IAH-207-733 (W5)

The South Central Modern Language Association

The Ethics and Politics of Laila Marrakchi's "Marock" Author(s): Mohammed Hirchi Source: South Central Review, Vol. 28, No. 1, Special Issue: Cinema In and Out of the Maghreb Edited by Mary Jean Green (SPRING 2011), pp. 90-108 Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press on behalf of The South Central Modern Language Association Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41261478 Accessed: 25-10-2018 16:13 UTC

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide

range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and

facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at

https://about.jstor.org/terms

The South Central Modern Language Association, The Johns Hopkins University Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to South Central Review

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

The Ethics and Politics of Laila Marrakchi's Marock

Mohammed Hirchi, Colorado State University

Upon its release in Moroccan cinemas in 2005, Laila Marrakchi's film Marock1 generated passionate and conflicting reactions from its audi- ences. Morocco had been undergoing substantive social, economic and political reforms, and the government was in the process of organizing legislative elections for 2007. Political parties representing various ideologies were gearing up to define their platforms to attract potential voters. In this context, Marock added a new dimension to debates that had been taking place since the enthronement of King Mohammed VI in 1999 over issues that continue to preoccupy Moroccans today.

The film's exploration of certain "taboo" practices of the Moroccan bourgeois youth was certainly a catalyst for many conflicting reactions from its viewers. Despite its wide appeal to young and urban viewers, Marock was attacked by numerous media outlets as well as by promi- nent individuals in the political and the cultural arenas. The reception of the movie was obviously determined by the ideological positions of its critics. It generated a political debate that reflected the tendencies of divergent political constituencies during an important historical conjunc- ture. Secularists and liberals praised the filmmaker's courage to embrace freedom of expression while conservatives, especially political parties, exploited the film to promote their ideological stances, castigating Mar- rakchi for using profanity and for showing disrespect for Islamic values that allegedly bind Moroccans together.

In this essay, I posit that Marrakchi's Marock contributes to the devel- opment of discourses about religion, gender and class in contemporary Morocco. Visual images serve strategically to undermine the legitimacy of conservative discourses about interpersonal relations in a society strug- gling to bridge between tradition and modernity. I argue that the political

moment shaped by the nation's preparation for a national election played a crucial role in the way the film was publicly critiqued.

Although the film has been characterized as "frivolous" and "overly simplistic," and journalists such as Et-Tayeb Houdaïfa wonder how the film could have been the subject of such vehement attacks,2 certain themes and messages of the film were obviously provocative. While some people felt the provocation was gratuitous, others were grateful

© South Central Review 28.1 (Spring 2011): 90-108.

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

THE ETHICS AND POLITICS OF LAILA MARRAKCHI'S MAROCK I HIRCHI 9 1

that the film provided a needed outlet for discussion on sensitive topics. The controversy associated with the film reflects the demographics of Morocco, a society undergoing rapid development and modernization, a society where youth under 15 comprise a third of the population, and where nearly 60% of the people live in urban areas. In addition, as many as 10% of Moroccans (an estimated 3.5 million) are emigrants living in the Diaspora, around half of these are female, and emigrants' remittances

to friends and family back home comprise about 9% of the country's GDP.3 Morocco is also a country where officially 98.7% of the popula- tion is Muslim, at least in name, whereas only 0.02% is Jewish. A new Moroccan Family Code was passed in 2004, granting women greater rights within the family; however, Morocco still shows less than stellar results in recent surveys on gender, for example those conducted by the United Nations Development Program.4 Over the past decade, news magazines such as the popular francophone weeklies Le Journal heb- domadaire and TelQuel, and their sister publications in Arabic, Assahifa al-Ousbouiya and Nichane, have begun to expose contradictions and hypocrisies in Moroccan society such as the wide divergence between official positions and actual practices related to daily prayer, alcohol consumption, fasting in Ramadan, abortion, virginity, homosexuality, "mixed" marriages, etc.5

Marock became a referential movie for many cinema goers, opening up a space for dialogue on freedom of speech, women's place in society, and ethnic and religious relations. The film enjoyed tremendous suc- cess among the younger generation. Many youths, especially wealthy urbanités, found in the dilemmas of the main character a true reflection

of their own dreams and frustrations. The protagonist Rita, a pretty and rebellious teenager from the Casablanca bourgeoisie, is the prototype of a self-centered arrogant rich girl eager to conquer the world around her. Driss, the homosexual friend of Rita and her group of friends, is depicted as representative of a generation of youth addicted to hashish and detached from the outside world. Youri, a Moroccan Jew, is more attached to Morocco than are his Jewish friends, who dream about im- migrating to the United States.

Laila Marrakchi claims that her feature-length movie is "a very personal film" that deals with issues related to her own upbringing.6 In defense of her film, she argues that;

Marock is a word play on "Maroc," the French name for Morocco. For me, the title illustrates my portrait of this group of young people, privileged but also kind of messed up and schizophrenic.

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

92 SOUTH CENTRAL REVIEW

They live according to Western ways but they're still very at- tached to their country and traditions. The opening scene in which a kneeling man prays outside a parked car where inside two teenagers are making out: that's Marock.1

So Marrakchi tries to capture the heterogeneous nature of contemporary Morocco. Many scenes in the film depict striking juxtapositions that are fairly common in social settings, especially in urban centers. However, certain scenes could even be controversial for people who embrace "modern" stances, especially the scenes that break with certain values and violate taboos that still define many Moroccans' relationships to their own culture.

The film portrays a romance between Rita, a Muslim woman, and Youri, a Jewish man. According to both Moroccan law and tradition, a marriage between the two would be forbidden. The film brings out into the open the taboos against this relationship.8 Rita and Youri's love affair

stirred up debate among film directors, critics and journalists about the ethics and the politics of the movie. Marrakchi, who is herself married to a Sephardic Jew, draws Youri's character in a positive light, and by showing his attachment to Morocco, she makes a statement about the Moroccan Jews' faithful relationship to their ancestral home. This is reminiscent of the Moroccan government's determination to protect Moroccan Jews who have been an intrinsic part of Moroccan society and culture for centuries. While most Muslim families would prefer their children to marry other Muslims, it is a fact that young women as well as men from Marrakchi 's social class and generation are increasingly finding non-Muslim partners. In May 2003 when local Islamist militants with connections to Al-

Qaeda committed suicide bombings, targeting a Jewish community center, a Jewish-owned restaurant and a Jewish cemetery, Moroccans were outraged. In 2008 the five-year anniversary of the bombings was commemorated with public demonstrations for tolerance and peace. When Marock came out in 2005, the collective consciousness of the nation was still shattered by this event. Marrakchi 's empathy for her Jewish protagonist triggered anger,

however, from members of the Party of Justice and Development, who interpret any association with Judaism as anti-Arab and especially anti- Palestinian. The leaders of the PJD judged the movie as anti-Islamic and a distortion of the values of a Muslim society. Mohammed Asli, filmmaker and director of the acclaimed movie In Casablanca, Angels don 'tfly (2004), was also scandalized by the screening oí Marock at the

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

THE ETHICS AND POLITICS OF LAILA MARRAKCHI'S MAROCK I HIRCHI 93

National Film Festival in Tangiers. He lamented that by allowing the public access to the film "the government becomes an accomplice of Imperialism and Zionism."9 These critiques, however, stand in contra- diction to the effort that the majority of Moroccans make to differentiate

between being an Arab Jew, on the one hand, and supporting Zionism and being anti-Palestinian, on the other.10

Another character that Marrakchi employs to make evident the cul- tural pluralism of Moroccan society is Rita's brother Mao, an Islamist who is critical of the status quo and of the decadent lifestyle that Rita and her friends embrace. Marrakchi presents Mao with empathy despite his religious fervor and his opposition to his sister's life. Even secular individuals might regard him with sympathy and respect, since many Moroccan families have members with opposing views on religion. The contrast between Rita and her brother helps give a sense of the variety of

beliefs even within the same demographic profile. Both characters repre- sent a microcosm that can only be understood within the framework of a

society struggling to reconcile religiosity and secularism. Each character embodies a segment of Moroccan society. However, what makes these young people different from the majority of citizens is their belonging to the urban bourgeoisie who control the economic wealth of the country. Rita in particular is the symbol of independence, of rebellion against the constraints of Islam and traditionalism.

Marock is one of several films by talented young directors eager to redefine the landscape of Moroccan cinematography. Some critics and filmmakers have used the term "new wave cinema" to refer to this film, in

addition to Nabil Ayouch 'sA li Zaoua (2000), Ismael Ferroukhi's Legrand voyage (2004), Nour-Eddine Lakhmari's The Look [Le Regard] (2005) and Casanegra (2008) and Ahmed Boulane's Satanic Angels (2007). This new production by young filmmakers living between Morocco and Europe deals with issues related to Morocco's modernization process. Most of these feature films by new talents are funded by the Moroccan cinematographic center and other local institutions. Yet, because of the filmmakers' backgrounds and new cinematic outlook, they have been harshly criticized by local critics and older Moroccan film producers at the Tangier Festival. In his book Beyond Casablanca: M.A. Tazi and the Adventure of Moroccan Cinema, Kevin Dwyer evokes the difficulties of these bi-cultural filmmakers in finding acceptance as "authentically" Mo- roccan.11 The same filmmaker, Mohammed Asli, who castigated Marock for being Zionist also wished to deny the film inclusion in national and international film festivals on the basis that it is "not a real Moroccan

film" and that it "lacks a national sensibility." He argued that "neither

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

94 SOUTH CENTRAL REVIEW

the young lady [director] nor her film is Moroccan [ . . . ] and they have no place in a national festival." However, he later said he welcomed its public release to open a national debate about its content.12 The new Moroccan cinema delved into questions about the dynamics

of change while touching on issues that were sensitive for most viewers, namely moral and religious values. Laila Marrakchi was particularly ea- ger to turn the camera's gaze on thorny feminist issues that needed to be

reexamined after the revision of Morocco's Family Code in 2004. Rita's courage to speak openly about her liberal positions vis-à-vis social and cultural ideologies is a response to the questioning of young Moroccans across spectrums of class and gender. Rita and her female friends emerge

as agents of change who are determined to live up to their secular cultural

ideals through a systematic rejection of the status quo in a society that is trying to market itself as an integral part of the global scene through tourism, cultural festivals, attracting investors, and so forth.

Marock and Shifting Gender Dynamics

Marock carries with it the landmarks of feminist cinema that empower women's narrative voices through a gradual movement from the periphery

to the center of cultural enunciations. Like her protagonist, Marrakchi explores all the possibilities of self-liberation. She succeeds in imbuing Rita with faith in her secular ideals and the strength and determination she needs to carry out her social rebellion.

Marrakchi's cinematic narrative articulates women's ambiguous posi- tions within Moroccan society. In addition to the protagonist with her liberating rhetoric, other teenage girls in the film show signs of ques- tioning the foundations of their ancestral cultural and religious heritage. This questioning is particularly visible through their rejection of one of the sacred pillars of Islam: fasting in the month of Ramadan. Moroccans tend to hold strong opinions about fasting. For example, in their study L 'Islam au quotidien [Daily Islam], Mohamed Tozy, Mohamed El Ayadi and Hassan Rachik report that while attitudes toward performing daily prayers tend to be lenient, 64% of women they interviewed and 54% of men do not consider a person who refuses to fast to be a Muslim. The authors also comment on the difficulty of compiling accurate statistics on the number of non- fasting Moroccans because of the powerful taboos surrounding this practice.13 And yet, as the title of a TelQuel news maga- zine article suggests, "Fervor and Hypocrisy" both characterize local attitudes toward Ramadan.14 Groups of individuals have begun calling

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

THE ETHICS AND POLITICS OF LAILA MARRAKCHI'S MAROCK I HIRCHI 95

for a secularization of laws to decriminalize the public refusal to fast. For example, in summer 2009 in the Moroccan coastal city of Moham- media, two women, co-founders of the Movement for the Defense of Individual Liberties (MALI), organized a public debate on fasting. The two activists demanded the repeal of Article 222 of the Penal Code that prohibits the public rejection of fasting in Ramadan, citing their right to

individual liberty.15 The police intervened and dispersed the group, but the story was picked up by the press. Like Rita and her friends, these women openly challenged the traditional system of values that determines social behaviors and imposes means of social and cultural coercion and conformism to the existing norms. Like Marrakchi, they dared to bring out into open debate subjects that most Moroccans prefer to keep secret out of fear of criticism or reprisal.

Rita's strength derives from her determination to reinvent a new per-

sona by redefining gender politics in a traditional society. Her bourgeois background helps her to move freely from the private to the public space without being coerced by her parents. This freedom of movement allows Rita to practice subversive behaviors that are epitomized in her rejection of fundamental Islamic precepts. In Morocco today attacking "sacred values" and denigrating Islam continue to be offenses punishable by law and often by police brutality as well.16 By publicly exposing un-Islamic or anti-Islamic behaviors on the big screen, Marrakchi makes a call for freedom of expression. Like Rita, as part of the privileged class she has access to the mobility and power to dare to express herself.

Marrakchi 's engagement with sensitive cultural values is not divorced from making indirect political statements that have triggered negative reactions from politically motivated critics. If we suggest that the film- maker articulates the ethics of her movie within a feminist perspective,

then it will be appropriate to argue that Marrakchi uses cinema as a social

and political tool. From the beginning of Marock, the viewer is confronted with a number of questions related to the strategies the filmmaker uses in order to represent the lives of many Moroccans, including maids, parents, street kids and other segments of society. She successfully captures the intrinsic complexities of ethnic, racial and class dynamics especially by underscoring the humanity of the hired help. Both Rita's chauffeur and the maids occupy a significant place in Rita's daily life. They are depicted as loyal, open-minded and pleasant accomplices. Rita's parents, on the other hand, are almost absent from her life; and when they are present, they are depicted as authoritarian, self-centered and materialistic.

Both the maids and Rita dominate their respective social spaces. The maids' visibility strengthens their symbolic presence while Rita's parents'

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

96 SOUTH CENTRAL REVIEW

busy schedule prevents them from managing the daily activities of the household. The maids' central role in the movie gives them the power to redefine the social networks within the family, especially in relationship to Rita and Mao. Both Rita and her brother seem to be fond of the family

servants, who represent better parental figures than the actual parents. The filmmaker's rebellious mapping of a segment of Moroccan culture

is a conscious attempt to challenge the traditional allocation of space while promoting the intervention of new signs of cultural representation

that displace the centrality of the homogeneous political and cultural dis-

course. In this context, Marock represents a new trend in contemporary Moroccan cinema that strives to tackle issues associated with the histori-

cal movement of the nation. The revision of the Family Code legislation in 2004 and the human rights reforms implemented by the government have encouraged Moroccan women writers, filmmakers and intellectu- als to move from the periphery to the center of cultural enunciation by positioning themselves within the cultural debates that have been taking place for decades.17 These women's reinvention of a dynamic participa- tory culture for women paves the way for female agency. What Margot Badran says about Egyptian feminists is true for Moroccans as well; she praises "their insistence upon empowerment - of themselves, their families, and their nation. It is their story, constructed out of their own

narratives and records, aiming to convey the process and vision of their feminism. It is a story of transcendence - the transcendence of patriarchal and colonial containment."18

Marrakchi's depiction of the bourgeoisie of Casablanca uses this seg- ment of Moroccan society to focus on young women assuming agency, and especially acquiring the power to control their own bodies through a constant reshaping of their culture and society. This reshaping evolves in correlation with the economic and the political liberalization processes enhanced by the current political establishment. However, Marrakchi's new discourse transcends the limits of both Islamic modernist and secular

nationalist ideologies of change. As Badran argues:

Islamic modernism constituted a call to Muslims to reexamine

Islam in terms of contemporary realities. It aimed to rescue reli- gion from narrow or erroneous interpretations, opening up Islam as a vital force in women's and men's daily lives plunged into uncertainties by massive economic and technological change. The discourse of secular nationalism, articulated in the wake of colonial occupation, involved collective self-review as part of a project of national reinvigoration to win independence.19

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

THE ETHICS AND POLITICS OF LAILA MARRAKCHI'S MAROCK I HIRCHI 97

These two major discourses, Islamic modernism and secular national- ism, continue to occupy the political terrain in postcolonial North Africa.

However, their claim to unity, homogeneity and nationalism has been challenged by new voices of social and political change. Contemporary women filmmakers contribute enormously to the subversion of both forms of nationalism that are often branded as inadequate to a better understanding of the complexity of the historical transformations af- fecting most developing nations. Rather, they promote new forms of cultural trans-nationalism that value migration, diaspora, displacement and relocation.20

In this perspective, women's behavior becomes the contested ground of cultural transformation that characterizes modern Morocco. As Teresa

de Lauretis states "woman is then the very ground of representation, both

object and support of a desire which, intimately bound up with power and creativity, is the moving force of culture and history."21 Therefore, women play a determining role in redefining new parameters for social justice, cultural equality and political empowerment. Marock contributes to a larger feminist movement that strives to relocate women's positions in Morocco through a systematic rejection of social taboos that hinder women's access to knowledge and power.

Women's agency to effect change contributes to a new reading of a heritage that maintains strict relationships to sacred and profane cultural

practices. These practices impose restrictions in dealing with major cultural issues such as women's empowerment in society and women's place within the public and the private spheres.

The Sacred and the Profane in Marock

In Marock, Rita's reaction to religious symbolism illustrates the tendency among a segment of the Moroccan population to divorce themselves from the teachings of Islam in their daily practices. Rita's rejection of the sacred month of Ramadan as well as her negative reaction to her brother's attachment to prayer and other outward signs of faith triggered

unprecedented controversy among conservative pundits. They were out- raged by the idea that not only do the elitist bourgeois youth refuse to abide by the rules of a culture ingrained in tradition, but they also openly embrace "Western" cultural values and behaviors even when these come

into flagrant conflict with accepted norms. The fact that Marrakchi dared to expose this impious underside of Moroccan society to an international audience particularly raised their ire.

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

98 SOUTH CENTRAL REVIEW

The conflicting relationship between the sacred and the profane in Morocco generates debates across the spectrums of gender, class, age and political affiliation. These debates become even more acute in Morocco as it undergoes a major historical shift. The award- winning Moroccan film Veiled Love (2008)22 by Aziz Salmi has received similar criticisms to those elicited by Marock. Veiled Love depicts the realities of five women, each with her own position towards the veil. The film explores the day-to-day lives of the women and the problems they endure in their

community.23 Like Marrakchi, Salmi offers an alternative reading of the

politics of identity in a society striving to reconcile between tradition and modernity. Their readings are articulated in a Modernist perspective; nonetheless, they are open to dialogue and criticism. Both Veiled Love and Marock are attempts by young filmmakers to

look at Moroccan society's eruption into modernity through the eyes of upper-class or bourgeois individuals. Marrakchi's social criticism, in particular, is anchored in a sociological framework that outlines the cultural and social inequalities in contemporary Morocco. In Marock, it becomes visible that the rich squander their money on luxury goods: Youri drives a BMW, Rita is chauffeured to school in a Mercedes, Rita and her entourage splurge at a nightclub. At the same time viewers are exposed to the difficulties of children who sell cigarettes in the night- club parking lot. First and foremost Marrakchi portrays the lavish life of the upper bourgeoisie, but she also offers glimpses of this group in relationship to other social classes, represented by street children, maids, guards, and chauffeurs. A number of scenes in Marock are shocking for viewers who are un-

used to seeing such images in Moroccan films, in particular the scenes where icons of sexuality and religion are intermingled. The film provides images of mostly bourgeois youth, but the same social transgressions can also take place among children of other classes, especially, in relationship to the sanctity of many facets of tradition.

In Marock the opposition between the sacred and the profane is mani- fest in the following situations:

• Rita and a young man have sex while a car guardian prays not far from them

• Rita refuses to fast in Ramadan

• Rita pokes fun at her brother when he prays

• Jewish Youri puts a star of David around the neck of Muslim Rita before they make love

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

THE ETHICS AND POLITICS OF LAILA MARRAKCHI'S MAROCK I HIRCHI 99

• A young Jewish man fornicates with a prostitute

• The characters use rude and vulgar language

These are some of the scenes that challenge and subvert traditional Islamic values. Marrakchi's supporters, however, praised her audacity to critically reconsider values related to the areas of the sacred and the profane. They argue that to embrace change, a society needs to ques- tion its moral and cultural foundations and its system of values. In this context, the movie tackles numerous questions and opens new horizons for viewers to read as they wish.

In a conservative society, undermining the sacred is bound to trigger criticism from traditional individuals and the religious establishment. The conservative critics' strategy was to present the specific dimensions of religious experience as the guiding principle that should be used to determine the value of Marock in ethical terms. The debate became

even more acute when secular figures stressed this fundamental division between the sacred and the profane in Moroccan society. Mircea Eliade writes of the "abyss that divides the two modalities of experience":

the abyss that divides the two modalities of experience - sacred and profane - will be apparent when we describe sacred space and the ritual building of the human habitation, or the varieties of

the religious experience of time, or the relations of religious man to nature and the world of tools, or the consecration of human

life itself, the sacrality with which man's vital functions (food, sex, work and so on) can be charged.24

The centrality of religion in the reading of Marock constitutes an inevi- table strategy by conservatives to reject the film's content. Religion be- comes the only parameter to measure the limits of freedom of expression;

therefore any activity that transgresses Islamic teachings is doomed to condemnation. In the case oí Marock, the violation of the sacredness of Islam became the defining element in the evaluation of the film's worth, at least for some people.

The Politicized landscape of Marock

Much of the political debate in Morocco in 2005 during the time of the screening of the movie revolved around the control of space for ideo- logical promotion. Space is a complex notion, a physical and a socio- political edifice as well as an imagined framework where identities are

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

1 00 SOUTH CENTRAL REVIEW

negotiated, constructed and deconstructed. It is also an important site for discursive manipulations and promotions. As Foucault puts it "any discourse, whatever it be, is constituted by a set of utterances which are produced each in its place and time."25 In this context, redefining space becomes a strategic endeavor to control the multiple meanings of cultural

manifestations. Reinventing space is also an act of acquiring power. Cinematographic representations in Marock are articulated within

this framework of power dynamics. Marrakchi is obviously aware of the political dimensions associated with the mapping and the portrayal of space. Her camera's movements capture a diversity of cultural sites where identities are negotiated and challenged. Space is also fluid and constantly in the process of change and becoming. Liggett argues that in cinematography, space is "an active component of constructing, maintaining, and challenging social order."26 In this respect, Marrakchi 's attempt to classify, reorder and reconfigure space can be viewed as a strategy to undermine the ideological framework of cultural and religious conservatisms.

Many spatial locations emerge as markers of protest for Rita and her friends. While the home represents a limiting social space for the maids, who only operate within the kitchen, and signifies confinement for Rita as well, public spaces allow the protagonists the possibility of living at large without being coerced by a parent, relative or other close authority

figure. Most of Rita's liaisons take place in public spaces including the beach and the night club. These spaces allow Rita and Youri to express their love relationship in a relatively free fashion; the beach episode, in particular, is liberating for the lovers. The night club scenes portray a youth reveling in alcohol, cigarettes and hashish while dancing to Western music. These images of "debauchery" have certainly fueled the conservatives' criticism of the film.

The reconfiguration of space by social groups responds to the groups' desire to acquire power through contestation. The film's main characters are contesting traditional space allocation by a refusal to abide by the rules of the status quo. For example, Rita's rebellion against the values of traditional society can be viewed as her refusal to embrace a marginal-

ized space as well as an empowering attempt to question the legitimacy of center/margin politics. Throughout the film, Rita is determined to transcend the borders allocated to her by culture to embrace the "beyond"

as a site of cultural negotiations. For Homi Bhahba:

Being in the 'beyond,' then, is to inhabit an intervening space, as any dictionary will tell you. But to dwell 'in the beyond' is also

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

THE ETHICS AND POLITICS OF LAILA MARRAKCHI'S MAROCK I HIRCHI 1 0 1

[ . . . ] to be part of a revisionary time, a return to the present to

redescribe our cultural contemporaneity; to reinscribe our human,

historic commonality; to touch the future on its hither side. In that sense, then, the intervening space 'beyond,' becomes a space of intervention in the here and now.27

The intervention of the 'beyond' articulates its tribulations in the context

of a hybrid aestheticism that recognizes the challenges represented by the realm of otherness.

Marrakchi's approach to space as a site of competing identities allows her to expose viewers to a diversity of cultural and social behaviors. The filmmaker succeeds in outlining the hybrid nature of space as a cultural edifice that produces and is produced by conflicting identities. In this perspective, Marrakchi rejects conservative views that celebrate the no- tions of unity, conformity and stability of cultural spaces. Moreover, her

approach is inscribed within the framework of a secular ideology that promotes diversity, cultural tolerance and social and political change.

The Reception of Marock

The major historical shifts that were taking place in 2005 were instru- mental in the articulation of opposing positions vis-à-vis Marock. As a cultural artifact, the film provides rich material for a sociological debate about the directions of the country. A number of political organizations felt compelled to intervene in the debate in order to score ideological points prior to the elections.

According to Hans Robert Jauss's theory of reception, the reader's or viewer's "horizon of expectations" determines the reading process and defines the reader's interaction with the text/film. Reception theory

can help elucidate the debate that took place around Marock upon its release. According to Jauss, the audience's contribution to the meaning of a product through processes of negotiation and opposition sheds light on the cultural and social dynamics that impact the viewer's position vis- à-vis a cultural product. He states that "literature and art only obtain a history that has the character of a process when the succession of works is mediated not only through the producing subject, but also through the consuming subject - through the interaction of author and public."28 Therefore, the perceiving subject is vital in signifying the work of art within its specific historical framework.

When the movie was released, Morocco was preparing for one of the most democratic legislative elections in the country's history. The Party

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

1 02 SOUTH CENTRAL REVIEW

of Justice and Development stood a chance of winning the elections with overwhelming margins. The country was going through a stage of cultural redefinition and attempts by government officials and leaders of

progressive political parties were made to weaken the electoral chances of this moderate Islamic party. Also, the government's modernizing policies would have been at stake if the PJD had won the election.

The reception of Marock in a country undergoing a transitional historical moment to redefine its social, cultural and political horizons was reflected in paradoxical comments and reactions. Some viewers condemned the movie for its profanity and alleged misrepresentations of Moroccan society while others praised Laila Marrakchi's courage and insights to capture an important moment of the evolution of contemporary Morocco toward a democratic state. Therefore, the film can be viewed as

an unexpected outburst in an ongoing dialogue about individual liberties, freedom of expression and the desires of the younger generation. In the following section, I will focus on the major critical stances that represent

the various views, examining reactions to the film by the Party of Justice

and Development, the filmmaker Mohammed Asli at the Tangiers Film festival, the director of the Moroccan Cinematographic Centre Nourre- dine Sayel, and the Minister of Communication Nabil Benabdallah.

The moderate Moroccan Islamic party PJD was one of the first politi- cal organizations to condemn Marock, claiming that it offends Islam. The party tried hard to press the government to ban the film from movie

theaters. During the period leading up to the 2007 legislative elections, the PJD used its criticism of Marock as a political strategy to strengthen its ranks among conservatives and to appeal to independent voters who might align with the party's social outlook. In this political climate, the moderate Islamic Party was acting prudently, mindful of political con- straints that could trigger its ideological success.

As one of the leading political parties in the nation after the legislative elections in September 27, 2002, the PJD enjoyed a growing zealousness among its followers as well as attention from the Western powers, who saw in its political ascension a buffer against Al-Qaida-inspired groups that advocate political violence. Wendy Kristianasen observed:

Nervous western governments regard Morocco as a test case for Arab democracy. The Hamas victory in the Palestinian territories in January 2006 and the Muslim Brotherhood's success in Egypt in the 2005 parliamentary elections forced the US to moderate its

rhetoric on the democratization of the Arab world. Washington could scarcely have been reassured by a survey [ . . . that] showed the PJD with 47% support, ahead of the USFR29

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

THE ETHICS AND POLITICS OF LAILA MARRAKCHI'S MAROΠI HIRCHI 1 03

In this context, the PJD leaders were urged to negotiate a new political identity that would appeal to the most conservative fraction of its fol- lowers. According to Kristianasen, the visit of the PJD secretary-general Saadeddine el-Othmani to Washington, funded by the conservative Inter- national Republican Institute (IRI), raised numerous questions concern- ing the political party's real ideological stances and objectives. National Moroccan newspapers such as Le Journal hebdomadaire denounced the PJD's alliance with the Bush administration and urged voters to become aware of the party's alliances with America.

When Marock was released in cinemas, the Moroccan political land- scape was buzzing with ideological debates over how to define new parameters for social, economic and political liberalizations stewarded by the new king himself. As in all conservative societies, religion plays an important role in legislating new codes of social behavior. The PJD was very keen to use its criticism of Marock to emphasize the importance of the Islamic tradition in the framing of any project of modernity. Its leaders' rejection of the content of the movie is a product of this moder-

ate political organization's strategy to reinvent its ideological discourse that was tarnished by association with Islamist groups responsible for the May 2003 bombings in Casablanca.

Abdelkader Amara, a member of the PJD's general secretariat, claimed that Marock was "a mockery of Moroccan spiritual life," and that "it presents Moroccans as if they don't adhere to their religion. But that's not true."30 The PJD party leaders even claimed that the film broke a Moroccan law prohibiting offense to Islam, so it needed to be banned. Amara's criticism echoes his party's positions vis-à-vis a host of issues related to contemporary Moroccan society.

Many Moroccans welcomed cultural representations that brought into the light controversial issues related to sex, class and religion in order to enhance a dialogue of tolerance and understanding. In this perspective, Marock is inscribed within this historical framework and contributes to

the cultural debate characteristic of societies who are undergoing change in a global context. The film director was aware of the anger her movie was going to trigger; she admits, "I knew in making this film that some things were going to cause discomfort, notably the love relationship between a young Muslim and young Jew. But for me, it is a symbol of peace and tolerance in a complicated world."31

The attacks on the film became political when Deputy Soumia Ben- khaldoun raised questions about Marock during a parliamentary session. Benkhaldoun asked the then Minister of Communication and spokes- person of the government, Nabil Benabdallah, why provocative movies

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

1 04 SOUTH CENTRAL REVIEW

get approbation from the Moroccan Cinematographic Centre (CCM). Benabdallah reacted the same way the government did:

He has made it clear that the commission in charge of viewing films before their release to cinemas is the only institution to accept or refuse the contents of the film, and this in conformity

with the dispositions of the law related to the Cinematographic Industry Organization in the Kingdom. He also added that the commission has to balance between many requirements, includ- ing freedom of artistic expression, the encouragement of national

cinematographic production, the respect of Moroccan cultural identity and the differences of viewers' tastes.32

The government approbation of the film did not prevent organizations, including the Moroccan Theatre Syndicate, from supporting the PJD's criticism of Marock. For example, Hassan El Joundi, an iconic theatrical figure and the Secretary General of the Syndicate, argued that controver-

sial artistic products that undermine the teaching of the tradition should

be banned from public screening.33 The PJD's capitalization on the moral and political dimensions of

Marock tarnished the party's image among many potential voters, who opted for the kutla historical parties for the 2007 legislative elections.34 However, the PJD continues to profess its insistence on moral purity in a society open to change. It is suggestive that the party's focus on the lack of moral purity in Marock is a desperate attempt to redress its tarnished political image and to redefine its credibility in a competitive ideological terrain. In addition to the PJD, some prominent members of the cinematic

establishment also voiced concerns about Marock's screening in national theaters. Their criticism reflects the reactions of many lay viewers of the

film. Numerous critics, including some secular elites, condemned, in particular, the graphic sexual scenes as irrelevant in a discussion about issues related to class dynamics in a traditional country. On the other hand, Nour-Eddine Sail, the Director General of the CCM

Moroccan Film Institute defended Marrakchi's freedom to create an art

work that raises controversial issues related to the politics of change and that appeals to a large sector of the movie-going population. Reacting to the accusations against Marrakchi, he affirmed that Marock is "a Moroc- can film, directed by a Moroccan filmmaker, shot in Morocco starring many Moroccan actors, regardless of their religion." He added that "the film's director is one of the most intelligent female directors. The film, despite ideological differences, is a Moroccan reality that needs to be

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

THE ETHICS AND POLITICS OF LAILA MARRAKCHI'S MAROCK I HIRCHI 1 05

recognized."35 Sail's statement evokes a crucial cinematic turn that the new Moroccan cinema has taken in the last 15 years in dealing with controversial issues associated with political, social and cultural trans- formations of the nation.36

Conclusion

The growth of a distinctive film industry in Morocco during the last two

decades bears witness on some level to a political democratization that the country has been hoping for since Mohammed VI began his reign in 1999. A lover of film and the visual arts, the new king is determined to encourage the development of an internationally recognized national cinema. Marock's contribution to this new cinema is unquestionable be- cause it deals with real issues experienced by developing societies. Like her fellow filmmaker Nabil Ay ouch, creator of the successful movie AH Zaoua, Marrakchi articulates some of the dilemmas and the challenges of the new Morocco. Unlike Ayouch, who focused his attention on Casa- blanca's underclass, Marrakchi dwells on the problems of the bourgeois youth that she knows well from personal experience. In this respect, Marock can be viewed as an autobiographical feature film that tackles, from a critical standpoint, the problems the filmmaker experienced while

growing up in Morocco. It was this autobiographical dimension that led some critics to reject the movie as a product of Marrakchi's narcissism.

The film's photographic realism carries with it strong political implica-

tions and most reactions from political groups and institutions emanated from the electoral dynamics that were taking place during the screening of

the film. However, many viewers acknowledged the film's role in raising important controversial issues that young secularists face in a traditional society. The film also alludes to the failure of the nation-state ideology to recognize the ethnic, religious and class diversity that characterizes modern Morocco. Rita's outspoken character reflects the rebellion of young women against traditional cultural heritage that limits their access to the public sphere, knowledge, and power.

Laila Marrakchi's commitment to alternative cinematic practices is the product of the opening up of Morocco's political space, the state's liberalization of cultural practices and the incorporation of the national economy into the global market. This movement yields the invention of new histories where new identities can be constructed and negotiated. Marock contributes to this new trend in a national cinematic evolution.

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

1 06 SOUTH CENTRAL REVI EW

NOTES

1. Marock, DVD, directed by Laila Marrakchi (France: Lazennec & Associés, 2005).

2 . Et-tayeb Houdaifa, "Marock . . . beaucoup de bruit pour rien," La Vie économique, May 19, 2006. http://www.lavieeco.com/culture/6779 - marock . . . -beaucoup-de-bruit- pour-rien.html.

3. World Bank, "Migration and Remittances in Morocco," in Migration and Remittances Factbook. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTPROSPECTS/Resourc- es/334934- 11816785181 83/Morocco.pdf.

4. See the United Nations Development Program's "Human Development Report 2009: Morocco." http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/country_fact_sheets/cty_fs_MAR. html.

5 . Le Journal hebdomadaire and Nichane were censored and banned and no longer exist.

6. Sheldon Kirshner, "Art Imitates Life: Film Director Laila Marrakchi," Morocco,

com. http://www.morocco.com/forums/morocco-au-maroc/22760-art-imitates-life-film- director-laila-marrakchi.html.

7. MEMRI-Arab Movies Blog, "Marock: A Moroccan Movie against Obscuran- tism'' in The Middle East Media Research Bulletin, December 22, 2007. http://memria-

rabmovies.blogspot.com/2007/12/marock-moroccan-movie-against.html. 8. The American Spike Lee's 1991 film Jungle Fever (1991) can be compared in

some aspects to Marock. Lee's film about an interracial couple also stirred intense reac- tions. Newsweek magazine claimed that the film raised "more crucial issues than any American film in a very long time." Newsweek, 1 1 7, June 10, 1991 : 44^7. http://www. newsweek.com/ 1 99 1/06/09/spiking-a- fever.html.

9. Karim Boukhari, "Marock. Le film de tous les tabous," TelQuel 223, April-May 2006. http://www.telquel-online.com/223/couverture2231 .shtml.

1 0. For a recent news article on Jews in Moroccan society, see Ruth Grosrichard's "Le Juif en nous," TelQuel 348, November 2008. http://www.telquel-online.com/348/ couverture_348.shtml.

1 1 . Kevin Dwyer, Beyond Casablanca: M. A. Tazi and the Adventure oj Moroccan Cinema (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004), 331-332.

12. Boukhari, "Marock. Le film de tous les tabous. 1 3 . Mohamed El Ayadi, Hassan Rachik, and Mohamed Tozy, L 'Islam au quotidien:

Enquête sur les valeurs et les pratiques religieuses au Maroc (Casablanca: Editions Prologues, 2007).

14. Karim Boukhari, "Ferveur et hypocrisie," TelQuel 337, 24 September 2008. http://www.telquel-online.com/337/couverture337. shtml.

15. See Ayla Mrabet, "Polémique: Ramadan, entre liberté et dérapages, TelQuel 390, 25 September 2009. http://www.telquel-online.com/390/actu_maroc3_390.shtml; and Moroccoboard.com, "Ramadan Fast Breaking Activists Barred From Leaving Mo- rocco," 16 October 2009. http://www.moroccoboard.com/news/34-news-release/708- two-ramadan-fast-breaking-activists-barred-from-leaving-morocco.

16. See for example a Human Rights Watch Report on Morocco from 2008, Hu- manRights Watch.org, http://www.hrw.org/en/node/79248.

1 7. The 2004 Moroccan Family Code stipulates that the age of marriage should be 18 and that women have the right to reject an arranged marriage. It controls polygamy more strictly and redefines inheritance law for males and females. Divorce proceedings

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

THE ETHICS AND POLITICS OF LAILA MARRAKCHI'S MAROCK I HIRCHI 1 07

can be initiated by women and are supervised by judicial authorities. Under the new law, women are allowed to retain the custody of children and the proof of paternity procedure

has been simplified. The new code also eliminated some degrading language towards women. The full text of the Code in English can be found at this site: Human Rights Education Associates, http://www.hrea.org/moudawana.html.

Both the moderate Islamic party Justice and Development (PDJ) that occupies seats in the Moroccan parliament, and the radical Islamic movement called Justice and Be- nevolence (Al-Adl WaAl-Ihsan) participated in marches against the King's revision of the Family Code in Casablanca and Rabat. Supporters of the Code have also demonstrated publiclv in its favor.

1 8 . Margot Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation: Gender and the Making of Modem Egypt (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 3.

19. Ibid.

20. Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture, (London & NY: Routledge, 1994), 172.

2 1 . Teresa De Lauretis, Alice Does-N T: Feminism, Semiotics and Cinema (Bloom- ington: Indiana University Press, 1984), 14.

22. Veiled Love [Amours voilés/ Hij ab el Hob], DVD, directed by Aziz Salmi (Mo- rocco: Arts Films Productions, 2008).

23 . Naoufel Cherkaoui and Sarah Touahri, "Calls for banning Moroccan film deemed

offensive to veil," Maghrebia, January 19, 2009. httpV/www.magharebia.com/cocoon/ awi/xhtml 1 /en_GB/features/awi/features/2009/0 1 / 1 9/feature-03

24. Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion (NY: Har- court, 1959), 14.

25. Michel Foucault, Esthetics, Method and Epistemology: Essential Works of Fou- cault (1954-1984). Vol. II. Edited by James D. Faubion (NY: New Press, 1999), 405.

26. Helen Liggett, "City Sights / Sites of Memories and Dreams." In Helen Liggett and David C. Perry, eds., Spatial Practices: Critical Explorations in Social/ Spatial Theory (London: Sage, 1995), 245; cited in Lina Khatib, Filming the Modern Middle East: Politics in the Cinemas of Hollywood and the Arab World (London & NY: I.B. Tauris & Co., 2006), 243-73; 245.

27. Bhabha, The Location of Culture, 7. 28. Hans Robert Jauss, Toward an Aesthetic of Reception, trans. Timothy Bahti.

(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1982), 20. 29. Wendy Kristianasen, "Can Morocco's Islamists check al-Qaida"? Le

Monde diplomatique (English Edition LMD), August 2007. http://mondediplo. com/2007/08/06morocco

30. Jewish-theatre.com, "Movie on Jewish-Muslim love challenges taboos, provokes ire." http://www.jewish-theatre.com/VISITOR/article_display.aspx?articleID=1841

3 1 . Cited in James Austin and Grace An, eds. "New Spaces for French and Franco- phone cinema," Yale French Studies 115 (2009), 59.

32. "Marock's Still Sparking Controversy," Morocco Times, 2006, cited in the blog "The View from Fez." http://riadzany.blogspot.com/2006/01 /marock-debate.html

33. Ouafaâ Bennani and Karim Douichi, "Le film Marock toujours à la page: Atten- tion! Les nouveaux censeurs sont à l'oeuvre." Journal le Matin 4.1 (2006). http://www.

jeunesdumaroc.com/breve3246.html. 34. Following the March 1998 elections, a coalition government was led by op-

position socialist leader Abderrahmane Youssoufi. This coalition government included

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

1 08 SOUTH CENTRAL REVIEW

ministers from major socialist, left-of-center, and nationalist parties until October 2002. Youssoufi's socialist party was the first opposition party elected to lead a government in the modern history of the Arab World.

3 5 . Jaouad Mdideh, "La polémique sur Marock met en lumière le culte du non-débat. "

Journal la vie économique, January 20, 2006. http://www.lavieeco.com/culture/6759 - la- polemique-sur-marock-met-en-lumiere-le-culte-du-non-debat.html. 36. For an analysis of the literary, cinematographic and journalistic productions of

this era, see Valerie K. Orlando's Francophone Voices of the "New " Morocco in Film and Print: (Re)presenting a Society in Transition (New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2009).

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.2 on Thu, 25 Oct 2018 16:13:44 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms