Evaluating the Effects of Stress and Fatigue on Police Officer Response and Recall:

Journal of Applied Research in Memory and Cognition 5 (2016) 239–245

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Journal of Applied Research in Memory and Cognition

j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : w w w . e l s e v i e r . c o m / l o c a t e / j a r m a c

Evaluating the Effects of Stress and Fatigue on Police Officer Response and Recall: A Challenge for Research, Training, Practice

and Policy�

Lorraine Hope ∗

University of Portsmouth, United Kingdom

Armed police officers frequently respond to evolving, dynamic, and potentially dangerous incidents. Given the challenging and often controversial nature of this response context, understanding the impact of officer stress and fatigue on performance in incidents involving use of force is important for trainers, investigators, legal professionals, and policy-makers. The psychological literature on human performance is broadly informative with respect to the potential effects of stress and fatigue on response performance (e.g., shooting accuracy) and the reliability of accounts provided by officers. Unsurprisingly, stress and fatigue typically impair performance, although further research is needed to (i) delineate the precise nature of the effects of stress and fatigue on response performance and memory, and (ii) explore relevant contextual and boundary conditions. This article considers what current research can contribute to training and practice in use of force contexts, and outlines key methodological challenges for

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Keywords: Memory, Stress, Police, Law enforcement, E

Police officers frequently respond to evolving, dynamic, and otentially dangerous incidents. Unlike bystanders, these “oper- tional witnesses” are variously required to act to preserve life, rotect members of the public, and neutralise violence. Ulti- ately, an officer’s role is to take effective and efficient action

o intervene, de-escalate, and resolve such incidents. An officer’s esponse in such circumstances depends not only on their oper- tional mandate but also on a variety of contextual factors at the evel of the individual (e.g., level of stress or anxiety, perceived isk, previous experience, fatigue, training), and at the level of he incident (e.g., presence of weapons, number of perpetrators, ocation, availability of back-up). Following an incident, offi- ers are typically required to describe and justify their response nd, like any witness, provide information about their own and thers’ actions. The manner in which such accounts are elicited, nd the scrutiny under which legal professionals, the public, edia, and professional standards agencies place them, varies

ignificantly across jurisdictions. This article explores the effects of two contextual or “esti-

ator” factors on officer performance in operational-response

Author Note � Please note that this paper was handled by the current editorial team of ARMAC. L

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tness, Fatigue

ontexts involving use of force. Given the challenging and often ontroversial nature of this response context, understanding the otential impact of officer stress and fatigue on performance n incidents involving use of force is important for trainers, nvestigators, legal professionals, and policy-makers. The psy- hological literature on human performance can provide insights bout two important aspects of this context: first, the nature of he response, and second, the reliability of accounts provided by fficers.

Focusing on stress and fatigue, this article briefly examines i) the extent to which psychological research in these domains s ready to inform practice, training, and policy; and (ii) method- logical challenges facing researchers attempting to inform ractice and policy in this domain.

Effects of Stress and Fatigue on Operational Response

∗ Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to orraine Hope, University of Portsmouth, United Kingdom. Contact:

[email protected]

Armed police officers responding in unpredictable, danger- us, high-risk environments produce physiological responses hat are consistent with elevated stress levels (Armstrong, Clare,

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EFFECTS OF STRESS AND FAT

Plecas, 2014; Meyerhoff et al., 2004). Performing well under tressful, high-pressured circumstances is challenging, and ecrements in performance in such settings are well documented cross the wider applied literature (e.g., Hancock & Szalma, 008). Broadly, stress or negative arousal is thought to increase ognitive load and impair cognitive and perceptual-motor per- ormance on capacity-demanding tasks. This impairment also ccurs in police use-of-force contexts. Despite the fact that fficers achieve shooting accuracy rates of over 90% in static hooting tests, the average shooting accuracy for real-life inci- ents is between 15 and 50% (e.g., Morrison & Vila, 1998). esearch using police samples and realistic shooting exer- ises involving an element of threat has documented negative ffects of anxiety on police shooting performance includ- ng a reduction in goal-directed attention, increased speed of hooting an approaching suspect, and reduced shooting accu- acy (e.g., Nieuwenhuys, Canal-Bruland, & Oudejans, 2012; ieuwenhuys & Oudejans, 2010; Nieuwenhuys, Savelsbergh,

Oudejans, 2012; for overview see Nieuwenhuys & Oudejans, 012).

Fatigue as a result of either a short-term stressor (e.g., chas- ng a fleeing suspect on foot) or a longer-term behaviour pattern e.g., shiftwork) can also impair performance. Exercise-induced atigue following dynamic action (i.e., heavy exertion) nega- ively affects shooting accuracy (Vickers & Williams, 2007) and lters behavioural choices in a shooting context (e.g., decisions o stop running earlier and shoot from a greater distance to the arget; Nibbeling, Oudejans, Canal Bruland, van der Wurff, & aanen, 2013; Nibbeling, Oudejans, Ubink, & Daanen, 2014).

n a similar vein, fatigue as a result of sleep disruption has een shown to impair professional performance across a range f time-critical, high pressured, decision-making occupations n aviation (Caldwell, 2012), healthcare (Lockley et al., 2004) nd military (Miller, Matsangas, & Shattuck, 2007) settings. n policing contexts, where extended shifts and shiftwork are ormal features of the work routine, it is unsurprising that urveys of police officers indicate that sub-optimal sleep is asso- iated with increased self-reported error and safety violations Rajaratnam et al., 2011; Vila, Kenney, Morrison, & Reuland, 000).

That stress and fatigue might negatively affect officer perfor- ance in a response context is not a controversial assertion given

bservations in the wider applied human performance literature. ess well understood, however, are (i) the specific nature of per-

ormance decrements (e.g., likelihood of differential effects on hooting accuracy versus effects on decision-making accuracy), nd (ii) the psychological factors underpinning impaired perfor- ance across different operational contexts. Further research is

lso needed to disentangle the combined effects of stress and atigue on police use-of-force performance.

It is also worth bearing in mind that, to date, there is little vidence that officers are less susceptible to the effects of stress han other citizens. Recent research suggests that interventions

o reduce officer stress response as part of a resilience training rogramme may be effective (see Andersen et al., 2015; McCraty

Atkinson, 2012) but further work is necessary to empirically stablish the efficacy of such interventions.

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Effects of Stress and Fatigue on the Reliability of the Accounts Provided by Officers

Officer accounts about use of force incidents can form a cru- ial part of subsequent investigations and court proceedings. owever, scepticism over these accounts is well documented

nd generally highlights concerns relating to the potential for olice collusion or corruption (Heaton-Armstrong & Wolchover, 009). Although the deliberate fabrication of evidence is beyond he scope of the current article, there are less controversial expla- ations for at least some inaccuracies in the “honestly held” ccounts provided by officers. The deleterious effect of acute tressors on memory is well-established in animal and human aboratory research (e.g., De Quervain, Roozendaal, Nitsch,

cGaugh, & Hock, 2000; Kuhlmann, Piel, & Wolf, 2005; alehi, Cordero, & Sandi, 2010) and also in research conducted

n police and military training environments (e.g., Morgan et al., 004; Taverniers, Taylor, & Smeets, 2013). In applied research ontexts, individuals exposed to stressors typically report sig- ificantly fewer details than those in control conditions (e.g., ulse & Memon, 2006; Stanny & Johnson, 2000) and can show

ncreased susceptibility to misinformation and error (e.g., Hope t al., 2016; Morgan, Southwick, Steffian, Hazlett, & Loftus, 013).

The complex factors underpinning memory impairment as result of stress and arousal can be difficult to delineate in pplied contexts. Generally, emotionally arousing events are emembered better than neutral events (e.g., Payne et al., 2006) ith neurobiological research suggesting that stress hormones

an enhance memory consolidation (McGaugh, 2000, 2013; oozendaal, 2000). Although arousal may activate the amygdala orking to enhance memory (Adolphs, Tranel, & Buchanan, 005; Phelps, 2006), higher levels of stress disrupt hippocam- us function and impair memory performance (Shackman et al., 006; see also Davis & Loftus, 2009). Therefore, in applied ontexts, impaired memory likely reflects the level of stress and ask complexity (Deffenbacher, Bornstein, Penrod, & McGorty, 004; Diamond, Campbell, Park, Halonen, & Zoladz, 2007; upien, Maheu, Tu, Fiocco, & Schramek, 2007; for review see insterwald & Alberini, 2014).

High levels of stress might account for the memory impair- ents reflected in incomplete witness accounts, irrespective of hether that witness is a bystander or a police officer. However,

n active response role in a use-of-force incident may exacerbate hese effects. To date, only one study has attempted to directly xamine the effects of officer response role on memory for an ncident. In Hope et al. (2016), officers were assigned an active itness role (requiring them to respond as they would while on uty) or an observer role during a live scenario involving an rmed perpetrator. Active responders, who experienced higher eart rates during the scenario than the observers, provided sig- ificantly fewer correct details in their accounts and reported ignificantly more errors pertaining to weapons (although over- ll accuracy rates were not compromised).

A similar pattern of recall impairments has been associated ith exercise-induced fatigue. Although the wider literature

uggests low-to-moderate exertion might improve cognitive

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erformance, including recall, high levels of exertion are ikely to have a detrimental effect on memory performance Lambourne, Audiffren, & Tomporowski, 2010; Lambourne

Tomporowski, 2010). Examining exercise-induced effects n memory for a police response context, Hope, Lewinski, ixon, Blocksidge, and Gabbert (2012) found that officers who ad been physically exerted before encountering a suspect in

live scenario recalled less information about the suspect than on-exerted officers and were less likely to correctly identify he target from a lineup.

That stress and fatigue might impair subsequent recall of n incident is, again, not a particularly controversial observa- ion in light of the wider research literature. However, research ssessing the performance of police officers in realistic use f force response contexts is limited to a small number of tudies conducted by a small number of labs. Thus, replica- ion and extension of this applied literature is important (see Methodological and contextual challenges” section). Nonethe- ess, research to date demonstrates that memory accounts rovided by operational witnesses are vulnerable to error and he omission of relevant information. Thus, the evaluators of ccounts provided by officers following stressful or exerting ncidents should be aware that officer memory may be impaired or details of the incident and that errors do not necessarily reflect

deliberate attempt to deceive, cover-up, or deflect blame (see lso Grady, Butler, & Loftus, 2016).

What Can Research Contribute to Training and Practice?

The observation that both stress and fatigue can impair (i) ognitive and perceptual-motor performance during response nd (ii) subsequent recall of an incident highlights the need for onsideration of these factors in training, practice, and policy. o date, research has identified a number of potential avenues or improving current approaches, three of which are examined elow.

ealistic Training Environments

Police use of force training focuses on physical, technical, and actical performance and typically neglects the effects of factors uch as stress or anxiety. As a result, many training practices o not adequately simulate the conditions likely to be experi- nced by officers in real-world encounters (see Andersen, Pitel, eerasinghe, & Papazoglou, 2016; Morrison & Vila, 1998 for

imilar critique). The physiological stress response observed in high realism scenario-based training” (p. 5) is consistent with he stress response observed in real use-of-force encounters Andersen et al., 2016). Unsurprisingly, similar physiological esponses are not observed in classroom-based training.

Given the documented physiological effects of realistic train- ng environments and in light of effects of stress and anxiety n shooting performance (e.g., Nieuwenhuys et al., 2012) and iterature suggesting that practice is more effective when test

onditions are adequately replicated (for reviews, see Oudejans

Niewenhuys, 2009; Pinder, Davids, & Renshaw, 2011), olice training should involve simulations that facilitate realistic hoot/no-shoot decisions and allow realistic shooting responses,

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s distinct from static target practice. Although unlikely to be panacea, training with threat-induced anxiety (e.g., “shoot ack” opponents during simulations) may improve performance nder pressure (e.g. Nieuwenhuys & Oudejans, 2011; Oudejans, 008; Oudejans & Pijpers, 2009; but see also Nieuwenhuys, avelsbergh, & Oudejans, 2015). Importantly, as noted by ndersen et al. (2016), training with high realism scenarios rovides officers with an opportunity to experience how phys- ological arousal impacts their own response performance and ffords an opportunity to improve performance under such con- itions. Similarly, Bennell, Jones, and Corey (2007) endorse he use of high fidelity simulators in police training to facili- ate “the development of schemas that are sufficiently flexible to eal with the unpredictability inherent in naturalistic settings” p. 48). Thus, even though further research is needed, enhanced se-of-force training using realistic, anxiety-provoking scenar- os and realistic response options is an important direction for olice practice and education.

ethod of Obtaining Accounts from Officers

The way in which accounts are obtained from officers follow- ng use-of-force incidents varies between jurisdictions. In some nstances, officers are interviewed by investigators (who may e drawn from other units, forces, or agencies); elsewhere offi- ers prepare written statements. Where interviews do take place, hey should be conducted in line with best-practice investigative nterviewing by experienced interviewers using, for example, he Cognitive Interview (Fisher & Geiselman, 1992; see Vrij, ope, & Fisher, 2014 for a review). However, officers charged ith writing their own statements should also benefit from basic

etrieval support techniques associated with best practice inter- iewing when providing their accounts, such as the use of mental ontext reinstatement, open questions, and non-leading cues and rompts (see meta-analysis by Memon, Meissner, & Fraser, 010). Tools incorporating these techniques already exist to sup- ort the provision of written accounts by witnesses (e.g., the elf-administered interview; Hope, Gabbert, & Fisher, 2011). urthermore, opportunities to experience memory impairment uring training (e.g., attempting to provide a comprehensive tatement following a training scenario) and an understanding of hy this might occur should prepare officers for involvement in

uture incidents and eliminate dangerous but well-intentioned ttempts to seek out other, potentially unreliable, sources of nformation.

iming of Obtaining Accounts from Officers

Although practices vary internationally, several jurisdictions ubscribe to a blanket period of enforced rest (typically 36–48 h) efore requiring officers to provide a detailed statement of their xperiences following a use of force incident. The basis for this andatory rest period is unclear. There is some (self-report) evi-

ence that a high proportion of officers who have been involved

n use of force incidents experience sleep disturbance after the ncident (Honig & Sultan, 2004). However, it is not clear why a

andatory rest period should be applied to officers but not other ypes of victims or witnesses who may have been involved in

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iolent or stressful incidents. Furthermore, extending the delay etween a witnessing experience and subsequent recall increases he likelihood that (i) some detail may be forgotten and (ii)

emory for the event may become contaminated by exposure o post-event information (Frenda, Nichols, & Loftus, 2011). or an officer who has been involved in a use-of-force incident,

he timing of the account should take into account several fac- ors, such as number of hours on shift, need for practical care nd welfare, and the fact that the biological response to the psy- hological and physiological stress is unlikely to have receded n the immediate aftermath (see Wolchover, Heaton-Armstrong, ope, & Gabbert, 2014). Some research suggests sleep may e important for memory consolidation, particularly for stress- ul incidents (Genzel, Spoormaker, Konrad, & Dresler, 2015), hus, it is possible that witnesses might benefit from rest before roviding a statement. However, work by Payne et al. (2009) nd, more recently, Calvillo, Parong, Peralta, Ocampo and van undy (2016) suggests that periods of sleep may be associated ith increased susceptibility to memory distortion. As the exact ature of the relationship between stress, fatigue, and memory onsolidation has not been elucidated in the eyewitness context, urther research is necessary before recommendations pertain- ng to the timing of accounts can be made (see also Grady et al., 016).

Methodological and Contextual Challenges

In this domain, a key question for researchers (and, indeed, onsumers of research) is the extent to which police officers epresent a “special case” for consideration. Beyond the effects f professional experience or training, there is no evidence to uggest that officers’ memories, or other cognitive processes, erform substantively differently to those of any other human see also Vredeveldt & van Koppen, 2016). Indeed, many of the ndings outlined above pertaining to stress and fatigue might lso apply to the accounts of witnesses or victims who chose to ntervene, fight, or flee. However, unlike lay witnesses, officers re explicitly tasked with deriving an appropriate response strat- gy, planning the effective execution of that strategy, and then aking action accordingly (see Eyre & Alison, 2007). Therefore, onducting meaningful research in this field requires consider- tion of the extent to which the phenomenon under examination s likely to be affected by factors such as active responding, raining and previous experience.

A second consideration is the degree of ecological validity n the design and execution of the research necessary to dequately assess a real-world phenomenon. Clearly, in the case f high-stress encounters, low-level laboratory manipulations e.g., gory photographs) or third-party materials (e.g., vignettes, ideos) are unlikely to generate comparably high levels of rousal or facilitate realistic levels of engagement. While esearch can never simulate the “life or death” nature of a se-of-force incident, better quality research in this domain

eeks to replicate basic research findings working with realistic, ive, training-type scenarios while attempting to control relevant eatures of the interaction, context, and environment. Of course, pplied research must be held to the same high methodological

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tandards as laboratory work, including (i) recruitment of dequate samples sizes to test well-defined, theory-driven ypotheses; (ii) inclusion of relevant control groups; (iii) imple- entation of controlled, replicable scenarios; (iv) systematic anipulation of independent variables; and (v) use of appro-

riate statistical analyses. As end-users may not always be best laced to assess the methodological quality of applied research, here is a critical role for rigorous peer review by appropriately ualified experts in both academic and practitioner outlets.

The extent to which research findings in this domain are likely o be accepted or adopted by end-users is also reliant on the use of redible methodologies. Police, legal professionals, and policy akers are, unsurprisingly, critical of work purporting to make

ignificant contributions to understanding of professional per- ormance if it involves undergraduate samples, over-simplistic cenarios or naïve manipulations. In many instances, this is a air criticism as the results of such research are often simply not eady for wider application or implementation. For example, an mportant topic deliberately not covered in the current article is he effect of racial bias in the use of force and how this might nteract with factors such as stress. Although there is a significant aboratory-based literature on this topic, most research has yet o incorporate important contextual factors (e.g., threat, experi- nce, training, cultural factors) and reflects many of the deficits utlined above (i.e., non-professional samples, laboratory-based ethodologies, press-button responding). This critique is not

ntended to denigrate this line of research—establishing the ature of response biases and developing the necessary theo- etical frameworks within which to understand them constitutes

critical first step in examining this challenging issue. However, uch research is not yet ready to inform policy, practice, or the ourts with respect to use of force contexts (see Cox, Devine, lant, & Schwartz, 2014 for a related critique; also Mekawi & resin, 2015).

Finally, researchers should be aware of the potential politici- ation of their research in this field and recognise that their results ay be used (and abused) in unanticipated ways—including

oth the overstatement and oversimplification of their findings y a variety of commentators, so-called experts and agencies ith vested interests. Often there is little a researcher can do

o avoid this, but presenting the findings objectively and cau- iously while avoiding hyperbolic claims about potential impact r premature policy recommendations is prudent.

Conclusions

Using a variety of methodological approaches, both basic and pplied research literatures have identified human performance ulnerabilities when stress or fatigue is present. Results are roadly consistent and not entirely surprising—humans com- romised by stress or fatigue are likely to suffer impairment in erms of response and memory performance. Although training

ay offset some performance decline, police officers are also

ulnerable to such impairment, perhaps more so as a function f the additional cognitive load associated with responding to nd resolving incidents. However, more research is necessary o unpack the relative importance of key contextual factors

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ffecting performance, including interactions between those actors. Future research also requires increased collaboration etween researchers and end-users to ensure that the questions sked and methodologies adopted can make a meaningful ontribution to our understanding of police performance in use f force incidents.

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