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Contents Page

1. Introduction

2

1.1 Maternal Health and Mortality

1.2 Determinants and Impacts of Maternal Health

2. Global Perspective of Maternal Health and Mortality

2.1 Tanzania

2.12 Political and Economic Climate

2.2 Health Systems

2.3 Maternal Health and Mortality in Tanzania

2.31 Impact of Globalisation and Global Health initiatives on Maternal Health in Tanzania

3

3. Global Focus on Improving Maternal Health and Mortality

3.1 Maternal Healthcare in Norway: What it is and why it works

3.2 Delivery in Context

15

4. Conclusion

4.1 Moving Forwards: Key Points

5. References

20

22

1 Introduction

This report provides detailed analysis of maternal health and mortality in Tanzania. This is achieved by detailing the factors determining maternal health such as, health system structure, political and economic climate, and the availability of skilled work force (WHO 2015a). Maternal mortality rates (MMR) as an indicator of overall nation health, economic and political stability will also be discussed.

Comparisons of maternal health and mortality within a global context will be provided, highlighting differences between health systems and the impact these have on a nations ability to deliver effective maternal healthcare and reduce MMR (WHO 2015a).

Conclusions will include how improvements could be delivered within the political and economic climate of Tanzania to improve MMR, and the wider positive impact this would likely have on overall health of the Tanzanian population.

1.1 Maternal Health and Mortality

MMR is seen as a key indicator of a nation’s health (WHO 2015b). Research suggests nations with low MMR, have stable economic and political climates and higher levels of gender equality (Brizuela and Tuncalp 2017).

Improving maternal health (MH) to reduce MMR has been identified as crucial in tackling health inequalities at global, and national levels (Brizuela and Tuncalp 2017; WHO 2015a). This is highlighted through global initiatives such as the United Nations (UN) Millennium and Sustainable Development Goals (MDGs and SDGs) (UN 2015) and the WHO strategy to end preventable maternal mortality (WHO 2015a).

These initiatives suggest focusing on improving MH and reducing the MMR of nations could have significant impact on a population’s overall health as mother’s survival improves infant and child development alongside enabling stronger economic growth (Alkema et al., 2016, WHO 2015a).

1.2 Determinants and Impacts of Maternal Health

MH relates to the health of women during pregnancy, childbirth and the post-partum period (WHO, 2018a). Evidence shows that multiple factors including, social and economic status, cultural practices, gender equality, geographic location and educational attainment of mothers, have a direct impact of the health of pregnant women (Munabi-Babigumira et Al., 2017).

Poor MH including pre-existing conditions such as HIV/AIDS and malnutrition potentially cause short and long term detrimental effects on the unborn baby including cognitive and physical impairment (Brizuela and Tuncalp 2017). Research by Say et.al, in 2014, show mothers living in socioeconomic deprivation, are at an increased risk of experiencing poor MH and more likely to experience complications such as haemorrhage which is known to be the leading cause of maternal mortality (Say et al., 2014).

Negative impacts of poor MH are not isolated to the mother and unborn baby but have far reaching implications for the immediate family, community and economy of the country (UN, 2015).

Hanson et al., 2017 found expectant mothers living in deprivation had little or no access to skilled and adequate MH provision (Hanson et al., 2017). Effective MH provision includes physical health, educational, social, emotional and nutritional provision (Brizuela and Tuncalp 2017).

WHO suggests at least four skilled professional prenatal visits are required for mothers to receive adequate support (WHO, 2015a). The World Bank suggest poverty is both a cause of poor MH and is caused by poor MH (World Bank 2010).

2 Global Perspective of Maternal health and Mortality

According to WHO, 140 million women give birth globally every year (WHO 2018b). More than 20 million of these women will experience complications during pregnancy, childbirth or within the first 60 days (WHO 2018b). Complications include haemorrhage, fistulas, infection and anaemia (Say et al., 2014). Left untreated complications can lead to stigmatisation amongst communities, long term health conditions, negative impacts on parenting capacity and can be fatal (Say et al., 2014 and WHO 2018b). The high numbers of unsafe and illegal abortions, is estimated globally to be as many as 22 million a year is also attributed to significantly increasing levels of poor MH (WHO 2018a).

WHO states that 830 women a day die from maternal complications with 550 being from sub-Saharan Africa (WHO 2018a). Not only are there vast differences globally, research by Alkema et al in 2016, show that those in rural areas are at significantly greater risk (Alkema et al 2016). MH complications are the leading cause of death amongst 15-19-year-old women in low and middle-income countries (LMIC) and the second most common cause of death (after HIV/AIDS) amongst women of reproductive age in LMIC (WHO 2015b).

There was a 44% decrease in the global MMR between 1990 and 2015, from a global average of 385 to 216 per 100,000 live births (UN 2017). In LMIC, the average MMR was 239 per 100,000 compared to 12 in 100,000 in HIC (WHO 2015b and Unicef 2017) Whilst the global rate of reduction was 2.3%, some countries have seen rates decline by 5.5% between 2000-2010 (WHO 2015b). Whilst MMR is reducing, recent figures show 303,000 women a year still die globally due to maternal causes (WHO 2018a).

A systematic analysis carried out in 2014 by Kassebaum et al., highlights the majority of maternal fatalities are preventable, through births being attended by skilled professionals, as well as access to emergency obstetric facilities and medical supplies including blood (Kassebaum et al. 2014).

WHO figures demonstrate the percentage of births attended by skilled workers varies greatly, both within and between countries (WHO 2018a). In 2012 the global average of mothers who received skilled care during childbirth was 78%. However, figures show vast differences between nations: in 2012 only 20.2% of mothers received skilled care in Chad compared to 100% in Korea in 2015 (WHO 2015b). Figures in Somalia were the lowest figures published by WHO at just 9.4%, however this figure was from 2005 (WHO 2015b), it is reasonable to suggest this may have now improved, given improvements seen in neighbouring African countries over the last decade (WHO 2015b).

Whilst improvements have been seen in MH and the global MMR has decreased (WHO 2015b), the significant long lasting and wide reaching economic impact poor MH has on a nation, continues to drive international and national organisations such as WHO and UNICEF to continue to develop new initiatives and goals to improve MH (UN 2015). The MDGs and SDGs explicitly laid out the need to improve MH to reduce health, social and economic inequalities (UN 2015). SDG 3.1, is to reduce global MMR to 70 per 100,000 and for no country to have a MMR of more than 140 per 100,000 (UN 2015).

Research has shown the need for improved reporting and sharing systems on what is being done well, and how to improve MH globally (Brizuela and Tuncalp 2017). This has led to a new reporting programme being introduced in September 2017 which aims to rapidly increase the scaling up of best practice and deliver standards for sexual reproduction, maternal, new born, child and adolescent health programmes (WHO 2018b).

Following on from this, new WHO guidance on intrapartum care was published in February 2018 - it includes 52 evidence-based recommendations aimed at improving the health and well-being of mothers, babies, children and adolescents (WHO 2018b).

Whilst in high income countries nearly all mothers receive the minimum of four recommended visits, only 40% of mothers in LMIC receive the same (WHO 2018a).

Care pregnant mothers receive has a direct link to risk of dying from a maternal related cause (Munabi-Babigumira et al., 2017). Where as in HIC a 15-year-old has a lifetime risk of 1 in 4900, those in LMIC face a 1 in 180 lifetime-risk of dying from maternal related causes. In ‘fragile states’ this risk significantly increases to 1 in 54 (Munabi-Babigumira et al., 2017).

Research by Daviaud et al., 2017, shows countries experiencing adversities such as famine have significantly weaker health systems and lack sufficient skilled workforce to deliver minimally required healthcare, meaning the most vulnerable such as those living in rural areas are at a significantly greater disadvantage (Daviaud et al., 2017).

2.1 Tanzania

Tanzania which lies in East Africa gained independence in 1961, with the United Republic of Tanzania being formed in 1964 to include, Zanzibar and several smaller islands (CIA 2018).

2.11 Key population statistics

Figure 1 below, details key statistics for Tanzania’s population.

Population grew from 12.3m to 55.57m from 1967-2016

United Republic of Tanzania

Dar es Salaam is the most densely populated city

68% (44.9m) of the population live below the poverty line

TANZANIA

70.9% of people reside in rural areas and 29.1% in urban areas

2012 data shows only 18% of households had access to electricity and 71% had access to a protected water source within 1km

In 2015 life expectancy was 59.7 for men, 63.7 for women

Figure 1: Source Tanzania Country Profile (WHO 2015c) (National Bureau of Statistics 2017)

2.12 Political and economic climate

Tanzania has a simple majority political voting system with the last election being held in October 2015 (CIA 2018a). Whilst Tanzania has more than 2 main political parties the members residing over judicial system are appointed by the national president, with the state also own the majority of the press, so Tanzania cannot be seen as being a true democratic state (Skolnik 2012). Democracy is often associated with stronger health services delivery (Merson et al., 2012).

Figure 2 below, shows Tanzania’s current global and regional positioning in key indicators of democracy.

Figure 2: Source World Audit.org (World Audit 2018)

The East Africa Bribery Index (EABI) also shows significant issues with bribery in the delivery of services (Transparency International- Kenya 2011). Whilst episodes of reported bribery reduced from 40.9% to 31.6% between 2010 and 2011, increases were reported in health, with hospitals being the second largest sector demanding bribes and not delivery care until bribes were paid (Transparency International- Kenya 2011).

WHO 2015c, view Tanzania as a developing country (WHO 2015c), according to the United Nations, this is a country with a struggling economy and has poor overall health outcomes with lower than average life expectancy (UN 2015b).

Whilst still a developing country, the current Tanzanian government has ambitious targets of becoming a middle-income country by 2025 (World Bank Group 2014).

Tanzania’s economy has seen an average annual growth rate of 6-7% between 2009-2017, largely due to explorations in natural resources and increase in tourism (Bureau of National Statistics 2017). However, despite a rapidly increasing economy, inequalities in the distribution of wealth are evident with Tanzania’s Gini coefficient indicator being 37.6 in 2007 (CIA 2018a) suggesting significant unequal distribution of wealth between the population (World Audit 2018). Research suggests large gaps in wealth between rural and urban areas across Tanzania, which is in-line with trends seen across Africa (Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) 2015).

2.2 Health systems: Structure

The health system in Tanzania has a pyramidal organisational and funding structure, as shown in figure 3 and 4:

Figure 3: Tanzanian Health System Structure (Bureau of National Statistics 2017)

Figure 4: Tanzanian Health System Funding (Pharm Access Group 2016)

Central hospitals are governed by national government whilst district and primary care facilities are overseen by local governmental authorities (World Bank Group 2014).

Dispensaries provide preventative services such as vaccination programs, whilst health centres often have some capacity for admitting patients and delivery stations (CSIS 2015). Increases in the number of healthcare facilities have been seen in Tanzania over the last decade (World Bank Group 2014).

According to the World Bank, the number of beds per 1000 reduced from 1.49 in 1960 to 0.7 in 2010 (World Bank Group, 2018c). This is likely due to rapid population growth in Tanzania over the last 50 years.

2.21 Health systems: Workforce

The majority of healthcare is delivered by community health workers using traditional methods (Strangeland et al., 2008). Tanzania has a clinician and nurse density of just 7.74 per 10,000 population compared to the 22.8 per 10,000 recommended by WHO (WHO 2015c).

There are extensive issues with recruiting and retaining skilled health workers particularly in rural areas (Hanson et al., 2017). This is somewhat exacerbated by the globalisation of health, as professionals able to, often take employment abroad due to favourable financial and living conditions (Merson et al., 2012).

Lack of training and education amongst workers could also have led to a low skilled workforce as research shows significant gaps in provision and accountability of staff, particularly between rural and urban areas (Manzi et al., 2012).

2.22 Health Systems: Financing

According to WHO GDP spending on health has remained relatively low in Tanzania with most recent figures showing just 5.58% of GDP was spent on health in 2014 (WHO 2015c). However general government spending on health stood at 12.31% of all government expenditure in 2016 (Bureau of National Statistics 2017) which is lower than the estimated 15% needed by LMIC according to the Abuja Declaration 2001 target, to reduce health inequalities (WHO 2001).

The World Bank reports external funding increased from 11.3% in 2002 to 38.5% in 2012 (World Bank 2017). Whilst GDP expenditure on health has remained relatively static, overall spending on health has increased from $734m in 2002/03 to $1.75 billion in 2009/10 (CSIS 2015). Whilst increased spending is seen as vital in improving population health and reducing health inequalities, questions have been raised over sustainability due to increased spending largely coming from global funds (World Bank Group 2014).

Figure 5 below, shows healthcare expenditure and sources of funding:

Figure 5 Source: Universal Health Coverage Assessment Tanzania (Mtei and Makawia 2014)

Whilst in the past the government has tried to implement free healthcare this proved unsustainable (McIntyre et al., 2008). The National Insurance Fund was introduced in 2001 for those in formal employment which has contributed to greater inequalities between those in formal and informal employment. In 2016 only 30% of the population were covered, leaving 35 million people paying privately (WHO 2018c). There are government targets for 80% of the population to be covered by 2020. However, given current coverage figures it is reasonable to suggest this target will not be met. There is also a plan to introduce a mandatory health insurance but, as yet has not been introduced (Mtei and Makawia 2014).

2.23 Health systems: Health outcomes

The effectiveness of a health system is assessed by a populations health (Sholnik 2012). It is only through analysis of a country’s health outcomes that the strengths, weaknesses and future challenges can be understood (Sholnik 2012).

Figure 6 below, shows the top ten leading causes of death in Tanzania (WHO 2012).

Figure 6: Source Tanzania Country Profile (WHO 2012)

Whilst the majority are communicable diseases, which are commonly seen in LMIC, there is an increasing prevalence of non-communicable diseases, more commonly seen in HIC. The burden of non-communicable diseases is likely to result in further previously unseen challenges, on the already fragile health system in Tanzania (Afnan-Holmes et al., 2015).

Tanzania has shown significant improvements in several of the MDGs including infant and child mortality as highlighted in Figure 7 below:

http://maternaltz.csis.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/2A-MDG_line_chart_revised.jpg

Figure 7: Source World Development Indicators (World Bank 2017)

These reductions are largely due to focused joint partnerships with international agencies to deliver vaccination and preventative health programmes (USAID 2018a).

Whilst these are seen as positive health outcomes and signs of strength in the health system they do not provide the full picture (Afnan-Holmes et al., 2015).

The rate of reduction in maternal mortality has been low, not just in relation to high income countries but also within the African region (Hanson et al., 2017).

This is a concern given the rate of economic and population growth in Tanzania and will be the detailed health issue discussed for the remainder of this report.

2.3 Maternal Health and Mortality in Tanzania

According to WHO the most up to date MMR in Tanzania remains at 398 per 100,000 live births with differences between 281-570 largely seen between urban and rural areas (WHO 2015c). The Sub-Saharan African regional MMR is 546 (WHO 2015c). Maternal mortality in Tanzania accounts for 18% of all deaths among women aged 15-49 (National Bureau of statistics 2015c). Mothers mean age at first birth is 17.7 years, (Bureau of National Statistics 2015). This is concerning as research shows mothers aged 15-19 are at increased risk of birth complications (Hanson et al., 2017).

The average fertility rate is 4.8 resulting in an average annual population growth of 2.75% (CIA 2018a). Contraceptive prevalence is low at just 38.4%in 2015-16 (CIA 2018a), this is another worrying indicator of poor maternal health in Tanzania as, data shows nations with low contraceptive rates often have higher levels of illegal abortions increasing maternal mortality risk (WHO 2016). Limited number of trained professionals, results in many women receiving inadequate care and advice (Manzi et al., 2012). WHO figures show an average of just 64% of births in Tanzania were attended by skilled workers in 2016 (WHO 2016). Whilst figures show 95% of women receive at least one episode of antenatal care (WHO 2015c), only 45% received four as recommended by WHO. This is only a slight increase from 41% in 2007 (WHO 2015c). Research also suggests women receive little information regarding pregnancy complications during antenatal care visits, resulting in increased mortality risk (Prytherch et al., 2012).

Figure 8 below, shows the leading causes of maternal mortality in Tanzania in 2014.

Figure 8 Source: Women and Children First: Countdown to Ending Preventable Maternal, Newborn and Child Deaths in Tanzania (United Republic of Tanzania Ministry of Health and Social Welfare 2015)

Accessing adequately supplied health care facilities due to distance and minimal transportation are also seen as barriers in reducing the MMR particularly in rural areas leading to greater health inequalities for women (Prytherch et al., 2012).

2.31 Impact of globalisation and global health initiatives on Maternal health in Tanzania

Since failing to meet the MDG for MMR in 2015, the Tanzanian government has launched two large scaled initiatives ‘Sharpened One Plan’ and ‘Big Results Now’ aimed at reducing health inequalities and the MMR by improving maternal, neonatal, child and adolescent health (McGill et al., 2015). These initiatives are being supported and largely funded by international organisations including significant financial backing from USAID and the UN (CSIS 2015). USAID Mission has played a key role in funding HIV/AID reduction programmes in Tanzania as it ranks as one of the highest prevalent nations (CSIS 2015). They also contributed $12million in 2014 directly to maternal and child health programs as well as $26 million to improve voluntary family planning activities which promote healthy timing/spacing of pregnancies (CSIS 2015).

Steps are also being taken to deliver improved training programmes to community health workers who deliver the maternal care, especially in rural areas (McGill et al., 2015).

The Tanzanian government has recognised the need to reduce wider social and economic inequalities and have goals to move from a low to middle income country by 2025 (Bureau of National Statistics 2017). They aim to reduce inequalities by improving access to improved sanitation, secure water sources and improve rates of education, in an attempt to reduce the vast differences between maternal mortality risk in urban and rural areas (Unicef 2014).

Whilst goals and initiatives are an important element of reducing the MMR in Tanzania, concerns remain over the government’s ability to deliver sustainable quality maternal health care given its reliance on external funding (Kruk and Mbaryku 2015). External funding is often targeted at specific issues for a limited amount of time (CSIS 2015). Longer term government solutions are required for improvements to become ingrained and sustainable within the health system (Kruk and Mbaryku 2015). This vulnerability is highlighted in programmes supported by GAVI who currently supply vaccines at only 20% of the current market cost, however once Tanzania’s GNI reaches $1580 (which given its ambitious goals for economic growth appears attainable), GAVI will then start a 5-year withdrawal process at the end of which full cost of vaccinations would be payable (CSIS 2015).

3 Global focus on improving maternal health

Whilst global maternal mortality was reduced by 44% between 1990-2015 the target of MDG 5 was for it to be reduced by 75% (UN 2015). This figure alone, highlights the continuing need for international, national and local organisations to focus on strategies to further improve MH, reduce the MMR, and ensure women receive care that not only means they survive pregnancy and childbirth but also allows them, their new born and their family to thrive during this time (UN 2015; WHO 2015a).

Whilst many countries, including Tanzania failed to achieve MMR targets, the WHO, UN and other international organisations have continued to push for even greater change in maternal, child and adolescent health, setting higher targets through SDG 3- Ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages (UN 2015,). This has led to the development of global strategies such as The Global Strategy for Women’s, Children’s and Adolescents Health 2016-2030 as part of the: Every Woman Every Child Campaign and, Ending Preventable Maternal Mortality both published in 2015 (Every Woman Every Child 2015). Further recommendations of intrapartum care were also published by WHO earlier this year (2018) to support maternal and child service funding, focus and delivery (WHO 2018b).

Whilst global organisations, have accelerated their involvement and focus on MH, it is important to understand the complexities of delivering optimal healthcare within a specific context and the challenges faced by health professionals and organisations when attempting to bring about change (Sholnik 2012). This will be the focus of the following sections in which comparisons will be made between health systems in Tanzania and those in Norway which was ranked as having the highest levels of maternal healthcare in the Save the Children Mother’s Index report 2015 (Save The Children 2015).

3.1 Norway’s Maternal Healthcare: What it is and Why it works

Norway is seen by the World Bank as a high-income country with a stable and progressive economy, long life expectancy and positive health outcomes (World Bank Group 2018). WHO data shows Norway’s population was just over 5 million (WHO 2015d), with Norway ranked as the third least corrupt nation in 2017 (CIA 2018c) with a Gini coefficient index score of 27.5 in 2014 (World Bank 2015).

Norway’s healthcare system is funded on the principals of universal access and choice of provider (Lindahl 2016). It is financed by taxation with income related employee/employer contributions, with all residents being covered by the National Insurance scheme which is nationally managed (Lindahl 2016).

Health policy as well as hospital financing and management is centrally controlled by government, with local authorities responsible for the organisation and financing of primary health services dependent on local demand (Lindahl 2016).

Norway has some of the world’s lowest rates of infant and maternal mortality and spends 9.7% of GDP on health (CIA 2018c). It also has large healthcare work force with 319.32 nursing and midwifery personnel and 443 physicians per 10,000 of the population (World Bank 2018c). This surpasses WHO recommendations of workforce availability (WHO 2018b).

Maternal mortality was just 3 per 100,000 in 2015 with 99% of births attended by skilled health personnel and within hospital settings (WHO 2015d).

Expectant mothers usually attend 8 antenatal visits with their doctor or at health clinics run by midwives and specifically trained professionals. Once again exceeding global recommendations. Mothers can choose to receive care at either setting, or a combination of the two (Save the Children 2015).

Once the baby is born, mothers are expected to stay in hospital between 2-4 days, enabling them to readily access professional advice and support (Save the Children 2015). Norway offers substantial maternity and paternity pay with mothers being able to choose from 49 weeks at 100% pay or 59 weeks at 80% (Save the Children 2015). There is also a continued structured pathway for parents to receive professional support throughout the baby’s first few years (Save The Children 2015).

When looking at the new WHO recommendations for intrapartum care for a positive childbirth experience, it is possible to see how Norway could or already is meeting these recommendations, with WHO suggesting childbirth be seen as a unique and empowering experience for mothers (WHO 2018b). Norway allows choice of general practitioner, flexibility in who delivers antenatal care and services are delivered free to mothers (Save The Children 2015). These factors are likely to increase parental engagement and show evidence of a preventative approach to healthcare by allowing multiple opportunities to ensure parents receive individual care (WHO 2018b). This ensures sufficient care and advice is delivered and results in the early detection of complications, ensuring they are addressed to reduce mortality risk (WHO 2018b).

It is clear from the data presented here that Norway’s maternal healthcare services are of a significantly higher standard than that of Tanzania. The next section will discuss the challenges faced by LMIC such as Tanzania in achieving global targets for improving MH and reducing maternal mortality.

3.2 Delivery within Context

At a global level MH has been an area of increased interest in recent years (UN 2015).

However, it is one thing to publish statistics and best practice recommendations on MH and quite another to deliver improved services to reduce MMR and reach the next global targets.

This section will look at the monumental task for the health professionals of Tanzania, in trying to achieve these goals within the complexities of a nation that relies heavily on external donor funds to deliver its healthcare and, continues to have issues with corruption (CSIS 2015).

Research by Prytherch et al., in 2012, shows that whilst steps are being taken to increase antenatal visits and the number of births attended by skilled professionals in Tanzania, attempts to recruit and retain skilled staff, particularly in rural areas continues to be limited (Prytherch et al., 2012). Evidence shows some rural areas only have 35% of required workforce in place and up to 43% of those working were low level cadres (Manzi et al., 2012). Given that 70% of the population live in rural areas, gaps in service delivery and persistent inequalities are inevitable (Prytherch et al., 2012).

The paper also looked at reasons behind poor recruitment and retention, with workers reporting lack of motivation caused by poor financial reward, understaffing, poor health, safety and security and lack of essential medical supplies. Poor management and lack of support were also cited as causing low morale amongst healthcare workers (Prytherch et al., 2012).

Similar findings were published in research carried out in Southern Tanzania in which only 14% of the required nurses and 20% of clinical staff were employed (Manzi et al., 2012). On the day the survey was conducted, 44% of staff were not available to work. Data from the same quantitative study showed two thirds of reproductive and child health clinics received less than 3 visits from district government health teams in the six months prior to the survey (Manzi et al., 2012).

The survey highlighted the need for better efficiency in delivering health commodities and services to improve maternal healthcare (Manzi et al., 2012).

These challenges are not unique to Tanzania, research into factors influencing intrapartum care in a number of different countries also found issues around staff recruitment and retention relating to morale, lack of training/resources and poor living/working conditions (Munabi-Babigurmira et al., 2017).

Whilst this data shows issues at a local level in delivering even basic maternal healthcare, what it also represents is a fragile and disjointed health system (Kruk and Mbaruku 2015).

Much has been published on the MMR been an indicator of not just a nations health but also their economic stability (UN 2015).

Questions have been raised over long-term sustainability and level of national government financial investment in health-system reform (Kruk and Mbaruku 2015).

Tanzania relies heavily on global involvement to deliver its healthcare including, huge amounts of funding from USAID to deliver HIV/AIDS programmes, child and infant healthcare as well as vaccination programmes delivered at reduced cost by GAVI (CSIS 2015). Whilst these may appear to be positive contributions, they do not come without conditions, and significant international involvement in deciding how, where and for how long the financing will be delivered (CSIS 2015). This can lead to fragmented service delivery to meet the agendas of international nations and organisations without the best interests of the Tanzanian people consistently being prioritised (Kruk and Mbaruku 2015). For example, in 2013/2014 the top ten richest districts received 5 times the per capita budget of the poorest 10%. This increased to 6.4 times more in 2014/2015 (WHO 2016a). Evidence suggests that the limited increase in trained professionals but an increase in the number of facilities, is leading to even greater inequalities in quality of maternal healthcare particularly in rural areas (Afnan-Holmes et al., 2015).

Global health has become a commodity and like in any area of commerce financial and political gain are at stake (Sholnik 2012). The WHO has 194 member states and is funded through assessed contributions which are relative to a countries wealth and population and voluntary contributions (WHO 2018d). According to WHO 2018 assessed contributions accounted for 18% of contributions with 80% coming from voluntary contributions (WHO 2018d). Voluntary contributions are used as specified by the donating nation, meaning that increasingly maternal healthcare in Tanzania, is likely to be influenced by the political and economic climate in the larger financial contributors such as the U.S. who are the largest financial contributor to the WHO (KFF 2018).

Below Figure 9 shows the increase in voluntary contributions by the U.S to the WHO.

Figure 9: Source The US Government and the World Health Organization (KFF 2018)

This impact has been highlighted in recent years by the change in political administrations from those seen as taking a globalist approach to health, by increasing universal access to healthcare, to those with a more statist approach, who view the health outcomes of LMIC as a security threat, and one that needs to be controlled and measured (Rushton and Youde 2015).

Whilst it is true that increased data collection could be used to support the development of stable and long-lasting healthcare systems in LMIC, it would also provide international governments and organisations with greater scope of shaping the character and development of healthcare systems to align with their own political and economic priorities (Rushton and Youde 2015).

4 Conclusion

This report set out to understand MH as a global health issue, detailing the ongoing national approach by the Tanzanian government, to improve maternal healthcare with the aim of reducing MMR.

Evidence from primary research, policy resources, as well as theories of globalisation, demonstrate how an increased global political and economic interconnectedness has impacted on individual and nation population health outcomes.

4.1 Moving Forwards: Key points

The current Tanzanian national government’s narrative suggests a strong commitment to improving the health outcomes and reducing health inequalities for its population (McGill et al 2015). However, whilst improvements in infant and child mortality rates indicate a strengthening of the nation’s economic and political stability, higher than average MMR continues to highlight unequal wealth distribution, fragmented health coverage and fragile health systems (McGill et al., 2015).

Research demonstrates significant reliance on international agencies to deliver healthcare and improve population health outcomes, as well as unequal distribution of funds resulting in greater health inequalities being experienced by those in the most deprived areas (Prytherch et al., 2012).

National and international policies and frameworks are in place but have not consistently been successful in improving health outcomes (McGill et al., 2015).

This report has demonstrated the economic as well as moral case for sustainable improved overall health outcomes including reductions in MMR.

To improve the fragile health systems, maternal health outcomes and ensure the health of the nation is not continually reliant on external donor funds the following points should be considered:

* Ensure local and national long-term needs are taken into consideration by international organisations and NGOs through strengthened negotiation and unilateral partnerships.

* Increase population coverage of national health insurance policy to work towards universal access to healthcare.

* Increase in national financial and strategic investment in the development and management of the health system with greater accountability at all levels.

* Improve recruitment and retainment of workforce by increasing financial investment, and quality of management to address issues relating to morale of skilled and non-skilled healthcare workers delivering maternal healthcare-particularly in rural areas.

* Deliver maternal healthcare through already existing community programmes that saw significant reductions in national infant and child mortality rates. This has the potential to save money and increase coordinated healthcare delivery which is associated with improved health outcomes.

* Increase health promotion messages via state owned media, as the majority of the population has access to at least one mode of media communication (Bureau of National Statistics 2017).

Due to Tanzania’s historical and current political and economic climate, health improvements will take time, and the sustainability of advances already achieved remain to be seen.

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Level 5:

National Hospitals

Level 4: District Hospitals

Level 2: District Hospitals

Level 1: Primary healthcare services

Level 3: Regional Referral Hospitals

Level 2-5: 263 Hospitals

13% Private (P)

40% Faith Based (FB)

47% Publically funded (PF)

Level 1:

717 Health centres 13% P 19% FB 68% PF

176 Clinics 90% P 6% FB 4% PF

5915 Dispensaries 12% P 11% FB 77% PF

Top Ten Causes of Death 2012 HIV/AIDS Lower Respiratory Infections Diarrhoeal Disease Malaria Stroke Birth Asphyxia and birth trauma Preterm Birth Complications Ischaemic HeartDisease Road Injury Diabetes Mellitus 73400 34900 21000 20900 14600 13400 11100 11000 10700 9300 Top Ten Causes of Death 2013 HIV/AIDS Lower Respiratory Infections Diarrhoeal Disease Malaria Stroke Birth Asphyxia and birth trauma Preterm Birth Complications Ischaemic HeartDisease Road Injury Diabetes Mellitus

2