Slum tourism
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examples.zipexamples/Slum Tourism - Sample 1.pdf
Favela Tourism Case Study: Be a Local Tours
MG 423: Hospitality & Tourism Analysis: Case Studies & Case Histories Word Count: 3228 Submission Date: 12/12/2014
Abstract
The article discusses the development of slum tourism as a growing global phenomenon, and in particular the motivations of the slum tourist, the authenticity of the experience using Goffman’s frontstage-backstage theory, and the morality of slum tourism. Using the theories discussed in the literature and the case of Be a Local tours, based in Rocinha, Rio de Janeiro, the article establishes a new needs-based framework about the slum tourist. The methodology was based on secondary research, specifically the documentation of the website of Be a Local tours. The article concludes with some thoughts on the boundaries of commodification.
Slum tourism is an increasingly popular form of niche tourism, which with its growth in popularity has also grown in notoriety. A slum is defined by the UN (2007) as “a run-down area of a city characterized by substandard housing and squalor and lacking in tenure security’. Slum tourism is the organisation of guided tours in these areas. While it is currently resurgent, that is not to say that it has not existed for a long time. Slum tourism initially took form in the late 1800s (Koven, 2004), as wealthy Londoners would don their best clothes to take a trip to the east end of the city, to see how the ‘other’ lived – an excursion which was coined ‘slumming’. Modern day slum tourism started in 1980s apartheid South Africa – arranged by black South Africans in an attempt to educate their white compatriots about how black people lived. To this day, up to a quarter of tourists to South Africa (400 000 people) go on ‘township tours’ (Engelhart, 2014). Since then, slum tourism has expanded, and tours can be experienced worldwide, prominently in important developing cities such as Cape Town, Rio de Janeiro, Mumbai and Nairobi. Due to the stratospheric growth of the megacity in the developing world, in part due to mass migration from the country to urban areas, there is a correlated growth of population in city slums; by 2030 the worldwide urban population will reach 4.9 billion people, or 60% of the global population (UN-HABITAT, 2006). While millions of people flock to these megacities in search of a better life, the majority find themselves in the slums, in conditions no better, or perhaps worse, than the ones from whence they came. Consequently, cities have to deal with issues such as employment and settlement needs, which, often unfulfilled, breed various problems – largely crime related. In 2007, the UN reported that the rapidly expanding areas of Caracas, Mexico City, Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo accounted for over half of all violent crimes in their respective countries (UN – HABITAT, 2007). This surmises the World Bank’s statement in 2003 that ‘rapid urbanization, persistent poverty and inequality, political violence, the more organized nature of crime, and the emergence of illegal drug use and drug trafficking’ (World Bank, 2006) are all reasons for increased criminal activity. In which case, what motivates the tourist to go to a place whose characteristics are danger, minimal sanitation, and huge social disparities in society? Dann (1977), in an attempt to develop a deeper understanding of what makes people travel, through a range of socio-psychological motives developed the ‘push-pull’ factors in tourism motivations. The push factors are those that motivate us to take a holiday, which Dann identified as a reaction to anomie or ego- enhancement, while the pull factors reside with the promotional values of the tourism industry and the specific destination involved in the holiday (Beeton, 2006). The media plays a prominent role in the image formation of a destination – in the instance of slums, both the films Slumdog Millionaire and City of God became international hits, and in the case of City of God, and Rio, created a ‘mythical favela’ used in advertising of various products, including chic bars in Paris and London. This portrayal of the favela is an effective pull factor (Prayag, 2010).
Freire-Medeiros (2009) speaks of ‘social tourism’ that sells ‘participation and authenticity through trips that aim to be a counterpoint to the destructive vocation of mass tourism’. She goes on to state that ‘tourists are seeking, more and more, experiences that are off the beaten track, interactive, unique, adventurous and authentic’. Within a favela tour, all this can be found: ‘The favela which is sold to the tourists seems to have it all: it allows the engagement with an altruistic sense of good citizenship (tourists would be contributing to the economic development of a poor area by paying for a visit to it) at the same time it motivates a sense of adventure and tourism-related pursuits’ (Freire-Medeiros, 2009). This ‘social tourism’ has been all the more facilitated through globalisation, allowing new developments in tourism (Reisinger, 2009). The author then speaks of the ‘experiential ‘tourist, who is interested in ‘strangeness, authenticity, and all that is different and creates unique experiences’. This is further backed up by Urry’s (1990) statement that globalisation facilitates the creation of new forms of tourism, while more specifically Frenzel, Steinbrink and Koens (2012) discuss the globalization of slum tourism. While Reisinger spoke of the ‘experiential’ tourist, and Freire-Medeiros spoke of social tourism, it is also relevant to understand the post-modern tourist, or the post-tourist (Urry, 1990), who is portrayed by Butcher (2003) as the ‘rural cultural tourist as one who rejects the conventions of mass-packaged tourism, and instead, seeks meaning through experiencing authenticity in the undeveloped countryside or rural communities’ (Ma, 2010). It is a description that reflects the experience found in slum tourism extremely accurately. The concepts of backstage and frontstage tourism originate from Goffman’s (1959) work, an analogy that ‘performances’ are made in the ‘front’ area for an audience, while a more authentic experience could be found ‘backstage’. It is interesting to look at the progression that Slum tourism has made in recent times, with tourists hunting down as ‘authentic’ an experience as possible, and is in particular, a characteristic of New Moral Tourism and post-tourism (Butcher, 2003). While not initially developed for tourism purposes, Maslow’s hierarchy of needs (1954) is widely accepted as the best-known general theory of motivation, and is now regularly used in tourism literature. While it is likely that all tourists will be at the ‘self-actualization’ stage of Maslow’s hierarchy, nearly all of the locals in the slums will be at the very bottom of the pyramid, fighting for their physiological needs – food, water, secure housing. This somewhat voyeuristic tourist motivation could further be explained by man’s inherent need to experience the ‘other’ (Urry, 1990), and to understand that which they unfamiliar with.
Be a Local Tours The turning point for favela (‘the generic name given to agglomerations of substandard housing that have emerged in the early 20th Century’ (Freire- Medeiros, 2009)) tourism was in 1992, due to the Rio Conference on Environment and Sustainable Development, which brought thousands of tourists to the city, and in turn introduced the formalization of favela tours, in particular of Rocinha, Rio’s biggest favela. Since then, favela tours have moved from the fringe, or the ‘backstage’ to become a lucrative attraction, and an integrated part of the tourist experience in Rio, along with trips to Copacabana beach and the Christ the Redeemer Statue. As a result, tour operators are struggling to keep up with the demand (Freire-Medeiros, 2009). Rocinha is Rio’s largest favela, holding between 70 000 and 120 000 residents, depending on sources. Situated in the southern zone of Rio, it underwent a major ‘pacification’ process three years ago. The area was invaded by thousands of armed police and armoured vehicles in an attempt to take the power away from the ruling drug gangs, and to put the power back in control of the state, arguably to create a more ‘inviting’ city for tourists in anticipation of the FIFA 2014 World Cup. Rocinha’s growing popularity as a tourist destination is owed to various factors. While it holds the title of ‘Brazil’s largest favela’, it ‘displays a breath-taking view’ and ‘the contrast of the haves and have-nots which is so striking for the gringo’ (Freire-Medeiros, 2008), due to Rocinha’s proximity to São Conrado and Gávea – two of Rio’s wealthiest neighbourhoods. It is this immediacy and intertwining of rich and poor throughout the city that creates such fascinating paradoxes for the tourist. While many of us assume a slum or favela to be a state of pure poverty that is not to say there is no sense of formalisation. Indeed, Mowforth & Munt (2009) state ‘like all urban areas, scratch beneath the surface and there are myriad processes and systems that tend to challenge our perceptions of what slums are’. Furthermore, Dwek (2004) suggests that most of today’s favelas do not deserve the title of slum, while Neuwirth (2006) says ‘Rocinha has become such a commercial success that residents have coined a new word to describe the process they see unfolding in their neighbourhood: asfaltização (asphaltization). It is the squatter city version of gentrification. It refers to businesses from outside the favela – from the asphalt city, the legal city – invading illegal turf’. While the thought of a tour round a Rio favela would have been nigh- unthinkable 20 years ago, now Brazilian ministers are promoting the favelas as must-see attractions (Gorman, 2014), and approximately 50 000 visitors partake in tours each year. One such tour is with the company Be A Local, whose slogan is ‘Be a Local - Don’t Be a Gringo!’. The name and slogan of the company appears immediately enticing to the post-tourist as, discussed by Urry, it offers the promise of the authentic experience that they are seeking, away from mass tourism. The company began running tours round Rocinha in 2003, their aim was ‘the idea of showing tourists a local viewpoint of our city. After all this time, we designed our tours thinking about the local support, safety and maximum amount of information we could provide to enable tourists to really experience what it means be a Carioca’ (Be a Local, 2014). The company’s tours are not restricted to the favela; they also offer
tours around the city of Rio, a trip to see a football match at the Maracana stadium, tickets to Carnival, and even a night out at a favela funk party. The numerous services that they offer indicate the vast market that exists for tourists looking for this ‘backstage’ experience. From what has thus far been understood, various questions consequently arise – what are the slum tourist motivations, is the experience restricted to just a tourist ‘gaze’, or does it extend beyond that? Finally, how far does the moral quandary extend with regards to turning a favela, and by association poverty into an object of consumerism?
Methods Used The primary method adopted to analyse the slum tour will be that of secondary research, in particular the analysis of the tour operator’s website. Yin (2003) speaks of the importance of documentation in the process of case study research, and later states (2009) that a strength of case studies is their ability to analyse situations in real time and in great depth. Documentation of the various aspects of the Be A Local website is of great relevance to the research, as it offers opportunity for detailed insight into the company’s understanding of the tourist motivations, and how the appreciate the delicate issues that are developing with the growth of slum tourism.
Findings First Impressions Upon arriving at the website of Be a Local Tours, it is instantly striking that the first language is not Portuguese, but English. The language used is fairly colloquial, with the occasional spelling mistake or grammatical error. The language used is understandably positive, with wording such as ‘vibrant’, ‘amazing views’, and ‘welcoming, warm locals’. The home screen displays a panoramic photo of Brazil, with the ocean stretching into the horizon, while the camera roll at the bottom provides photos of the various tours that they offer, including scenes from a match at the Maracana, the favela funk party, and the views from the top of Rocinha, with more in depth photos once on the page of each specific tour. The home screen, albeit basic, provides links to ‘about us’, ‘tours’, ‘photos’, ‘videos’, ‘news’, ‘comments’, ‘partners’, ‘contact’.
Objectives Although difficult to find, hidden away under the headline ‘Don’t be a Gringo, be a Local’ in the ‘News’ section instead of ‘About Us’, the company state their desire to provide a more ‘immersive’ experience, to offer ‘a real look at Rio life through the eyes of a local, with big experiences, and little gloss.’ They go on to say “We show the city in a different way, opening people´s mind and showing that even with lack of money, you can be happy, nice and have a great family and life.” For a favela tour, approximately 3 hours are required, including transfer and guide. The limit on tour groups is not stated for the tour, but judging by the video of the tour on the website, an average appears to be between 15-20 people. Tour style ‘Feel what life in a Favela is really like. We take you to the top of the Rocinha Favela and then descend on foot. On the way down, you get an unique insight into the vibrant spirit of the people, especially the kids.’ (BeaLocal, 2014). While it is inferred that the tour operators facilitate better communication with the locals, it is not explicitly made clear, and while there is an assumption that having a local tour guide who has intimate knowledge of the area, this could allow for the pretence of an interactive tour, when in reality, due to the language barrier there is little to no interaction whatsoever. That said, Be a Local Tours do offer the chance for interaction at the scheduled stops at schools, handcraft centres and artists’ studios, offering a somewhat interactive touch. Safety While Rio is notorious for its violent crime, there is little on the website to show any concern towards the issue. except for a tourist’s reference – ‘From personal experience, I can say with certainty that during the many visits I made, I never felt remotely threatened. However, when the paramilitary police enter the warrens (and drug gang controlled) Favelas, the result can be potentially dangerous for inhabitants and tourists alike. Marcio recounts – “A few years ago, I was inside the Favela with the group and the police came inside. It´s not the best place to be in Rio, but with the knowledge that we have inside, I could manage to get my way out of the Favela without any trouble’, which isn’t necessarily the most reassuring of testimonials. Perhaps it is naïve, but one would imagine that if safety were a prevalent issue, there would be the relevant precautions in place. Community Projects Although it is understood that the tour is provided with a local tour guide, there is very little information on what support is offered to the community, and how integrated the favela community is in the project. All that we are told is ‘the best of the tour in favela with walking tours around Rocinha and money going towards community projects’.
Analysis From the presentation of the website, the language used, and the numerous products on offer, it very much seems that a tour of a favela is just becoming another part of the tourist experience while in Rio. What appear to be particularly questionable are the supposed economic benefits of favela tourism. It has been noted that a number of artists in the favela have become dependent on the tours for selling their work, while the small trickle down economic effect appears to be benefitting the select few that the tour visits, as opposed to the whole community (Mowforth & Munt, 2009). Consequently, due to the lack of overall economic benefit, one must ponder if favela tourism can be seen as a transition from an authentic historical livelihood to a form of ‘frontstage’ tourism, and therefore a dependency on the slum tourist (Nelson, 2014, Pirie, 2007)). This leads to the problem of the morality of poverty as an object of consumerism. There is no doubt that visiting urban poverty out of curiosity for entertainment purposes is seen as ethically problematic and voyeuristic (Ashworth, 2004, Frenzel & Koens, 2012), and while the owner of Be a Local stated to Freire-Medeiros (2009) that “we do not want to stimulate the professionalization of poverty as an instrument of labor”, she in turn makes the astute point that ‘one cannot help but to feel it is somewhat ironic that those who turn poverty into a commodity should be the ones who denounce the perverse effects of alms-giving and straight charity’. If it can be established that while some locals may see some economic benefit, but there is no overall community improvement, the question must come back to the tourist and his motivation for visiting the slum. Many locals in slums worldwide feel that tourists do not come to see the brighter side of life in the slums, they come to see destitution (On tour with the slum tourists in Kibera, 2014). This leads back to Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, and the striking contrast between the lives of the locals versus the lives of the tourists. While Urry’s post- tourist searches for authenticity and the ‘other’, he takes the opportunity to get under the skin of the destination by visiting the slum. Upon encountering the poverty and moral injustice of life in the slums, he feels compelled to help, or contribute how he can. The tourist leaves the slum with a sense of self- actualization, with a sense of having given back to the community, who have nothing more than the physiological needs of Maslow’s hierarchy. This feeling of self-actualization leads to a sense of self-appreciation, which in turn motivates the tourist to go in search of further authentic experiences to boost his impression of self-actualization and self –appreciation, as demonstrated in the author’s diagram of the slum tourist in Fig.1.
The Slum Tourist
Search for authenticity
Sense of Self –actualization & Finds moral injustice Self- appreciation
Motivated to help/contribute.
Although the slum tourist may believe that he has made a meaningful contribution, it could be argued that the opportunity that this provides for exploitation of poverty as an object of consumerism is extremely worrying; when slum tourism becomes the norm, as it inevitably will, where will the quest for self actualization and self appreciation end? We have already seen the fabrication of orphanages to meet the demand for volunteer tourism (Pattisson, 2014), while morally questionable ‘slum themed’ hotels are being created (Cha, 2013). Even though these acts have been ‘slammed worldwide’, it would appear that they are either working to fill a burgeoning demand, or capitalising on this demand, and herein lies the problem; tours may strive to ‘show what the favela really is, in order to erase that eventual, negative image tourists might have and to promote the city’, but due to the unquestionably influential role of the media in the portrayal of slums (Rolfes, 2009), and the tourists’ preconceptions of them, the demand for slum tourism is not to see the positive aspects, but to fleetingly experience the ‘other’, the destitute, and to indulge in the idea that in some way the tourist has helped the needy. Marx’s (1984) theory on commodity fetishism states that under capitalism everything under the sun can become a commodity, save one thing – poverty, which is devoid of use or exchange value. Fast forward thirty years, and poverty is being consumed as a tourist commodity with a monetary value between organisers and consumers (Freire-Medeiros, 2009). The unthinkable is not just becoming the reality, but a part of a global phenomenon, surpassing all expectations, creating food for thought on the commoditization of people, places and cultures. Where is the line, and how far can we push it?
References Ashworth, G. J. (2004). Tourism and the heritage of atrocity: managing heritage of South African apartheid for entertainment. In T. Singh (Ed.), New horizons in tourism: Strange experiences and stranger practices (pp. 95–108). Wallingford: CABI Beeton, S. (2006). Community development through tourism. Collingwood, VIC: Land Links. Butcher, J. (2003). The moralisation of tourism. London: Routledge. Cha, (2013). [online] Available at: http://edition.cnn.com/2013/12/06/travel/shanty-town/ [Accessed 11 Dec. 2014]. Dann, G.M.S. (1977). Anomie, ego-enhancement and tourism. Annals of Tourism Research, 4 (4),184–194 DWEK, D. (2004), “Favela Tourism: Innocent fascination or inevitable exploitation?” M.A. Dissertation. Engelhart, K. (2014). Is Slum Tourism Really All That Bad? | VICE | United States. [online] VICE. Available at: http://www.vice.com/read/slum-tourism-katie- engelhart-412 [Accessed 5 Dec. 2014]. Freire-Medeiros, B. (2007). A favela que se vê e que se vende: reflexões e polêmicas em torno de um destino turístico. Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais, 22(65).
Freire-Medeiros, B. (2009). The favela and its touristic transits. Geoforum, 40(4),
pp.580-588.
Frenzel, F., & Koens, K. (2012). Slum tourism: developments in a young field of
interdisciplinary tourism research. Tourism Geographies
Frenzel, F., Steinbrink, M. and Koens, K. (2012). Slum tourism. New York:
Routledge.
Goffman, E. (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday. Gorman, E. (2014). [online] Available at: http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2014/06/favela-dwellers- challenge-rio-exotic-tours-20146111206390364.html [Accessed 7 Dec. 2014]. Koven S. (Ed.) (2004), Slumming – Sexual and social politics in Victorian London, Princeton University Press
Ma, B. (2010). A trip into the controversy: A study of slum tourism travel motivations. Undergraduate Humanities Forum 2009-2010: Connections, Penn Arts & Sciences. Available from: http://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2010/12 [Accessed 5/12/2014] Maslow, A. (1970). Motivation and personality. New York: Harper & Row. Mowforth, M. and Munt, I. (2009). Tourism and sustainability. London: Routledge Nelson, Jordan A C C, "Issues of Authenticity in Small Scale Tourism: A Study of the McDisney Experience" (2014). Undergraduate Honors Theses. Paper 63. Neuwirth, R. (2005). Shadow cities. New York: Routledge. On tour with the slum tourists in Kibera. (2014). [video] Kibera Kenya: Jamal Osman. Pattisson, P. (2014). [online] Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/global- development/2014/may/27/nepal-bogus-orphan-trade-voluntourism [Accessed 11 Dec. 2014]. Pirie, G. (2007b). Urban tourism in Cape Town. In C. M. Rogerson & G. Visser (Eds.), Urban tourism in the developing world: the South African experience (pp. 223–244). New Brunswick: Transaction Prayag, G. (2010). Images as Pull Factors of a Tourist Destination: A Factor- Cluster Segmentation Analysis. Tourism Analysis, 15(2), pp.213-226. Reisinger, Y. (2009). International tourism. Amsterdam: Butterworth- Heinemann. Rolfes, M. (2009). Poverty tourism: theoretical reflections and empirical findings regarding an extraordinary form of tourism. GeoJournal, 75(5), pp.421-442. United Nations. Millenium Development Goals Report 2007. Status Report. New York City: United Nations, 2007 UN-HABITAT (2007) Enhancing Urban Safety and Security: Global Report on Human Settlements 2007, Nairobi; UN-HABITAT Urry, J. (1990). The tourist gaze. London: Sage Publications. World Bank. (2006) Global Economic Prospects 2006: Economic Implications of Remittances and Migration, Washington DC: World Bank
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examples/Slum Tourism - Sample 2.pdf
Slum Tourism A Case Study of Kibera
MG423 Hospitality and Tourism Analysis: Case Studies and Case Histories
Slum Tourism Case Study
18/12/2014
Word count: 2,788
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Slum Tourism: A Case Study of Kibera
Introduction
In recent years slum tourism has seen a significant rise in popularity (Meschkank, 2011). This
paper aims to discuss the increasing demand for slum tourism and the motivations behind it.
Firstly, the literature review will discuss slum tourism and its beginnings before highlighting the
current issues surrounding slum tourism today. Secondly, the paper will look at the case of
Kibera, in Nairobi, the largest slum in Africa. This paper will examine Kibera Tours, a slum tour
operator in Kibera and use secondary data in order to analyse the tour operator effectively.
Finally, the paper will conclude drawing from the literature to discuss the importance of slum
tourism.
Literature Review
Slum Tourism and its beginnings
The word ‘slum’ was a slang expression that was used to describe individual lodgings. This
expression then developed into describing backyards (‘back slums’) until it arrived at its modern
use to describe whole urban areas (Mayne, 1993). Furthermore, the term ‘slumming’ was broadly
used to define the activities pursued by the upper and upper-middle classes who toured through
some of the poorest areas of London at the end of the nineteenth century (Koven, 2006). The
activities of these classes in London has been perceived as the very beginning of slum tourism
which today describes guided tours through some of the poorest city quarters in the world
(Rolfes, 2010). Since the 1990’s we have witnessed the birth of several professional tour
companies which have provided tours though a number of cities including Rio de Janeiro, Cape
Town and Mumbai (Meschkank, 2011). It can be argued that the increase in popularity of these
tours is due to the fact that they create access too areas and spaces that outsiders perceive as
inaccessible, whilst also giving an insight into the day to day activities within these areas which
can create an authentic and real experience for the tour-goer (MacCannell, 1973). Steinbrink
states that ‘tourism lives on what is different’ suggesting that this leads to the constant urge to
create and find products and open up new segments on the market (Steinbrink, 2012). However,
this idea that the constant demand for new tourism ventures is not the only suggestion for the rise
in slum tourism, perhaps slum tourism can be linked to touristic phenomena due to its recent
portrayal in popular culture (Meschkank, 2011). A current example of this is in India. Slum
tourism has increasingly expanded in the country and it has been suggested that the demand for
this type of tourism can be linked to the huge media attention that came with Hollywood film
Slumdog Millionaire (2009). The eight-times Oscar awarded film was filmed against the
backdrop of Dharavi, the largest slum in Mumbai (Hannam & Knox, 2010). However, with this
new attention comes the threat that after the hype has died, these slums will again be forgotten
about and left to fend for themselves.
Tourist Motivations and Authenticity
Rolfes identifies that one of the principal motivations for tourists participation in slum tours is a
basic interest into the country’s culture and the way in which the people live, combined with the
desire to experience the complexity and diversity of the place (Rolfes, 2010). Conran believes
that ‘tourists interpret authenticity through their own experiences’ (Conran, 2006). A tourists
desire to experience authenticity could highlight their interest and motivations in slum tourism as
townships, favelas and slums can be defined as places of authenticity. These areas are said to
portray the true day to day life of a city or country (Meschkank, 2011). Moreover, many of the
slums tours stop at social and charitable projects (Tosun, 2006). For tourists this is an
opportunity to give back to and help the local communities which they are visiting (Urry, 1990).
It can be said that these tourists are motivated by the desire to show love and concern for the
poor and help in the fight against poverty (Lo & Lee, 2011). In addition, some tourists identify
slum tourism as providing educational benefits. Slum tours offer tourists the opportunity to
broaden their horizons and give them an insight in to a different way of living. It allows tourists
to reflect upon their own lives and appreciate the things that they have (Meschkank, 2011).
Current debate surrounding slum tourism
Exploitation
There is currently a large amount of debate surrounding slum tourism. A large number of people
view it negatively as they perceive it as people looking at poverty from a nice air conditioned
room, like viewing it through tinted glasses. Tourists take part in these tours then go back to their
nice hotels. Therefore, it has been argued that slums tours are exploiting the slum residents
(Meschkank, 2011). Furthermore, critics argue that slums residents are treated like animals in a
zoo. Tourists roam through their slum watching their daily activities which can be viewed as
turning their lives into a spectacle, a form of entertainment for the upper classes (Basu, 2012).
Mayer states that exploitation can be perceived as ‘wrongful gain’. Although some residents of
the slums may benefit from these tours, not all of the residents are. The majority of residents will
not have consented to the tours and despite not receiving anything from them, they are still being
subjected to the humiliation and degradation that accompanies them (Mayer, 2007). In fact, in
certain areas government officials have suggested that slum tours should be banned and tour
operators punished due to the exploitive nature of the tours (Basu, 2012).
Staging
MacCannell acknowledges that tourist destinations can be made to appear like a ‘backstage’,
somewhere not normally accessed by tourists, when in fact they are just as artificial as the ‘front
stage’, the main stream tourist destination (MacCannell, 1973). This is highlighted in the case of
Dhavari, where some tourists believe that they were only certain aspects of the slum in order to
leave them with a particular image. They believed that certain areas of the slums were being
masked and that the information they were being told was biased in order to give a more positive
image of the slum and to eradicate any existing negative views (Meschkank, 2011). Many tour
operators market their tours as a means to view ‘real’ life in these cities an countries however
this is an aspect that can be widely debated as contemporary tourism theory recognises that there
is no ‘one reality’ but in fact multiple realities (Bruner, 2004). In fact, Basu goes further to argue
that the label of ‘real tourism’ is insensitive and offensive. She argues that this tag undermines
other existing heritage, for example built heritage and natural heritage. By stating that slums are
the ‘real’ life of a city or country takes away from these other desirable destinations and can
create scepticism (Basu, 2012).
Economic Leakage
Economic leakage occurs when not all of the foreign currency created through tourism stays
within the local host communities (Ashley & Goodwin, 2007). For tourists it is important to
ensure they are aware what portion of their tour’s profit goes back into the community to support
responsible activities (Andereck, Valentine, Knopf, & Vogt, 2005) and to ensure that money
claimed to be redistributed back into the community is actually redistributed (Manyara & Jones,
2007). Economic leakage can pose a significant risk to slum tourism. If economic leakage occurs
it can create negative attitudes towards slum tourism and reduce the amount of visitors to the
slums (Burns, 1999).
Combatting the negative image of slums
Despite slums being surrounded by a negative image, slum tourism has emerged and been able to
establish itself in a number of cities across the world (Meschkank, 2011). Tour guides aim to
counter act the negative image of slums, one of poverty and misery, with a more positive image.
They try to show a more positive and real image of the slums often by focusing on the socio-
economic development of the slums (Freire-Medeiros, 2009). In order to do so, tourists are often
offered to buy products created within the slums. These products should aim to expand the
benefits to the poor and present steps for the authorities that will allow them to transform
strategies into actions for the improvement of slum living conditions (Croes & Vanegas, 2008).
Furthermore, although slums tours normally do not directly compensate the residents, operators
frequently offer opportunities or encourage tourists to donate to charitable organisations or take
part in volunteer work in the area (Whyte, Selinger, & Outterson, 2011)
Kibera
Nairobi is home to around 2.5 million slum dwellers in around 200 different settlements. Kibera
is home to almost one million of these people making it the largest slum in Africa and one of the
biggest in the world. The government have all the land rights in the area and only 10% of people
actually own their shacks, the rest of Kibera’s population are tenants with no rights. The shacks
are around 12ft x 12ft and constructed with mud walls, a tin roof and a concrete or mud floor. On
average, each shack houses eight or more people. Recently, two water pipes have been installed
in Kibera where residents can collect water. Beforehand, residents had to collect water from the
Nairobi dam, this water is not clean and often causes cholera and typhoid (Kibera UK, 2007).
Moreover, there are no government run hospitals or clinics in the slum, all medical aid comes
from charitable organisations. Only about 20% of Kibera has access to electricity however UN-
Habitat is in the process of trying to expand this and provide street and security lighting. In terms
of sanitation, there are no toilets in Kibera (Kibera UK, 2007). There are a number of latrines but
these are often shared by up to fifty shacks. Kibrera is also known for the ‘flying toilet’, this
occurs normally when the latrine is occupied, a person will use a plastic bag as toilet. This is then
thrown on the ground and with limited waste clearance creates a breeding ground for dangerous
diseases (The Kibera Law Centre, 2014). Furthermore, alcohol and drugs pose a problem in
Kibera. With around 50% of the population unemployed residents often start drinking early in
the day. The local drink of Changaa is widely available however often made incorrectly and with
an ABV of over 50%, it can have a huge effect on the drinker. Cheap drugs and glue sniffing are
also a problem for the residents of Kibera. The consumption of alcohol and drugs can lead to
violence, crime and rape within the slum (Kibera UK, 2007). The life expectancy of residents in
Kibera is incredibly low at only thirty years of age in comparison with rest of Kenya where it is
50 years of age (The Kibera Law Centre, 2014).
Methodology
In order to conduct research on the Kibera slum, secondary sources of data will be used. This
will include existing literature on slum tourism from books and journals. Moreover, data will be
collected from web sites and sites such as trip advisor which have reviewed the tours. The
existing literature will then be used to successfully analyse the chosen tour operator.
Findings
Kibera Tours is a Dutch-Kenyan organisation (http://kiberatours.com/). They offer tours through
the ‘friendliest slum in the world’, these tours are led by two guides who were born and live in
Kibera. They also state that ‘well-known security guard’ from Kibera will join tourists on the
tour in order to make them feel safer. Their tours costs 2,500 Kenyan shillings (around £17:67).
The web site states that Kibera is a ‘city of hope’. The tours provided will visit and support a
number of places including an orphanage/school, a bread factory, a biogas centre and a typical
Kibera house. However, it does not state in what way they will be supporting any of these places.
The web site provides an advice page for people who will be participating in the tours. This page
includes general advice on clothing and advice for people with young children but also highlights
the need to respect resident’s privacy. They state that tour-goers should not peer into people
homes and only take photos if they have asked for consent beforehand. Tourists are asked not to
bring any unnecessary valuables and not to give out gifts or money as it may create chaos. This
is also to avoid giving the residents the impression that tourists means gifts. The tour company
states that they will provide boxes for tourists to make donations in at the end, these donations
then go to charitable organisations within Kibera. Furthermore, they state that they have
connections to charitable organisations and youth groups in Kibera primarily through their tour
guides however there is no information provided as to what they do to support these groups or if
any money made from the tours then go to help aid the organisations.
Meaning of Findings
Kibera tours romanticises the slum through its use of language such as ‘friendliest slum in the
world’ and ‘city of hope’. As highlighted on the website the tours aim to portray the positive
side of the slum however it can be argued that by doing so they push the element of poverty into
the background (Sharpley & Stone, 2011). The tours try to show the ‘real’ and ‘authentic’ side
of Kibera which they believe encompasses the prospering organisations and volunteer projects
but this further detaches the slums from a place of poverty and need. This can then make tourists
believe that there is no need to help these people or provide any aid as they are helping
themselves. Furthermore, this romanticising of the slum could also be considered staging. Cohen
defines as a method to ‘mask subjective images of a place and its people, and communicate them
as objective reality’ (Cohen, 1989). By focusing primarily on the positive elements of the slum,
they are masking the real poverty within it. They want to create a specific image within the
tourists mind which may not in fact be the reality.
Kibera Tours appears to try and benefit the local area by citing their connections to local
organisations but the website lacks precise information as to what contributions they make or if
any percentage of the profit from the tours goes to benefit the residents. This perhaps highlights
an element of economic leakage. Supradist portrays that tourism can help economic growth
however if a high level of economic leakage exists then the local community does not benefit
from this and only see the negative impacts of having tourists view their lives (Supradist, 2004).
In addition, this could also lead the tourists to questions the motivations of Kibera Tours. Despite
on the surface appearing to want to improve and better the slum, they are not forthcoming with
how they plan to do so. Research shows that despite wanting to bring about positive social and
economic improvements, the majority of tour operators conduct tours primarily because of profit
based motivations (Sharpley & Stone, 2011). It can be questioned that this is the motivation
behind Kibera Tours.
Moreover, Sharpley and Stone highlight how tour operators often use the preconceived negative
perceptions of the slums to their advantage in order to promote their own tours as ‘real’ and
‘authentic’ (Sharpley & Stone, 2011). Kibera Tours could be considered as using this method as
their whole web site focuses primarily on the idea that the slums is not a place of poverty but one
of hope. While this idea cannot be entirely rejected, it is extremely evident that the slum is an
area of intense poverty with a need for social and economic aid.
Conclusion
Slum tourism is surrounded by ambiguity. It allows for moral ambiguity which is difficult to
analyse and address (Fenzel, Koens, & Steinbrink, 2012). The motivations of tour operators can
never fully be understood. Not only does it incorporate a large amount of ambiguity but it can be
argued that the economic benefits of slum tourism are debatable (Meschkank, 2011). The huge
risk of economic leakage especially in these extremely deprived areas can leave tourists
questioning the purpose of the tours if no improvements are being made to the local
communities. On the other hand, the idea of slum tourism can appear exploitive and voyeuristic
however without slum tourism there would be limited opportunities for people to access these
communities and really learn about and experience extreme poverty. An element of exploitation
will always exist in slum tourism as it is people witnessing and watching people living in
poverty. It could argued however that even if a small amount of money, or the tourists donations
and time spent at volunteer projects within the slum creates benefits or improvements, then
maybe a small amount of exploitation is a good price to pay.
Works Cited Andereck, L., Valentine, K., Knopf, R., & Vogt, C. (2005). Resident's perceptions of community tourism
impacts. Annals of Tourism Research 32(4), 1056-1076.
Ashley, C., & Goodwin, H. (2007). Pro poor tourism: Whats gone right and whats gone wrong? . London:
Overseas Development Institute.
Basu, K. (2012). Slum tourism for the poor by the poor. In F. Fenzel, K. Koens, & M. Steinbrink, Slum
tourism: Poverty, Power and Ethics Vol. 32 (pp. 66-81). Oxon: Routledge.
Bruner, E. (2004). Culture on Tour. Chicago : University of Chicago Press.
Burns, P. (1999). Paradoxes in Planning: Tourism elitism or brutalism? Annals of Tourism Research 26,
329-348.
Cohen, E. (1989). Primitive and remote hill tribe trekking in Thailand. Annals of Tourism Research 16, 30-
61.
Conran, M. (2006). Beyond authenticity: Exploring intimacy in the touristic encounter in Thailand.
Tourism Geographies 8(3), 274-285.
Croes, R., & Vanegas, M. (2008). Cointegration and Casuality Between Tourism and Poverty Reduction.
Journal of Travel Research 47(1), 94-103.
Fenzel, F., Koens, K., & Steinbrink, M. (2012). Slum Tourism: Poverty, power and ethics. Vol 32. Oxon:
Routledge.
Freire-Medeiros, B. (2009). The Favela and its Touristic Transits. Geoforum 40(4), 580-588.
Hannam, K., & Knox, D. (2010). Understanding Tourism. London: Sage.
Kibera UK. (2007). Facts and Information about Kibera. Retrieved from Kibera UK- The Gap Year
Company: http://www.kibera.org.uk/Facts.html
Koven, S. (2006). Sexual and Social Politics in Victorian London. Princeton: University Press.
Lo, A., & Lee, C. (2011). Motivations and perceived value of volunteer tourists from Honk Kong. Tourism
Management 32(2), 326-334.
MacCannell, D. (1973). Staged authenticity: Arrangements of social space in tourist settings. American
Journal of Sociology 79(3), 589-603.
Manyara, G., & Jones, E. (2007). Community-based tourism enterprises development in Kenya: An
exploration of their potential as avenues of poverty reduction. Journal of Sustainable Tourism
15(6), 628-644.
Mayer, R. (2007). What's wrong with exploitation? Journal of Applied Philosophy 24(2), 137-150.
Mayne, A. (1993). The Imagined Slum. Leicester: University Press.
Meschkank, J. (2011). Investigations into slum tourism in Mumbai: Poverty, tourism and the tensions
between different constructions of reality. GeoJournal 76, 47-62.
Rolfes, M. (2010). Poverty Tourism: Theoretical reflections and empirical findings on extraordinary form
of tourism. GeoJournal 75(5), 421-442.
Sharpley, R., & Stone, P. (2011). Tourist Experience: Contemporary Perspectives. Oxon: Routledge.
Steinbrink, M. (2012). 'We did the slum!'- Urban poverty tourism in historical perspective. Tourism
Geographies: An international journal of tourism space, place and enivonrment 14(2), 213-234.
Supradist, N. (2004, October). Economic Leakage in Tourism Sector. Lund, Sweden: Unpublished Thesis .
The Kibera Law Centre. (2014). Facts. Retrieved from The Kibera Law Centre:
http://kiberalawcentre.org/facts/
Tosun, C. (2006). Expected nature of community participation in tourism development. Tourism
Management 27(3), 493-504.
Urry, J. (1990). The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and travel in contemporary society. London: Sage.
Whyte, K., Selinger, E., & Outterson, K. (2011). Poverty Tourism and the Problem of consent. Journal of
Global Ethics, 337-348.
examples/Slum Tourism - Sample 3.pdf
Slum Tourism
‘Be the Local’ Case Study
MG423 Hospitality and Tourism Analysis: Case Studies
and Case Histories
Submission date: 18/12/2014
Word Count: 3226
1
You must insert the following Authorship Statement on the second page of your
assignment:
I confirm that the work undertaken for this assignment is entirely my own and that I
have not made any use of unauthorised assistance.
The sources of all reference materials have been properly acknowledged.
I have read and understood the statement relating to academic dishonesty and
plagiarism published in the ‘Department of Strategy and Organisation
Undergraduate Handbook’ on My Place. I hereby confirm that this assignment
complies fully with these guidelines.
2
Contents
Introduction 3
Literature Review 3-5
1. Authenticity 3
2. Market segmentation 3-5
The Dharavi Slum 5
Methodology 6
Findings and Discussion 6-10
1. Authenticity 6-9
2. Market segmentation 9-10
Conclusion 10
References 11-13
Appendices 14-17
3
Introduction
‘In a globalising world of increasing sameness, niche tourism represents diversity
and ways of marking difference’ (Novelli, 2005). The tourism industry continues to
develop in order to keep up with the wants and needs of consumers. Niche tourism
offers tourists a more meaningful experience as it caters to their exact desires.
Developing as a new form of tourism in the mid-1900s, slum tourism is an activity
aimed at visiting the most disadvantaged areas of the world in order to increase
awareness and consequently reduce poverty (Rolfes, 2010). This study will examine
a tour operator in Mumbai in order to assess its authenticity and challenge whether
or not slum tourism itself can ever be 100% authentic. Market segmentation will be
addressed in relation to slum tourism which questions whether or not tourist
authentic motivations are being satisfied. This study will analyse whether the efforts
of the tour operator have led it to gain a competitive advantage and whether this
can be sustained.
Literature Review The economic implications of tourism alone urge countries to constantly create new
products and segments on the market in order to compete with other nations
(Steinbrink, 2012). Although ‘slumming’ has officially been around since the 19 th
century, it has only been emphasised in literature since its re-emergence as a niche
tourism segment in the last three decades (Frenzel and Koens, 2012). During the
19 th
century slumming was used to describe the activities pursued by the upper and
upper-middle classes to view the residents and communities of poor urban areas in
London (Koven, 2006). This act of ‘slumming’ was imitated by New York which
enticed wealthy London residents to travel there out of curiosity, beginning the
‘touristification’ of slumming (Steinbrink, 2012). Due to the globalisation of
developing countries in the mid 1900’s (Rolfes, 2010), slum tourism became a
beneficial way of improving economies by using the existing resources and
infrastructure they had. Slum tourism is taken from a pro-poor tourism stance as it
focuses on poverty reduction. Pro-poor forms of tourism possess three elements as
stated by Cooper et al (2005 cited in Chege and Waweru, 2014): develop the local
areas, improve the distribution of wealth and increase social development (Chege
and Waweru, 2014). Although the intentions of slum tourism are to better the
community, its process has been questioned. As the media became more
prominent, the negative perceptions of slum tourism were made known worldwide.
In the media, slum tourism has been associated with many buzzwords such as zoo
tours, exploitation and voyeurism (Meschkank, 2010). These attitudes towards slum
tourism have caused heated debates, mainly surrounding the ethical pertinence of
4
commodifying poverty and people’s misery (Freire-Medeiros, 2009). Nonetheless,
slum tourism provides a means of generating income and increasing tourism for
developing countries and therefore many tour operators are trying to change this
false perception by showing foreigners around their homes. Alongside its economic
implications, it could be argued that slum tourism was established due to tourist’s
divergent motivations that cannot be fulfilled through mass tourism. Although the
desire to view another culture and living conditions is seen as the main motivator
(Rolfes, 2010), it is believed that the motivation to experience authenticity is what
creates competition within the slum tourism market. Many tour operators compete
to create a ‘real’ experience through further commodification and market
segmentation which in reverse, can make slum tourism inauthentic.
1. Authenticity
MacCannell (1999 cited in Butcher, 2003) believes that tourists have gradually
moved away from wanting inauthentic experiences and now search for the
authentic, especially in rural and undeveloped areas. He adds that many tourists
have come to reject mass-packaged tourism due to the lack of individuality. This is
due to the fact that tourist motivations have changed and now ‘the tourist seeks to
immerse him/herself in a more primitive society, in which the tourist could reflect
on his/her own identity in modern society in comparison to the “Other”
‘(MacCannell, 1999 cited in Ma, 2010). Literature on authenticity is largely
researched by MacCannell as he not only looks at why authenticity is an emerging
motivation but how tour operators try and satisfy this need. Both MacCannell
(1976) and Bruner (1991) point out that the authenticity of events could be staged
in order to benefit both the guest and the host. Although the tourist may feel that
they gave gained an authentic experience, toured objects may have been false or
manipulated (Wang, 1999). In the case of slum tourism, it could be argued that tour
operators and the community may exaggerate their poverty and unhappiness in
order to gain more sympathy and consequently donations. However, this will
always be dependent upon the tourist gaze which ‘filters representations through
individual understandings’ (Dyson, 2012). This suggests that no matter how realistic
a tour is, the reality of it will always be questioned dependent on the tourist’s
interpretation. Despite this, authenticity is still a competing factor and therefore
many operators segment their market to cater for this specific type of tourist.
2. Market Segmentation
Market segmentation is a method used to divide a heterogeneous market into
subgroups. These subgroups can be created using tourist motivations and needs
(Park and Yoon, 2009). It could be argued that even in niche markets such as slum
5
tourism, market segmentation exists. As slum tour operators compete for
advantage, the motivation of authenticity arguably needs to be satisfied. It is
believed that the most effective method of segmentation is on the basis of
motivation (Crompton, 1979). Dolnicar (2002) highlights that when the subgroup’s
motivations mirror the strengths of the destination, a competitive advantage will be
gained. In most industries, market segmentation is required as ‘customers are
becoming very sophisticated and are demanding customized products and services
to match individual preferences and tastes’ (Sawhney, 1998, p. 54). Market
segmentation allows for businesses to take advantage of these customers (Hunt and
Arnett, 2004) to develop their business and increase profits. In the case of slum
tourism it could be suggested that new niche markets are continually being created
in order to seek more profits from tourists willing to pay more money for a
different, ‘out of the box’ experience. It would be customary to say that this leads to
sustainability for the tour operator; however, the sustainability of slum tourism as a
whole can be questioned.
The Dharavi slum, Mumbai
The Dharavi slum is said to be Asia’s largest shanty town (Mendes, 2010), the home
of roughly 750,000 people (Fernando, 2014). Located in the centre of the city,
Dharavi is known as the ‘heart of Mumbai’ (Dyson, 2012). Dharavi is best known for
its role in the movie ‘Slumdog Millionaire’ where it was said to be portrayed in a
negative light (Roy, 2011). The movie suggests that Dharavi is a place of ‘broken
dreams’, riots and extreme poverty (Roy, 2011), which is seen to be far from the
truth. Dharavi is in fact an extremely unique slum, known by the locals as the ‘land
of opportunity’ (Be the Local, 2014). In 2014 it has established roughly 20,000 small
and large manufacturing units (Assainar, 2014) which employs roughly 80% of the
slums residents (Engqvist & Lantz 2008). These staggering figures suggest that
Dharavi is in fact ‘an informal economic powerhouse’ (Fernando, 2014). Even with
their limited infrastructure Dharavi has established itself as Mumbai’s biggest
industrial centre, generating $600 million in goods and services (Aiyar cited in
Nettler, 2013). It could be argued that due to its significance to the economy, the
government may want to sustain this slum and prevent regeneration as it puts
Mumbai on the tourist map.
6
Methodology
This study will analyse the website of ‘Be the Local’ who operate in Mumbai in order
to assess their authenticity and how they segment their market. Netnography will
be used which is a method that analyses ‘online cultures and communities formed
through computer-mediated communications’ (Jupp, 2006). The advantage of
Netnography is that it is faster and simpler method than traditional ethnography
(Kozinets, 2002) and therefore is appropriate for this study. Trip Advisor will also be
assessed to gain insight into customer reviews and whether or not these reflect the
associations made with ‘Be the Local’ website. Netnography will allow the
researcher to understand how ‘Be the Local’ has created a competitive advantage
and the future sustainability of the company.
Findings and Discussion When analysing the website of ‘Be the Local’ it was obvious that they have tried to
focus on providing an authentic experience. It could be argued that due to their
understanding of tourist motivations, they have segmented their market in order to
satisfy the needs of those with this specific motivation. However, when analysing
their website there are elements which could potentially question this authenticity.
As shown in Appendix 1, several aspects were identified, in which two will be fully
analysed for the purpose of this study: authenticity and market segmentation. This
will allow for their competitive position and their sustainability to be questioned.
1. Authenticity
Be the Local
Be the Local is a tour operator in Mumbai which is run
by University students who live within the Dharavi slum.
Their mission is to create jobs for local students in order
to provide them with experience and confidence in
preparation for their future career. When analysing
their website, the first aspect to gain the researchers
attention was the company’s name itself. ‘Be the Local’
suggests that the consumer will be given a real experience involving interaction of
what it is like live in the slum and be a part of the community instead of merely
observing. This act of getting involved is supported by Freire-Medeiros (2009) who
states that ‘authenticity means to get in with the natives’. When comparing them to
7
their main competitor, Reality Tours and Travel, it could be argued that due to the
small and intimate nature of ‘Be the Local’ tour, their authenticity is higher. Urry,
1990 believes that it would be ‘impractical for tour operators to consistently bring
tourists into the actual, intimate lives of the slum residents’. Although there is no
evidence to say that ‘Be the Local’ provide a 100% authentic experience, it could be
argued that due to their involvement in the community, the tour will be as real as
possible. They want tourists to have an in-depth view of the slum in order to change
the false perceptions they may have gained from the media (Williams, 2008).
Therefore it could be said that they challenge the statement made by Urry (1990) as
their main goal is arguably to make sure that nothing is secret from the tourists.
This is supported by reviews on trip advisor which are consistently positive about
the experiences tourists gained whilst on this tour. One reviewer states that ‘If you
want a real Mumbai experience, something that you can never get anywhere else,
take the Be the Local Dharavi Tour’ (Trip Advisor, 2014). This highlights the
statement made by Dolnicar (2002) that a competitive advantage is gained when
the strengths of the destination mirror that of the motivations. ‘Be the Local’
provides tourists that are motivated by authenticity the chance to see a cleansed
view of inside the Dharavi slum and change the negative connotations of poverty
that are associated with slums.
Tour guides
A section on the website titled ‘Our Team’ provides details of the thirteen
University students that work as guides for the company (Appendix 2). Each guide is
described in detail including their life goals and how long they have been with the
company. This creates safety and comfort for tourists as they know exactly who
they are meeting and their role in the community. Cho et al (2003) states that
failure is more likely if companies can’t create customer trust in their online
presence (etrust). Head et al (2002) believes that there are three dimensions to the
etrust: product trust, company trust and referee trust. The website provides all
three dimensions as it makes potential tourists aware that they will be in safe hands
throughout the tour. It could be suggested that although ‘Be the Local’ is a smaller
company than ‘Reality Tours and Travel’, its website is more personable and
therefore creates an initial competitive advantage. ‘Be the Local’ focus on education
which is an unrepresented area in the community, therefore tourists may feel that
their money will go further. After seeing how entrepreneurial the Dharavi slum is at
creating money and jobs, tourists may believe that there is little they can do to help.
However, ‘Be the Local’ help to increase talent within the slum and therefore it
might be a more beneficial long term solution for tourists wanting to donate. The
online personable relationships that ‘Be the Local’ provide to their potential
8
customers are also carried through to the tour itself. When analysing ‘Be the Local’
presence on Trip Advisor it is clear to see that the majority of reviewers were most
impressed with their tour guides than anything else. At the end of most reviews
statements were made portraying the relationships that the tourists had
established with the guides:
It is evident from these statements that relationships were formed throughout the
tour. It could be argued that the intimate and personable nature of this tour makes
‘Be the Local’ sustainable as tourists may want to go back and visit the guides as
well as the slum.
Content
When analysing the content of their website, many associations were made in
relation to authenticity. Words such as ‘reality’, ‘experience’, ‘venture’ and
‘support’ were derived from many parts of the website, stressing their authentic
nature. Although it has already been shown that ‘Be the Local’ provides an
authentic experience for tourists, it could be argued that some elements may be
staged. As commodification is said to destroy authenticity (Cohen, 1988), when
creating a product out of poverty, it could be argued that staged authenticity is
always present. Taking this into consideration when analysing the website, there
are limited aspects of staged authenticity, however, as previously stated it is
present. When describing what the company is about they offer potential tourists a
‘ringside view of the 'madness and magic'’. This statement could potentially hinder
their authenticity as it could make tourists feel as though they are going to see a
form of entertainment show. However, due to the authentic nature felt throughout
reading the website, it almost supersedes the one inauthentic statement. When
analysing other slum tour operator websites, there are many more statements that
question authenticity in comparison to ‘Be the Local’. It could be suggested that ‘Be
the Local’ provides the most realistic experience that a slum tour operator can as
‘I hope his dreams and ambitions come true because he is an
intelligent and affable young man’ (Trip Advisor, 2014)
‘Your Mum will be proud of you’, ‘keep your head buried in the
books and best of luck in your exams!’ (Trip Advisor, 2014)
9
their tour is not false or manipulated like Wang (1999) states previously. One
attribute of the website that helps to overshadow the questionable statement
made is their connections with popular institutions (Appendix 3). Haider and
Koronios (2003) state that a websites authenticity relies heavily on receiving
accreditation from organisations that have gained a high level of respect from
others. Under the ‘media and review’ section of their website they have reviews
from organisations such as Forbes, The New York Times and Unilever. This arguably
adds to the authenticity of the company and may give ‘Be the Local’ a competitive
advantage and therefore enhanced their chances for sustainability
2. Market segmentation
Tour packages
As shown in appendix 4, ‘Be the Local’ offers seven different tours with two being
focused on the slum. As well as a tour around the Dharavi slum, they have
segmented their market in order to cater for those wanting an authentic experience
and therefore provide these tourists with a unique ‘foodie tour’. This tour allows for
tourists to have a more interactive experience which Taylor (2001, p. 9) believes is
where the value is added. Buchmann, Moore and Fisher (2010) suggest that the
level of authenticity that a tourist experiences is dependent on their interaction
with objects, people and places. Tourists are invited to join locals in their homes to
cook and socialise with them in order to learn more about their lives. It could be
argued that this creates a substantial competitive advantage for ‘Be the Local’ in
terms of authenticity as this adds individuality and arguably eliminates the
possibility of the tour being staged in the eyes of the tourist. Alongside the market
segmentation, ‘Be the Local’ has also diversified its product offerings out with
providing tours. Although growth is seen as a desirable direction for organisations
(Whetten, 1987; Hall, 1967), it can also add complexity (Mishina, Pollock and Porac,
2004). As shown on the website, ‘Be the Local’ have a section where the tourist can
hire a car for the slum visit or even to transport them from the airport (Appendix 5).
Could it be argued that this focuses too much on business aspects and therefore
takes away from the authentic experience? Or would tourists see this as an added
advantage of the tour operator? Product diversification in terms of slum tourism
has yet to be covered in literature and therefore it is difficult to assess the impact
this may have on the tourist’s perception of the company. As stated previously by
MacCannell (1999 cited in Butcher, 2003), tourists are starting to reject mass
packaged tourism. The researcher argues that ‘Be the Local’ are trying to sustain
10
themselves by creating more elements to the tour that would satisfy the tourist.
However, if the original pull of slum tourism was the individuality and authenticity,
then ‘Be the Local’ are not creating a competitive advantage by adding on these
extra products but instead are gradually moving back to what tourists began to
reject.
Conclusion
After analysing ‘Be the Local’ it is evident that their tour itself is as authentic as slum
tourism can get. The question to be raised is can slum tourism actually be authentic
as it is essentially the commodification of poverty. It could be argued that in the
eyes of the tourist, dependent on the tourist gaze, authenticity can be achieved
even if it has been manipulated without them knowing. Although some theorists
believe that the need for slum tours will increase (Rolfes, 2010), the future of their
sustainability could be questioned. If the focus of slum tourism is to reduce poverty
and regenerate the slum, then where does this leave the future of tour operators?
The researcher believes that slum tourism was originally developed to significantly
reduce poverty, however, when analysing tour operator websites their main goal
seems to be to change perceptions of slum. Would it be controversial to believe
that this new goal was created by tour operators in order to sustain slum tourism
and consequently their business? Slum tourism has developed into every other type
of tourism as competition forces them to create new products and segments on the
market. It could be suggested that eventually slum tourism will become a packaged
holiday which is evidently what tourists are trying to avoid. Will there ever be a
form of tourism which is authentic not been commodified? The researcher believes
that due to the competitive nature of companies to fight for the constantly
changing consumer needs, 100% authenticity can never really be achieved.
11
References
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th December, 2014]
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Butcher, J. (2003) The Moralisation of Tourism: Sun, sand and saving the world? London: Routledge
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Cho, E., Hassanein, K. and Head, M. (2003) "Establishing eTrust through Humanized Website Design". BLED 2003 Proceedings. Paper 23.
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Crompton, J. L. (1979) Motivation for pleasure vacation. Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 6, Iss. 4, pp. 408-424
Dolnicar, S. (N/A) A Review of Data-Driven Market Segmentation in Tourism. Institute for Tourism and Leisure Studies, Vienna University of Economics and Business Administration. Available from: http://ro.uow.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1043&context=commpapes
Dyson, P. (2012) Slum Tourism: Representing and Interpreting ‘Reality’ in Dharavi,
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Appendices
Appendix 1: Associations made from website
Words Connotations Theory/topic Support, students, education Help the community Advertising
‘students’/’education’ Education Education in tourism
‘realistic’/’experience’ real Authenticity
‘Venture’ The unknown Motivation for adventure
Insight, companionship Comfort Added offerings- form of market segmentation
Security Comfort/safety Safety in tourism
ringside view negative
"The land of opportunity", 'madness and magic', 'never sleeps' !, Opportunities galore, golden opportunity
Positive advertising of slum Positive marketing
Product offerings Connotations Theory
Car hire Professional business Market segmentation/ diversification
‘foodie tour’, various different tours outside the slum
variety Market segmentation based on motivations
Stories about each tour guide Adds safety. Personable Authenticity
Accreditations from companies
Increases trust Security, trust
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Appendix 2: Profile of tour guides on website
16
Appendix 3: Accreditations
17
Appendix 4: Tours ‘Be the Local’ offer
Appendix 5: Car hire on website
examples/Slum Tourism - Sample 4.pdf
Slum Tourism
Or How Helping the Poor Isn’t Really Helping
1. Background and Review
Slum tourism is a new unorthodox form of tourism concerning visits to poor areas and
deprived communities. Ma (2010) recognizes its inception to be in 1994 when the first slum
tours started to operate in Rio de Janeiro. However, the phenomenon existed long before that
as a form of entertainment for the rich. Because it was only recently transformed into an
organized tourism activity, it is still associated with the financial discrepancies between the
site’s inhabitants and its visitors. Slum tourism has thus acquired a great deal of controversy
surrounding it. While some see slum tourism as an alternative form of travel aiming to help
impoverished societies (e.g. Ashley, Roe and Goodwin 2001, Butcher 2002, Chok, Macbeth
and Warren 2007) other look at the perversity of the situation in which the rich find
amusement through watching the poor (e.g. Cejas and de Mexico 2006, Frisch 2006). This
form of tourism is not void of moral issues concerning the ethics of visits and the acceptable
practices during them. Whyte, Selinger and Outerson (2011) look at the inability of residents
to voice any concerns or objections over the apparent violation of their private spaces. They
argue that the lack of “meaningful collaboration” between the involved parties is what
prevents the tourism interaction from being more efficient in terms of economic benefits.
Interpreting “meaningful” proves challenging, while whether or not the wellbeing of the slum
should be a concern of the slum tour is even more controversial. Ma (2010) looks at tourist
motivations, trying to explain why slums are growing in popularity. It has to do with the
increase in mass tourism destinations and the alternative (for those trying to escape the trite,
common places), being a trip to less notorious places, e.g. slums and favelas. This is the point
of Freire-Madeiros (2009) who looks at favelas as poverty transformed into a commodity
within a new tourism market. Thus, the primary motivation for going on a slum tour would be
to escape the hackneyed attractions, while in the same time experiencing poverty, a
phenomenon that is truly hard to commodify (Freire-Madeiros, 2009). The novelty of this new
form of tourism also stems from its apparent concern for the poor. Just as with other similar
form of tourism, e.g. developmental, charity, the motive to help is a strong pull factor. A third
possible motive is the cultural exploration that slums offer (Ma 2010). Often being concealed
and detached from the rest of the city, slums, ghettos, favelas and townships are prone to
romaticization by popular culture, creating either a distorted image of the poverty,
exaggerated dynamism of the place or in both cases an interest in an otherwise taboo territory.
These conflicting images reflect in the expectations tourists have before going on a slum tour.
Rolfes (2009) argues that there is a “conceptual ambiguity” in this new form of tourism,
because the archetypal purpose of the touristic activity isn’t clear. His case study finds that
there is a great contrast between tourists’ perceptions of poverty in poor areas prior to the visit
and after it, concluding that it is a clash between the image portrayed by movies and media on
one side and the ethical standpoint of sane moralism on the other. Either way the increased
interest in slums is a real phenomenon, which raises questions about its ultimate benefits to
the visited places, a part of a greater question about its acceptability and promotion. By
further examining this phenomenon in the context of a popular movie and a particular tour
operator, this case study hopes to answer these questions.
2. Method
This case study has first explored the broader academic literature on the topic of slum
tourism. After that the topic will narrow down to a particular slum and a tour operator
associated with it and providing journeys there. By exploring the history of the place, a
compendious picture of the slum nowadays will be created. It will be compared with the way
the slum is portrayed by a popular movie filmed there. Exploring whether the tour operator
chose empirical data or populist ideas when marketing its product, one can reach a conclusion
as to the overall benefit of slum tours and its long term sustainability and ethics.
3. Mumbai & Dharavi
Dharavi was founded in the late 19 th
century because of the extreme population growth in
Mumbai during that time, forcing poorer workers to move to the suburbs, where the living
conditions were much worse than in the city center. An artificially created industrial area
during British imperial rule, it was associated with lack of sanitation, poor housing and
extreme pollution. With its location being between five rivers and the ocean, it is prone to
devastating floods. Over time the problems exacerbated without there being a solid project for
the development of the area. After the independence of 1947, Mumbai city started growing
much faster, which led to Dharavi both becoming the largest slum in the country and
assuming a central location within the city (Eyre, 1990). Moreover the population density is
extreme. Mumbai itself is the most populous country in India with its 20 million people
(Government of India, 2011) and up to 1 million of them live in the slum of Dharavi. With the
total area of the slum being 535 acres (Eyre, 1990) this puts the total density at about 1800
people/acre, overwhelmingly large figure considering modern cities have a density of about
50-200/acre. This creates favourable conditions for the spread of diseases and epidemics with
which Dharavi’s history is full of (Gandy, 2008). Moreover, housing in Dharavi is almost
completely illegally built, which, among other reasons, is because of the lack of law
enforcement in the area. It thus requires an enormous effort to potentially transform it into a
better neighborhood as some development plans have offered in recent years. Some of its
industries are also on the gray side of the economy. Dharavi is notorious for its production
and exports of textiles and pottery, as well as other manufactured goods, but the market is
very fragmented and the size of individual firms- quite small. There is no proper figure as to
how many firms operate illegally, but an additional concern to policy makers is the possibility
that they will spread throughout Mumbai if Dharavi is to be developed and integrated more,
thus inflating the issue of illegal businesses. Whereas Mumbai has relatively high house
prices, Dharavi’s rents are as cheap as they can get (BBC, 2006). This contributes to the
negative image of the slum, creating a vicious circle of falling rents. This inescapable reality
is a curse to future generations, who cannot benefit even remotely from any equality of
opportunity. The slum was recently popularized by an Oscar winning movie “Slumdog
Millionaire” which depicted the life of children inside the slum and after they leave it. It is
important to have a closer look at the particular images, because tourism expectations are
much more commonly formed by media than empirical data.
4. Slumdog Millionaire
The movie was almost exclusively filmed in Mumbai, with plenty of scenes originating
from Dharavi. Situated near railways, sanitation is all but missing, with the lack of toilets
graphically portrayed. The water sources are used for all common needs without proper
division. Also shown is the low housing construction, along with a hot pursuit through its
narrow alleys, noting of the confined spaces of the slum. There is refuse and garbage
everywhere, while kids are playing around or in it. There is a hint of education, but it very
informal with only one teacher, prone to violence, unprofessionally retelling a story to an
overcrowded room full of pupils. The religious diversity is noted in a violence scene
portraying a clash between Muslims and Hindus, when the slum was “invaded” (no
explanation is given during the film, although it bears resemblance to the Mumbai riots of
1992/1993). An important part of the movie is also the idea of child trafficking and their
subsequent abuse. The main protagonists of the movie are unable to find decent jobs
throughout their adolescence an early 20s, as one ends up being a criminal, while the other is
not qualified for even being a call center worker. There is also a brief scene with Western
tourists, who are depicted as naïve, wealthy and parsimonious.
Serious concerns have been raised over the genuineness of the images. Mitu Sengupta
(2009, 2010) has written several powerful pieces of work trying to uncover the real face of the
Mumbai slums and persuade viewers that the images in the movie are drastically exaggerated.
He argues that Dharavi is a buzzing economic “hub of entrepreneurial activity” (Sengupta,
2009) that doesn’t need the patronizing that it is a subject of in the movie. Moreover
“governing structures and productive social relationships also flourish” (2009) - something we
don’t ever see in the movie. He is also against the use of the term “slumdog”, which portrays
the slum citizens in a derogatory manner. Critical of the notion that only luck can save anyone
raised in a slum, Sengupta’s main thesis is that the unrealistic imaging on Slumdog
Millionaire would ultimately lead to a negative overall effect towards the poor of India due to
a “reinforcement of negative attitudes” (2010) stemming from the movie. He also explores the
aura of western ideologies and merits that has made the movie so popular, arguing that it is
the same actions that the West has employed even during colonial times. Singh (2009) shares
similar views, comparing the movie to a form of “poverty porn”, arguing that exaggerated
poverty is shown in an attempt to gain more acclaims.
5. Gets Holidays Tour Operator
Even though this tour operator was founded in 1987 (Gets Holidays, n.d.) it hasn’t
provided tours to Dharavi until at least 2010 when there used to be only one tour operator
functioning there (Ma, 2010). The webpage itself is shiny, cramped with information, but still
quite user-friendly. The prices are similar to other slum tours, with diminishing pricing
applied to bigger groups of people. Available are 14 different tours just for Mumbai, with one
of them being the slum tour. Another tour that catches the eye is the Bollywood tour, which is
marketed with a picture of the movie “Slumdog Millionaire”, even though the movie is British
and has little to do with the Indian movie Mecca. The slum tour page itself is a description of
the place. Predominantly energetic and optimistic, the tone of the paragraphs hints of a unique
place that one must visit. Emphasis is put on the restlessness of the slum dwellers, with a
careful note that the visit can hardly bother them during their hurried daily routine. In fact the
website doesn’t describe the slum as a helpless poverty ridden area, but rather a happiness
abundant place, that just happens to be missing some of the usual “class, status or riches”
(Gets Holidays, n.d.). Moreover, the website explicitly states that the movie “Slumdog
Millionaire” is ridden with stereotypes that have little to do with the reality inside Dharavi.
Sharply outlined is also the sense of community the place exudes. As an additional marketing,
the website claims that other famous people have visited the slum, noting its worthiness.
Taking pictures isn’t forbidden; on the contrary it is encouraged by a short note about “putting
them on a social networking site”. The pictures they have included on the webpage are either
scenery from the slum or images of the interaction between tourists and dwellers. It is unclear
whether the slum gets any of the revenue, though “gratuities” (could be understood as tips to
the tour guide or donations to the poor) are excluded from the price.
6. Discussion
It is clear that Dharavi’s description is relative to the observer. It is not only impossible to
paint the true picture of Dharavi, but it is also of no purpose. One thing is certain- Dharavi is
a relatively poor area and it will be very difficult to escape the vicious poverty cycle on its
own. A question remains: will donations from slum tours be enough to uplift Dharavi at least
to the level average for Mumbai?
The case study’s author realizes that many contradictory statements were made in the
previous paragraphs. This is due to the attempt to explore the different sides of how a tourism
destination is portrayed by media, businesses and academics. Although the latter deal with
hard data and are impartial when coming with an overall conclusion, the real face of slum
tourism still depends on how the users (the tourists) themselves imagine the place. Tourists’
motives to visit are exclusively formed by their perception of the place, and where it overlaps
with their needs and wants. But the real problem is when tourists are keen on helping
financially, because of their perception that the place is immensely poor.
Once one acknowledges that the real problems in those societies are more deeply rooted
and impossible to alleviate by simple donations, the picture gets clearer. The chronic lack of
education, infrastructure, investment and lawful entities are problems much bigger than the
ostentatious poverty. This is why purely donating money, either personally, or via the tour
operator is simply a way to feel better; to raise one’s own morale about one’s own living
conditions. This is not to say that the poor do not benefit in the short run. However,
significant discrepancies are present and usually the benefits are unequal, unfair or both
(Chok, Macbeth and Warren, 2007). This is exacerbated by the fact that tour operators are
private enterprises, maximizing profit, making high scale donations a marketing trick, rather
than a “concerned help” mechanism.
The urge to help that tourists have towards slum dwellers jeopardizes the highly sought
after authenticity of slums. In the words of MacCannell (1999) it creates a “staged
authenticity” where slum residents are conditioned to do certain activities to “earn” their
reward. This very much resembles Pavlov’s theories of classical conditioning (Pavlov, 1927)
and notes to the class differential between tourists and hosts. Moreover, the intricacy of this
situation is that the tourists themselves do not realize that their visit itself has changed the
experience, creating a clash between reality and theatre. There is no easy way to solve this.
On one side banning on site donations (which would remove the incentive to act unnatural)
would be met with charges of unethical business, while on the other it is quite implausible that
slum inhabitants will act all natural if presented with the opportunity to earn some cash. The
ultimate paradox of slum tourism is therefore the fact that helping impoverished areas is seen
as a mandatory activity concomitant to the tour itself, while its consequences are both
damaging to the experience and insufficient in battling poverty.
What we discover by looking at the very limited data given on the chosen tour operator’s
webpage is that it strives to be different. By trying to portray Dharavi as a flourishing part of
greater Mumbai, it might be exaggerating the picture in the other direction. Instead of poverty,
misery, penury and a deadlock situation, Dharavi is shown as a community of happy, loving
and energetic individuals, with equal possibilities. While it is obvious that great effort has
been made to avoid creating the already mentioned “poverty-porn”, GetsHolidays might have
created an unrealistic picture diametrically contradicting the touristic perceptions created
before reading their website.
7. Conclusion
The main object of this case study is slum tourism, while its main objective is to point out
its uniqueness, relativity and paradoxes. As a tourism activity, the act of observing poor
people’s lifestyle is a new age phenomenon. Nowadays the issues of global poverty,
deprivation and inequality have gained new heights, with the Western World being
bombarded with messages about the disadvantaged Third World. This creates the need to
explore and help those impoverished societies, thus making a niche for slum tours. But unlike
other forms of tourism, it is actually a massive problem if expectations and reality do not
match. Patronizing, dehumanizing, commodifying and prejudicing are just some of the
possible negative outcomes of the rich meets poor scenario, all of which portrayed in a movie
that (possibly exactly because of them) reached the peak of acclaim in the West. But it is also
help that is not helping too. Being the object of endless debates, the action of helping the poor
is either deemed compulsory or frowned upon, though in neither case is it actually solving the
world’s real problems. And it is here that this question shall be asked: “who is slum tourism
really benefiting?”. Is it not just a strive for self-reflection, self-awareness and self-discovery
that urges tourists to forget about all the beautiful places in a futile attempt to help the poor.
Slum tourism was created for tourists, not for the slums. Coming to the inconvenient
conclusion that help is just a shell concealing a long standing rich people’s pleasurable
activity would be quite farfetched, but ignoring the possibility is not an option.
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