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Emotion from Encyclopedia of Applied Psychology

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Emotions are distinct, biologically base d psychological e ntitie s characte rize d by short-live d cohe re nt

patte rns of pe rce ption, e xpe rie nce , physiology, and communicative action. At both the intrape rsonal and

inte rpe rsonal le ve ls, e motions shape e xpe rie nce and outcome s in important domains of life , including

he alth, work, and school.

GLO SSARY

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anger

An emot ion elicit ed by t he appraisal t hat a demeaning of f ense or injust ice

has been commit t ed against one's self or one's own; anger communicat es

t he int ent t o redress t he perceived wrong.

anxiet y

An emot ion charact erized by t hreat and vigilant cognit ion t hat can impair

perf ormance when condit ions are perceived as providing a challenge t hat

exceeds capacit y; low levels of anxiet y can enhance perf ormance, but high

levels of anxiet y can impair abilit y.

emot ional

expres s ion

Displays of experienced emot ion in t he f ace, body, voice, gest ure, and

gaze; expressions of emot ion convey import ant inf ormat ion t o ot hers

about t he sender's current st at e, likely behavior, and enduring disposit ions

and help t o shape social int eract ions in import ant ways.

happines s

The broadest and most recognizable posit ive emot ion; t he display of

happiness is charact erized by t he Duchenne smile, which involves

movement s of muscles around t he mout h and eyes.

int erpers onal

Emot ion processes t hat occur at t he level of ongoing social int eract ion

where t wo or more people are int eract ing; in t his more social cont ext ,

emot ions coordinat e social behavior and smoot h t he progress of social

relat ions.

int rapers onal

Emot ion processes t hat occur at t he level of t he individual, including t he

cognit ions, physiology, percept ions, and behaviors associat ed wit h

individual response t o environment al opport unit ies or challenges.

s ocial

f unct ion

The part icular problem t hat an emot ion was designed t o solve and how it

does so by st ruct uring coordinat ed social int eract ions; recent t heory

argues t hat emot ions solve problems relat ed t o reproduct ion and t he

raising of of f spring, t he problems of group governance and cooperat ion,

and t he negot iat ion of social hierarchies.

INTRODUCTION What role do e motions play in human social life ? We ste rn philosophy has traditionally re garde d

e motions with suspicion, as a disruptive force . T he Stoics advocate d distancing one se lf from an

e motional life . whe re as more re ce ntly Hobbe s and Fre ud be lie ve d that following natural inclinations

would le ad to uncontrolle d e motion and socie tal havoc. Still othe rs, such as Aristotle , took the

pe rspe ctive that at le ast ce rtain e motions (e .g., ange r, je alousy) should be controlle d or mode rate d.

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Mounting e vide nce and the ory within psychology has le d to the opposite vie w of e motion, that is, that

e motions are we ll-organize d cohe re nt syste ms that e nable humans to re spond quickly and e ffe ctive ly

to e nvironme ntal and social proble ms and opportunitie s. T his article outline s this latte r pe rspe ctive ,

te rme d a social functional approach, and de line ate s how social functional approache s le ad to an

improve d unde rstanding of how e motions influe nce he alth, work, and school.

DEFINING EMOTION Emotion is e asily re cognize d and difficult to de fine . Curre ntly, e motion re se arche rs de fine an e motion

as a short-live d, biologically base d patte rn of pe rce ption, e xpe rie nce , physiology, and communication

that occurs in re sponse to spe cific physical and social challe nge s and opportunitie s. T his de finition

he lps to diffe re ntiate e motions from re late d phe nome na. Whe re as e motions are e licite d by fairly

fle xible inte rpre tations of stimuli and have spe cific inte ntional obje cts, moods have le ss spe cific cause s

and e ndure for longe r pe riods of time . Se ntime nts are consiste nt e motional re sponse s to obje cts that

can e ndure for life time s and be passe d from one ge ne ration to the ne xt (e .g., inte rgroup hostility).

Emotion-re late d traits, such as hostility and shyne ss, re fle ct consiste nt ways of re sponding e motionally

to broad classe s of stimuli. Se nsations (e .g., pain, an itch) are not e xplicitly re late d to the individual's

strivings.

Most e motion re se arche rs now agre e that e motions se rve adaptive functions but diffe r in the que stions

for which the y se e k answe rs. Psychologists who study the structure of e motion syste ms conside r the

origins of spe cific e motions, the be havior associate d with e motion e xpe rie nce , and the pe rsonal and

social conse que nce s of be havior prompte d by e motion. Psychologists who study que stions of

communication and cross-cultural unive rsality focus on facial displays of e motion, taking care to

docume nt the distinct muscle move me nts that characte rize some e motions. T he ir counte rparts who are

more inte re ste d in cultural variation use e thnographic or le xical me thods that e mphasize unique

aspe cts of e motional e xpe rie nce such as e motion words with no re ady translations outside of the

socie ty of origin. Re se arche rs who study appraisals of e ve nts that le ad to e motional e xpe rie nce use

narrative me thods to study the patte rns of stimulus inte rpre tation that diffe re ntiate e motions. T he se

various line s of inquiry have le d to re markable discove rie s during the past 20 ye ars or so re garding the

role of e motion in de ve lopme nt, psychopathology, me mory, and brain function.

MEASURING EMOTION Emotions have many face ts and can be me asure d in many ways. Re se arche rs inte re ste d in the

e xpre ssion of e motion can capture facial e xpre ssion with the Facial Action Coding Syste m (FACS)

de ve lope d by Ekman and Frie se n or can re ly on e thologically significant gaze , posture , vocal, and/or

ge stural activitie s. T he se me thods are fairly nonobtrusive and allow re se arche rs to study e motion

outside of the laboratory. Re se arche rs inte re ste d in e motion-re late d appraisal or the unde rstanding of

e motion have turne d to narrative me thods and inte rvie w te chnique s and e laborate coding sche me s to

disce rn the me aning proce sse s that give rise to and diffe re ntiate e motions from one anothe r.

Cate gorizing e motion words into prototype s of an e xpe rie nce is a me thod use d to unde rstand how

individuals conce ptualize e ve ryday e motion e xpe rie nce . Othe r re se arche rs have re corde d activity in

the autonomic ne rvous syste m to asce rtain whe n e motions occur and how the y diffe r from one anothe r,

for e xample , by asse ssing he art rate , re spiration patte rn, blood flow to the pe riphe ry, and skin

conductance . Finally, a gre at de al of re se arch continue s to re ly on se lf-re ports of e motion e xpe rie nce

through the administration of e ithe r formal Like rt-type scale s, such as the PANAS (which me asure s the

disposition to fe e l positive or ne gative e motion), or through more dire ct inquiry of e motion e xpe rie nce .

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SOCIAL FUNCTIONS OF EMOTION Darwin and Jame s laid the foundation for the study of e motion in significant and e nduring ways. In The

Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals, Darwin conte nde d that e motions must be se rvice able .

T hat is, e motions should be functional adaptations that pre pare the organism to act and communicate a

re adine ss to e ngage in a particular be havioral action. T his pre paration should be e xpre sse d through

nonve rbal displays that should be unive rsal across human culture s. Darwin also argue d that particular

e xpre ssions of e motion should be dire ctly conne cte d to the be havior the y pre pare the individual to

e nact. Disgust, for e xample , is a se rvice able habit that pre pare s an individual to e xpe l harmful conte nts

be fore the y are inge ste d and whose display include s protrusion of the tongue . T his thinking laid the

foundation for the study of facial e xpre ssion and functional accounts of e motion that are so wide spre ad

today.

In his 1884 e ssay title d “What Is an Emotion?,” Jame s e xte nde d some of Darwin's claims in proposing

that e ach e motion should be de fine d by a spe cific physiological re sponse . T his radical notion fe ll out of

favor but is now supporte d by studie s indicating that amuse me nt, ange r, disgust, e mbarrassme nt, fe ar,

love , surprise , and sadne ss all are associate d with distinct physiological re sponse s in the autonomic

ne rvous syste m. More controve rsially, Jame s also claime d that e motional e xpe rie nce followe d rathe r

than pre ce de d e motion-re le vant be havior. For e xample , crying would pre ce de fe e lings of sadne ss.

During the mid-20th ce ntury, this counte rintuitive ide a ge ne rate d a gre at de al of inte re st among

psychologists who prioritize d cognitive and information e xplanations ove r motivational and e motional

e xplanations of human be havior.

What distinguishe s conte mporary social functional approache s to e motion? First, a social functions

pe rspe ctive builds on Darwinian the orizing about e motion to conside r how the challe nge s and

opportunitie s of the human e volutionary e nvironme nt le d to the de ve lopme nt of spe cific e motions.

Importantly, this pe rspe ctive is comple me nte d by a conside ration of how human cultural practice s

e laborate on human biology to influe nce e motion e xpe rie nce and me aning. Se cond, a social functions

approach conside rs the e ffe cts of spe cific e motion proce sse s at the intrape rsonal le ve l of individual

e xpe rie nce and at the inte rpe rsonal le ve l of ongoing social inte raction among individuals. T hus, the re is

conse nsus that the e xpe rie nce of e motion guide s information proce ssing in functional ways, trigge ring

spe cific me morie s and patte rns of pe rce ption and cate gorization. T he autonomic ne rvous syste m

activity of e motion is thought to support spe cific kinds of action (e .g., fight or flight). And the

communication of e motion conve ys spe cific fe e lings, inte ntions, and dispositions, e voking spe cific and

adaptive re sponse s in obse rve rs. Finally, a social functions approach is conce rne d with the

conse que nce s of e motion, e mphasizing how e motions facilitate the succe ssful navigation of the social

e nvironme nt.

In contrast to pre vious approache s that vie we d e motions as disruptive force s, a social functional

pe rspe ctive re gards e motions as e volve d answe rs to the proble ms and opportunitie s pre se nte d by

human social life across our e volutionary past. In this vie w, e motions are spe cific e fficie nt re sponse s

tailore d to addre ss the proble ms of physical survival and social living. Emphasis is place d on the utility of

e motion in the conte xts in which it e volve d, whe the r it re mains use ful in curre nt e nvironme nts or has

be come inappropriate or maladaptive . Framing e motion in this way ge ne rate s a se rie s of important and

inte rre late d que stions about e motion:

1. Why do humans have e motions?

2. How do e motions influe nce survival and adjustme nt?

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3. What are the inte rre late d parts of the e motion syste m?

4 . What are the be ne ficial conse que nce s of e motion?

A social functions approach naturally dire cts atte ntion to the role of e motion in navigating the

complications of human social life . Dive rse the orists conve rge on thre e classe s of proble ms and

opportunitie s that e motions we re de signe d to solve . Se ve ral e motions, such as disgust and fe ar, he lp

humans to me e t the proble ms of survival, including avoiding pre dators and toxins. Still othe r e motions,

including filial love , de sire , compassion, and rage , he lp humans to me e t the proble ms of re production

that ce nte r on finding mate s, maintaining monogamous bonds, and raising offspring to the age of

viability. Finally, still othe r social e motions, such as gratitude , ange r, e mbarrassme nt, and awe , he lp

humans to me e t the proble ms and opportunitie s re late d to group gove rnance . More spe cifically, the se

e motions are thought to promote and maintain coope rative alliance s and he lp humans to fold into social

hie rarchie s and me te out justice and punishme nt. T he article draws on this pe rspe ctive to outline an

unde rstanding of se ve n e motions that will prove to be particularly re le vant to he alth, work, and school

se ttings.

Anger

Ange r is historically re garde d as one of the most disruptive e motions. Functional accounts of ange r

have she d light on the be ne ficial aspe cts of this misunde rstood e motion. Ange r has be e n shown to be

e licite d by the pe rce ption that an injustice has be e n inte ntionally committe d against the se lf by anothe r.

T his attribution of blame for an unfair outcome motivate s an individual to (a) se e k re dre ssive action and

(b) signal the inte ntion to aggre ss if re dre ssive action is not take n. T o this e nd, ange r is re ce ive d as a

thre at by the targe t. According to e motion the orist Robe rt Frank, ange r has two be ne ficial

conse que nce s. First, ange r pre pare s an individual to aggre ss in re sponse to se rious transgre ssions, if

ne e d be , by dire cting blood to the face and arms. More important, signaling that one is ge nuine ly like ly

to aggre ss is thre ate ning and re duce s the like lihood that a give n individual will be che ate d or take n

advantage of by anothe r. Signaling hone st ange r may be all the se lf-de fe nse that is ne ce ssary to

motivate a targe t to take re dre ssive action or fle e . Inde e d, incide nts of ange r le ading to actual

aggre ssion or viole nce are infre que nt re lative to the e motional e xpe rie nce .

Anxiet y

Unlike ange r, anxie ty is not always de fine d as an e motion. It has not be e n docume nte d to have a

distinct nonve rbal display or to be accurate ly de code d. Inste ad, anxie ty has be e n re late d to fe ar, e ithe r

as a subse t of the broade r fe ar cate gory or as a more ge ne ralize d moodlike state . T he e xpe rie nce of

anxie ty appe ars to be a concomitant of thre at-re late d cognitions whe n an individual pe rce ive s a

challe nge in the e nvironme nt that may e xce e d re source s. Small amounts of anxie ty have be e n shown

to e nhance pe rformance on a challe nging task, but profound le ve ls of anxie ty have be e n shown to

impair the ability to pe rform.

Embarrassment

T he e motion of e mbarrassme nt is a cle ar e xample of individual e xpe rie nce dive rging from large r social

conse que nce . Embarrassme nt is marke d by a brie f display consisting of a downward gaze , a brie f non-

Duche nne smile , and the move me nt of the hand to the face . It is fe lt in re sponse to uninte nde d

inappropriate be havior such as social gaffe s, pratfalls, and uncontrolle d bodily functions. Calling

some one by the wrong name and tripping in public are typical trigge rs of e mbarrassme nt. Although

e mbarrassme nt is an unple asant individual e xpe rie nce , the audie nce pre se nt for an e mbarrassing

incide nt is fre que ntly amuse d or sympathe tic toward the targe t. For this re ason, e mbarrassme nt has

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be e n posite d to se rve an appe ase me nt function. By fe e ling and displaying e mbarrassme nt, a pe rson

signals to othe rs that he or she re alize s the inappropriate ne ss of the be havior and is asking to be

absolve d of blame . At the le ve l of the social inte raction, the display of e mbarrassme nt re store s social

balance . Studie s have shown that individuals who display e mbarrassme nt are be tte r like d than the ir

none mbarrasse d pe e rs and show gre ate r conce rn for social norms. Adole sce nt boys who display

e mbarrassme nt, for e xample , are le ss like ly to e ngage in de linque nt be havior than are the ir le ss

e mbarrassme nt-prone pe e rs.

Fear

T he e motion of fe ar pre pare s an organism to fle e from thre ats that pose an imme diate dange r or are

pe rce ive d to be like ly to ove rwhe lm the syste m. Displaye d through raise d e ye brows, ope ne d e ye s, and

an ope n mouth, the biological basis of fe ar has be e n we ll docume nte d. In contrast to ange r, which

se nds blood to the arms, fe ar se nds blood to the le gs, facilitating a flight re sponse . In studie s of fe ar

re sponse , young monke ys e xpose d to e ithe r a snake or a flowe r for the first time e xpre sse d a fe ar of

snake s imme diate ly, sugge sting that the y are pre pare d to fe e l a fe ar of snake s. Inte rpe rsonally, humans

have be e n shown to be se nsitive to the fe ar cue s of othe rs, valuing the warning that fe ar displays can

provide . Whe n a facial e xpre ssion of fe ar is pre se nte d among a large group of smiling face s, the fe ar

face is ide ntifie d more quickly than is a happy face among a large group of fe arful face s. T he work of

Le Doux has conne cte d fe ar to the amygdala, an almond-size d structure of the brain shown to proce ss

fe ar-re late d information. Amygdala damage is associate d with de ficits in pe rce iving and atte nding to

obvious thre ats.

Happiness

T he e motion of happine ss comprise s the most ge ne ral and re cognize d le ve l of positive e motion.

Happine ss is unive rsally re cognize d and signale d by the Duche nne smile , a combination that lifts the

muscle s of the mouth and crinkle s the skin around the e ye s. Unlike othe r type s of smiling, Duche nne

smiling re fle cts an individual's inte rnal positive e motional state . T he disposition to e xpe rie nce happine ss

has be e n associate d with highe r le ve ls of life satisfaction and a cognitive style marke d by optimism and

diminishe d conce rn with social comparison. T he re is also some e vide nce that displays of happine ss

promote positive social re lationships, pe rhaps by e voking positive social re sponse s in othe rs. A re ce nt

study showe d that wome n whose colle ge ye arbook picture s showe d Duche nne smiling marrie d e arlie r,

had more positive re lationships with partne rs and childre n, and re porte d highe r le ve ls of life satisfaction

up to 30 ye ars late r.

Love

Love is traditionally re garde d as an e nduring attitude of affe ction toward anothe r or a style of re lating to

romantic partne rs, and re ce nt re se arch on love has found e vide nce of e motion-like prope rtie s. Love is

signale d through a se rie s of affiliation cue s that ge ne rate move me nt toward the love obje ct and has

be e n the orize d to promote commitme nt be twe e n love partne rs. Consiste nt with this the orizing, the se lf-

re porte d e xpe rie nce and display of love corre late with constructive conflict re solution and pe rce ive d

trust during mome nts of re lationship thre at. Fe e lings of love are also associate d with a gre ate r

willingne ss to e ngage in prore lationship be havior, e ve n at a cost to se lf-inte re st.

Sadness

Fe lt in re sponse to a pe rce ive d uncontrollable loss, sadne ss is marke d by e ye brows pulle d in toward

the nose and a downturne d mouth. Initially, sadne ss is marke d by crying and othe r inte nse displays of

grie f, but prolonge d sadne ss shuts down the body. T his shutting down of the body is the orize d to

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conse rve the body's e ne rgy until a time whe n a pe rson is be tte r able to cope with the loss. Sadne ss is

associate d with cognitions of having little control ove r pe rsonal outcome s. For e xample , individuals who

attribute positive life e ve nts to e xte rnal cause s and re gard ne gative life e ve nts as having be e n brought

on by inte rnal characte ristics of the se lf are prone to e pisode s of sadne ss.

T he pre ce ding se ve n e motion state s do not cove r the range of e motions curre ntly studie d by e motion

re se arche rs, nor do the y e ncompass the state s whose status as e motions ge ne rate s the most

agre e me nt. Inste ad, the se se ve n state s comprise e motions whose re le vance to the applie d se ttings of

he alth, work, and school has be e n most cle arly docume nte d.

EMOTIONS AND HEALTH T he lite rature on e motions and he alth is vast but can be summe d up sche matically with two fairly robust

claims. First, positive e motions promote positive he alth and a longe r and more satisfying life . Se cond,

ne gative e motions impair he alth and place individuals at risk for poor he alth outcome s ranging from

de pre ssion to he art dise ase . T he se e mpirical summarie s are base d on studie s of spe cific e motional

state s (e .g., fe ar) but more typically e me rge out of studie s of e motion-base d dispositions such as

anxiousne ss, hostility, and happine ss.

T he e mphasis on the be ne ficial aspe cts of positive e motions notwithstanding, positive e motion route s

to be tte r he alth re main unde rstudie d re lative to ne gative e motions. Rathe r, the disposition to positive

e motion and the cognitive concomitants of positive e motional e xpe rie nce have be e n re late d to be tte r

he alth. For e xample , dispositional optimism, which is re late d to happine ss, is associate d with longe r life

in the face of te rminal illne ss. T he positive illusions of individuals who ove re stimate the like lihood of

surviving cance r or a stroke appe ar to act as prote ctive re source s, prolonging life and he lping

individuals to find positive me aning de spite illne ss.

T he re lationship of positive illusions to he alth has be e n the subje ct of live ly de bate . In one study,

optimism was me asure d in me n re cove ring from coronary arte ry bypass surge ry. A man's dispositional

optimism was re late d to the re le ase of live r e nzyme s that promote d re cove ry, and the se me n we re

quicke r to re cove r the ability to sit, walk, and re turn to work than we re the ir le ss optimistic counte rparts.

Othe r studie s show that dispositional optimists are more like ly to e ngage in he alth-prote ctive be haviors

such as taking vitamins, e ating a we ll-balance d die t, and e xe rcising. Still, re se arche rs have conte nde d

that happine ss and positive illusions should ne gative ly affe ct he alth, pe rhaps by promoting de nial or

unde re stimation of the like lihood that illne ss will happe n. In support of this vie w, unre alistically high

le ve ls of optimism have some time s be e n re late d to a diminishe d like lihood of e ngaging in he alth-

prote ctive be haviors. None the le ss, positive illusions re main one ave nue through which positive

e motional state s have be e n shown to le ad to improve d he alth outcome s.

T urning to the ne gative e motional dispositions, it has be come incre asingly cle ar that ange r, sadne ss,

and (more re ce ntly) shame can have de le te rious e ffe cts on he alth. Although pre vious re se arch

conne cting he alth outcome s to the disposition to e xpe rie nce ange r or sadne ss has ove rsimplifie d the

re lationship, the conne ction e xists. Prolonge d e pisode s of ne gative affe ctive state s, rathe r than a brie f

e pisode of ne gative e motion, are chie fly re sponsible for the re lationship be twe e n ne gative e motion

and he alth. Small dose s of ne gative e motion, such as anxie ty and guilt, are associate d with e ngaging in

pre ve ntive he alth be haviors and be ing willing to se e k he lp. Howe ve r, more e nduring chronic affe ctive

state s, such as de pre sse d mood and chronic anxie ty, have be e n linke d to impaire d immune functioning,

coronary he art dise ase , me mory de cre me nts, and othe r major he alth conditions.

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Similarly, the prope nsity to e xpe rie nce fre que nt and inte nse e pisode s of ange r is commonly re late d to

poor he alth outcome s. T he association of “T ype A” be havior with he art dise ase is we ll known in

scie ntific and popular circle s. More re ce nt re se arch has shown that one compone nt of the T ype A

profile , the prope nsity to e xpe rie nce hostility and ange r, is the principal me diator of this association.

Studie s of T ype A individuals who are le ss prone to hostility show that the goal-drive n pe rsiste nce that

marks T ype A may actually promote compliance of re habilitative re gime ns, whe re as the hostile

compone nt of T ype A pre dicts future coronary e pisode s.

Prolonge d e pisode s of sadne ss are also pre dictive of he art dise ase , but the e motional e xpe rie nce of

sadne ss and its re late d cognitions have be e n most dire ctly linke d to de pre ssion. An attributional style

that blame s the se lf for ne gative life e ve nts and pe rce ive s little ability to control or cre ate positive

outcome s has be e n associate d with the de ve lopme nt of de pre ssion. More dire ctly, the te nde ncy to

ruminate on ne gative e ve nts by pe rsiste ntly dire cting thoughts toward ne gative e ve nts and possible

ne gative outcome s le ads to a gre ate r like lihood of suffe ring de pre ssion. In one study of coping in the

afte rmath of a strong e arthquake , individuals who re porte d ruminating about the ir quake e xpe rie nce

during the we e ks afte rward also re porte d more de pre ssive symptoms and we re more like ly to se e k

he alth se rvice s. T his coping style is more characte ristic of wome n, and inde e d, wome n make up a

disproportionate numbe r of de pre ssion suffe re rs.

De pre ssion is associate d with both incre ase d ne gative affe ct (e .g., sadne ss, anxie ty, ange r) and

de cre ase d positive affe ct. Administration of se le ctive se rotonin re uptake inhibitors (SSRIs) te nds to

de cre ase e xpe rie nce of ne gative affe ct and incre ase e xpe rie nce of positive affe ct in clinically

de pre sse d populations. T he se drugs produce paralle l e ffe cts in normal populations. Nonde pre sse d

individuals administe re d SSRIs for 4 we e ks we re rate d as le ss hostile by clinicians, se lf-re porte d le ss

ne gative affe ct, and showe d more affiliative be havior in a dyadic social inte raction than did individuals

administe re d a place bo.

T he e xpe rie nce of shame and se lf-blame may unique ly re late to ne gative immunological change s.

Re lative to a control condition, individuals induce d to fe e l shame by writing about a past traumatic

e xpe rie nce for which the y blame d the mse lve s showe d incre ase s in proinflammatory cytokine s, ne gative

immunological re sponse , and the stre ss hormone cortisol. Se lf-re ports of shame , but not of guilt or

othe r ne gative affe ct, spe cifically corre late d with the se physiological change s. A study of HIV-positive

gay me n found that shame -re late d cognitions, such as poor se lf-worth and e xce ssive conce rn with

social re je ction, are associate d with lowe r CD4 count (a ne gative immunological marke r) and highe r

AIDS mortality.

T he lite rature conne cting the disposition to fe e l ne gative e motion to poor he alth is e xte nsive , but

e me rging advance s in this are a sugge st that parts of this story have ye t to unfold. Guide d by social

functional analyse s e mphasizing the be ne ficial aspe cts of e motion, re se arche rs have be gun to e xamine

how ne gative e motion e xpe rie nce might affe ct he alth in positive ways. One propose d path through

which ne gative e motions may positive ly affe ct he alth is by promoting “toughne ss” or re sistance to the

harmful e ffe cts of stre ss. For e xample , mice e xpose d to re pe ate d stre ssors at an e arly age showe d

faste r patte rns of both physiological arousal and re cove ry, sugge sting an incre ase in the e ffe ctive ne ss

of the stre ss re sponse ove r time .

In a re late d ve in, the disclosure and fre e e xpre ssion of ne gative e motions have also be e n shown to

promote he alth. According to Pe nne bake r, one source of ill he alth is a re pre ssive coping style that is

characte rize d by an e ffortful inhibition of e motional thoughts, fe e lings, and be haviors. In support of this

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vie w, re pre ssive coping has be e n associate d with the re le ase of cortisol. Focusing primarily on trauma

suffe re rs who have not share d the ir e xpe rie nce s with othe rs, Pe nne bake r found that sharing traumatic

e xpe rie nce s by e ithe r talking or writing in journals le ads to re duce d physiological arousal and fe we r

visits for he alth care during the e nsuing months. Similarly, othe r studie s have shown that confiding or

disclosing traumas, e ve n se condhand traumas, is associate d with be tte r immune syste m functioning.

Consiste nt with a social functional account of e motion, ne gative e motion is not harmful pe r se and can

be an adaptive re sponse to a situation. Grie f, for e xample , is not associate d with the ne gative

immunological change s that characte rize de pre ssion. Grie f may be an adaptive re sponse to loss,

whe re as de pre ssion is maladaptive . Studie s of HIV-positive individuals who have lost partne rs or close

frie nds to AIDS find that de pre sse d mood is associate d with ne gative immunological change s and more

rapid HIV progre ssion, whe re as high le ve ls of grie f without de pre sse d mood are not.

EMOTIONS AND WORK A gre at de al of mode rn-day social inte raction take s place in work e nvironme nts. Conse que ntly, a

conside ration of e motion in the workplace is particularly be ne fite d by an inte rpe rsonal pe rspe ctive . In

the workplace , individuals must initiate re lationships, strive for distinction and status, se e k coope ration,

se al commitme nts, and optimally, be pe rsonally satisfie d with the ir work live s. T he se e nde avors are

facilitate d by the communicative aspe cts of e motion, whe re pe ople obse rve and re spond to e ach

othe r's e motions in ways that ofte n he lp to re solve or change the re lational proble ms of e ve ryday life .

How do e motions influe nce work satisfaction and productivity? As with he alth, positive e motion is also

associate d with be ne ficial outcome s. T he e xpre ssion of positive e motion has be e n shown to positive ly

re late to both work satisfaction and achie ve me nt. In one study of 272 e mploye e s, the e xpre ssion of

positive e motion was associate d with more favorable supe rvisor e valuations, highe r pay, and more

support from supe rvisors and coworke rs 18 months late r. A re late d issue , and pe rhaps a conce ptually

dominant one , conce rns the conte xtual factors that support the e xpe rie nce and display of positive

e motion. Re se arch sugge sts that much of the variance associate d with job satisfaction is attributable to

a pe rce ive d se nse of e fficacy in carrying out a task. Pe rce ive d e fficacy is re late d to lowe r le ve ls of

chronic stre ss and highe r le ve ls of subje ctive we ll-be ing. Individuals who are give n tasks that challe nge ,

but do not e xce e d, the ir ability may achie ve a state of “flow” in the ir work, whe re inte re st is high and the

tasks are e ngaging. In contrast, pe rce iving the challe nge s of the work e nvironme nt to be ove rwhe lming

can le ad to unhappine ss and high le ve ls of job stre ss.

Se rious ne gative occupational outcome s are also close ly tie d to inte rpe rsonal e motion. Job burnout is

a re sponse to inte rpe rsonal stre ssors on the job, whe re an ove rload of contact with pe ople re sults in

change s in attitude s and be haviors toward the m. Fie ld re se arch has e stablishe d that burnout involve s

thre e dime nsions, with e ach dime nsion highlighting diffe re nt e motions. Ange r and anxie ty are e xpe cte d

to be high in the dime nsion de fine d as e motional e xhaustion, that is, fe e lings of be ing e motionally

ove re xte nde d and draine d by one 's contact with othe r pe ople . Re duce d e xpe rie nce of e mpathy and

compassion is implicate d in the de pe rsonalization dime nsion, de fine d as an unfe e ling and callous

re sponse toward pe ople on the job. De cre ase d e xpe rie nce of pride appe ars to be ce ntral to the third

dime nsion, whe re fe e ling low compe te nce and low succe ssful achie ve me nt in one 's work le ads to a

re duce d se nse of pe rsonal accomplishme nt.

Anothe r are a of study has e xamine d re quire d e motional displays such as e xpre ssing positive e motion

toward custome rs by worke rs in the re tail industry or ne gative e motion toward de btors by worke rs at

colle ction age ncie s. T e rme d “e motional labor,” the use of positive e motional e xpre ssion has be e n

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shown to e licit liking and a de sire on the part of the custome r to re ciprocate in kind. On the othe r e nd of

the spe ctrum, de bt colle ctors are pre sse d to conve y ***irritation to de btors and adjust the ir e xpre sse d

e motions in re sponse to de btor de me anor. T his e motionally difficult work can clash with the colle ctors'

ge nuine fe e lings toward de btors. T his use of e motion may be task-e ffe ctive , but e motional labor has

be e n associate d with de cre ase s in fe lt positive e motion for e xpre ssing worke rs, and some

organizations ope nly e ncourage e mploye e s to de ve lop cognitive re appraisal skills to be tte r cope with

the e motional de mands of the job.

How do e motions he lp individuals to navigate the social inte ractions of the workplace ? How do the y

he lp the m to initiate re lationships, manage hie rarchy, and procure the coope ration of coworke rs? Ange r

and gratitude play important comple me ntary role s in promoting coope rative alliance s and cre ating

stable long-te rm re lationships. T he initiation of coope rative re lationships is assiste d by liking and

gratitude , which motivate the initiation of bonds and re ward coope ration, re spe ctive ly. Expre sse d ange r

can punish actions that thre ate n to unde rmine coope ration such as inappropriate ly taking cre dit and

ove rusing re source s. T hre ats that induce fe ar rathe r than ange r have be e n found to be succe ssful in

changing the be havior of othe rs. Howe ve r, thre ats risk inducing ange r rathe r than fe ar, and e liciting a

strong angry re sponse might pose a worthwhile risk only whe n inte re st and positive e motional

inte raction have prove n to be ine ffe ctive .

T he formation and mainte nance of coope rative alliance s take place within an e xisting hie rarchical

structure , and succe ssful manage me nt of hie rarchy is important to workplace succe ss. Re se arch

sugge sts that the e motions of high-status individuals are of primary re le vance for two re asons. First, the

outcome s of subordinate s are strongly tie d to individuals at highe r e nds of the hie rarchy in most work

e nvironme nts. Se cond, the e motional e xpe rie nce of high-powe r individuals has be e n shown to diffe r

from, and e xe rt an e ffe ct on, the e motional state of subordinate s. High-powe r individuals are more

disinhibite d in the ir e motional e xpre ssion, e xpre ssing both ne gative and positive e motions and be ing

le ss attune to how the ir e motional e xpre ssions are pe rce ive d by othe rs. Status is confe rre d and

re inforce d by displays of ange r rathe r than sadne ss, in part be cause the display of ange r is associate d

with gre ate r pe rsonal compe te nce . Ove r time , the e motions of lowe r status pe ople have be e n shown

to conve rge to be more similar to the e motional e xpe rie nce of high-status pe ople . T his conve rge nce is

propose d to he lp coordinate the thoughts and be haviors of re lationship partne rs, incre ase mutual

unde rstanding, and foste r social cohe sion. In the workplace , this e motional cohe sion is like ly to foste r

stable , mutually satisfying hie rarchie s.

In a workplace , de cisions must be made and course s of action must be agre e d on by re le vant partie s.

How do e motions influe nce workplace de cision making? One me ans is through e motion-re late d

appraisals. Happy pe ople vie w the world optimistically, pe rce iving situations to pose low risks and

e xpe cting positive outcome s. Fe arful pe ople pe rce ive the world as thre ate ning and are vigilant about

risks and ne gative outcome s. T he se e motion-spe cific appraisal te nde ncie s produce e motion-congrue nt

e ffe cts on pe rce ption, re asoning, and de cision making. Pe ople who fe e l happy re adily notice and

re me mbe r positive information, including othe r pe ople 's happy e xpre ssions. Bolste re d by the

acce ssibility and salie nce of positive information, happy pe ople te nd to vie w risks optimistically and

make more risk-se e king choice s. T he y labe l pe ople using more positive cate gorizations (e .g., “good

worke r”) and are more re liant on me ntal short-cuts in the ir de cision making, and this can le ad to le ss

thorough information proce ssing. In contrast, sad pe ople te nd to notice and re me mbe r ne gative and

sad information, me morie s, and facial e xpre ssions. T he y te nd to proce ss information thoroughly whe n

making judgme nts, pre sumably be cause doing so might he lp to e xplain or re solve the ir unde rlying

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ne gative mood. Appraising the world as thre ate ning, fe arful pe ople asse ss risks pe ssimistically and

make more risk-ave rse choice s than do happy pe ople . Howe ve r, not all ne gative e motions le ad to

more care ful de cision making or judicious risk asse ssme nt. Ange r is associate d with ce rtainty and

fe e ling control ove r a situation, and angry pe ople be have more like happy pe ople , asse ssing risks

optimistically and making risk-se e king choice s. Pe rce iving the world as unde r the ir own and othe rs'

control, angry pe ople are more like ly to blame individuals than to blame situational factors for ne gative

e ve nts.

EMOTIONS IN SCHOOL A large lite rature has addre sse d the factors that unde rmine acade mic achie ve me nt and social

adjustme nt in school. T he subse t of the lite rature that re late s to e motion has chie fly e xamine d how

anxie ty le ads individuals to unde rpe rform in, avoid, and mistrust particular acade mic domains or school

in ge ne ral. At a more inte rpe rsonal le ve l, re se arch on pe e r re lations sugge sts important role s for

ange r, fe ar, sadne ss, and e mbarrassme nt in social adjustme nt.

Anxie ty is conside re d to be the major cause of stude nt unde rpe rformance on e xaminations. Stude nts

who consiste ntly e xpe rie nce se ve re le ve ls of anxie ty are propose d to have a trait te nde ncy known as

te st anxie ty that involve s incre ase d anxie ty and stre ss whe n spe cifically taking te sts. T e st anxie ty has

be e n associate d with re duce d motivation, suppre sse d immune functioning, and impaire d te st

pe rformance . Se ve ral me diators have be e n propose d, drawing on appraisal te nde ncie s associate d with

anxie ty and fe ar. Fe e ling afraid he ighte ns a pe rson's vigilance for thre ats in the e nvironme nt. Studie s

find that te st anxie ty can impair pe rformance by incre asing a stude nt's susce ptibility to thre ate ning

e xte rnal distractors. Othe r studie s find that inte rnally ge ne rate d anxious thoughts disrupt pe rformance

by re ducing the available cognitive re source s in taking the te st.

Anxie ty is also conside re d to be a major cause of ste re otype thre at, a spe cific type of acade mic unde r-

pe rformance . Ste re otype thre at occurs whe n a ne gative ste re otype about a group of which a pe rson is

a me mbe r be come s pe rsonally re le vant, usually in the conte xt of an e xpe rie nce the pe rson is having.

Ste re otype thre at is the re sulting se nse that the pe rson can be judge d or tre ate d in te rms of the

ste re otype or that the pe rson might do some thing that would inadve rte ntly confirm the ste re otype . At

e ach of le ve l of acade mic skill, stude nts sharing ce rtain social ide ntitie s ge t lowe r score s than do othe r

stude nts. Fe male stude nts are outpe rforme d by male stude nts in math at e ach le ve l of skill. Re lative to

White stude nts, African Ame rican, Native Ame rican, and Hispanic Ame rican stude nts unde rpe rform on

te sts me asuring ove rall acade mic ability. T he anxie ty-re late d proce sse s be lie ve d to unde rlie ste re otype

thre at have be e n propose d to be a primary cause of the se groups' impaire d pe rformance . Se lf-

re porte d anxie ty has some time s be e n found to me diate the se groups' impaire d pe rformance , although

in some case s only for those individuals who are se nsitive to the group ste re otype . One study found

that African Ame ricans did not re port more anxie ty than did White s during an inte lle ctual ability te st;

howe ve r, African Ame ricans' blood pre ssure incre ase d significantly from base line re lative to that of

White s.

How can the anxie ty of ste re otype thre at be mitigate d? Ove r a de cade of re se arch has found that the

pe rformance of stude nts vulne rable to ste re otype thre at is improve d whe n ste re otype thre at is

re move d from the te st-taking situation, for e xample , whe n stude nts are told that a particular te st

produce s no group diffe re nce s in pe rformance . Othe r me ans of re ducing ste re otype thre at include

cre ating an acade mic se tting that communicate s ide ntity safe ty, for e xample , whe n a te ache r te lls

minority stude nts that he or she will hold the m to high acade mic standards and be lie ve s the stude nts

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can me e t the m. T he importance of combating ste re otype thre at is e vide nt in the link with ne gative

outcome s in acade mic domains that are ne gative ly ste re otype d for an individual's group ide ntity.

Stude nts e xpe rie ncing ste re otype thre at te nd to avoid the domain whe re the ste re otype applie s, se lf-

handicap in that domain, and/or situationally dise ngage the ir se lf-e ste e m and ability appraisals from

pe rformance on te sts in that domain. T he chronic e xpe rie nce of ste re otype thre at risks instilling

de valuation of succe ss in that domain, a dise ngage me nt of ide ntity from that domain, and a distancing

from care e rs re le vant to that domain.

Othe r e motions play critical role s in anothe r dime nsion of school, that is, psychological adjustme nt and

the ne gotiation of pe e r re lationships. Ange r is an important compone nt of conduct disorde r and

e xte rnalizing proble ms in childre n. Childre n's se lf-re porte d te nde ncy to e xpe rie nce and e xpre ss ange r

corre late s with the ir “acting out” be haviors in normal and clinically diagnose d populations. Childre n who

e ngage in antisocial be havior are rate d by pare nts, te ache rs, and pe e rs as be ing more hostile and

angry. Ange r-prone childre n are found to e xpe ct hostility from the ir pe e rs and re spond to ambiguous

situations with hostile be havior, which e licits re je ction from othe r childre n. In contrast, childre n

e xpe rie ncing inte rnalizing disorde rs, such as de pre ssion and anxie ty, te nd to fe e l fe ar and sadne ss. For

e xample , me asure s of de pre ssion in fifth grade rs are associate d with se lf-re ports of sadne ss as we ll as

ange r in the case of boys.

T he social-moral e motions, those that e ncourage moral be havior, socialization, and adaptive

assimilation into socie ty (e .g., e mbarrassme nt, shame , guilt), appe ar to motivate childre n to avoid social

transgre ssions. Le ss guilt, for e xample , is positive ly associate d with e xte rnalizing proble ms such as

antisocial be havior and is ne gative ly associate d with moral de ve lopme nt. One study of the

psychological adjustme nt of adole sce nt boys te ste d for the role s of ange r, fe ar, and e mbarrassme nt by

coding facial e xpre ssions during a structure d social inte raction (an inte llige nce te st). Boys cate gorize d

by te ache rs as having e xte rnalizing proble ms displaye d incre ase d e xpre ssions of ange r, whe re as boys

cate gorize d as having inte rnalizing proble ms displaye d incre ase d fe ar. Inte re stingly, both groups of

boys displaye d le ss e mbarrassme nt during the task than did nondisorde re d boys, indicating that

e mbarrassme nt signals normal social-moral de ve lopme nt.

CONCLUSION T he thre e domains of he alth, work, and school are important conte xts whe re life outcome s are shape d.

Emotional e xpe rie nce and disposition shape individual e xpe rie nce and social inte raction in ways that

influe nce the se life outcome s.