close friends, distant peers, celebrities). For each target group, corre- lations were also calculated between appearance comparison frequency/direction and both Facebook usage and body image con- cerns (body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness). Finally, if the frequency/direction of appearance comparisons to any target group was significantly correlated with both Facebook usage and either of the two measures of body image concerns, mediation anal- yses were conducted to test whether the relationship between Facebook usage and body image concerns was mediated by the fre- quency/direction of appearance comparisons to that specific target group on Facebook. If appearance comparison frequency/direction to more than one target group was correlated with both Facebook usage and either of the two measures of body image concerns, mul- tiple mediation analysis was also conducted in order to compare the strength of the indirect effects.

Results

Preliminary Analyses

The pattern of results did not vary for participants with reported Caucasian or Asian ethnicity. Therefore, all analysis was conducted on the group as a whole. Participants’ modal frequency of check- ing Facebook on a typical day was “every few hours” (M = 3.50, SD = 1.08) and the modal amount of time spent on Facebook on a typical day was “2 hours” (M = 4.40, SD = 1.47). As predicted, there was a significant positive correlation between the combined Face- book usage measure and body dissatisfaction, r = .14, p = .03, and between the combined Facebook usage measure and drive for thin- ness, r = .17, p = .01.

Mediation through General Facebook Comparisons

Both Facebook usage and the two body image concerns measures (body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness) were sig-

nificantly and positively correlated with Facebook appearance comparisons in general (see Table 1). Mediation analysis showed that Facebook appearance comparisons in general mediated the relationship between Facebook usage and body image concerns

J. Fardouly, L.R. Vartanian / Body Image 12 (2015) 82–88 85

Table 1 Correlations between Facebook usage, body image concerns, appearance comparisons, and the frequencies and directions of appearance comparisons to specific target groups.

Frequency of comparison Direction of comparison

Facebook appearance comparisons in general

Family Close friends Distant peers Celebrities Family Close friends Distant peers Celebrities

Facebook usage .15* −.01 .14* .19** .11 −.05 −.06 −.22** −.17* Body dissatisfaction .25** .16* .30** .31** .23** −.47** −.53** −.59** −.49** Drive for thinness .35** .31** .46** .43** .32** −.30** −.37** −.44** −.34** * p < .05.

** p < .01.

Facebook Usage Body Image Concerns .11 (.14*)

.15* .23***

Facebook Appearance Comparisons In

General

.12 (.17*)

.15* .33***

Fig. 1. Mediational model for Facebook appearance comparison tendency in gen- eral. All numbers represent standardized beta weights. Numbers in parentheses r c r

( ( f

M T

a f q t t d t i w o a c a u

o l m g r d t t F ( f t c w

a

b

Facebook Usage Body Image Concerns

.10 (.17*)

.14* .28***

Frequency of Comparisons to Close Friends

.14* .44***

.10 (.14*)

Facebook Usage Body Image Concerns .08 (.16*)

.19** .30***

.19** .42***

.08 (.13*)

Frequency of Comparisons to

Distant Peers

Fig. 2. Mediational models for the frequency of appearance comparisons to (a) close friends and (b) distant peers on Facebook. All numbers represent standardized beta weights. Numbers in parentheses represent the direct, unmediated effects. Numbers

epresent the direct, unmediated effects. Numbers above the arrows represent the oefficients for body dissatisfaction, and numbers below the arrows (in italics) rep- esent the coefficients for drive for thinness. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

see Fig. 1), as the 95% confidence interval (CI) did not include zero body dissatisfaction: B = 0.38, SE = 0.20, 95% CI = 0.11, 0.85; drive or thinness: B = 0.50, SE = 0.24, 95% CI = 0.15, 1.00).

ediation through Facebook Comparisons to Specific arget Groups

As seen in Table 2, participants reported comparing their ppearance most often to their distant peers on Facebook, just as requently to close friends and celebrities, and significantly less fre- uently to female family members. Furthermore, participants rated heir body most negatively when comparing to female celebri- ies, followed by close friends and distant peers (which did not iffer from one another), and least negatively when comparing o female family members. Because the direction-of-comparison tem required participants to rate their bodies as either better or

orse than each target group (i.e., there was no midpoint or “same” ption) any mean above 3.5 represented downward comparisons nd any mean below 3.5 represented upward comparisons. In all ases, except for comparisons to family members, participants on verage rated their bodies as worse than the target group (i.e., made pward comparisons).

Comparison frequencies. As seen in Table 1, the frequencies f comparisons to close friends and distant peers were corre- ated with both Facebook usage and the two body image concerns

easures. Therefore, the frequencies of comparisons to these tar- et groups were tested as potential mediators. Mediation analysis evealed that the frequency of comparisons to close friends (body issatisfaction: B = 0.44, SE = 0.23, 95% CI = 0.10, 0.98; drive for hinness: B = 0.63, SE = 0.31, 95% CI = 0.08, 1.29) mediated the rela- ionship between Facebook usage and body image concerns (see ig. 2a). In addition, the frequency of comparisons to distant peers body dissatisfaction: B = 0.64, SE = 0.26, 95% CI = 0.22, 1.28; drive

or thinness: B = 0.82, SE = 0.30, 95% CI = 0.29, 1.49) also mediated he relationship between Facebook usage and body image con- erns (see Fig. 2b). Multiple mediation analysis revealed that there as no difference in the strength of the indirect effect for close

above the arrows represent the coefficients for body dissatisfaction, and numbers below the arrows (in italics) represent the coefficients for drive for thinness. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

friends or distant peers (body dissatisfaction: B = −0.14, SE = 0.35, 95% CI = −0.93, 0.51; drive for thinness: B = 0.12, SE = 0.32, 95% CI = −0.45, 0.90).

Comparison directions. As seen in Table 1, the directions of comparisons to distant peers and celebrities were significantly correlated with both Facebook usage and the two body image con- cerns measures, and therefore these targets groups were tested as potential mediators. Mediation analysis revealed that the direc- tion of comparisons to celebrities (body dissatisfaction: B = 0.93, SE = 0.43, 95% CI = 0.17, 1.80; drive for thinness: B = 0.58, SE = 0.29, 95% CI = 0.13, 1.21) mediated the relationship between Facebook usage and body image concerns (see Fig. 3a). In addition, the direc- tion of comparisons to distant peers (body dissatisfaction: B = 1.40, SE = 0.49, 95% CI = 0.55, 2.49; drive for thinness: B = 0.90, SE = 0.34, 95% CI = 0.32, 1.70) also mediated the relationship between Face- book usage and body image concerns (see Fig. 3b). Multiple mediation analysis indicated that the indirect effect of distant

peers was stronger than the indirect effect of celebrities for both measures of body image concerns (body dissatisfaction: B = 1.00, SE = 0.49, 95% CI = 0.22, 2.24; drive for thinness: B = 0.72, SE = 0.44, 95% CI = 0.05, 1.77). Furthermore, the indirect effect of Facebook

86 J. Fardouly, L.R. Vartanian / Body Image 12 (2015) 82–88

Table 2 Mean (SD) ratings of the frequencies and directions of appearance comparisons to specific target groups on Facebook.

Family Close friends Distant peers Celebrities

Comparison frequencies 2.11 (1.09)a 2.88 (1.16)b 2.99 (1.13)c 2.85 (1.35)b

Comparison directions 3.52 (1.00)a 3.16 (1.01)b 3.01 (0.97)b 2.12 (1.06)c

Note: Comparison frequency ratings ranged from 1 = never to 5 = very often, and comparis row with different superscripts are significantly different at p < .05.

a

b

Facebook Usage Body Image Concerns

.09 (.15)

-.17 * -.49***

Direction of Comparisons to

Celebrities

-.17 * -.32***

.02 (.10)

Facebook Usage Body Image Concerns .10 (.19**)

-.22 ** -.58***

-.22 ** -.42***

.04 (.17*)

Direction of Comparisons to

Distant Peers

Fig. 3. Mediational models for the direction of appearance comparisons to (a) celebrities and (b) distant peers on Facebook. All numbers represent standardized beta weights. Numbers in parentheses represent the direct, unmediated effects. N n n

u n

d f a s T i a a t c fi d p M w t o

o p

umbers above the arrows represent the coefficients for body dissatisfaction, and umbers below the arrows (in italics) represent the coefficients for drive for thin- ess. ∗ p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

sage on drive for thinness through comparisons to celebrities was o longer significant (B = 0.24, SE = 0.20, 95% CI = −0.02, 0.70).

Discussion

Consistent with previous research on female high school stu- ents (Tiggemann & Miller, 2010; Tiggemann & Slater, 2013), requency of Facebook usage showed a small-to-moderate positive ssociation with body image concerns (in terms of both body dis- atisfaction and drive for thinness) in female university students. herefore, the present study extends previous literature by show- ng that the association between the frequency of Facebook usage nd female body image concerns is evident in both adolescence nd early adulthood. Importantly, the present study further showed hat the relationship between Facebook usage and body image con- erns was mediated by appearance comparisons in general. These ndings are consistent with sociocultural models of eating disor- ers (Keery et al., 2004; van den Berg et al., 2002), and several revious studies on more traditional forms of media (Tiggemann & cGill, 2004; Tiggemann & Slater, 2004), and suggest that women ho spend more time on Facebook may feel more concerned about

heir body because they compare their appearance to others more

ften on Facebook.

Given that Facebook users are presented with a wide range f potential comparison targets, we also examined whether com- arison frequency and direction varied by target groups, and

on direction ratings ranged from 1 = much worse to 6 = much better. Means within a

whether comparisons to these specific target groups mediated the relationship between Facebook usage and body image concerns. Participants reported comparing their appearance on Facebook most frequently to distant peers, just as frequently to close friends and celebrities, but compared their appearance less frequently to family members. This finding is consistent with previous research examining appearance comparisons to peers, celebrities, and fam- ily members (Schutz et al., 2002), and could be due to the fact that the family member target group consists of young women (such as sisters and cousins) but also older women (such as mothers and aunts), who might not be perceived to be relevant compari- son targets. In addition, participants may have reported comparing their appearance most often to distant peers on Facebook because women are likely to have access to a higher percentage of images of their distant peers on Facebook than the other target groups. In regard to the direction of comparisons, participants rated their bodies to be worse than celebrities, slightly worse than their peers (close friends and distant peers), and the same as family members. Thus, close friends, distant peers, and celebrities, but not family members, appear to be a source of upward appearance comparisons for female Facebook users.

When examining comparisons to specific target groups, it was the frequency of comparisons to peers (both close friends and dis- tant peers) that mediated the association between Facebook usage and body image concerns. One possible reason for this finding is that peers may be seen as more relevant comparison targets than family members or celebrities. Family members may not be seen as relevant comparison targets because this target group consists of both older and younger women, and celebrities may be seen as less relevant comparison targets because of the resources that celebrities have to improve their appearance. Peers may be seen as having similar resources and lifestyles to participants and therefore the appearance of peers may be seen as more personally attainable than the appearance of celebrities. With respect to the directions of appearance comparisons, it was comparisons to distant peers and (to a lesser extent) celebrities that accounted for the relationship between Facebook usage and body image concerns. This finding may be because the lack of personal contact with distant peers and celebrities (relative to close friends and family members) makes it difficult for people to accurately gauge how realistic (or idealized) the appearance of distant peers and celebrities are on Facebook. Consequently, when viewing images of distant peers and celebri- ties on Facebook, women may judge their own appearance to be less attractive, which in turn could lead to greater body image con- cerns. We also found that the direction of comparisons to distant peers had a stronger indirect effect on body image concerns than the direction of comparisons to celebrities and models. Again, this difference may be due to the appearance of distant peers being seen as more attainable than the appearance of celebrities and therefore having a greater impact on women’s body image concerns.

Limitations to the present study should be noted. First, because the study was correlational we are unable to infer causation. It may be that women who spend more time on Facebook are more

concerned about their appearance, or it may be that women who are more concerned with their appearance spend more time on Facebook. Given that one experimental study found no differ- ence in women’s weight and shape preoccupation after spending

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ime browsing Facebook or an appearance-neutral control web- ite (Mabe, Forney, & Keel, 2014), it may be that Facebook attracts sers who are already highly concerned about their body. However, urther experimental research measuring women’s pre-existing rait body image concerns or appearance comparison tendencies is eeded to examine whether any of these pre-existing traits mod- rate the effect of Facebook usage on women’s state body image oncerns.

Second, in the present study participants were required to rate heir body as either better or worse than specific comparison tar- ets on Facebook, but it is possible that participants believe that heir bodies are no better or worse (i.e., made lateral comparisons) ompared to these target groups. Therefore, future research should onsider adding a midpoint or “same” option when measuring the irection of appearance comparisons. Third, although participants lso completed a range of filler measures in the present study, it s possible that some participants could have guessed the purpose f the study and that their responses were therefore influenced y demand characteristics. Therefore, future research on Facebook sage should take care to further disguise the true nature of study. inally, the present study focused on the usage of Facebook because t is currently the most popular social media platform in the world,

ith over 1.3 billion active monthly users (Facebook, 2014), and is egularly used by young women (Tiggemann & Slater, 2013, 2014). owever, the usage of other popular social media platforms (such s Instagram, Twitter, or Pinterest) may also be associated with omen’s body image concerns. In fact, other social media plat-

orms (such as Instagram), which mainly contain images, may have stronger association with women’s body image concerns than

acebook, which contains both images and large amounts of text. his suggestion would be consistent with the findings of previous esearch (Meier & Gray, 2014) indicating that photo-based activ- ty on Facebook could be driving any effect of Facebook usage on

omen’s body image concerns. Future research could examine the ssociation between other social media platforms and appearance oncerns among young women.

Overall, the present study found that spending more time on acebook was associated with greater body image concerns in emale university students and that appearance comparisons in eneral, frequency of comparisons to peers (close friends and dis- ant peers), and direction of comparisons to distant peers and elebrities accounted for this relationship. Given the popularity f Facebook, young women are provided with ample oppor- unity to engage in appearance comparisons. Future research hould identify ways to minimize any possible negative con- equences of Facebook usage for young women’s body image oncerns, for example, by focusing women’s attention away rom any appearance-focused material on Facebook or by edu- ating women on the idealized nature of people’s Facebook rofiles.

Author disclosure statement

No competing financial interests exist.

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank Dr. Rebecca Pinkus for her advice on this esearch.

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