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YOUNG MALE SOCIAL MEDIA USAGE AND IT’S IMPACT ON THE ONLINE
INDOCTRINATION PROCESSES OF INVOLUNTARY CELIBATE (INCEL) TERRORISTS
by
Andrew M. Popow
Research Methods
Michael Krantz, Ph.D.
Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the class Research Methods
New Jersey City University
2020
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER Page
I. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………...0
Statement of the Problem…………………………………………………………...0
Purpose of the Research…………………………………………………………….0
Research Question…………………………………………………………………..0
Subsidiary Questions…………………………………………………………………..0
Null Hypothesis………………………………………………………………………..0
Alternative Hypothesis………………………………………………………………...0
Significance of the Study……………………………………………………………....0
Limitations of the Research…………………………………………………………....0
Delimitations of the Research ……………………………………………………0
Definitions……………………………………………………………………………..0
Outline of the Research Study………………………………………………………....0
Summary……………………………………………………………………………….0
II. LITERATURE REVIEW…………………………………………………………………..0
Who Becomes an Incel?…………………………..……………………………….....0
The Intricacies of Extremist Indoctrination on Social Media Platforms ……………..0
Social Media’s Role in Violent Incel Attacks………………………………………....0
Summary……………………………………………………………………………....0
III. METHODOLOGY………………………………………………………………………..0
Overview……………………………………………………………………………....0
Design of the Research………………………………………………………………..0
Survey Design………………………………………………………………………....0
Hypotheses…………………………………………………………………………….0
Summary……………………………………………………………………………....0
IV. RESULTS AND FINDINGS……………………………………………………………....0
Summary……………………………………………………………………………….0
V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS…………………………..0
Summary of the Research……………………………………………………………...0
Recommendations for Future Research………………………………………………..0
APPENDIX A. IRB Approval Letter……………………………………………….0
APPENDIX B. Critical Infrastructure Sectors……….……………………………………….0
APPENDIX C. Survey Instrument…………………………………………………………....0
REFERENCES………………………………………………………………………………....0
Chapter I
Introduction
Since 2014, there have been several high-profile domestic terrorism cases, particularly in
the Western world, with one distinctive commonality. After Elliot Rodger’s 2014 shooting and
stabbing spree which killed and injured multiple innocent civilians in Isla Vista, California there
have been other domestic terrorism attacks that have followed the same blueprint and motives as
Rodger’s attack (Sloan, 2019). Many of the resulting perpetrators that committed similar acts of
domestic terrorism praised Elliot Rodger as a heroic martyr for their common cause before
committing their own acts of violence (Young, 2019). The sole commonality that links and binds
all of the discussed domestic terrorism attacks is that the perpetrators all identified with and were
heavily active in the Incel digital subculture. Incels, which is short for “involuntary celibate”, is a
new group of extremist young, straight men who share a strong misogynistic ideology
surrounding displeasure over their celibacy and general lack of romantic success with women
(Male Supremacy, n.d.). Therefore, they often push rhetoric involving the vilification of women
and sexually active men. This rhetoric has become so important to the Incel community’s
identity that many members deeply involved with the digital community have become so
frustrated that they ultimately see violence as the only viable action left to cope with their
celibacy. The Incel community has only recently entered mainstream awareness due to Elliot
Rodger’s initial attack (Sloan, 2019).
The Internet’s ability to foster anonymous communication between millions of
individuals, connecting like-minded peers, has overhauled the way humans interact with one
another. Social media platforms in particular have been the most mainstream way of connecting
with others online, thus, forming digital subcultures. Subcultures, often deviating from the
dominant culture, are formed in response to a shared set of beliefs not recognized by normative
social understandings (Conley, 2020). Subcultures generally differentiate themselves from the
dominant group “...through the creation of norms, jargon, and patterns of behavior that defy
mainstream cultural expectations” (Conley, 2020). These very items are easily dispersed into the
digital landscape and greatly assist in the indoctrination of fringe sympathizers of extremist
movements like Incels. The long term online interactions that digital indoctrination relies on
simultaneously normalize deviance solely with those who share similar experiences and opinions
(Conley, 2020). This digital indoctrination process remains relatively new and it is safe to
assume that extremist groups will continue to indoctrinate and mobilize via social media
platforms. Similarly, Incels are unique in that they did not form until after the advent of social
media (Young, 2019). Due to the latter aspect, only a baseline academic understanding exists
about Incels. Being that digitally-based extremist groups, like Incels, continue to see user growth
as well as increased frequency of violent attacks in the real-world coupled with the lacking
academic research on them, there is a frighteningly undefined threat to the international
community and civilians around the world (Young, 2019). Looking at those susceptible to Incel
indoctrination tactics, how social media platforms inherent aspects impact its effectiveness in
digital indoctrination, and Incel terrorists like Elliot Rodger and their violent attacks and prior
social media interactions may allow for a greater understanding of how social media
administered indoctrination produces violent domestic terrorists known as Incels.
Statement of the Problem
This study seeks to determine how young male usage of both online forums and well-
known social media platforms contribute to the indoctrination of involuntary celibate (Incel)
terrorists. For this study, Incels will be defined as individuals who are a part of an online
subculture that is unable to find a romantic or sexual partner (Young, 2019). The Incel
movement revolves around a misogynistic ethos where women and sexually active men are
vilified because of a theory in which women only desire to have sexual relations with alpha
males and nothing below the designation. The inability to acquire the attention and compassion
that these young men desire leaves them frustrated. However, as the advent of social media has
affirmed, they are not alone in their struggle(s).
Social media has defined the Incel movement; in essence, without social media, the
congregation and interaction of Incels would have never occurred. Due to the societal reactions
to deviant ideologies and behaviors, such subcultures as the Incel movement would be extremely
difficult to sustain if it were not for the inherent anonymity and physical distance of the internet
and social media platforms (Conley, 2020). Within the last decade, what was once a harmless
and rather dejected corner of cyberspace has mutated into a growing threat. As the Incel
movement matured, it began to correspond with both “men’s rights” and other hate group
websites that altered the very opinions and goals of the members of the movement (Young,
2019). As a result of this fraternizing, the Incel movement has adopted a much more vitriolic
temper that celebrates the realization of violent attacks and mass murder of women and non-Incel
men. The world has begun to take notice of the mutation as Incels have taken to social media to
express their displeasures, detest feminism, write manifestos, etc. before carrying out acts of
violence in public spaces on innocent people. Before intelligence communities can address this
issue, research on how social media contributes to the indoctrination process of these individuals
is necessary.
Purpose of the Research
The purpose of this study is to determine how young male usage of both online forums
and well-known social media platforms contribute to the indoctrination of involuntary celibate
(Incel) terrorists.
Research Question
How does young male usage of both online forums and well-known social media
platforms contribute to the indoctrination of involuntary celibate (Incel) terrorists?”
Subsidiary Questions
Subsidiary Question 1
What is the impact of the general collective personal experiences, grievances, and
physical attributes of Incels as it affects their susceptibility to social media indoctrination?
Subsidiary Question 2
How does the innate nature of social media platforms allow for Incel indoctrination?
Subsidiary Question 3
How does the innate sociological and psychological intricacies of social media platforms
encourage indoctrination?
Subsidiary Question 4
How has social media indoctrination of Incels led members to execute violent attacks on
women and non-Incel men?
Null Hypothesis
The usage of both online forums and well-known social media platforms by young males
has no profound effect on the indoctrination process of Incel terrorists.
Alternative Hypothesis
The usage of both online forums and well-known social media platforms by young males
has a profound effect on the indoctrination process of Incel terrorists.
Significance of the Study
The number of online members of Incel forums and online communities is growing
rapidly. Subsequently, Incel perpetrated violent attacks and mass killings that target women and
non-Incel men are increasing in frequency. The social justice and equality efforts of the 21st
century that fight in favor of women and minorities alike are perceived by Incels as an attack on
their control of society (Taub, 2018). This perceived threat has caused rampant showings of toxic
masculinity and misogyny that can amount to vicious retaliatory acts on innocent bystanders.
There is a feasible correlation of social media as it relates to the recruitment and
radicalization of young straight men who identify with the collective struggles of the movement.
While baseline research discerns the distinct characteristics and experiences that define the Incel
movement and its members, the Incel movement is still infantile as compared to other extremist
groups. Due to the obscurity of the Incel movement, there is very little scholarly research done
on the group. Due to the unknowns surrounding the continued online Incel mobilization, the
safety of the general public is at an incalculably high-risk level until further research is
conducted on the recruitment and radicalization processes.
Limitations of the Research
This study only examined how the disseminated collective ideology and online content of
the Incel community contributes to the socialized indoctrination of an individual. Within the
study’s unyielding focus, it did not survey the unique personal experiences of an Incel or the
personal lives of those Incels who have perpetrated Incel violence (i.e. referenced interviews and
individualized case studies, etc.). Rather, this study identified social media actions that led to
further radicalization and violence; not how an individual’s family history, past social
interactions with women, etc. made them vulnerable to indoctrination. In other words, this study
only focused on examining the collective experiences as it relates to radicalization over the
internet, disregarding the individualized experiences and perspectives of self-professed Incels.
Such an examination of individualized unique experiences that lead to and contribute to young
men becoming an Incel will be relegated to future research.
Delimitations of the Research
This research focused on the community-wide interactive experiences of Incels as it
relates to collective indoctrination. The research avoided examining both the collective and
individual experiences of Incels to subsequently avoid a broad approach to investigating the
intricacies of the Incel indoctrination process. While there are consistent trends and patterns as it
relates to Incels and their collective grievances that define them as such that has been
incorporated, specific investigations into the past experiences of members of the movement are
too circumstantial to investigate. Also, to formulate conclusions on behalf of the entire
community is unethical, no matter how many others experienced similar items. This study
prioritizes the social interactions of the community and how these interactions affect their mental
health and consequently, their susceptibility to radicalization. For this study, the focus will not be
on the highly isolated and internalized hardships of an individual.
Definitions
The following are definitions of key terms used throughout this study:
“Beta Revolution”: also known as the “Beta Uprising”; an Incel-coined term used by
online Incel users to signify the community’s comeuppance where they violently revolt against
the unfair society they live in (Young, 2019).
“Blackpill”: an Incel-coined term identifying the nihilistic attitude and worldview that
reflects the inherent hopelessness of an Incel’s situation (“Online Poll”, 2020).
“Chad”: an Incel-coined term that encapsulates the stereotypical alpha male. Chad
symbolizes the top 10% of all men who are superior to mere beta males (Incels) due to their
innate attractiveness, confidence, sexual prowess, and adoration by women (Young, 2019).
Celibacy: the fact of not having sexual intercourse.
Decile Scale: a scale of measurement from 1 to 10 that is commonly used to rank
appearance (Young, 2019).
Differential Association Theory: asserts that, in the context of indoctrination processes,
individuals learn adverse behavior through interaction with other;. this is especially true when
applied to communicative online interactions (Young, 2019).
Extremist: an individual who holds fanatical views and advocates for or commits extreme
actions in defense or expression of those views.
“Foid”: an Incel-coined term that refers to women in a derogatory manner that implies
they are humanoid and/or subhuman (Conley, 2020).
Gendered Socialization: the process in which children learn the societal behaviors,
attitudes, and expectations that are commonly ascribed to the male and female genders (Male
Supremacy, n.d.).
Group Polarization Theory: asserts social media is the quintessential means to
indoctrinate prospective followers on because like-minded individuals become collectively more
extreme than their individual views in group settings (Patton et al., 2013).
“Hypergamy”: an Incel-coined term identifying the natural inclination of women to
“trade up” when looking for a partner. This is harmful to all men who are not in the top 10% of
physical attractiveness (Young, 2019).
“Incel”: short for “involuntary celibate”; an emerging group of extremist young, straight
men who share a strong misogynistic ideology sourced from their displeasure over being
celibates and their overall general lack of romantic success with women (Male Supremacy, n.d.).
Incel.co: currently the largest independent Incel forum of the English speaking Incel
subculture (Ganesh, 2018).
Indoctrination: the process of teaching a person or group the tenants of a belief system.
Lookism: the discriminatory treatment toward those who are extremely unattractive in
favor of those who are more attractive. Humans attribute aesthetic beauty to health and ability
and the inverse to those who are ugly (Patton et al., 2013).
“Looksmaxxing”: an Incel-coined term for any attempt to refine or improve one’s
appearance.
“Looks money status” (LMS): an Incel concept that suggests to attract women a man
must be attractive, wealthy, and have an impressive reputation. The concept declares the
personality, character, and intelligence of a man are not considered when a woman is looking for
a partner (Young, 2019).
Power Devaluation Theory: asserts that unlike politically progressive social movements,
conservative social movements exist on the basis that they are protecting themselves and their
tenants by exercising their already-existing power onto a perceived threat to their dominance
(Conley, 2020).
“Sexual marketplace value” (SMV): an Incel concept where a quantifiable scale ranging
from 1 to 10 is primarily used to rate the value of a partner’s appearance (Young, 2019).
Outline of the Research Study
Chapter 1 looks at the purpose of the study and develops research questions based on the
review of the literature and available scholarly research. Chapter 2 looks at the available
scholarly research related to the proposed topic. Chapter 3 explains the methodology used to
collect and analyze the data. The research design and instruments used to gather the data are also
explained. Chapter 4 considers whether the hypotheses were supported or not supported, and
analyzes the impact of the findings in Chapter 3. Chapter 5 presents a summary of the research,
conclusions, and recommendations for further research.
Summary
Chapter 1 looked at the purpose of the study and developed research questions based on
the review of the literature and available scholarly research. Chapter 2 will look at the available
scholarly research related to the proposed topic.
Chapter II
Chapter 1 looked at the purpose of the study and developed research questions based on
the review of the literature and available scholarly research. Chapter 2 will look at the available
scholarly research related to the proposed topic.
Literature Review
Being that the Incel movement is a newly recognized and rapidly growing terrorist group,
the early research investigating the movement is certainly not as prominent as one would hope.
Regardless, those pioneering scholars who have published research on Incels have made some
considerable findings. These early findings create the framework of understanding for public and
private citizens in terms of awareness and threat response. Understanding Incel’s operational
tactics and behaviors online are critical to the safeguarding of nations and their citizens.
Examining both Incels as a disruptive collective and social media’s prolific nature and how the
two collide will assist national security communities in preventing the spread, adoption, and
violent attacks of the movement and its ideology.
Who Becomes an Incel?
Incels, or involuntary celibates, are members of an exclusively male misogynistic online
subculture that formed on online platforms in the early 2000s who believe that the rise of
feminism emboldened women to pursue alpha-males while leaving the rest of the male populace
behind as “isolated, suicidal virgins” (Sloan, 2019). Incels let their social failures fuel their
despair and anger as represented through their demonstrated lament toward both women and
sexually active men. They believe that women are required to give men sex and that they have
wrongfully been denied this right (Young, 2019). After all, men of the Western world, even
those who lacked wealth and power, were always afforded special rights and privileges as
opposed to women (Taub, 2018). This has seemingly not changed as men still enjoy birthright
privileges, however, social justice movements are challenging this status quo. Even these
movements, which look to achieve equality, feel like a threat to some men. The sentiment many
Incels unconsciously feel is that they were always in charge and now they are not in charge
anymore meaning that they have been attacked. In other words, when one’s sense of deserved
status is threatened, they will undoubtedly fight for it and retaliate toward the members of the
social group that challenged them (Taub, 2018). Control over women has always been a method
of men showing their status in Western society. The male feeling of loss as gender equality
progresses motivates Incels to fight against these progressive social changes to “restore” male
power via both ideological and violent means.
With a general understanding of the definition and ideology of the Incel movement, one
can now begin to understand who exactly is prone to the indoctrination of their beliefs. To
understand the Incel movement as a functioning collective, it is necessary to understand the
individuals who encompass the collective itself. Particular focus will be placed toward roughly
identifying what the “typical” Incel looks and sounds like given published assessments. By
embarking on the framing of group members, one can observe possible patterns that can be
exploited when trying to identify and or stifle the destructive efforts of an Incel. The Anti
Defamation League (ADL) and its analysis of a community poll administered on one of the
largest incel online forums, “incel.co”, provides detailed insight into the noticeably recurring
demographics that are helping law enforcement and security professionals as a rule of thumb to
standardize the identification of Incels. The administered poll was a 40+ question survey that
attracted 665 respondents (“Online Poll”, 2020). Questions were concerned with demographics,
physical appearance, sex and dating, and emotional wellbeing. While the poll was self-reported
and therefore impossible to state how accurately the responses reflect the Incel community, the
findings offer insight into the individualized demographics, values, experiences, and mental
conditions that have subsequently defined that of the community.
Regarding identifiable demographics, 82 percent of respondents reported being between
the ages of 18 and 30 (“Online Poll”, 2020). Being that Incels did not exist as an established
group before the advent of social media, this age range is unsurprising (Young, 2019). Public
perception has formulated that the Incel community is predominately caucasian due to the
various perpetrators who have committed acts of violence being of the same racial background;
the results confirm this theory. Around 55 percent of respondents identified as white/caucasian
while the remaining 45 percent were equally represented by a large and diverse range of racial
groups (“Online Poll”, 2020). The latter, more diverse representation of Incels further proves that
the community is an international affair; with the majority of respondents residing in Europe
and/or North America.
Concerning physical attributes, Incels place a rather unhealthy premium on physical
attractiveness. Incels believe that their celibacy and inability to find a romantic partner is due to
their physical unattractiveness (“Online Poll”, 2020). Incels commonly state within online posts
that if they simply looked a certain way, they would be successful with women. The previous
thought process is referred to as “lookism” by Incels and it implies that women shallowly select
partners based solely on physical attractiveness and since these men are lacking in that
department they are neglected (Patton et al., 2013). Further, “hypergamy”, an Incel concept
central to the Incel ideology, states that women have a natural inclination to “trade up” when
looking for a partner which increases inceldom (Young, 2019). The Incel community often
exhibit a desire to find a definitive quantifiable reason as to what physical attribute or trait deems
them unattractive. Users on forums consistently attribute their unattractiveness to aspects such as
voice tone, baldness, height, weight, face proportions, and even shoulder width (Young, 2019).
This habitual obsession over the quantification of unquantifiable things such as love and sex has
led the Incel community to conjure unique terminology, acronyms, and scales. For example,
Incels devised the acronym LMS which stands for “looks money status”; a concept that suggests
females are only attracted to looks, money, and status as opposed to personality and intellect
(Young, 2019). Also, SMV is an abbreviation for “sexual marketplace value”; a numerical
valuation meant to measure physical attractiveness on a decile scale (Young, 2019).
Unsurprisingly, the incel.co survey found that more than 60 percent of respondents considered
plastic surgery for aesthetic improvement (Young, 2019). With such perverse self-deprecation in
response to intimacy inadequacy, it is no surprise that such unique concepts arose among the
community and further perpetuated a feeling of inherent inadequacy.
The namesake of the Incel community would imply that the sexual and romantic
experiences of prospective Incels and Incel community members are nonexistent. The incel.co
survey confirms that 84 percent of respondents never had a romantic relationship (“Online Poll”,
2020). With this being said, it should be said that inceldom is not solely based on virginity but
also the cultivation of a romantic relationship and other forms of intimacy. However, virginity
remains the definitive characteristic that Incels share; “...85.4 percent of respondents asserted
that they had never had sex, while 14.6 percent reported that they had” (“Online Poll”, 2020).
The respondents who answered yes to questions involving having shared a kiss with a woman, a
romantic relationship, or having had sex received angry responses on the forum from the
majority of the group; declaring those who have experiences of the intimate realm to be faking
their inceldom. Violent Incels often note in their manifestos or other online activity that their
virginity played a considerable role in their displeasures. Sexual and romantic experiences
account for the very identity of an Incel and many community members believe in a purist
classification of members where those who have fornicated or have had previous successes with
women be ostracized. While Incels crave intimacy and companionship, they often look down on
others who eventually may find success within their community which continues the sustaining
entrapment of Incels in wallowing in their misfortunes. Virginity is not the only factor in
inceldom, but it is undoubtedly the most prevalent commonality amongst prospective members
who are looking for a community of similar individuals.
The mental health questions within the incel.co survey provide a plethora of insight into
the susceptible minds of Incel ideology. As briefly seen within the discussion of physical
appearance, most Incels report profound unhappiness with their lives. In addition, 67.5 percent of
respondents report facing mental disorders such as anxiety and depression and even if they are
not officially diagnosed with a disorder, many respondents reported experiencing considerable
levels of stress and emotional distress on a day to day basis (“Online Poll”, 2020). Such stress
equates to a visible display of pessimism and nihilism within online interactions. The
characteristic nihilistic attitude many Incels have is known as being “blackpilled” which
expresses the “...inherent hopelessness of an Incel’s situation: no matter how hard an Incel tries
to “improve” himself - by looksmaxxing (undergoing plastic surgery) or other extreme tactics --
he will always remain celibate and inferior to other men” (“Online Poll”, 2020). The
looksmaxxing mentioned is one of the only ways Incels think they can remove themselves from
their reality; displaying the unperceptivity of Incels as it relates to socialized cues and norms.
Nearly every respondent recorded that the self-loathing tone of the “blackpill” ideology was
congruent with how they perceived their reality. The discussion of the “blackpill” ideology
equates to the inundation of Incel forums with threads about suicide. The incel.co survey found
that 67.5 percent of respondents considered committing suicide (“Online Poll”, 2020). Incels
share the outlook that they are relegated to a life of displeasure thanks to their celibacy and they
find ending their own life as a justifiable option. Incels generally are found to be in a very sad
and unstable mental state where they view life as a celibate as a grave hindrance that can
sometimes only be remedied by the cessation of their lives.
The indoctrination of Incels is fascinating because the Incel movement does not recruit
per se. The community and its presence merely exist for those who seek to find them and provide
them with a sense of identity. The data, albeit self-reported, provides an excellent picture of who
exactly is seeking out the Incel community and the content they post online. Based on the ADL’s
examination of the incel.co survey, the average Incel is in his 20s, white, and residing and/or
from Europe or North America. The average Incel is a virgin and has never participated in
smaller acts of intimacy like kissing a female. It is due to the Incel’s celibacy that the inherent
mental disorders may be exacerbated and perpetuate self-loathing in regards to their physical
unattractiveness and lack of sexual experience. The average Incel is profoundly unhappy and
depressed to the point of contemplating both plastic surgery and even more so, suicide. The
evidence provided from the survey identifies who exactly is seeking out Incel social media
accounts and forums. Since these specific individuals are looking for such content that they can
relate to and are created by those who look the same and have experienced the same as them, the
indoctrination process is met with little apprehension. Social media is not just the tool in which
the Incel community has utilized for the last twenty years to grow in prominence; it is also a tool
that researchers can utilize to better understand the milieu of the online interactions of the
community and its members.
The Intricacies of Extremist Indoctrination on Social Media Platforms
The effectiveness of online discussion forums and the plethora of social media platforms
involved in the indoctrination of prospective Incels and Incel community members can be
attributed to the accessibility, anonymity, and interconnected nature of social media. Social
media platforms and their very nature eliminate several challenges once experienced by
extremist and reactionary movements. Additionally, there are a variety of social theories and
systems at work to further progress the interactions between Incel users. Men who may have
feelings of anger or loss concerning their celibacy may either seek out or even stumble upon the
extremist ideologies of the Incel community and categorize it as a solution to their problems.
While extremism has always existed, the spread of such unorthodox ideology was contained and
rather localized. Now, extremist users can log on and with a few keystrokes connect with like-
minded individuals from anywhere in the world in an environment that is curated to their
ideologies which eliminates the risk of judgment. Beyond the simple fact that the advent of
social media connects and gathers like-minded people easier, there are much more sociological
intricacies that influence those who identify with and/or are susceptible to Incel ideology that
ensures the maintenance and progression of the Incel movement. By examining the innate
essence of social media platforms and the different socialized intricacies that they employ, one
can begin to understand how the previously mentioned individuals become indoctrinated and
remain entranced in the digitally formed mythos of the Incel culture.
Social media by definition is used by individuals to connect with others on the internet
(Young, 2019). While a majority of the interactions that constitute social networking are positive
and productive, there has been a dark underbelly of the democratizing nature of social media as it
is now being employed by extremist groups like the Incel community. Contemporary digital
reactionary subcultures like Incels, which formed in tandem with the advent of social media, are
utilizing relatively new avenues that social media allows to promote activism and radicalism.
Online forums and other conversational means over social media “...allow members of extremist
organizations to interact with each other, discuss political and other current events, and bond as a
cohort in ways that traditional websites could not accommodate” (Young, 2019). The most
influential aspect of the nature of social media platforms is arguably its anonymity. Research has
found that extremist groups who were composed of users with anonymous profiles, as opposed
to personal accounts, thrived on discussion boards because the subsequent anonymity frees these
defiant individuals from socially conditioned expectations of behavior, which is evidenced by
their excessive hostility and inappropriate behavior (Patton et al., 2013). Further, the isolationism
of many reactionary movements from mainstream culture is a large factor within the anonymous
nature of social media that contributes to the indoctrination of Incels. Research has found that
social media functions as an “echo chamber” for extremists because users can choose the content
in which they encounter which isolates them from differing opinions (Young, 2019). The denial
of adverse opinions only amplifies the radical views being adopted by the user. Consequently,
the denial of outside content skews extremist users’ realities in a way that offensive speech and
ideas of violence are no longer taboo but are viewed as valid (Young, 2019). Ultimately, the
curation abilities afforded to users of social media platforms allow for individuals to feel as
though the subculture(s) they subscribe to are much bigger and influential than they really are
which motivates individuals to have a deeper level of investment in the community. Also, the
perceived normative threats to online extremists are both the general public and also legislative
figures. Regardless of the general public's codified assessments of what is socially acceptable,
the prevention of obstructive normative viewpoints increases the capacity in which individuals
are willing to partake in negatively deviant acts, such as hate speech and violence, if they witness
others participating in a similar manner (Conley, 2020). Incel posts on social media exhibit their
collective embrace of non-traditional values and they even associate conservatism and political
correctness as beta-type behavior associated with liberalism and feminism (Young, 2019).
Concerning legislation, while the Incel movement and other extremist presences online
have accounted for violent attacks and cultural impacts in the real-world, the jurisdictional issues
of legality and efficacy on social media are marred by its worldwide accessibility; this bodes
well for Incels. Even with “...multiple governments and online platforms implementing
campaigns attempting to combat online hate speech”, Incels are rather unconcerned because of
stalled progress on a consensus on what constitutes as “free speech” online and what can and
cannot be censored (Young, 2019). Hypothetically, if a platform were to approve censorship
rules regarding online hate groups, which extremist communities like Incels would most likely
fall under them, these groups would simply migrate “...from one host that might shut a site down
to one with completely different community guidelines or terms of service (Ganesh, 2018).
Attempts to condemn and censor certain online reactionary movements and their cultures as
perpetuating hate speech only reaffirms to Incels that their ideology is “a truth that is being
suppressed by power” (Ganesh, 2018). It is for the evasive actions that the internet affords
modern reactionary movements, like Incels, that they have been able to abuse these platforms to
spread propaganda and recruit new members with little fear of sanctions (Conley, 2020). The
anonymous nature of social media platforms allows Incels to recruit and indoctrinate in a manner
that denies normative opinions perpetuated by society and the uninterrupted stream of
ideological content, in disregard to law-makers, to be consumed by the recruit.
The indoctrination process of prospective terrorists over social media is very similar to
the indoctrination process of Incels over social media due to the shared occurrence of a social
theory called “friend of a friend influence”. A friend of a friend can be defined as “...an
individual that has a friendly relationship with the friend of a person, but that person has no
direct relationship to that individual” (Waskiewicz, 2012). In the context of online indoctrination
and its socialized intricacies, friend of a friend influence provides the possibility for any of the
relative people involved in the friendship network to exert some semblance of influence directed
to the others using the common friend as an intermediary (Waskiewicz, 2012). The intermediary
connections allow for ideology, behavior, and feelings to be spread through the fabric of social
media platforms. If this permeation is strong enough between the individuals, the social theory
states that there is a high probability direct connections will be formed by the individuals who
share a common friend (Waskiewicz, 2012). The formation of new friendships over social media
allows for continued and more intense sharing of information to further entrench a prospective
member in a group's ideology. This is the very social phenomenon many terrorist organizations
look to exploit. Terrorist organizations normally plan to exploit this social phenomenon in a
series of steps. First, page administrators will befriend undecided sympathizers and begin
pedaling anti-Western sentiment; initiating the information flow between terrorist leaders and the
sympathizer that is seen within friend of a friend influence (Waskiewicz, 2012). Second, the flow
of information between the intermediary channels will intensify in scope, detail, and frequency
until the sympathizer becomes vested in the cause and subsequently radicalized (Waskiewicz,
2012). The third and final step sees the vetted sympathizer gain access to restricted forums and
web pages within the group’s online presence; a sort of reward for their acceptance of ideology
(Waskiewicz, 2012). The latter step symbolizes the acceptance of the sympathizer as one of
them; the marked point in which the sympathizer forms relationships with other members of the
organization besides the intermediary who made introductory contact. This same social
phenomenon is employed by the Incel community in a nearly identical manner. The only
difference is that the Incel “leadership” structure is not concerned with the recruitment and
membership numbers of its community. The friend of a friend phenomenon happens more
organically than the directed efforts of terrorist organizations. The indirect connections that
prospective Incels make early on in the indoctrination process prove to spread influence and
propaganda through unsuspecting intermediary individuals already indoctrinated. The process
will continue to repeat; a long strand of friend of a friend connections on discussion forum that
play to the lack of personal identity and purpose many Incels hold as a result of their celibacy.
Many other sociological theories can be applied to social media interactions, but in the
context of extremist online subcultures the group polarization theory, differential association
theory, and power devaluation theory all coincide and work toward accelerated and intense
indoctrination. The aforementioned theories are unique to extremist governed social media
platforms and discussion forums as opposed to friend of a friend influence which is a more
generalized phenomenon of social media regardless of the presence of radicalized users. In
regards to group polarization theory, the theory implicates that social media is the quintessential
means to indoctrinate a prospective follower because “...like-minded individuals may become
collectively more extreme than their individual views in group settings” (Patton et al., 2013). In
the context of extremist users, the online setting of social media interactions allows for a larger
cohort to gather and assemble and prospective followers derive understanding, expectations, etc.
from those “around” them. This herd mentality partially accounts for the absence of consequence
when expressing extremist opinions whilst online as there is reassurance what is published will
be understood as consensus. Now, in regards to differential association theory, the theory asserts
that “...individuals learn criminal behavior through interaction with others”, especially as applied
to communicative online interactions (Young, 2019). In the context of extremist users, these
cohorts of radical thought represent a self-assuring online symposium, where the more users
interact with ideological content, they are driven further away from those who disagree with the
collective opinions and beliefs and closer, and even exclusively, to those who do (Young, 2019).
This theory implies that indoctrination is furthered because social media’s innate capabilities
allow for the prospective followers to be exposed to terminology, methodology,
attitudes/opinions, etc. that ascribe meaning to their outlook and lives (Sloan, 2019). Lastly, in
regards to power devaluation theory, it asserts that unlike politically progressive social
movements, conservative social movements exist on the basis that they are protecting themselves
and their tenants by exercising their already-existing power onto a perceived threat to their
dominance (Conley, 2020). Many social justice campaigns are seen as threatening to the power
held by certain groups, such as men, in cultural and economic hierarchical structures. In the
context of extremist users, their perceived threats of minority progression are repurposed within
the conveyance and dissemination of “grievances” that further unite members as they band closer
together against a common enemy (Conley, 2020). When individuals interact with content that
declares they are experiencing an attack on their lives, they will further perpetuate indoctrination
by seeking those to “fight” alongside. For Incels, the enemy is women and their feministic
endeavors. Similar to other online extremist movements, Incels alter the narrative in a way that
frames them as victims as a result of feminism’s disregard for male contribution and authority in
the world. Gendered socialization often affects personal perspective regarding blame; it is no
surprise that Incel men ascribe their shortcomings to women because they “...are seemingly
taught to ascribe their shortcomings to external factors…” instead of “...examining themselves
and trying to become more desirable as partners” (Sloan, 2019). By allocating male “loss” of
power to their innate celibacy, they use celibacy as a scapegoat to justify their vilification of
power-hungry women. The indoctrination of individuals on this basis accounts for the greater
mobilization of Incels with the creation of “...an internal mythos that argues for the necessity of a
reactionary movement for the survival of the in-group” (Conley, 2020).
The extremist indoctrination process over social media platforms is in many ways more
effective than the recruitment and radicalization tactics before the advent of the internet. Social
networking sites have ultimately rendered challenges of gathering like-minded individuals and
dispersing critical ideological information null and void. Social media platforms allow for the
anonymity of users coupled with the specificity of their content and such a mixture allows for the
isolationism that produces faith in ideology and mission. Anonymity and transience of online
user presence make it easy for online extremists like Incels to evade the criticisms of societal
norms as well as the administrative and legislative power(s) of both platforms and nations alike.
All of the sociological theories, from friend of a friend influence to power devaluation theory,
look to account for the main intricacies that ensure the effectiveness of social media
indoctrination of extremist individuals. The simultaneous collaboration of the mentioned
sociological theories and the school of other theories not mentioned ensure a high success rate in
indoctrinating potential followers. In the case of Incels, they do not actively seek recruitment
making it imperative that the means with which they congregate and communicate is naturally a
medium that can inherently radicalize those who stumble upon or seek out like-minded
experiences and beliefs.
Social Media’s Role in Violent Incel Attacks
As previously mentioned, the role that the online indoctrination process plays in Incel
conduct is amplified by the very social intricacies of social networking sites, but what of the
actual resulting scenarios where Incels have been radicalized to the point of committing violent
crimes on innocent people? The content that is disseminated between Incels on discussion forum
platforms like Reddit, 4Chan, and Tumblr is rife with condoning rape, assault, and even murder
(“Online Forum”, 2018). The encouragement of such threatening actions onto women and non-
Incel men is supported by the previously mentioned anonymity of social media in collaboration
with the unique jargon and content produced by Incels that further integrate and polarize
members within the indoctrination process of the community (“Male Supremacy”, n.d.). Incel
posts usually manifest within expletive-filled rants (“Online Forum”, 2018). To convey the
hostilities that permeate Incel’s social media posts; one Incel forum user details his vehement
hatred for pregnant women on the basis that a woman carrying another man's child is blatantly
advertising what he and other Incels fail to acquire (“Online Forum”, 2018). They continue to
say that “all pregnant women deserve to fall down a flight of stairs and lose their baby, even then
their pain wouldn't come close to our pain” (“Online Forum”, 2018). In-depth research into Incel
social media posts has yielded innumerable examples of retributive posts like the formerly
mentioned that encourage exacting violence upon those who do not experience life the same as
Incels or those that are perceived to play a part in Incel grievances. To understand how social
media ultimately played a part in specific instances of Incel violence, an examination of the
social media posts and activity that preceded these violent attacks is necessary. Examining the
Incel depiction of women, their expression of common internal and external grievances, and their
coping and mobilization mechanisms on social media provide a more holistic view in which to
examine real-world instances of Incel violence. Well-known and publicized instances of Incel
violence that will be examined in conjunction with these aspects include that of Elliot Rodger,
Chris Harper-Mercer, and Alex Minassian. Not only should their social media interactions be
examined before their respective attacks but their resulting legacies within the Incel community
should be examined to understand why and how these instances of Incel violence continue as a
product of the “opportunity for fame” where Incels accept that “...individuals who commit hate
crimes can expect to gain widespread acclaim from sympathetic strangers who live far from the
locations of the crimes”, further supporting the role of distance and anonymity and how they
forever define social media’s inherent nature (Young, 2019).
Incel framing of women, common grievances, and coping mechanisms ultimately
coincide to encourage Incel violence in and of itself by dehumanizing an “enemy”, identifying
the many things that that enemy has done to warrant retaliation, and how certain coping
mechanisms can be exhausted to the point of mobilization respectively. First, Incel social media
posts provide Incels with a way to frame their enemies. Within the Incel framing of women,
users more often than not will refrain from using the word “woman” to describe one and instead
use a unique derogatory term called “foid”. The word “foid” is derived from the word “femoid”,
which is a combination of the words “female humanoid organism” (Conley, 2020). One
particular post saw a user refer to women as “stupid entitled holes”; a “hole” being another term
used by Incels to refer to and degrade women as merely sexual objects, which innately
encourages the perpetration of (sexual) violence on women (Conley, 2020). The dehumanization
that is directed toward women invalidates their existence as lesser than men because women are
“less than” human. Dehumanizing a person or group of people has been proven to make them
easier to hurt or kill as seen within countless genocides and civil wars throughout history.
Now that the adversary has been reduced to an invaluable existence, Incel’s social media
posts now begin to justify why murdering women is imperative beyond the simple fact that their
existence is futile. In other words, by attributing their common grievances onto women, they can
justify that not only are women collectively unworthy of life but that they are a threatening
species that compromise the fundamental rights afforded to Incels as men. External grievances
that Incels often discuss in posts before committing violent acts mainly concern how Incel’s
internal grievances regarding their collective social and sexual shortcomings are the product of
biological predetermination. In other words, Incels believe that “...women naturally prefer the
physical traits of other men and therefore no matter what Incels do or say they are doomed to
never live up to masculine sexual ideals” and that their lack of sexual success is far removed
from their problematic conduct toward women and can instead be attributed to cruel natural
processes (Conley, 2020). This common external grievance accounts for Incel’s justification of
violence against women, however, there is a separate external grievance to justify violence
against non-Incel men. The examination of Incel social media posts uncovered a nihilistic
sentiment embodied within the Incel term “Chad”. “Chad” is an Incel term that accounts for the
attractive men who are sexually successful due to their innate physical beauty (Conley, 2020).
Non-Incel men, or “Chads”, should be targeted by Incel violence because they further stratify
Incel men from sexual success with their accumulation of women. “Chads” prove that only
physical appearance matters within sexuality and personality is not a means with which Incels
can escape their internal grievances so why should they try to improve themselves (Conley,
2020)?
In terms of coping mechanisms and mobilization, the perceived futility of improving
oneself propels stagnatory behavior that will promote retributive feelings toward these two
peoples. Within Incel social media posts, fellow members often discuss what coping mechanisms
they use to deal with their grievances and also recommend mechanisms to others. Some short
term-ways in which Incels look to cope with their grievances include the consumption of copious
amounts of food, playing video games for extended periods, watching hours of porn, and having
surgery done in an attempt to “looksmaxx” (Conley, 2020). While the previously mentioned
examples of coping mechanisms are all commonly used by Incels, it does not suffice the needs of
every member. The stagnancy that results in the lives of those who take part in such coping
mechanisms has been proven to make those irritated with their prolonged failures and look
toward the most extreme and dangerous coping mechanism; promoting the sharing of their
suffering with innocent non-Incel individuals (Conley, 2020). Incels often reach a point where
they advocate for the mass failure of those who have never known their struggle; “the movement
would rather have many other individuals share their psychological pain over their lack of sex
rather than attempt to change the conditions of the social world to allow them to have sex with
others” (Conley, 2020). This systemic phenomenon in tandem with social media’s innate
production of the “lone wolf” mentality accounts for heavily publicized instances of violent
attacks perpetrated by Incels.
Incels first entered mainstream consciousness in 2014 due to violence perpetrated by a
community member named Elliot Rodger. On May 23rd, 2014, Rodger murdered six people and
injured fourteen others before killing himself in a shooting and stabbing spree in Isla Vista,
California (Sloan, 2019). Rodger’s indoctrination into the Incel community and subsequent
reliance on social media platforms mirror the Incel experience for a majority of community
members. Prior to the attacks, Rodger regularly posted YouTube videos that expressed
displeasure regarding his virginity and seeing happy couples (Young, 2019). Rodger was also
found very active on a typical hate forum called “PUAhate” which Rodger at one point said
“...confirmed many of the theories I had about how wicked and degenerate women really are”,
proving albeit in an isolated manner that online hate forums and social media encourage users to
act on retributive feelings and views (Young, 2019). Rodger’s social media usage ended merely
moments before he initiated the attack. Right before the attack, it is said that Roger uploaded a
video entitled “Elliot Rodger’s Retribution” to YouTube and emailed his manifesto entitled “My
Twisted World” to his parents (Young, 2019). These final posts outline Rodger’s plan for a “day
of retribution” where he states “I will torture some of the good-looking people before I kill them,
assuming that the good-looking ones had the best sex lives. All of that pleasure they had in life, I
will punish by bringing them pain and suffering (Rodger, 2014). Rodger’s actions left a profound
influence on the Incel community. Rodger’s catalog of posts on discussion forums served as a
way for other Incels to honor Rodger’s “legacy” and idolize him as “the Supreme Gentleman”
(“Online Forum”, 2018). Incels, years after Rodger’s massacre, use his pictures as their avatar,
post memes referencing him, and herald the violent act he committed as a victory for the
community (Young, 2019). While many of these posts do not purposefully insight actual
violence, it is important to note how some of the prospective and sympathetic characters that
seek out Incel content online may be susceptible to misconstrue such idolization material. With
that in mind, there have been countless violent attacks inspired by and modeled after Rodger’s
inaugural assault on non-Incel peoples.
In 2015, a student at Umpqua Community College in Rosenberg, Oregon and self-
proclaimed Incel named Chris Harper-Mercer killed nine other students and injured nine before
killing himself (Young, 2019). Adhering to Rodger’s formula, Harper-Mercer also wrote a
manifesto detailing his internalized grievances surrounding his lack of romantic and sexual
success. Within his manifesto, Harper-Mercer attributes people like Elliot Rodgers to be “elite”
and those who “stand with the gods”, notions perpetuated by the Incel indoctrination process via
the promise of notoriety and noble martyrdom if one can successfully transfer their suffering
onto women and non-Incel men (Young, 2019). In regards to Harper-Mercer’s digital activities
before his attack, it was found within “...a blog post discussing Vester Flanagan, who filmed
himself murdering two people and uploaded the video to social media earlier in 2015…” that
Harper-Mercer commented, “seems the more people you kill, the more you're in the limelight”
(Young, 2019). Harper-Mercer had already accepted retaliatory violence as a coping mechanism.
Coincidentally, the night before Harper-Mercer initiated the attack on his fellow students, a user
on Incel frequented 4chan “warned users not to go to school the next day if they live in the
northwest” (Young, 2019). Many users in response asked if the “beta revolution”, a term used to
signify Incel comeuppance, had begun whilst others wished the attacker luck and provided tips
on how to conduct a mass shooting (Young, 2019). It is believed that the anonymous user who
posted the warning was indeed Harper-Mercer. If Elliot Rodgers was the pioneer of Incel
violence, Harper-Mercer was its main disciple. This is because, since Harper-Mercer’s attack, the
Incel community has designated his attack as the actualization of a common meme within the
incelsphere known as the “beta uprising” which advocates for “beta” males to violently rise
against an unfair society (Young, 2019). Harper-Mercer’s legacy is predicated on his posting of
the beta uprising meme in his warning post before the attack.
The instances of Incels perpetrating violence on innocent people began largely in part
because of Elliot Rodger and persist today because of his legacy. While we have seen how
Rodgers ultimately influenced copycat attacks like that of Harper-Mercer, we continue to see
Incels reference Rodger as recent as 2018, when Incel Alex Minassian indicated in a post that
Rodger’s manifesto ideologies motivated him to carry out retributive violence; he drove a van
into a crowd of pedestrians that killed ten people and injured fourteen in Toronto (Young, 2019).
Even non-Incels, like Nikolas Cruz, the student who murdered classmates at Stoneman Douglass
High School in Parkland, Florida in 2018, have posted about their idolization of Elliot Rodger
(Young, 2019). As with all of these copycat attacks, now those followers find themselves
immortalized on Incel discussion boards, even Cruz (Young, 2019). Regarding Elliot Rodger, it
took but one Incel to change the perception of how to handle grievances common in inceldom; to
disregard coping mechanisms marked by a high degree of self-loathing and immobility. The
examination into the cultural elements and discourse within the Incel community (i.e. framing of
women, core grievances, and coping/mobilization mechanisms) has proven that social media
does not only help indoctrinate but it helps perpetuate the acceptance of violence; a deadly
combination as shown through the examples of Rodger, Harper-Mercer, and Minassian. The
disturbing commonality between all of these different violent attacks is that the perpetrators all
used social media frequently until moments before killing innocent people. It all comes full
circle for Incels; their online indoctrination not only helps them find a sense of purpose but also
encourages them to retaliate to “get even” with those who have made them suffer for so long. It
is important to gain perspective into how the indoctrination process and the resulting
accumulation of retributive attitudes within Incels toward non-Incel peoples fester within most
Incel members; one user declaring that they will never condemn violence because if women and
non-Incel men experience suffering akin to their own “...they can no longer ignore and ridicule
us, they will fear us instead” (Taub, 2019). The indoctrination process and following interactions
are structured in a way to condition the exaltation of Incel perpetrated violence to be a never-
ending cycle with the promise of communal fame; being remembered as a “god” among beta
males for doing what many could never do.
Summary
Chapter 2 looked at the available scholarly research related to the proposed topic. Chapter
3 will explain the methodology used to collect and analyze the data. The research design and
instruments used to gather the data will also be explained.
Chapter III
Chapter 2 looked at the available scholarly research related to the proposed topic. Chapter
3 will explain the methodology used to collect and analyze the data. The research design and
instruments used to gather the data will also be explained.
Methodology
Overview
The purpose of this study was to determine the effect of young male usage of both online
forums and well-known social media platforms on the indoctrination of involuntary celibate
(Incel) terrorists. In this study, the researcher would be conducting a qualitative research method;
and would be using a combination of ethnographic observation of members of the Incel
community and content analysis of relevant source material from community frequented social
media sites to gather data on how young male usage of well-known social media platforms
impact the indoctrination of Incels.
Design of the Research
This study would look at whether or not there is a correlation between young male usage
of both online forums and well-known social media platforms and the indoctrination of Incel
terrorists. In this study, the sample needed for ethnographic observation would be representative
of the large, geographically dispersed, and anonymous user-base that constitutes the Incel
community. The sample would be compiled by randomly selecting active users from several
online forums and social media platforms equating to a considerably large sample size with
(presumably) diverse demographics. Regarding gathering relevant source material for content
analysis purposes, the posts that are found within the ethnographic observation of the Incel
community will subsequently yield the necessary multimedia content.
Research Model
Response
Survey Design
In this study, the researcher would try to derive meaning from group behavior on social
media platforms, therefore making this research a digitally-based observational study. The
researcher would observe Incels on these platforms to identify the group’s indoctrination
intricacies embedded in significant phenomena and structural details. The researcher would
simultaneously be attempting to derive meaning from examples/evidence of online indoctrination
from Incel content that is posted, therefore also making this research focused on content
collection and analysis. Through the researcher’s observations, they would encounter a milieu of
text, audio, video, etc. content produced by Incels. With this, the researcher would try to explain
the impact of young male usage of both online forums and well-known social media platforms
on the indoctrination of involuntary celibate (Incel) terrorists. In doing so, anonymous
observation and subsequent content analysis will be conducted once the researcher has been
accepted into the diverse sample population of individuals active Incel users spanning several
social media platforms.
Hypotheses
Hypothesis 1: There is an impact of the general collective personal experiences, grievances, and
physical attributes of Incels on their susceptibility to social media indoctrination.
Hypothesis 2: There is an impact of the innate nature of social media platforms in promoting and
allowing for Incel indoctrination.
Hypothesis 3: There is an impact of the innate sociological and psychological intricacies of
social media platforms encouraging indoctrination.
Hypothesis 4: There is an impact of social media indoctrination of Incels on motivating members
to execute violent attacks on women and non-Incel men.
Summary
Chapter 3 explained the methodology used to collect and analyze the data. The research
design and instruments used to gather the data were also explained. Chapter 4 will consider
whether the hypotheses offered were supported or not supported, and analyzes the impact of the
findings in Chapter 3.
Chapter IV
Chapter 3 explained the methodology used to collect and analyze the data. The research
design and instruments used to gather the data were also explained. Chapter 4 will consider
whether the hypotheses offered were supported or not supported, and analyzes the impact of the
findings in Chapter 3.
Results and Findings
This study sought to determine the effect of young male usage of both online forums and
well-known social media platforms on the indoctrination of involuntary celibate (Incel) terrorists.
This chapter presents the qualitative data collected for this study to determine how young male
usage of both online forums and well-known social media platforms impacts the indoctrination
process of Incel terrorists. This chapter would begin with a presentation of the collective
behavioral data found within the administered observational period followed by representative
findings from Incel content procured during the same timeframe from community member posts.
This is followed by the results of testing the hypotheses. This study prioritized examining
multiple variables that are proven within the relevant literature to account for online extremist
indoctrination whilst conducting the study including organizational structure and hierarchy,
fundamental ideology, unique jargon, shared grievances, attitudes toward perceived threats and
adversaries, etc. that constitute the culture of a group like Incels.
Response Rate
Demographic Characteristics
Data Analysis
Trustor’s propensity to trust.
Interorganizational trust.
Trust beliefs: institutional factors.
Statement 1.
Reliability and Validity
Reliability.
Validity.
This section is for future reference, not this paper.
Summary
Chapter 4 considered whether the hypotheses were supported or not supported, and
analyzed the impact of the findings in Chapter 3. Chapter 5 presents a brief summary of the
research, conclusions, and recommendations for further research.
CHAPTER V
Chapter 4 considered whether the hypotheses were supported or not supported, and
analyzed the impact of the findings in Chapter 3. Chapter 5 presents a brief summary of the
research, conclusions, and recommendations for further research.
Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations
Summary of the Research
Chapter 1 looked at the purpose of the study and developed research questions based on
the review of the literature and available scholarly research. Chapter 2 looked at the available
scholarly research related to the proposed topic. Chapter 3 explained the methodology used to
collect and analyze the data. The research design and instruments used to gather the data were
also explained. Chapter 4 considered whether the hypotheses were supported or not supported,
and analyzed the impact of the findings in Chapter 3. Chapter 5 presents a summary of the
research, conclusions, and recommendations for further research.
The purpose of this research was to determine how young male usage of both online
forums and well-known social media platforms contribute to the indoctrination of involuntary
celibate (Incel) terrorists. The research design examined readily available scholarly research that
formulated the problem statement and the resulting research question. The conducted study
gathered qualitative data that aimed at answering the research question through a combination of
ethnographic observation of members of the Incel community and resulting content analysis of
relevant source material encountered by the researcher within the time spent on community
frequented social media sites. The resulting findings have great implications for not only the
topical mission at hand but future research efforts revolving around online indoctrination
processes, online extremist groups, and Incel terrorist violence.
Conclusions
Recommendations for Future Research
It would be compelling for a study to examine the unique personal experiences of a self-
professed Incel or the personal lives of those Incels who have perpetrated Incel violence rather
than the collective ideology and online content of the Incel community. Further, the examination
of an individual’s family history, educational experiences, past social interactions with women,
etc. and how these aspects made them vulnerable to indoctrination could provide a new
qualitative approach to further research. Also, an unorthodox qualitative assessment prime for
future research is to conduct in-person interviews and analyses on an Incel or a group of Incels. It
would be fascinating to examine the physical and tangible state of Incels as they coexist with the
online presence that further radicalizes them; witnessing the physical toll of perhaps obsessive
tendencies that surround online indoctrination. The latter would prove difficult considering
Incels are based on the internet, hard to locate, and are understood to be rather unsociable.
Another contender for future research would be a look into how other sources of mass media,
other than social media platforms, proliferate beta/alpha dynamics, and other Incel experiences.
For instance, do news articles, films, etc. factor into not only Incel ideological formations but
also the indoctrination process away from social media (whilst still accessible online)?
Conversely, a quantitative approach that looks to more officially tackle the statistical collection
issue of online indoctrination, due to online anonymity, would be welcome. For instance,
geographical location indicates a large majority of Incel violent incidents occur in North
America. A thorough investigation into the quantitative data surrounding Incel violence in
respect to geographical orientation would greatly corroborate the factual validity and the scope at
which Incels operate and why some Incels may commit violent actions as opposed to those in
other locations.
Policy.
Practice.
Appendix A
IRB Approval Letter
Appendix B
Critical Infrastructure Sectors
Appendix C
Survey Instrument
References
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