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ECONOMICS FOR BUSINESS
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ECONOMICS FOR BUSINESS
Seventh edition
John Sloman The Economics Network, University of Bristol
Visiting Professor, University of the West of England
Dean Garratt Nottingham Business School
Jon Guest Warwick Business School
Elizabeth Jones University of Warwick
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Pearson Education Limited Edinburgh Gate Harlow CM20 2JE United Kingdom Tel: +44 (0)1279 623623 Web: www.pearson.com/uk
First published by Prentice Hall 1998 (print) Second edition published 2001 (print) Third edition published 2004 (print) Fourth edition published 2007 (print) Fifth edition published 2010 (print) Sixth edition published 2013 (print and electronic) Seventh edition published 2016 (print and electronic)
© John Sloman and Mark Sutcliffe 1998, 2001, 2004 (print) © John Sloman and Kevin Hinde 2007 (print) © John Sloman, Kevin Hinde and Dean Garratt 2010 (print) © John Sloman, Dean Garratt and Kevin Hinde 2013 (print and electronic) © John Sloman, Dean Garratt, Jon Guest and Elizabeth Jones 2016 (print and electronic)
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About the authors
John Sloman was Director of the Economics Network (www. economicsnetwork.ac.uk) from 1999 to 2012. The Economics Network is a UK-wide organisa- tion based at the University of Bristol and provides a range of services designed to promote and share good practice in learning and teaching economics. John is now a Visiting Fellow at Bristol
and a Senior Associate with the Economics Network. John is also Visiting Professor at the University of the West
of England, Bristol, where, from 1992 to 1999, he was Head of School of Economics. He taught at UWE until 2007. John has taught a range of courses, including economic principles on social science and business studies degrees, development economics, comparative economic systems, intermediate macroeconomics and managerial economics. He has also taught economics on various professional courses.
He is also the co-author with Alison Wride and Dean Garratt of Economics (Pearson Education, 9th edition 2015), with Dean Garratt of Essentials of Economics (Pearson Education, 7th edition 2016) and with Elizabeth Jones of
Essential Economics for Business (4th edition 2014). Translations or editions of the various books are available for a number of different countries with the help of co-au- thors around the world.
John is very interested in promoting new methods of teaching economics, including group exercises, experi- ments, role playing, computer-aided learning and the use of audience response systems and podcasting in teaching. He has organised and spoken at conferences for both lecturers and students of economics throughout the UK and in many other countries.
As part of his work with the Economics Network he has contributed to its two sites for students and prospective students of economics: Studying Economics (www. studyingeconomics.ac.uk) and Why Study Economics? (www.whystudyeconomics.ac.uk)
From March to June 1997, John was a visiting lecturer at the University of Western Australia. In July and August 2000, he was again a visiting lecturer at the University of Western Australia and also at Murdoch University in Perth.
In 2007, John received a Lifetime Achievement Award as ‘outstanding teacher and ambassador of economics’ presented jointly by the Higher Education Academy, the Government Economic Service and the Scottish Economic Society.
Dean Garratt is a Principal Lecturer in Economics at Nottingham Business School (NBS), Assistant Head of Economics and the course leader for the School’s MSc Economics programme. In 2014/15 Dean worked as a Principal Teaching Fellow in Economics at the University of Warwick having previously been at NBS from
2001, including a period as course leader for the undergrad- uate economics courses.
Dean teaches economics at a variety of levels to students both on economics courses and non-economics courses. He is passionate about encouraging students to communicate economics more intuitively, to deepen their interest in eco- nomics and to apply economics to a range of issues.
Earlier in his career Dean worked as an economic assis- tant at both HM Treasury and at the Council of Mortgage Lenders. While at these institutions Dean was researching
and briefing on a variety of issues relating to the household sector and to the housing and mortgage markets.
Dean is a Senior Fellow of the Higher Education Academy and an Associate of the Economics Network helping to pro- mote high-quality teaching practice. Dean has been involved in several projects promoting a problem-based approach in the teaching of economics.
In 2006 Dean was awarded the Outstanding Teaching Prize by the Economics Network. The award recognises exemplary teaching practice that deepens and inspires inter- est in economics. In 2013, Dean won the student-nominated Nottingham Business School teacher of the year award.
Dean is an academic assessor for the Government Economic Service (GES). In this role he helps to assess potential recruits to the GES with particular focus on the ability of candidates to articulate their understanding of economics and its applications.
Outside of work, Dean is an avid watcher of most sports. Having been born in Leicester, he is a season ticket holder at both Leicester City Football Club and Leicestershire County Cricket Club.
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v i A B O U T T H E A U T H O R S
Jon Guest is a Principal Teaching Fellow in economics at Warwick Business School. He joined the University of Warwick in 2015 having previously spent over 20 years as a Lecturer, Senior Lecturer and Principal Lecturer in the Economics Department at Coventry University.
Jon has taught a range of courses including Principles of
Microeconomics, Intermediate Microeconomics, Economics of Human Resource Management and Behavioural Economics. He has also taught economics on various professional courses for the Government Economic Service and HM-Treasury.
His approach towards teaching is one that tries to convey his own enthusiasm for the subject combined with material that presents abstract economics concepts in the context of the everyday life of the student. Questions such as ‘Why do I never stick to my revision timetable?’ help to create lively discussions and develop students’ ability to think like an economist. He has also published chapters in textbooks on the economics of professional team sports and is an editor and regular contributor for the Economic Review.
Jon has worked on developing teaching methods that pro- mote a more active learning environment in the classroom. In particular, he has published journal articles and carried out a number of funded research projects on the impact of games and experiments on student learning. These include an on-line version of the TV show ‘Deal No Deal’ and games that involve students acting as buyers and sellers in the classroom. He has also recently created a series of short videos and imple- mented elements of the flipped classroom into his teaching.
Through his work as an Associate of the Economics Network, Jon has run sessions on innovative pedagogic prac- tices at a number of universities and major national events. He is also an academic assessor for the Economic Assessment Centres run by the Government Economic Service. This involves interviewing candidates and evaluating their ability to apply economic reasoning to a range of policy issues.
The quality of his teaching was formally recognised when he became the first Government Economic Service Approved Tutor in 2005 and won the student nominated award from the Economics Network in the same year. In 2011 Jon was awarded a National Teaching Fellowship by the Higher Education Academy.
Outside of work Jon is a keen runner and has completed the London Marathon. He is also a long suffering supporter of Portsmouth Football Club.
Elizabeth Jones is a Principal Teaching Fellow in the Economics Department at the University of Warwick. She joined the University of Warwick in 2012 and was the Deputy Director of Undergraduate Studies for 2 years. Since 2014, she has been the Director of Undergraduate Studies, with overall responsibil-
ity for all Undergraduate Degree programmes within the Economics Department. She is also a Fellow for the Warwick International Higher Education Academy and through this, she is involved in developing and sharing best practice in teaching and learning within Higher Education.
She is also the Academic Co-ordinator for the Warwick Economics Summer School and teaches on the Microeconomics and Principles of Economics Courses. She has also been involved in delivering the Warwick Economics Summer School in New Delhi, India, which delivers intro- ductory courses in Economics to 16-18 year olds and has delivered taster events to schools in Asia about studying Economics at University.
Prior to being at Warwick, Elizabeth was a Lecturer at the University of Exeter within the Business School and was in this position for 5 years, following the completion of her MSc in Economics. She also taught A level Economics and Business Studies at Exeter Tutorial College and continues to work as an Examiner in Economics for AQA. She is also a
member of the OCR Consultative Forum and has previously been involved in reviewing A level syllabi for the main Examining bodies.
Elizabeth has taught a range of courses including Principles of Economics; Economics for Business; Intermediate Microeconomics; Economics of Social Policy; Economics of Education and Applied Economics. She has won multiple student-nominated awards for teaching at Warwick and Exeter University and loves interacting with students in the classroom. She has a passion for teaching Economics and particularly enjoys teaching Economics to non-economists and spends much of her time at Warwick investing in innovative approaches to teaching and learn- ing. She is also a contributor to the Sloman Economics News Site and uses the blogs within her teaching.
Elizabeth has taught on a number of professional courses, with EML Learning Ltd, where she teaches Economics for Non-economists and Intermediate Microeconomics to the public sector. She has delivered courses across all government Departments, including BIS, Department for Transport, HM-Treasury and the Department for Health. She has also been involved in teach- ing on the induction programme for new HM-Treasury employees, looking at economics, the role of policy, analys- ing and using evidence and the implementation of policy.
Outside of work, Elizabeth loves any and all sports. She is an avid fan of Formula 1, tennis and football and provides ongoing support to her father’s beloved Kilmarnock FC.
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Brief contents
About the authors v Custom publishing xv Preface xvi Publisher’s acknowledgements xxii
Part A BUSINESS AND ECONOMICS
1 The business environment and business economics 4 2 Economics and the world of business 17 3 Business organisations 35
Part B BUSINESS AND MARKETS
4 The working of competitive markets 50 5 Business in a market environment 68
Part C BACKGROUND TO DEMAND
6 Demand and the consumer 90 7 Demand and the firm 112 8 Products, marketing and advertising 123
Part D BACKGROUND TO SUPPLY
9 Costs of production 140 10 Revenue and profit 161
Part E SUPPLY: SHORT-RUN PROFIT MAXIMISATION
11 Profit maximisation under perfect competition and monopoly 174 12 Profit maximisation under imperfect competition 192
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Part F SUPPLY: ALTERNATIVE STRATEGIES
13 An introduction to business strategy 216 14 Alternative theories of the firm 231 15 Growth strategy 242 16 The small-firm sector 262 17 Pricing strategy 276
Part G THE FIRM IN THE FACTOR MARKET
18 Labour markets, wages and industrial relations 298 19 Investment and the employment of capital 321
Part H THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN GOVERNMENT AND BUSINESS
20 Reasons for government intervention in the market 342 21 Government and the firm 368 22 Government and the market 388
Part I BUSINESS IN THE INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENT
23 Globalisation and multinational business 418 24 International trade 439 25 Trading blocs 455
Part J THE MACROECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT
26 The macroeconomic environment of business 469 27 The balance of payments and exchange rates 499 28 Banking, money and interest rates 517 29 Business activity, employment and inflation 546
Part K MACROECONOMIC POLICY
30 Demand-side policy 580 31 Supply-side policy 603 32 International economic policy 619
Web appendix W:1 Key ideas K:1 Glossary G:1 Index I:1
v i i i B R I E F C O N T E N T S
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About the authors v Custom publishing xv Preface xvi Publisher’s acknowledgements xxii
Part A BUSINESS AND ECONOMICS
1 The business environment and business economics 4
1.1 The business environment 5 1.2 The structure of industry 10 1.3 The determinants of business performance 14 Box 1.1 A perfect partnership 6 Box 1.2 The biotechnology industry 9
Summary 15 Review questions 16
2 Economics and the world of business 17
2.1 What do economists study? 17 2.2 Business economics:
the macroeconomic environment 19 2.3 Business economics: microeconomic choices 22 Box 2.1 Looking at macroeconomic data 21 Box 2.2 What, how and for whom 22 Box 2.3 The opportunity costs of studying economics 24
Summary 26 Review questions 26 Appendix: Some techniques of economic analysis 27 Summary to appendix 34 Review questions to appendix 34
3 Business organisations 35
3.1 The nature of firms 35 3.2 The firm as a legal entity 39 3.3 The internal organisation of the firm 41 Box 3.1 Exploiting asymmetric information 38 Box 3.2 Managers and performance 41 Box 3.3 The changing nature of business 45
Summary 46 Review questions 46 Part end – additional case studies and
relevant websites 47
Part B BUSINESS AND MARKETS
4 The working of competitive markets 50
4.1 Business in a competitive market 50 4.2 Demand 53 4.3 Supply 55 4.4 Price and output determination 58 Box 4.1 UK house prices 60 Box 4.2 Stock market prices 62 Box 4.3 Controlling prices 64
Summary 65 Review questions 66
5 Business in a market environment 68
5.1 Price elasticity of demand 69 5.2 The importance of price elasticity of demand
to business decision making 71 5.3 Other elasticities 74 5.4 The time dimension of market adjustment 78 5.5 Dealing with uncertainty 82 Box 5.1 The measurement of elasticity 72 Box 5.2 Elasticity and the incidence of tax 76 Box 5.3 Adjusting to oil price shocks 80 Box 5.4 Don’t shoot the speculator 84
Summary 85 Review questions 86 Part end – additional case studies and
relevant websites 86
Part C BACKGROUND TO DEMAND
6 Demand and the consumer 90
6.1 Marginal utility theory 91 6.2 Demand under conditions of risk and uncertainty 95 6.3 The characteristics approach to analysing
consumer demand 104 Box 6.1 Calculating consumer surplus 93 Box 6.2 The marginal utility revolution: Jevons,
Menger, Walras 94 Box 6.3 Adverse selection in the insurance market 101 Box 6.4 Rogue traders 102
Summary 110 Review questions 111
Detailed contents
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7 Demand and the firm 112
7.1 Estimating demand functions 112 7.2 Forecasting demand 118 Box 7.1 The demand for lamb 116
Summary 121 Review questions 122
8 Products, marketing and advertising 123
8.1 Product differentiation 124 8.2 Marketing the product 127 8.3 Advertising 129 Box 8.1 The battle of the brands 125 Box 8.2 Advertising and the long run 134
Summary 136 Review questions 137 Part end – additional case studies and
relevant websites 137
Part D BACKGROUND TO SUPPLY
9 Costs of production 140
9.1 The meaning of costs 140 9.2 Production in the short run 142 9.3 Costs in the short run 145 9.4 Production in the long run 149 9.5 Costs in the long run 155 Box 9.1 The fallacy of using historic costs 141 Box 9.2 How vulnerable are you? 146 Box 9.3 UK competitiveness: moving to the next stage 153 Box 9.4 Minimum efficient scale 156 Box 9.5 Fashion cycles 158
Summary 159 Review questions 160
10 Revenue and profit 161
10.1 Revenue 161 10.2 Profit maximisation 165 Box 10.1 Costs, revenue and profits 165 Box 10.2 Opportunity cost of capital in practice 169 Box 10.3 Selling ice cream when I was a student 169
Summary 170 Review questions 170 Part end – additional case studies and
relevant websites 171
Part E
SUPPLY: SHORT-RUN PROFIT MAXIMISATION
11 Profit maximisation under perfect competition and monopoly 174
11.1 Alternative market structures 174 11.2 Perfect competition 178 11.3 Monopoly 181
11.4 Potential competition or potential monopoly? The theory of contestable markets 188 Box 11.1 Concentration ratios 177 Box 11.2 E-commerce 182 Box 11.3 Windows cleaning 186 Box 11.4 ‘It could be you’ 188
Summary 190 Review questions 191
12 Profit maximisation under imperfect competition 192
12.1 Monopolistic competition 192 12.2 Oligopoly 196 12.3 Game theory 205 Box 12.1 Eating out in Britain 194 Box 12.2 Oligopolies: the good, the bad
and the ugly 202 Box 12.3 The prisoners’ dilemma 207 Box 12.4 The Hunger Games 209
Summary 210 Review questions 211 Part end – additional case studies and
relevant websites 212
Part F SUPPLY: ALTERNATIVE STRATEGIES
13 An introduction to business strategy 216
13.1 What is strategy? 217 13.2 Strategic analysis 220 13.3 Strategic choice 225 13.4 Business strategy in a global economy 227 13.5 Strategy: evaluation and implementation 229 Box 13.1 Business strategy the Samsung way 218 Box 13.2 Hybrid strategy 227
Summary 229 Review questions 230
14 Alternative theories of the firm 231
14.1 Problems with traditional theory 231 14.2 Alternative maximising theories 233 14.3 Multiple aims 238 Box 14.1 In search of long-run profits 234 Box 14.2 Stakeholder power 240
Summary 240 Review questions 241
15 Growth strategy 242
15.1 Growth and profitability 242 15.2 Constraints on growth 243 15.3 Alternative growth strategies 245 15.4 Internal growth 246 15.5 External growth through merger 249 15.6 External growth through strategic alliance 254
x D E T A I L E D C O N T E N T S
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15.7 Explaining external firm growth: a transaction costs approach 257
Box 15.1 Global merger activity 250 Box 15.2 How many firms does it take to make an
iPhone? 256 Box 15.3 The day the world stopped 258
Summary 260 Review questions 261
16 The small-firm sector 262
16.1 Defining the small-firm sector 262 16.2 The survival, growth and failure of small businesses 267 16.3 Government assistance and the small firm 271 Box 16.1 Capturing global entrepreneurial spirit 264 Box 16.2 Hotel Chocolat 270
Summary 274 Review questions 275
17 Pricing strategy 276
17.1 Pricing and market structure 277 17.2 Alternative pricing strategies 278 17.3 Price discrimination 280 17.4 Multiple product pricing 289 17.5 Transfer pricing 290 17.6 Pricing and the product life cycle 291 Box 17.1 Easy pricing 281 Box 17.2 A quantity discount pricing strategy 288 Box 17.3 How do European companies set prices? 292
Summary 293 Review questions 294 Part end – additional case studies and
relevant websites 295
PART G THE FIRM IN THE FACTOR MARKET
18 Labour markets, wages and industrial relations 298
18.1 Market-determined wage rates and employment 298 18.2 Power in the labour market 304 18.3 Low pay and discrimination 310 18.4 The flexible firm and the market for labour 316 Box 18.1 ‘Telecommuters’ 301 Box 18.2 Winters of discontent 308 Box 18.3 The Internet and labour mobility 318
Summary 319 Review questions 320
19 Investment and the employment of capital 321
19.1 The pricing of capital and capital services 321 19.2 The demand for and supply of capital services 323 19.3 Investment appraisal 325 19.4 Financing investment 331 19.5 The stock market 335
Box 19.1 Investing in roads 326 Box 19.2 The ratios to measure success 328 Box 19.3 Financing innovation 333
Summary 338 Review questions 338 Part end – additional case studies and
relevant websites 339
Part H
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN GOVERNMENT AND BUSINESS
20 Reasons for government intervention in the market 342
20.1 Markets and the role of government 342 20.2 Types of market failure 343 20.3 Government intervention in the market 354 20.4 The case for less government intervention 359 20.5 Firms and social responsibility 360 Box 20.1 Can the market provide adequate protection
for the environment? 348 Box 20.2 The tragedy of the commons 352 Box 20.3 Deadweight loss from taxes on goods and
services 357 Box 20.4 The Body Shop 365
Summary 366 Review questions 367
21 Government and the firm 368
21.1 Competition policy 368 21.2 Policies towards research and
development (R&D) 376 21.3 Policies towards training 380 Box 21.1 From paper envelopes to canned
mushrooms: the umpire strikes back 374 Box 21.2 The R&D Scoreboard 378 Box 21.3 Radical changes to apprenticeships 384
Summary 386 Review questions 387
22 Government and the market 388
22.1 Environmental policy 388 22.2 Transport policy 400 22.3 Privatisation and regulation 407 Box 22.1 A Stern rebuke about climate
change inaction 390 Box 22.2 Trading our way out of
climate change 398 Box 22.3 Road pricing in Singapore 406 Box 22.4 The right track to reform? 410
Summary 412 Review questions 414 Part end – additional case studies and
relevant websites 414
D E T A I L E D C O N T E N T S x i
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Part I
BUSINESS IN THE INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENT
23 Globalisation and multinational business 418
23.1 Globalisation: setting the scene 418 23.2 What is a multinational corporation? 421 23.3 Trends in multinational investment 423 23.4 Why do businesses go multinational? 426 23.5 The advantages of MNC investment for
the host state 431 23.6 The disadvantages of MNC investment for
the host state 433 23.7 Multinational corporations and developing
economies 434 Box 23.1 M&As and greenfield FDI 424 Box 23.2 Location. Location. Location. 432 Box 23.3 Grocers go global 436
Summary 437 Review questions 438
24 International trade 439
24.1 Trading patterns 439 24.2 The advantages of trade 443 24.3 Arguments for restricting trade 446 24.4 The world trading system and the WTO 450 Box 24.1 Strategic trade theory 446 Box 24.2 Giving trade a bad name 450 Box 24.3 The Doha Development Agenda 452
Summary 453 Review questions 454
25 Trading blocs 455
25.1 Preferential trading 456 25.2 Preferential trading in practice 457 25.3 The European Union 458 Box 25.1 Beyond bananas 461 Box 25.2 The Internal Market Scoreboard 463
Summary 464 Review questions 464 Part end – additional case studies and
relevant websites 465
Part J THE MACROECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT
26 The macroeconomic environment of business 469
26.1 Introduction to the macroeconomic environment 470 26.2 Economic growth 471 26.3 Unemployment 478 26.4 Inflation 482 26.5 The business cycle and key macroeconomic
variables 489 26.6 The circular flow of income 490 Box 26.1 Output gaps 475 Box 26.2 The duration of unemployment 482 Box 26.3 Inflation or deflation 488
Summary 493 Review questions 494 Appendix: Measuring national income and output 495 Summary to appendix 498 Review questions to appendix 498
27 The balance of payments and exchange rates 499
27.1 The balance of payments account 499 27.2 The exchange rate 503 27.3 Exchange rates and the balance of payments 508 27.4 Fixed versus floating exchange rates 509 Box 27.1 Nominal and real exchange rates 506 Box 27.2 Dealing in foreign exchange 507 Box 27.3 The importance of international financial
movements 508 Box 27.4 The euro/dollar seesaw 513
Summary 515 Review questions 516
28 Banking, money and interest rates 517
28.1 The meaning and functions of money 518 28.2 The financial system 518 28.3 The supply of money 533 28.4 The demand for money 541 28.5 Equilibrium 542 Box 28.1 Financial intermediation 520 Box 28.2 Growth of banks’ balance sheets 524 Box 28.3 Residential mortgages and securitisation 528 Box 28.4 Credit, money and Minsky’s financial
instability hypothesis 538
Summary 544 Review questions 545
29 Business activity, employment and inflation 546
29.1 The simple Keynesian model of business activity 547 29.2 Aggregate demand, output and inflation 550 29.3 Money, aggregate demand and inflation 554 29.4 The relationship between inflation and
unemployment: the short run 556 29.5 Inflation rate targeting and unemployment 562 29.6 Business cycles 566 Box 29.1 Mind the gap 557 Box 29.2 Household sector balance sheets 568 Summary 573 Review questions 575 Part end – additional case studies and
relevant websites 575
Part K MACROECONOMIC POLICY
30 Demand-side policy 580
30.1 Fiscal policy 580 30.2 Monetary policy 588 30.3 Attitudes towards demand management 598
x i i D E T A I L E D C O N T E N T S
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Box 30.1 The financial crisis and the UK fiscal policy yo-yo 584
Box 30.2 The evolving fiscal frameworks in the UK and Eurozone 587
Box 30.3 The daily operation of monetary policy 592 Box 30.4 Quantitative easing 595 Box 30.5 Monetary policy in the eurozone 596
Summary 601 Review questions 602
31 Supply-side policy 603
31.1 Supply-side problems 603 31.2 Market-orientated supply-side policies 607 31.3 Interventionist supply-side policies 614 31.4 Regional policy 615 Box 31.1 Getting intensive with physical capital 605 Box 31.2 UK human capital 608 Box 31.3 Labour productivity 611 Box 31.4 EU regional policy 617
Summary 618 Review questions 618
32 International economic policy 619
32.1 Global interdependence 619 32.2 International harmonisation of economic
policies 622 32.3 European economic and monetary union 624 32.4 Alternative policies for achieving
currency stability 632 Box 32.1 Doctor, the world has caught a cold! 620 Box 32.2 Optimal currency areas 628 Box 32.3 The Tobin tax 634
Summary 636 Review questions 637 Part end – additional case studies and
relevant websites 637
Web appendix W:1 Key ideas K:1 Glossary G:1 Index I:1
D E T A I L E D C O N T E N T S x i i i
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Custom publishing allows academics to pick and choose content from one or more textbooks for their course and combine it into a definitive course text.
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Custom publishing
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If you are studying economics on a business degree or diploma, then this book is written for you. Although we cover all the major principles of economics, the focus throughout is on the world of business. For this reason we also cover several topics that do not appear in traditional economics textbooks.
As well as making considerable use of business examples throughout the text, we have included many case studies (in boxes). These illustrate how economics can be used to understand particular business problems or aspects of the business environment. Many of these case studies cover issues that you are likely to read about in the newspapers. Some cover general business issues; others look at specific companies. Nearly all of them cover topical issues includ- ing, the rise of online business, the video gaming market, entrepreneurship, competition and growth strategy, the banking crisis of the late 2000s, the sluggish recovery from recession, quantitative easing, the role of global trade and increased competition from newly industrialised countries.
The style of writing is direct and straightforward, with short paragraphs to aid rapid comprehension. There are also questions interspersed throughout the text in ‘Pause for thought’ panels. These encourage you to reflect on what you are learning and to see how the various ideas and theories relate to different issues. Definitions of all key terms are given in definition boxes, with defined terms appearing in bold. Also we have highlighted 44 ‘Key ideas’, which are funda- mental to ‘thinking like an economist’. We refer back to these every time they recur in the book. This helps you to see how the subject ties together, and also helps you to develop a toolkit of concepts that can be used in a host of different contexts.
Preface
Summaries are given at the end of each chapter, with points numbered according to the section in which they appeared. These summaries should help you in reviewing the material you have covered and in revising for exams. Each chapter finishes with a series of questions. These can be used to check your understanding of the chapter and help you to see how its material can be applied to various business problems. References to various useful websites are listed at the end of each Part of the book.
The book also has a blog, The Sloman Economics News Site, with several postings each week by the authors. The blog discusses topical issues, links to relevant articles, videos and data and asks questions for you to think about.
In addition to the blog, the book is accompanied by an interactive website, MyEconLab. This is a personalised and innovative online study and testing resource. It also contains an online version of the book, 145 additional case studies, answers to ‘Pause for Thought’ questions, animations of key models in the book with audio explanations, a set of videoed interviews with businesspeople about decision-making and the relevance of economics to their businesses, hotlinks to 278 websites, plus other materials to improve your under- standing of concepts and techniques used in economics.
We hope that, in using this book, you will share some of our fascination for economics. It is a subject that is highly relevant to the world in which we live. And it is a world where many of our needs are served by business – whether as employers or as producers of the goods and services we buy. After graduating, you will probably take up employ- ment in business. A thorough grounding in economic prin- ciples should prove invaluable in the business decisions you may well have to make.
TO THE STUDENT
TO LECTURERS AND TUTORS
The aim of this book is to provide a course in economic principles as they apply to the business environment. It is designed to be used by first-year undergraduates on busi- ness studies degrees and diplomas where economics is taught from the business perspective. It is also suitable for students studying economics on postgraduate courses in
management, including the MBA, and various professional courses.
Being essentially a book on economics, we cover all the major topics found in standard economics texts – indeed, some of the material in the principles sections is drawn directly from Economics (9th edition). But in addition there
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are several specialist business chapters and sections to build upon and enliven the subject for business studies students. These have been fully updated and revised for this new edi- tion. The following are some examples of these additional topics:
■ The business environment ■ Business organisations ■ Characteristics theory ■ Advertising and marketing of products ■ Business strategy ■ Alternative aims of firms ■ Growth strategy ■ Strategic alliances and various other forms of co-opera-
tion between firms ■ The small-firm sector ■ Pricing in practice, including topics such as mark-up
pricing, an extended analysis of first-, second- and third-degree price discrimination in various contexts, multiple product pricing, transfer pricing and pricing over the product life cycle
■ Government and the firm, including policies towards research and development (R&D) and policies towards training
■ Government and the market, including environmental policy and transport policy
■ Financial markets and the funding of business investment ■ The financial well-being of firms, households and gov-
ernments and its impact on the business environment ■ The multinational corporation ■ Globalisation and business ■ Trading blocs and their development ■ Monetary union, the future of the eurozone and implica-
tions for business
The text is split into 32 chapters. Each chapter is kept relatively short to enable the material to be covered in a single lecture or class. Each chapter finishes with a summary and review questions, which can be used for seminars or discussion sessions.
The chapters are grouped into 11 Parts:
■ Part A Business and economics (Chapters 1–3) estab- lishes the place of business within the economy and the relevance of economics to business decision making.
■ Part B Business and markets (Chapters 4 and 5) looks at the operation of markets. It covers supply and demand analysis and examines the importance of the concept of elasticity for business decisions.
■ Part C Background to demand (Chapters 6–8) considers the consumer – how consumer behaviour can be pre- dicted and how, via advertising and marketing, con- sumer demand can be influenced.
■ Part D Background to supply (Chapters 9 and 10) focuses on the relationship between the quantity that businesses produce and their costs, revenue and profits.
■ Part E Supply: short-run profit maximisation (Chapters 11 and 12) presents the traditional analysis of market structures and the implications that such structures have for business conduct and performance.
■ Part F Supply: alternative strategies (Chapters 13–17) starts by looking at business strategy. It then considers various alternative theories of the firm. It also examines how business size can influence business actions, and why pricing strategies differ from one firm to another and how these strategies are influenced by the market conditions in which firms operate.
■ Part G The firm in the factor market (Chapters 18 and 19) focuses on the market for labour and the market for cap- ital. It examines what determines the factor proportions that firms use and how factor prices are determined.
■ Part H The relationship between government and busi- ness (Chapters 20–22) establishes the theoretical ratio- nale behind government intervention in the economy, and then assesses the relationship between the govern- ment and the individual firm and the government and the market.
■ Part I Business in the international environment (Chapters 23–25) starts by examining the process of glo- balisation and the growth of the multinational business. It then turns to international trade and the benefits that accrue from it. It also examines the issue of protection and international moves to advance free trade. Finally it examines the expansion of regional trading agreements.
■ Part J The macroeconomic environment (Chapters 26–29) considers the macroeconomic framework in which firms operate. We focus on the principal macro- economic variables, investigate the role of money in the economy, and briefly outline the theoretical models underpinning the relationships between these variables.
■ Part K Macroeconomic policy (Chapters 30–32) exam- ines the mechanics of government intervention at a macro level as well as its impact on business and its potential benefits and drawbacks. Demand-side and sup- ply-side policy and economic policy co-ordination between countries are all considered.
P R E F A C E x v i i
SPECIAL FEATURES
The book contains the following special features:
■ A direct and straightforward written style, with short paragraphs to aid rapid comprehension. The aim all the time is to provide maximum clarity.
■ Attractive full-colour design. The careful and consistent use of colour and shading makes the text more attractive to students and easier to use by giving clear signals as to the book’s structure.
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x v i i i P R E F A C E
■ Key ideas highlighted and explained where they first appear. There are 44 of these ideas, which are fundamen- tal to the study of economics. Students can see them recurring throughout the book, and an icon appears in the margin to refer back to the page where the idea first appears. Showing how ideas can be used in a variety of contexts helps students to ‘think like an economist’ and to relate the different parts of the subject together. All 44 Key ideas are defined in a special section at the end of the book.
■ Pause for thought’ questions integrated throughout the text. These encourage students to reflect on what they have just read and make the learning process a more active one. Answers to these questions appear in the stu- dent section of MyEconLab.
■ Double-page opening spreads for each of the 11 Parts of the book. These contain an introduction to the material covered and an article from the Financial Times on one of the topics.
■ All technical terms are highlighted and clearly defined in definition panels on the page on which they appear. This feature has proved very popular in previous editions and is especially useful for students when revising.
■ A comprehensive glossary of all technical terms. ■ Additional applied material to that found in the text can
be found in the boxes within each chapter. All boxes include questions which relate the material back to the chapter in which the box is located. The extensive use of applied material makes learning much more interesting for students and helps to bring the subject alive. This is particularly important for business students who need to relate economic theory to their other subjects and to the
world of business generally. The boxes are current and include discussion of a range of companies and business topics. They are ideal for use as case studies in class. Answers to the questions in boxes can be found in the lecturer past of MyEconLab, which you can make avail- able to students if you choose.
■ Additional case studies with questions appearing in MyEconLab are referred to at the end of each Part. Again, they can be used for class, with answers available on the lecturer part of MyEconLab.
■ Detailed summaries appear at the end of each chapter with the points numbered by the chapter section in which they are made. These allow students not only to check their comprehension of the chapter’s contents, but also to get a clear overview of the material they have been studying.
■ Each chapter concludes with a series of review questions to test students’ understanding of the chapter’s salient points. These questions can be used for seminars or as set work to be completed in the students’ own time. Again, answers are available to lecturers on MyEconLab.
■ References at the end of each Part to a list of relevant websites, details of which can be found in the Web appendix at the end of the book. You can easily access any of these sites from the book’s own website (at www. pearsonblog.campaignserver.co.uk/). When you enter the site, click on ‘Hotlinks’. You will find all the sites from the Web appendix listed. Click on the one you want and the ‘hotlink’ will take you straight to it.
■ A comprehensive index, including reference to all defined terms. This enables students to look up a defini- tion as required and to see it used in context.
SUPPLEMENTS
Blog Visit the book’s blog, The Sloman Economics News Site, at www.pearsonblog.campaignserver.co.uk/ This refers to top- ical issues in economics and relates them to particular chap- ters in the book. There are several postings per week, with each one providing an introduction to the topic, and then links to relevant articles, videos, podcasts, data and official documents, and then questions which students and lectur- ers will find relevant for homework or class discussion.
MyEconLab for students MyEconLab provides a comprehensive set of online resources. A student access code card may have been included with this textbook at a reduced cost. If you do not have an access code, you can buy access to MyEconLab and the eText – an online version of the book – at www.myecon- lab.com.
Central to MyEconLab is an interactive study plan with questions and answers. You will also find a variety of tools to enable you to assess your own learning. A personalised Study Plan identifies areas to concentrate on to improve grades, and specific tools are provided to enable you to direct your studies in a more efficient way. Other resources include:
■ An etext version of the book to enable you to access it via the Internet
■ Animations of key models with audio explanations ■ 145 case studies with questions for self-study, ordered
Part-by-Part and referred to in the text ■ Updated list of 278 hot links to sites of use for economics ■ Answers to all in-chapter (Pause for Thought) questions ■ Videoed interviews with a number of businesspeople,
where the discuss business decision-making and the rel- evance of economic concepts to them
■ Glossary flashcards to test and check your knowledge of all technical concepts
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MyEconLab for lecturers and tutors MyEconLab can be set up by you as a complete virtual learn- ing environment for your course or embedded into Blackboard, WebCT or Moodle. You can customise its look and feel and its availability to students. You can use it to provide support to your students in the following ways:
■ My EconLab’s gradebook automatically records each student’s time spent and performance on the tests and Study Plan. It also generates reports you can use to mon- itor your students’ progress.
■ You can use MyEconLab to build your own test, quizzes and homework assignments from the question base pro- vided to set your own students’ assessment.
■ Questions are generated algorithmically so they use dif- ferent values each time they are used.
■ You can create your own exercises by using the econ exercise builder.
Additional resources for lecturers and tutors There are many additional resources for lecturers and tutors that can be downloaded from the lecturer site of MyEconLab. These have been thoroughly revised for the seventh edition. These include:
■ PowerPoint® slide shows in full colour for use with a data projector in lectures and classes. These can also be made available to students by loading them on to a local net- work. There are several types of slideshows: – All figures from the book and most of the tables. Each
figure is built up in a logical sequence, thereby allow- ing tutors to show them in lectures in an animated form.
– Customisable lecture slideshows. There is one for each chapter of the book. Each one can be easily edited,
with points added, deleted or moved, so as to suit particular lectures. A consistent use of colour is made to show how the points tie together. They come in various versions: • Lecture slideshows with integrated diagrams.
These include animated diagrams, charts and tables at the appropriate points.
• Lecture slideshows with integrated diagrams and questions. These are like the above but also include multiple-choice questions, allowing lectures to become more interactive. They can be used with or without an audience response system (ARS). ARS versions are available for InterWrite PRS® and two versions of TurningPoint® and are ready to use with appropriate ‘clickers’.
• Lecture plans without the diagrams. These allow you to construct your own diagrams on the black- board or whiteboard, or use an OHP or visualiser.
■ Case studies. These, also available in the student part of MyEconLab, can be reproduced and used for classroom exercises or for student assignments. Answers are also provided (not available on the student site).
■ Workshops. There are 24 of these, each one covering one or more chapters. They are in Word® and can be repro- duced for use with large groups (up to 200 students) in a lecture theatre or large classroom. Suggestions for use are given in an accompanying file. Answers to all workshops are given in separate Word® files.
■ Teaching/learning case studies. There are 20 of these. They examine various approaches to teaching introduc- tory economics and ways to improve student learning of introductory economics.
■ Answers to all end-of-chapter questions, pause for thought questions, questions in boxes, questions in the case studies in MyEconLab, the 24 workshops.
P R E F A C E x i x
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
As with previous editions, we’ve had great support from the team at Pearson, including Kate Brewin, Caitlin Lisle, Louise Hammond, Tim Parker, Zoe Smith and Melanie Beard. We’d like to thank all of them for their hard work and encourage- ment. Thanks too to the many users of the book who have given us feedback. We always value their comments. Please continue to send us your views.
Kevin Hinde and Mark Sutcliffe, co-authors with John on previous editions, have moved on to new ventures. However,
many of their wise words and ideas are still embedded in this edition and, for that, we offer a huge thanks.
Our families have also been remarkably tolerant and supportive throughout the writing of this new edition. Thanks especially to Alison, Pat, and Helen, Elizabeth, Douglas and Harriet who seem to have perfected a subtle blend of encouragement, humour, patience and tolerance.
John, Dean, Elizabeth and Jon
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Student resources
MyEconLab (access using
pincode in book)
News blog site
Podcasts on topical
news items
Hotlinks to 278 sites
Current news articles with questions
News archive searchable by chap or month
Homework quizzes
and tests
Calendar for homework
and tests
Practice and assigned
tests
Results
Study plan (exercises)
Assigned homework
Results
Chapter Resources
Animated models with audio (iPod)
Glossary flashcards
News blogs by chapter
eText
Case studies with
questions
Answers to in-text
questions
Other resources for book
Business interviews
Grapher
ebook to view any
chapter online
Hotlinks to 278 sites
Glossary
Access to news
blog site
MyEconLab help
Hotlinks to sites listed
in appendix 2
General resources
(open access)
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Lecturer resources
Powerpoint files
Word files
Teaching/ learning
case studies
Figures and tables
Lecture plans Student case studies
Answers to workships
Workshops (24)
Box questions
Answers to questions in book
In-text questions
End-of-chapter questions
Animated in full colour for projection
Non-animated for OHTs
Without questions
With questions
Audience response system
Non-animated for OHTs
Animated in full colour for projection
PRS version
Turningpoint version
Plain (for show of
hands, etc.)
Answers to case study questions
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Publisher’s acknowledgements
We are grateful to the following for permission to reproduce copyright material:
Figures Figure 1.1 after data in Time series data, series KKP5, KKD5, KKD9, KKD7 and KKJ7 (ONS, 2015), Office for National Statistics (ONS); Figure 1.2 after Labour Market Statistics data, series DYDC, JWR5, JWR6, JWT8 (ONS, 2015), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0. ; Figure 1.3 after data in Gross Domestic Product time series data, series KL8S, KL8T, KL8V, KL9D, KL9F, KL9R, KL9X, KLA4, KLA6 (ONS, 2015), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0. ; Figure 1.4 after Labour Market Statistics, series JWR5–9, JWS2–9, JWT2–7 (ONS, 2015), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0. ; Figure 2.3 after Statistical Annex of the Euro- pean Economy, Table 20 (EC, 2015), European Union, Con- tains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995-2015.; Figure 2.4 after Statistical Annex of the European Economy, Tables 10 and 20 (EC, 2015), European Union, Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Govern- ment Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995-2015.; Figures 2.5 after Mintel Cider UK Report, February 2012, Mintel Group Ltd; Figures 2.6 from Mintel Cider UK Report, February 2012, Mintel Group Ltd; Figure in Box 4.1 after data in Halifax House Price Index (Lloyds Banking Group), Lloyds Banking Group plc; Figure in Box 7.1 after data in Family Food datasets, Table 2.1 (defra), https://www.gov. uk/government/statistical-data-sets/family-food-datasets, Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs. UK gov- ernment., Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence (OGL) v3.0. http:// www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government- licence; Figure 8.2 from H. A. Lipson and J. R. Darling, Intro- duction to Marketing: an administrative approach (John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1971). Reproduced with permission of the Estate of Professor Harry Lipson; Figure 8.3 after warc. com © and database right Warc Limited 2015.; Figure 12.2 after Kantar Worldpanel, TNS UK Limited; Figure 13.2 from Michael E. Porter, Competitive Strategy: Techniques for
Analyzing Industries and Competitors by. Reprinted with the permission of the Free Press of Simon & Schuster, Inc., Copyright © 1980, 1988 by The Free Press. All Rights Re- served. Free Press of Simon & Schuster, Inc., With the per- mission of The Free Press, a Division of Simon & Schuster, Inc., from (publication) by (author). Copyright © (date) by (author). All rights reserved.; Figures in Box 14.1 after data in ‘2014 Year on Year Sales and Market Share Update’, VGChartz (9 January 2015), VGChartz Limited; Figures in Box 15.1 from ‘Cross Border Mergers & Acquisitions’, World Investment Report Annex Tables (UNCTAD, June 2014), Tables 9 and 11, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development Palais des Nations (UNCTAD); Figure in Box 15.3 after Times Online, data available from http://time- s o n l i n e . h e m s c o t t . c o m / t i m e s o n l i n e / t i m e s o n l i n e . j s p ? p a g e = c o m p a n y - c h a r t & c o m p a n y l d = 3 4 9 7 & from=1/1/2007&to=22/2/2008&returnPeriod=2; Figure (a) in Box 16.1 after data in Global Entrepreneurship Moni- tor 2014, Executive Report (Global Enterprise Research As- sociation, 2015), Global Enterprise Research Association; Figure (b) in Box 16.1 after data in Key Indicators database, Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM), Global Entrepre- neurship Research Association; Figure 18.2 after Time series Data, series BBFW (ONS), Office of National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Gov- ernment Licence v.3.0.; Figure 18.10 after data from StatEx- tracts (OECD), Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD); Figure 18.12 after data in ASHE 1997 to 2014 selected estimates, Tables 2 and 6 (National Statistics, 2014), Office of National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Figure 18.13 from the Institute of Manpower Studies, The Flexible Firm (MS, 1984) Reproduced with per- mission. Emerald Group Publishing; Figure 21.1 after data in Main Science and Technology Indicators (OECD, 2015), Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Develop- ment (OECD); Figures 21.2, 21.3 after data from BIS FE data library: apprenticeships (BIS, 2015), Department for Busi- ness, Innovation and Skills, UK government (BIS), GOV.UK, Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence (OGL) v3.0. http://www .nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence; Figure 22.1 after data in Environmentally Related Taxes Database (OECD), Organisation for Economic Co- Operation and Development (OECD); Figure 22.2 after data in EU
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P U B L I S H E R ’ S A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S x x i i i
Transport in Figures (European Commission, 2014), Euro- pean Union, Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995-2015; Figure 22.3 after data from Annex Web Table 9, World Investment Report (UNCTAD), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development; Figure 2 3 . 1 a d a p t e d f r o m W o r l d I n v e s t m e n t R e p o r t 2 0 1 4 (UNCTAD), page, xiii Figure 1, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development; Figure (a) in Box 23.1 after data from Annex Web Table 9, World Investment Report (UNCTAD), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development Palais des Nations (UNCTAD); Figure (b) in Box 23.1 after data from Annex Web Table 19, World In- vestment Report (UNCTAD), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development Palais des Nations (UNCTAD); Figure 23.2 from World Investment Report 2014 (UNCTAD), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development; F i g u r e ( a ) i n B o x 2 3 . 2 a f t e r d a t a f r o m U N C T A D s t a t (UNCTAD), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development; Figure (b) in Box 23.2 after data in Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) Involving UK Companies, 2013 (Directional Principle) (ONS, January 2015), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Figure 24.2 after data in WTO Statistics Database, World Trade Organization (WTO); Figure 24.3 after data in WTO Statis- tics Database World Trade Organization (WTO); Figure 24.4 from WTO Statistics database (WTO), World Trade Organi- zation (WTO); Figure 24.5 from International Trade Statis- tics, 2014 (WTO), Table II.2, World Trade Organization (WTO); Figures 24.6, 26.1, 26.4, 26.7, 26.8, 27.1, 29.1 after d a t a i n A M E C O D a t a b a s e ( E u r o p e a n C o m m i s s i o n , DGECFIN), European Union, Contains public sector infor- mation licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995-2015.; Figure in Box 25.2 from Internal Market scoreboard., http://ec.europa.eu/internal_ market/scoreboard/performance_by_governance_tool/ transposition/index_en.htm#maincontentSec4. (European Commission), European Union c/o European Commission, Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995- 2015.; Figure 26.1 after data from AMECO database (Euro- pean Commission, DGECFIN) European Union, Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Govern- ment Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995-2015.; Figure (a) in Box 26.2 after data from Labour Market Statistics, se- ries YBWF, YBWG and YBWH (National Statistics), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Figure (b) in Box 26.2 after data from Labour Market Statis- tics (National Statistics), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Gov- ernment Licence v.3.0.; Figure in Box 26.3 after data from World Bank Commodity Data (Pink Sheet) (World Bank), The World Bank; Figure 26.9 after Time series data, series IHYU, D7G7 and KAC3 (National Statistics), Office for
National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0. ; Figure 26.14 from Blue Book Tables - Series (ONS, 2014) (http:// www.ons.gov.uk/ons/datasets-and-tables/data-selector. html?table-id=2.3&dataset=bb, Office for National Statistics (ONS), Source: Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Figure 27.2 after data from Balance of Payments quarterly First Release (National Statistics) Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Figures 27.3, 27.6 after data in Monthly Re- view of External Statistics (National Statistics), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics li- censed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Figure in Box 27.4 from Federal Reserve Bank, European Central Bank, Bank of England and Monthly Review of External Trade Statistics (National Statistics), Office for National Sta- tistics (ONS), Source: Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Figure in Box 28.3 after data from Statistical Interactive Database, Bank of England, series LPQB3XE and LPQB3HK (data published 2/3/15). Bank of England, Contains public sector informa- tion licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-govern- ment-licence/version/3/; Figure 28.3 after data from Statisti- cal Interactive Database, series IUMAMIH and IUMVNEA (Bank of England) (data published 7/6/15). Bank of Eng- land, Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. http://www.nationalar- chives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3/; Figure 28.4 after on series LPMBL22 (reserves), LPMAVAB (notes and coin) and LPMAUYN (M4) from Statistical Inter- active Database, Bank of England (data published 2 March 2015, seasonally adjusted except for reserves)., Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Govern- ment Licence v3.0. http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/ doc/open-government-licence/version/3/; Figure (a) in Box 28.4 from Statistical Interactive Database (Bank of England), Series LPQVWNL, LPQVWNQ and LPQVWNV (data pub- lished 2/6/15, seasonally adjusted)., Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open- government-licence/version/3/; Figure (b) in Box 28.4 from Statistical Interactive Database (Bank of England), Series LPQBC44, LPQBC56 and LPQBC57 (data published 2/6/15, seasonally adjusted). Bank of England, Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/ open-government-licence/version/3/; Figure 28.5 from M4 growth rate from Statistical Interactive Database Series LPQVQJW (data published 2/6/15, seasonally adjusted), Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. http://www.nationalar- chives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3/; Figure in Box 29.2 after data from National Balance Sheet (National Statistics), Office for National Statistics (ONS),
A01_SLOM2103_07_SE_FM.indd 23 4/25/16 8:16 AM
x x i v P U B L I S H E R ’ S A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S
Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Gov- ernment Licence v.3.0.; Figure 29.13 after Time Series Data, series MGSX and CZBH (National Statistics), Office for Na- tional Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Figure 29.14 after data in Underemployment and Overemployment in the UK, 2014 (Office for National Statistics, December 2014), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Figure 29.15 from Forecasts for the UK Econ- omy (HM Treasury, various years), UK government, GOV. UK, Source: Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. http://www. nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/ version/3/; Figure 29.16 after data in Quarterly National Accounts, series KGZ7, KG7T and IHYR (National Statistics), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Sta- tistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Figures 30.1 and Figure (a) from Box 30.2 from Public Fi- nances Databank (Office for Budget Responsibility), Office of Budget Responsibility (OBR), Source: Open Government Licence v3.0 Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence (OGL). http://www .nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence; Figure (a) in Box 30.1 from Public Sector Finances Databank (OBR), Office of Budget Responsibility (OBR), Source: Open Government Licence v3.0 Contains public sector informa- tion licensed under the Open Government Licence (OGL) http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-govern- ment-licence.; Figure (b) in Box 30.1 after Public Sector Fi- nances Databank (OBR) and Quarterly National Accounts, series YBHA (ONS), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Of- fice for National Statistics licensed under the Open Govern- ment Licence v.3.0.; Figure 30.2a after data in Statistical Annex to the European Economy (European Commission), European Union, Contains public sector information li- censed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. © Euro- pean Union, 1995-2015.; Figure in Box 31.1 after data from AMECO database (European Commission), European Un- ion, Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995- 2015.; Figure 31.1 after data from World Economic Outlook Database (IMF), International Monetary Fund; Figure in Box 31.2 after data in Human Capital Estimates, 2013 (ONS, 2014) Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for Na- tional Statistics licensed under the Open Government Li- cence v.3.0.; Figure 31.2 after data from OECD.StatExtracts (OECD), Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and De- velopment (OECD); Figures in Box 31.3 after data in Inter- national Comparisons of Productivity (National Statistics, 2015), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for Na- tional Statistics licensed under the Open Government Li- cence v.3.0.; Figure in Box 32.1 after data in World Economic Outlook, April 2015 (International Monetary Fund), International Monetary Fund; Figure 32.1 after data in UNCTADstat (UNCTAD), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
Tables Tables 1.1, 1.2 after Standard Industrial Classification 2007, Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Sta- tistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0. ; Table 2.1 after Statistical Annex of the European Economy (EC, 2015). 2015 and 2016 are forecast. European Union, Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995- 2015.; Table 2.2 after Statistical Annex of the European Economy (EC, 2015). 2015 and 2016 are forecast, European Union, Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995-2015.; Table 2.3 from Mintel Cider UK Report, Febru- ary 2012, Mintel Group Ltd; Table 2.4 from Time series data, series K22A and L2NC (ONS, 2015), Office for National Sta- tistics (ONS), Source: Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0. ; Tables in Box 8.1 from Mintel Reports (2014), Mintel Group Ltd; Tables 8.1, 8.2, 8.4 from warc.com © and database right Warc Lim- ited 2015. All warranties and liabilities disclaimed to the fullest extent permitted by law. Used by permission.; Table 8.3 from Nielsen and MPP Consulting. Available from www. rankingthebrands.com, reproduced with permission. Sync- Force; Table in Box 9.3 after EU Cluster Observatory, www .clusterobservatory.eu, European Union, Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995-2015.; Table (b) in Box 9.4 from The Single Market Review, Subseries V: Impact on Competition and Scale Effects, European Commission. Office for Official Publications of the European Communi- ties 2 rue Mercier, L-2985 Luxembourg ISBN 92-827-8804-0 Catalogue number: C1 -71 -96-004-EN-C, Table 3.3. EOS potential and SM sensitivity of EU manufacturing sectors listed in decending order of EOS potential, page 35., © Eu- ropean Union, 1995-2015; Table in Box 11.1 after data in Table 8.31 of United Kingdom Input–Output Analyses 2006 (National Statistics), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Gov- ernment Licence v.3.0.; Tables 16.2 and 16.3 from Business Population Estimates for the UK and Regions (BIS, 2014). Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, GOV. UK, Source: Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. http://www .nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/ version/3/; Table 16.4 from D. J. Storey, Understanding the Small-Business Sector (Routledge, 1994). Reproduced with permission of Cengage Learning (EMEA) Ltd., ISBN-13: 978-1861523815; Table 18.1 after Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings (Office for National Statistics, 2014), Office of National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Ta- ble in Box 21.2 after data from 2014 EU Industrial R&D Investment Scorecard (European Commission), European Commission Joint Research Centre, European Union, Con- tains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995-2015.;
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P U B L I S H E R ’ S A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S x x v
Table 22.2 from Transport Statistics Great Britain 2014 (Department for Transport, National Statistics 2014), Office of National Statistics (ONS), Source: Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Table 23.1 from George S. Yip Total global strategy managing for worldwide competitive advantage (Business school ed)., Reproduced by permission of Pearson Educa- tion, Inc., Upper Saddle River, NJ, US; Table in Box 23.1 after data from World Investment Report, Annex Tables 10 and 18 (UNCTAD, 2015), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development; Table 23.3 adapted from data from UNCTADstat United Nations Conference on Trade and Development; Tables 26.1 from United Kingdom Na- tional Accounts (National Statistics), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Source: Office for National Statistics li- censed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Tables 26.2 from United Kingdom National Accounts (National Statistics), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Source: Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Gov- ernment Licence v.3.0.; Table 27.1 from Balance of Pay- ments, Quarter 4 and Annual 2014 (Office for National Statistics, 2015) Office for National Statistics (ONS), Source: Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Gov- ernment Licence v.3.0.; Table 28.1 after data in Bankstats (Monetary and Financial Statistics) (Bank of England), March 2015. Bank of England, Contains public sector in- formation licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open- government-licence/version/3/; Table 28.5 from Statistical Interactive Database, 2 March 2015, Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open- government-licence/version/3/; Table in Box 29.2 after data from National Balance Sheet, 2014 Estimates and Quarterly National Accounts (National Statistics), Office for National Statistics (ONS), Office for National Statistics licensed under the Open Government Licence v.3.0.; Table 30.1 after data from AMECO database, Tables 16.3 and 18.1 (European Commission, DG ECFIN), European Union, Contains pub- lic sector information licensed under the Open Govern- ment Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995-2015.; Table 31.1 after AMECO database, European Commission, DGEC- FIN, Tables 3.2 and 6.1. European Union, Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995-2015.
Text Article on page 2 from Tim Bradshaw, The Financial Times, 26 October 2015, Financial Times Limited, © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved; Quote on page 3 from John Kay, Everyday economics makes for good fun at par- ties, Financial Times, 2 May 2006, http://www.ft.com/ cms/s/1/39850c1a-d938-11da-8b06-0000779e2340.htm- l#axzz3hxi6DvLn., Financial Times Limited, © The Finan- cial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved.; Article on page 48
from Emiko Terazono, The Financial Times, 10 September 2015, Financial Times Limited, © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved; Box on page 84 from Gavyn Davies, ‘Fundamentals and speculation in commodity mar- kets’ The Financial Times 16 May 2011. http://blogs.ft.com/ gavyndavies/2011/05/16/fundamentals-and- speculation- in-commodity-markets/, Financial Times Limited, © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved; Article on page 88 from Michael Pooler, The Financial Times, 11 October 2015, Financial Times Limited, © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved; Quote on page 89 from Philip Collins (2009) Chairman of the Office of Fair Trading, Preserving and Restoring Trust and Confidence in Markets. Keynote address to the British Institute of International and Comparative Law at the Ninth Annual Trans-Atlantic Antitrust Dialogue. April 30th. Available at http://www .oft.gov.uk/shared_oft/speeches/2009/spe0809.pdf, Source: Contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. http://www.nationalar- chives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3/ ; Article on page 138 from Jamie Smyth, The Financial Times, 20 August 2015, Financial Times Limited, © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved.; Quote on page 138 from Michael Pooler, 29 September 2015, The Financial Times, © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved; Quote on page 169 from David Blair, Gerrit Wiesmann and Ausha Sakoui, RWE considers pulling plug on NPower. The Financial Times, 5 July 2011, http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/ e 7 f e 6 1 e c - a 7 3 7 - 1 1 e 0 - b 6 d 4 - 0 0 1 4 4 f e a b d c 0 . h t m l , T h e Financial Times Limited, © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved; Article on page 172 from Murad Ahmed, The Financial Times, 25 October 2015 The Financial Times, © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved; Quote on page 173 from Andrea Felstead, 25 June 2015, The Financial Times Limited, © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved; Quote on page 195 from Simon Stenning, strategy director at Allegra Foodservice in Owen McKeon, ‘Street Food set to boost UK’s eating out sector’, http:// www.evolvehospitality.co.uk/evolve-hospitality-news- detail/street-food-set-to-boost-uk-s-eating-out- sector/159, Allegra Foodservice (William Reed Business Media Ltd), Used by permission.; Article on page 214 from Chris Bryant, The Financial Times, 2 August 2015, The Financial Times Limited, © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Re- served; Quote on page 215 from Michael E. Porter, ‘The five competitive forces that shape competition’, Harvard Busi- ness Review, January 2008, p. 93; Quote on pages 216-17 from Mission Statement; 3 interrelated parts, http://www .benjerry.com/values, Source: (c) Ben & Jerry's; Quote on page 270 from Our Unique Cocoa Plantation – The Rabot Estate, St Lucia, September 2012., http://www.hotelchoco- lat.co.uk; Article on page 296 from Sam Fleming, The Finan- cial Times, 11 October 2015, The Financial Times Limited, © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved; Quote on page 297 from Zero-hour contracts hold their place in UK labour market, 2 September 2015, The Financial Times,
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x x v i P U B L I S H E R ’ S A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S
© The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved; Article on page 340 from Caroline Binham, The Financial Times, 6 January 2015, Financial Times Limited; Quote on page 341 from Neelie Kroes, European Commission Competi- tion Commissioner, ‘Competition, the crisis and the road to recovery’, Address at the Economic Club of Toronto, 30 March 2009, http://ec.europa.eu/competition/speeches/ i n d e x _ s p e e c h e s _ b y _ t h e _ c o m m i s s i o n e r . h t m l , C o n - tains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995-2015.; Quote on page 365 from Anita Roddick interview, Start- ups.co.uk. http://startups.co.uk/dame-anita-roddick- the- body-shop-2/. Start Ups Startups.co.uk; Article on page 416 from Shawn Donnan, The Financial Times, 17 May 2015. The Financial Times Limited, © The Financial Times Lim- ited. All Rights Reserved; Quote on page 417 from Jagdish Bhagwati, ‘Why the critics of globalization are mistaken’, Handelsblatt, August 2008. www.columbia.edu/~jb38/;
Quote on page 452 from Global policy without democracy’ (speech by Pascal Lamy, EU Trade Commissioner, given in 2001). European Commission, European Council, Council of the European Union. European Union, Contains pub- lic sector information licensed under the Open Govern- ment Licence v3.0. © European Union, 1995-2015.; Article on page 466 from Jamil Anderlini in Beijing and Gabriel Wildau in Shanghai, The Financial Times, 11 March 2015. Financial Times Limited, © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved; Article on page 578 from Claire Jones, The Financial Times, 5 March 2015., Financial Times Lim- ited, © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved; Quote on page 579 from Alistair Darling. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Budget speech, 21 April 2009. House of Commons, Source: Contains public sector informa- tion licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0. http://www.parliament.uk/site-information/copyright/ open-parliament-licence/
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© The Financial Times Limited 2015. All Rights Reserved.
When Apple reports its earnings this week, Wall Street wants to know just one thing: will iPhone sales keep growing?
Apple’s smartphone has become one of the most profitable products the technology industry has ever produced. In the three months to December last year [2014], so lucrative was the iPhone that Apple reported the most profitable quarter of any US company on record.
But the euphoria of that achievement soon gave way to the daunting challenge of matching or even exceeding such a record profit.
Most analysts predict that iPhone unit growth . . . will slow from about 35 per cent over the past year to the low single-digits for the next few quarters. But given the strength of its performance a year ago, concerns remain that even that may be a stretch.
“Sentiment on Apple is a-changin”, wrote ana- lysts at Berenberg in a recent note . . . Tim Cook, Apple’s Chief Executive, dismissed questioning by analysts three months ago about the impact of Chinese macroeconomic fluctuations on iPhone demand in its most important growth market.
Nonetheless, even Apple analysts who are nor- mally more bullish have acknowledged the
concern that iPhone sales might soon see a year- on-year drop for the first time since its launch.
Gene Munster of Piper Jaffray predicts a 3 per cent rise in iPhone unit sales over the coming year, a sharp slowdown from its growth rate of 25 per cent in the three months to September, which Apple is expected to report this week. . . .
Worries about iPhone growth will put renewed focus on which new products may be able to take up some of the slack.
Mr Cook’s comments a week ago that carmak- ers face “massive change” because of technology trends may bolster confidence among investors that Apple is serious about entering the automo- tive industry with a vehicle of its own in the com- ing years.
But in the near term, investor focus will be on Apple’s Watch . . . and its TV box and larger iPads . . . Apple has not disclosed sales figures for the Watch but a software update in September has made modest improvements to the user expe- rience, according to a recent study . . . Wristly found that 90 per cent of owners wear the Apple Watch every day, seen as a higher rate than other wearable devices such as fitness trackers, which are often abandoned a few months after purchase.
The Financial Times, 26 October 2015
Apple investors worry the iPhone is losing its shine By Tim Bradshaw
The FT Reports . . .
Business and economics
A Part
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Businesses play a key role in all our lives. Whatever their size, and whatever the goods or services they provide, they depend on us as consumers to buy their products.
But just as businesses rely on us for their income, many of us also rely on them for our income. The wages we earn depend on our employer’s success, and that success in turn depends on us as suppliers of labour.
And it is not just as customers and workers that we are affected by business. The suc- cess of business in general affects the health of the whole economy and thus the lives of us all.
The extract from the Financial Times takes the case of Apple and the iPhone. To be suc- cessful, firms must be capable of responding to changes in the market environment in which they operate. This requires a thorough understanding of economics. Developing a business strategy that simultaneously responds to technological changes, changes in consumer tastes and the activities of rival companies is not an easy task. Fortunately, economics provides frameworks for thinking about these issues, and many more.
In Part A of this text, we consider the relationship between business and economics.
In Chapter 1 we look at the structure of industry and its importance in determining firms’ behaviour. We also look at a range of other factors that are likely to affect busi- ness decisions and how we can set about analysing the environment in which a firm operates in order to help it devise an appropriate business strategy.
Then, in Chapter 2 we ask what it is that economists do and, in particular, how econ- omists set about analysing the world of business and the things businesses do. In particular, we focus on rational decision making – how to get the best outcome from limited resources.
Finally, in Chapter 3 we look at the different ways in which firms are organised: at their legal structure, at their internal organisation and at their goals.
Key terms
The business environment PEST and STEEPLE analysis Production Firms Industries Industrial sectors Standard Industrial Classi-
fication (SIC) Industrial concentration Structure–conduct–
performance Scarcity Factors of production Macroeconomics Microeconomics Opportunity cost Marginal costs Marginal benefits Rational choices Circular flow of income Transaction costs Principal and agent Business organisation Price taker Perfectly competitive
market Price mechanism Demand Supply
I dread admitting I am an economist. The cab driver quizzes you on what is going to happen to the economy, the dinner companion turns to talk to the person on the other side and the immigration officer says, with heavy sarcasm, that his country needs people like you.
John Kay, ‘Everyday economics makes for good fun at parties’, Financial Times, 2 May 2006
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What is business economics? What is the role of business economics ? What will you study in this text?
The global business environment has been rather uncertain since the start of the financial crisis in 2008/9. Furthermore, the world economy has experienced many changes in recent decades and they have had profound effects on businesses across the world. An economist’s approach to the world of business requires that we exam- ine firms : the environment in which they operate, the decisions they make, and the effects of these decisions – on themselves, on their customers, on their employees, on their business rivals, on the public at large and on the domestic and international economy.
All firms are different, but they are all essentially concerned with using inputs to make output. Inputs cost money and output earns money. The difference between the revenue earned and the costs incurred constitutes the firm’s profit. Firms will normally want to make as much profit as possible, or at the very least avoid a decline in profits. In order to meet these and other objectives, managers will need to make choices: choices of what types of output to produce, how much to produce and at what price; choices of what techniques of production to use, how many workers to employ and of what type, what suppliers to use for raw materials, equipment, etc. In each case, when weighing up alternatives, managers will want to make the best choices. Business economists study these choices. They study economic decision making by firms.
The study of decision making can be broken down into three stages.
The external influences on the firm (the ‘business environment’). Here we are referring to the various factors that affect the firm that are largely outside its direct control. Examples are the competition it faces, the prices its suppliers charge for raw materials, the state of the economy (e.g. whether growing or in recession) and the level of interest rates. Busi- nesses need a clear understanding of their environment before they can set about making the right decisions.
The business environment and business economics
C h
a p
te r1
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ What do business economists do? ■ What is meant by the ‘business environment’? ■ How are businesses influenced by their national and global market environment? ■ How are different types of industry classified in the official statistics? ■ What things influence a firm’s behaviour and performance?
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1 . 1 T H E B U S I N E S S E N V I R O N M E N T 5
Internal decisions of the firm. Given a firm’s knowledge of these external factors, how will it then decide on prices, output, inputs, marketing, investment, etc.? Here the business economist can play a major role in helping firms achieve their business objectives.
The external effects of business decision making. When the firm has made its decisions and acted on them, how do the results affect the firm’s rivals, its customers and the wider public? In other words, what is the impact of a firm’s decision making on people outside the firm? Are firms’ actions in the public interest, or is there a case for government intervention?
What do business economists do? Our study of business will involve three types of activity:
■ Description. We will describe the objectives of businesses (e.g. making profit or increasing market share), the types of market in which firms operate (e.g. competitive or non-competitive) and the constraints on decision making (e.g. the costs of production, the level of consumer demand and the state of the economy).
■ Analysis We will analyse how a firm’s costs might vary with the amount of output it produces and how its rev- enues will be affected by a change in consumer demand or a change in the price charged by rivals. We will also analyse the upswings and downswings in the economy: something that will have a crucial bearing on the prof- itability of many companies.
■ Recommendations. Given the objectives of a firm, the business economist can help to show how those objec- tives can best be met. For example, if a firm wants to maximise its profits, the business economist can advise on what prices to charge, how much to invest, how much to advertise, etc. Of course, any such recommenda- tions will only be as good as the data on which they are based. In an uncertain environment, recommendations will necessarily be more tentative.
In this chapter, as an introduction to the subject of business economics, we shall consider the place of the firm within its business environment, and assess how these external influences are likely to shape and determine its actions. In order to discuss the relationship between a business’s actions and its environment, we first need to define what the business environment is.
THE BUSINESS ENVIRONMENT1.1
It is normal to identify four dimensions to the business environment: political, economic, social/cultural and tech- nological.
Political factors. Firms are directly affected by the actions of government and other political events. These might be major events affecting the whole of the business commu- nity, such as the collapse of communism, the problems in Syria and Iraq, the troubles between Russia and Ukraine or a change of government. Alternatively, they may be actions affecting just one part of the economy. For example, the ban on smoking in public places affects the tobacco indus- try; a minimum price on alcohol would affect breweries, pubs, supermarkets, etc.
Economic factors. There are numerous and diverse economic factors that affect businesses and these must be taken into account when businesses devise and act upon their strategy. Economic factors include the rising costs of raw materials; the market entry of a new rival; the latest Budget; changes
in policy abroad; the current availability of investment funds and the economic performance of the domestic and world economy.
It is normal to divide the economic environment in which the firm operates into two levels:
■ The microeconomic environment. This includes all the eco- nomic factors that are specific to a particular firm operat- ing in its own particular market. Thus one firm may be operating in a highly competitive market, whereas another may not; one firm may be faced by rapidly changing consumer tastes (e.g. a designer clothing man- ufacturer), while another may be faced with a virtually constant consumer demand (e.g. a potato merchant); one firm may face rapidly rising costs, whereas another may find that costs are constant or falling.
■ The macroeconomic environment. This is the national and international economic situation in which business as a whole operates. Business in general will fare much better when the economy is growing, as opposed to when it is
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6 C H A P T E R 1 T H E B U S I N E S S E N V I R O N M E N T A N D B U S I N E S S E C O N O M I C S
BOX 1.1 A PERFECT PARTNERSHIP
Making the best of your business environment
John Spedan Lewis created John Lewis in 1864 with the opening of a single shop on Oxford Street, London. In 1937, it bought Waitrose, which at the time had 10 shops. However, prior to this, in 1929, the first Trust Settlement was created making the John Lewis Partnership legal. Since then the Part- nership has grown to include 43 John Lewis shops across the UK, 31 department stores, 10 John Lewis At Home, shops at St Pancras International and Heathrow Terminal 2, 33 Waitrose supermarkets, and an online and catalogue business, a production unit and a farm. The John Lewis Partnership has over 90 000 permanent staff and it is they who own the business. The interests of these employees are the first priority of the John Lewis Partnership and they benefit if the company does well. They share in the profits and their opinions are taken into account in decision making, creating a democratic and transparent business. The Partnership has annual gross sales of over £10 billion and pro- vides a wide range of goods and services. John Lewis itself has over 350 000 lines available in store and more than 280 000 lines available online. In addition, it offers other services, such as credit cards, insurance and broadband, to name a few. The John Lewis Partnership is a unique one, in particular due to its organisational structure that puts its employees at its heart. Despite this very different focus from most businesses, the Partnership has been a success, expanding its reach over the past century. But how has it continued to be successful? What lessons are there for other businesses? How has its performance been affected by its business environment – by consumer tastes, by the actions of its rivals, by the state of the national and world economies and by government policy? In particular, how would an economist analyse the Partner- ship’s performance so as to advise it on its best strategy for the future? This is the sort of thing that business economists do and the sort of thing we will be doing throughout this text. We will also look at the impact of the behaviour of businesses on their customers, on employees, on competitors and on society in general. So let’s take a closer look at the John Lewis Partnership and relate its business in general to the topics covered in this text.
The market environment To be successful, it is important for the John Lewis Part- nership to get its product right. This means understanding the markets that it operates in and how consumer demand responds to changes in prices and to the other services being offered. For example, in 2008, John Lewis responded to challenging conditions by increasing the number of products available for national delivery, prioritising customer service and introducing free delivery across the UK. Its investment in customer service clearly achieved its goal, helping John Lewis to rank as the best company in the 2009 UK Customer Satis- faction Survey. It has maintained good quality customer ser- vice since then and in the 2014 Verdict Customer Satisfaction Awards, it won various awards including Best Overall Retailer. John Lewis also enforced its commitment to being ‘Never Knowingly Undersold’, which helped the company to maintain its market share. It added lines such as Jigsaw to its fashion ranges to continue to meet customer demand and keep up with the fast-moving women’s fashion industry.
The John Lewis Partnership as a whole has clearly had success in meeting the needs of its customers, having performed exceptionally well in the Which? Surveys. John Lewis won Best Retailer in 2014 for the second year in a row and Waitrose took the top spot in the Which? Supermarket survey in 2014 and was awarded the Best Food & Grocery Retailer prize in Verdict’s Customer Satisfaction Awards.1
We look at how markets work in general in Chapters 4 and 5 and then look specifically at consumer demand and methods of stimulating it in Chapters 6 to 8. The store ‘John Lewis’ operates in a highly competitive market, facing competition in its fashion departments from firms such as Debenhams, Selfridges, Next, etc., and in other departments from firms such as Currys and DFS. The products it sells are crucial for its success, but the prices charged are equally important. Consumers will not be willing to pay any price, especially if they can buy similar products from other stores. Thus when setting prices and designing products, consideration must be given to what rival compa- nies are doing. John Lewis’s prices must be competitive to maintain its sales, profitability and its position in the global market. The same applies to Waitrose, as the supermarket industry is highly competitive and with growth in demand for the low-cost retailers, it has been a difficult time for Waitrose and its more high-end competitors, such as Marks & Spencer. With the emergence of the Internet and online shopping, John Lewis has had to adapt its strategy and consider which markets to target. Back in 2011, John Lewis expanded its online market to continental Europe as part of a £250 million investment programme. Backed up by excellent customer service, online sales have expanded rapidly – for the half year to July 2014 they were up 25 per cent at £552 million.2 This reflects a changing national and global market environment where consumers are increasingly shopping online. The John Lewis Partnership has typically been UK based, but Waitrose ventured into the Channel Islands in 2011, following approval by the Jersey Competition Regulatory Authority (JCRA) in August 2010 for it to purchase five Channel Island super- markets.3 If the Partnership were to think about expanding further into the global marketplace, such as into the USA and Asia, careful consideration would need to be given to the competitors in these nations and to the tastes of consumers. Tesco, for example, had little success with its foray into the United States. The factors behind this would be something that the Partnership would need to consider before making any significant global move. Strategic decisions such as growth by expansion in the domestic and global economy are examined in Chapters 13, 16 and 23.
1 www.johnlewispartnership.co.uk/about/john-lewis.html 2 www.johnlewispartnership.co.uk/media/press/y2014/press-release-
11-september-2014-john-lewis-partnership-plc-interim-results-for-the- half-year-ended-26-July-2014.html
3 John Whiteaker, ‘Waitrose invades Channel Islands’, Retail Gazette, 26 August 2010.
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1 . 1 T H E B U S I N E S S E N V I R O N M E N T 7
A PERFECT PARTNERSHIP
Making the best of your business environment
Production and employment Being a profitable business depends not just on being able to sell a product, but on how efficiently the product can be pro- duced. This means choosing the most appropriate technology and deploying the labour force in the best way. John Lewis and Waitrose, as with other companies, must decide on how many workers to employ, what wage rates to pay and what the conditions of employment should be. We explore production and costs in Chapters 9 and 10 and the employment of labour in Chapter 18. The John Lewis Partnership has over 90 000 permanent mem- bers of staff employed in a variety of areas. However, despite rising sales in difficult trading conditions, in 2013 John Lewis cut over 300 managerial positions, the biggest cut seen since 2009 when hundreds of call-centre workers lost their jobs. Workers typically have involvement in decisions given the nature of the organisational structure, but the enforced job cuts came as a shock, especially given the good Christmas trading when sales were 13 per cent up on the same period in the previous year. However, much of those sales came from its online trading, further suggesting a change in the way we shop and a need for companies to adapt. At the time, this was reinforced by the collapse of companies such as HMV, which was facing increased competition from online compa- nies, such as Amazon. However in 2013, all 90 000 workers received a bonus of 17 per cent of their annual salary and this was backed up by a further 15 per cent bonus in 2014.4
On the production side, the Partnership is a vertically inte- grated company, with a production unit and a farm. John Lewis makes its own-brand textiles in Lancashire and also has a small fabric weaving operation creating thousands of products for its stores every week. Its efficient operations also allow John Lewis to operate a seven-day delivery system on orders of many types of product. However, the growth in this area did require changes, as the Managing Director, Ron Bartram pointed out:
To support that growth we’ve had to change the way we work . . . We need to expand our output in every area but our factory is very tight for space . . . We have to be flexible to handle the peaks and troughs of demand, and many Partners have been cross-trained so they can help out in different areas of the factory.5
In addition to selling its own-brand items in both John Lewis and Waitrose, numerous other brands are sold and this does create a need for awareness concerning the ethical nature of the business and what is known as ‘corporate social responsi- bility’. We examine these broader social issues in Chapter 20, along with government policies to encourage, persuade or force firms to behave in the public interest. The Partnership has been active in diversifying its suppliers and creating opportunities for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to access their supply chain, creating wider social benefits. In addition, Waitrose became the first supermarket to commit to stocking 100 per cent British in
its own-label dairy products and, as stated on the website, Waitrose ‘looks to buy local with buyers seeking out the finest local and regional products, helping to boost the economy in many rural areas and enabling customers to sample the very best foods made locally’.6
The John Lewis Partnership remains a success story of Britain’s high streets and it has been hailed by the government as a ‘model of responsible capitalism’.
The economy So do the fortunes of the John Lewis Partnership and other companies depend solely on their policies and those of their competitors? The answer is no. One important element of a company’s business environment is largely beyond its control: the state of the national economy and, for internationally trading companies, of the global economy. When the world economy is booming, sales and profits are likely to grow without too much effort by the company. However, when the global economy declines, as we saw in the economic downturn from 2008, trading conditions will become much tougher. In the years after the financial crisis, the global economy remained in a vulnerable position and this led to many com- panies entering administration, such as Woolworths, Jessops, HMV, Comet, Blockbuster and Peacocks. In the Annual Report by the John Lewis Partnership from 2009, its Chairman said:
As the economic downturn gained momentum, the focus of the Partnership has been to achieve the right balance between continuing to meet the needs and expectations of our customers and Partners while making sufficient profit to support our growth plans, by controlling our costs tightly and managing our cash efficiently.7
John Lewis experienced a slowdown in its sales of large value purchases in its home market, such as furnishings and elec- trical appliances, as the financial crisis began to spread. This decline in sales was largely driven by the collapse of the hous- ing market, which remained weak for several years and has only recently begun to recover. Operating profit for the Part- nership (excluding property profits) was down 17.7 per cent in April 2009 (compared to the same time the year before) at £316.8 million. For John Lewis itself, gross sales fell by 0.1 per cent and this pushed its operating profit down by £54.6 million from April 2008 to April 2009. Like-for-like sales were also down 3.4 per cent. Due to the nature of the products being sold, Waitrose was somewhat more insulated against the financial crisis and in the same tax year experienced a 5.2 per cent increase in gross sales; a like-for-like sales growth of 0.4 per cent, but a fall in operating profit (excluding property profits) of 3.4 per cent. However, since then the supermarket industry has become more vulnerable, with low-cost retailers such as Aldi and Lidl posing a very real threat. As difficult conditions prevailed in the economy, the Part- nership turned things around, delivering ‘market-beating
4‘John Lewis staff get 15% annual bonus’, BBC News, 6 March 2014. 5Katy Perceval, ‘Material world’, JLP e-Zine, 21 May 2010.
6www.johnlewispartnership.co.uk/about/waitrose/products-and-services.html 7The John Lewis Partnership Annual Report and Accounts 2009. ▲
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in recession, as we have seen since the onset of the finan- cial crisis. In examining the macroeconomic environment, we will also be looking at the policies that governments adopt in their attempt to steer the economy, since these policies, by affecting things such as taxation, interest rates and exchange rates, will have a major impact on firms.
Social/cultural factors. This aspect of the business environ- ment concerns social attitudes and values. These include attitudes towards working conditions and the length of the working day, equal opportunities for different groups of people (whether by ethnicity, gender, physical attrib- utes, etc.), the nature and purity of products, the use and abuse of animals, and images portrayed in advertis- ing. The social/cultural environment also includes social trends, such as an increase in the average age of the pop- ulation, or changes in attitudes towards seeking paid employment while bringing up small children. In recent times, various ethical issues, especially concerning the protection of the environment, have had a big impact on the actions of business and the image that many firms seek to present.
Technological factors. Over the past 30 years there has been significant technological change, which has had a huge impact on how firms produce, advertise and sell their prod- ucts. The growth in online shopping means that firms can compete in global markets, but it has created problems for high street retailers. It has also changed how business is organised, providing opportunities for smaller online retail- ers, many of which are yet to be realised. The use of robots and other forms of computer-controlled production has changed the nature of work for many workers. The informa-
tion-technology revolution has enabled much more rapid communication and has made it possible for firms across the world to work together more effectively. The working environment has become more flexible and efficient, with many workers able to do their job from home, while travel- ling or from another country.
The division of the factors affecting a firm into political, economic, social and technological is commonly known as a PEST analysis. However, we can add a further three factors to create STEEPLE analysis. The additional elements are:
Environmental (ecological) factors. This has become an increasingly important issue in politics and business, with many firms aiming to take a greener approach to business. Consumers are more environmentally aware and a green image can be useful in generating finance from investors and government. Business attitudes towards the environ- ment are examined in section 22.1.
Legal factors. Businesses are affected by the legal frame- work in which they operate. Examples include industrial relations legislation, product safety standards, regulations
by 6 per cent in the half year to July 2014, with both Waitrose and John Lewis outperforming the industry. Profit before tax and exceptional items was 12 per cent up on 2013, recorded at £129.8 million. However, John Lewis’ figures had to offset those from Waitrose, as the supermarket industry remains vul- nerable. Waitrose saw its profits fall by 9.4 per cent in the six months to July 2014, despite its sales rising to £3.15 billion.10
We examine the national and international business envi- ronment in Chapters 23 to 29. We also examine the impact on business of government policies to affect the economy – policies such as changes in taxation, interest rates, exchange rates and customs duties in Chapters 30 to 32.
Choose a well-known company that trades globally and do a Web search to find out how well it has performed in recent years and how it has been influenced by various aspects of its business environment.
sales growth’ and healthy profits.8 Prior to 2009, John Lewis’ advertising investment seemed largely ineffective and part of its strategy to boost demand since then has been the use of a new approach to advertising. Its highly emotive TV advertising campaigns stimulated interest in the brand and it led to increased numbers of shoppers visiting its stores and increased sales. According to the Institute of Practitioners in Advertising (IPA), the campaign generated £1074 million of extra sales and £261 million of extra profit in just over two years. In 2012, John Lewis was the Grand Prix winner, receiv- ing the Gold Award in the IPA’s Effectiveness Awards. Gross sales in the 2011 to 2012 fiscal year rose by 9.1 per cent to £8.47 billion and the Group operating profit increased by 15.8 per cent to £409.6 million. This was the second year that both John Lewis and Waitrose saw significant growth in their sales and operating profit, suggesting a reversal of fortunes since the onset of the financial crisis.9 The positive trend has continued: gross sales for the Partnership were up
9The John Lewis Partnership Annual Report and Accounts 2011.
10‘John Lewis’ 62% profits soar off-sets poor Waitrose first half results’, The Drum, 11 September 2014.
8www.johnlewispartnership.co.uk/content/dam/cws/pdfs/financials/ annual%20reports/John _Lewis_plc_annual_report_and_accounts_2009.pdf
Definitions
PEST analysis Where the political, economic, social and technological factors shaping a business environment are assessed by a business so as to devise future business strategy.
STEEPLE analysis In addition to the four categories of factors considered in PEST analysis, STEEPLE analysis takes into account environmental, legal and ethical fac- tors.
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BOX 1.2 THE BIOTECHNOLOGY INDUSTRY
Its business environment
Such support by governments is seen as a crucial requirement for the creation of a successful biotechnology sector, as prod- uct development within the industry can take up to 12 years.
Funding, growth and consolidation in the sector The majority of funding for the industry comes from ‘venture capi- tal’ (investment by individuals and firms in new and possibly risky sectors). Even though the UK is Europe’s largest venture capital market, such funding is highly volatile. Following significant share price rises in 1999 and 2000, many of the biotech companies listed on the stock market saw their share prices collapse, along with those of various high-tech companies. With a depressed stock market, raising finance became much more difficult. Then, after growth between 2000 and 2007, there was a col- lapse in investment in both the EU (−79%) and the US (−62%) biotechnology industry. This had a serious impact on the via- bility of some businesses in the sector. Some were forced to close and others had to scale back their activities. However, the sector as a whole weathered the downturn relatively well. Investment recovered quickly and by 2011 the amount of capital raised globally by biotechnology firms was higher than that for any year since 2000. Since 2012 biotechnology shares have soared, with many tripling in value in just three years. Growth in research and development has also recovered and in 2013 industry R&D spending increased by 14 per cent; however, this included a 20 per cent increase in the USA, but a 4 per cent decline in Europe.11 This is another indication of the impact of the financial crisis and indeed the more constrained finance faced across Europe. With the growth in R&D expendi- ture, there has been a decline in the industry’s net income. In recent years there has been considerable consolidation in the sector. Mergers and acquisitions (M&As) have increased, involving both public and private biotech companies. The EY Firepower Index, which measures biotech companies’ ability to take over or merge with other companies based on the strength of its balance sheet, has suggested that since 2013 there have been more viable competitors for any particular transaction than in previous years.12 2014 was a record year for deal making, with worldwide biopharma M&As alone exceeding $200 billion in value. And it was not just consoli- dation: there was a record number of new biotech companies, with 63 new US companies alone listed on the stock market. High growth rates in coming years are expected. Forecasts indicate annual growth of the biotechnology sector of 10.8 per cent per year for the 10 years until 2019.13 Furthermore, Jonathon Porritt, a leading environmentalist in the UK, estimates that the global market for biotechnology could lie somewhere between £150 billion and £360 billion by 2025. The differential between these estimates is substantial, but nevertheless it gives some indication as to the likely trend for this industry and where significant job growth may arise.
From the brief outline above, identify the political, economic, social and technological dimensions shaping the biotechnol- ogy industry’s business environment.
There are few areas of business that cause such controversy as biotechnology. It has generated new medicines, created pest-resistant crops, developed eco-friendly industrial pro- cesses and, through genetic mapping, is providing incalcula- ble advances in gene therapy. These developments, however, have raised profound ethical issues. Many areas of biotech- nology are uncontentious, but genetic modification and cloning have met with considerable public hostility, colouring many people’s views of biotechnology in general. Biotechnology refers to the application of knowledge about living organisms and their components to make new products and develop new industrial processes. For many it is seen as the next wave in the development of the knowledge-based economy. The global biotechnology industry was worth some $500 billion in 2015. The growth of the sector has made a sig- nificant contribution to job creation over the past 15 years.
The global structure of the industry In global terms, the USA dominates this sector. According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), out of a worldwide total of nearly 20 000 firms involved in biotechnology, the USA has 6862, of which 2178 are dedi- cated biotechnology firms, and between 2010 and 2012 these firms accounted for 41 per cent of all patent applications. Spain is the European leader in terms of biotechnology firms, with 3070, followed by France with 1950 firms, although France has more dedicated biotechnology firms than Spain. When com- pared to Europe as a whole, the US biotechnology sector spends over twice as much on research and development (R&D) – $26 billion – and generates twice as much in revenues. The UK is seventh in the league table with some 614 biotech companies, 66 per cent of which are estimated to engage in R&D. The industry is dominated by small and medium-sized busi- nesses. Most biotechnology firms (approximately 80% in the UK) have fewer than 50 employees. However, the larger firms dominate the sector in terms of R&D. In the USA and France, the countries with the largest R&D expenditure, some 88 and 84 per cent of this was carried out by firms with over 50 employees. In most countries biotech firms are geographically clustered, forming industry networks around key universities and research institutes. In the UK, such clusters can be found in Cambridge, Oxford and London. The link with universities and research institutes taps into the UK’s strong science base. In addition to such clustering, the biotech industry is well supported by the UK government and charitable organisations such as the Wellcome Trust. Such support helps to fund what is a highly research-intensive sector. The UK government not only provides finance, but also encourages firms to form collaborative agreements, and through such collaboration hopes to encour- age better management and use of the results that research gen- erates. It also offers help for biotechnology business start-ups, and guidance on identifying and gaining financial support. The EU too provides a range of resources to support business within the biotech sector. The EUREKA programme, founded in 1985, attempts to help create pan-EU partnerships. Now consisting of 40 members including the EU itself, it provides support for such collaborative ventures through a series of National Project Co-ordinators who help to secure national or EU funding. Successful projects are awarded the internation- ally recognised Eureka label.
11‘Beyond borders: Biotechnology Industry Report 2014’, Ernst & Young, 23 June 2014. 12Elton Licking, ‘Firepower fireworks drive record M&A in 2014. What’s ahead for
2015?’, Ernst & Young, 7 January 2015. 13Global Technology Market Research Report, IBIS Word, January 2015.
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governing pricing in the privatised industries and laws preventing collusion between firms. We examine some of these laws in Chapter 21.
Ethical factors. Firms are increasingly under pressure to adopt a more socially responsible attitude towards business, with concerns over working conditions, product safety and quality and truthful advertising. Business ethics and corpo- rate responsibility are examined in section 20.5.
This framework is widely used by organisations to audit their business environment and to help them establish a stra- tegic approach to their business activities. It is nevertheless important to recognise that there is a great overlap and inter- action among these sets of factors. Laws and government policies reflect social attitudes; technological factors deter- mine economic ones, such as costs and productivity; techno- logical progress often reflects the desire of researchers to meet social or environmental needs; and so on.
As well as such interaction, we must also be aware of the fact that the business environment is constantly changing. Some of these changes are gradual, some are revolution- ary. To be successful, a business will need to adapt to these
changes and, wherever possible, take advantage of them. Ultimately, the better business managers understand the environment in which they operate, the more likely they are to be successful, either in exploiting ever-changing opportunities or in avoiding potential disasters.
Although we shall be touching on political, social and technological factors, it is economic factors that will be our main focus of concern when examining the business environment.
Pause for thought
Under which heading of a PEST or STEEPLE analysis would you locate training and education?
The behaviour and performance of firms is affected by the business environment. The business environment includes economic, political/legal, social/cultural and technological factors, as well as environmental, legal and ethical ones.
KEY IDEA
1
THE STRUCTURE OF INDUSTRY1.2
One of the most important and influential elements of the business environment is the structure of industry. How a firm performs depends on the state of its particular industry and the amount of competition it faces. Knowledge of the struc- ture of an industry is therefore crucial if we are to under- stand business behaviour and its likely outcomes.
In this section we will consider how the production of different types of goods and services is classified and how firms are located in different industrial groups.
Classifying production When analysing production it is common to distinguish three broad categories:
■ Primary production. This refers to the production and extraction of natural resources such as minerals and sources of energy. It also includes output from agriculture.
■ Secondary production. This refers to the output of the manufacturing and construction sectors of the economy.
■ Tertiary production. This refers to the production of ser- vices, and includes a wide range of sectors such as finance, the leisure industry, retailing and transport.
Figures 1.1 and 1.2 show the share of output (or gross domestic product (GDP)) and employment of these three sectors in 1974 and 2015. They illustrate how the ter- tiary sector has expanded rapidly. In 2015, it contributed some 80.2 per cent to total output and employed 83.1 per cent of all workers. By contrast, the share of output and employment of the secondary sector has declined. In 2015,
it accounted for only 17.9 per cent of output and 15.4 per cent of employment.
This trend is symptomatic of a process known as deindus- trialisation – a decline in the share of manufacturing in GDP. Many commentators argue that this process of deindustriali- sation is inevitable and that the existence of a large and grow- ing tertiary sector in the UK economy reflects its maturity.
Furthermore, it is possible to identify part of the tertiary sector as a fourth or ‘quarternary’ sector. This refers to the knowledge-based part of the economy and includes services such as education, information generation and sharing, research and development, consultation, culture and parts of government. This sector has been growing as a propor- tion of the tertiary sector.
The classification of production into primary, secondary and tertiary, and even quarternary, allows us to consider
Definitions
Primary production The production and extraction of natural resources, plus agriculture.
Secondary production The production from manufac- turing and construction sectors of the economy.
Tertiary production The production from the service sector of the economy.
Gross domestic product (GDP) The value of output pro- duced within the country over a 12-month period.
Deindustrialisation The decline in the contribution to production of the manufacturing sector of the economy.
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broad changes in the economy. However, if we require a more comprehensive analysis of the structure of industry and its changes over time, we need to classify firms into par- ticular industries. The following section outlines the classifi- cation process used in the UK and the EU.
Classifying firms into industries An industry refers to a group of firms that produce a particu- lar category of product. Thus we could refer to the electrical goods industry, the holiday industry, the aircraft industry or the insurance industry. Industries can then be grouped together into broad industrial sectors, such as manufactur- ing, or mining and quarrying, or construction, or transport.
Classifying firms into industrial groupings and sub- groupings has a number of purposes. It helps us to ana- lyse various trends in the economy and to identify areas of growth and areas of decline. It helps to identify parts of the economy with specific needs, such as training or transport
infrastructure. Perhaps most importantly, it helps econo- mists and businesspeople to understand and predict the behaviour of firms that are in direct competition with each other. In such cases, however, it may be necessary to draw the boundaries of an industry quite narrowly.
To illustrate this, take the case of the vehicle indus- try. The vehicle industry produces cars, lorries, vans and coaches. The common characteristic of these vehicles is that they are self-propelled road transport vehicles. In other words, we could draw the boundaries of an industry in terms
Output of industrial sectors (as a percentage of GDP)Figure 1.1
1974
Tertiary 54.9% Primary
2.8%
Secondary 42.3%
2015
Tertiary 80.2%
Secondary 17.9%
Primary 1.9%
Source: Based on data in Time series data, series KKP5, KKD5, KKD9, KKD7 and KKJ7 (ONS, 2015)
Employment by industrial sector (percentage of total employees)Figure 1.2
1974
Tertiary 54.7% Primary
3.4%
Secondary 41.9%
2015
Tertiary 83.1%
Secondary 15.4%
Primary 1.5%
Source: Based on Labour Market Statistics data, series DYDC, JWR5, JWR6, JWT8 (ONS, 2015)
Definitions
Industry A group of firms producing a particular product or service.
Industrial sector A grouping of industries producing similar products or services
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of the broad physical or technical characteristics of the products it produces. The problem with this type of catego- risation, however, is that these products may not be substi- tutes in an economic sense. If I am thinking of buying a new vehicle to replace my car, I am hardly likely to consider buy- ing a coach or a lorry! Lorries are not in competition with cars. If we are to group together products which are genuine competitors for each other, we will want to divide industries into more narrow categories, e.g. family cars, sports cars, etc.
On the other hand, if we draw the boundaries of an indus- try too narrowly, we may end up ignoring the effects of com- petition from another closely related industry. For example, if we are to understand the pricing strategies of electricity supply companies in the household market, it might be bet- ter to focus on the whole domestic fuel industry.
Thus how narrowly or broadly we draw the boundaries of an industry depends on the purposes of our analysis. You should note that the definition of an industry is based on the supply characteristics of firms, not on the qualities that consumers might attribute to products. For exam- ple, we classify cars into several groups according to size, price, engine capacity, design, model (e.g. luxury, saloon, seven-seater and sports), etc. These are demand-side char- acteristics of motor cars determined by consumers’ tastes. The government, on the other hand, will categorise a com- pany such as Nissan as belonging to the ‘motor car’ industry
because making cars is its principal activity, and it does this even though Nissan produces a variety of models each with numerous features to suit individual consumer needs.
Both demand- and supply-side measures are equally valid ways of analysing the competitive behaviour of firms, and governments will look at both when there is a particu- lar issue of economic importance, such as a merger between car companies. However, the supply-side measure is more simply calculated and is less susceptible to change, thereby making it preferable for general use.
Standard Industrial Classification The formal system under which firms are grouped into industries is known as the Standard Industrial Classifica- tion (SIC). It was first introduced in 1948, aiming to provide a uniform and comparable body of data on industry. Revi- sions to the SIC have been made in order to reflect changes
Section Division (manufacturing)
A Agriculture, forestry and fishing B Mining and quarrying C Manufacturing D Electricity, gas, steam and air conditioning supply E Water supply, sewerage, waste management and
remediation activities F Construction G Wholesale and retail trade, repair of motor vehicles
and motor cycles H Transport and storage I Accommodation and food service activities J Information and communication K Financial and insurance activities L Real estate activities M Professional, scientific and technical activities N Administrative and support service activities O Public administration and defence; compulsory social security P Education Q Human health and social work activities R Arts, entertainment and recreation S Other service activities T Activities of households as employers; undifferentiated
goods and services producing activities of households for own use
U Extra-territorial organisations and bodies
10 Manufacture of food products 11 Manufacture of beverages 12 Manufacture of tobacco products 13 Manufacture of textiles 14 Manufacture of wearing apparel 15 Manufacture of leather and related goods 16 Manufacture of wood and of products of wood and cork, except
furniture; manufacture of articles of straw and plaiting materials 17 Manufacture of paper and paper products 18 Printing and reproduction of recorded media 19 Manufacture of coke and refined petroleum products 20 Manufacture of chemicals and chemical products 21 Manufacture of basic pharmaceutical products and
pharmaceutical preparations 22 Manufacture of rubber and plastic products 23 Manufacture of other non-metallic mineral products 24 Manufacture of basic metals 25 Manufacture of fabricated metal products, except machinery
and equipment 26 Manufacture of computer, electrical and optical equipment 27 Manufacture of electrical equipment 28 Manufacture of equipment not elsewhere specified 29 Manufacture of motor vehicles, trailers and semi-trailers 30 Manufacture of other transport equipment 31 Manufacture of furniture 32 Other manufacturing 33 Repair and installation of machinery and equipment
Source: Based on Standard Industrial Classification 2007 (National Statistics)
Standard Industrial Classification (2007)Table 1.1
Definition
Standard Industrial Classification (SIC) The name given to the formal classification of firms into industries used by the government in order to collect data on busi- ness and industry trends.
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in the UK’s industrial structure, such as the emergence of new products and industries. The most recent revision in 2007 brought the UK and EU systems of industry classifi- cation further into alignment with each other, helping the process of effectively monitoring business across the EU.
SIC (2007) is divided into 21 sections (A–U), each rep- resenting a production classification (see Table 1.1). These sections are then divided into 88 divisions, which are in turn divided into 272 groups. The groups are then divided into 615 classes and finally 191 subclasses. Table 1.2 gives an example of how a manufacturer of a tufted carpet would be classified according to this system.
Changes in the structure of the UK economy Given such a classification, how has UK industry changed over time? Figures 1.3 and 1.4 show the changes in output and employment of the various sectors identified by the SIC
between 1990 and 2014. Note that output is measured in terms of real values: i.e. market values corrected for inflation (see pages 484–5).
The figures reveal that output of the ser vices indus- tries (G–S) grew rapidly throughout the period from 1990 to 2008, but then there was a temporary decline in some sectors following the recession of 2008–10. Construction too (F) grew for most of the period, but again declined in the recession and also in the earlier slowdown of the early 1990s. Since 1990, there has been little long-term growth in agricultural output (A) but t he value of output has fluctuated year by year depending on harvests and prices. The value of output of the mining and extraction sector (B) has been quite volatile, reflecting the decline in the coal industry in the mid-1980s, the expansion and then decline of the oil industry and volatile prices of oil and gas; output has tailed away significantly in recent years. Manufacturing (C) experienced modest growth until the late 1990s. Since then it has experienced a slight decline.
In respect to employment, significant variations once again occur between sections and indeed divisions. The financial services sector (K) has seen rapid growth in employment, but there has been a decline in employment in parts of the retail banking sector (fewer counter staff are required in high street banks, given the growth in cash machines, direct debits, debit cards, etc.). Real estate (L) is another sector that has expanded more recently and, as with construction (F), can be very susceptible to the strength of the economy. Manufacturing (C) has seen a general decline in employment since the 1980s, in particular in traditional
Section C Manufacturing (comprising divisions 10 to 33)
Division 13 Manufacture of textiles
Group 13.9 Manufacture of other textiles
Class 13.93 Manufacture of carpets and rugs
Subclass 13.93/1 Manufacture of woven or tufted carpets and rugs
Source: Based on Standard Industrial Classification 2007 (National Statistics)
The classification of the manufacture of a tufted carpet
Table 1.2
UK GDP by industry (1980 = 100)Figure 1.3
J-L
B
A
60
80
100
120
140
160
180
200
220
240
260
280
300
1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014
G D
P b
y in
du st
ry (1
99 0
= 1
00 )
G-I
M,N M,N
FF
D,E
C C
O-Q
R,S
Source: Based on data in Gross Domestic Product time series data, series KL8S, KL8T, KL8V, KL9D, KL9F, KL9R, KL9X, KLA4, KLA6 (ONS, 2015)
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areas such as shipbuilding and metal manufacturing. How- ever, there has been a growth in employment in some of the more ‘high-tech’ industries. Similar falls have occurred in mining, quarrying and extraction (B), electricity, gas and water supply (D and E).
When considering the changes in the structure of UK industry, it is important to examine the subsections and divisions within the SIC. For example, we might look solely at manufacturing and note the decline in output and employment, but taking a closer look will show us that the process of deindustrialisation has not been experienced by all manufacturing industries. Certain divisions, such as instruments and electrical engineering, are in fact among the fastest growing in the whole UK economy.
Analysing industrial concentration The SIC also enables us to address wider issues such as changes in industrial concentration.
When we examine the size structure of UK industry, we find that some sectors are dominated by large business units
(those employing 250 or more people), such as electricity, gas and the mining and quarrying sectors. In contrast, the bulk of output in the service sector, agriculture, forestry and fishing is produced by small or medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). We look at industrial structure in more detail at var- ious points in the text, with a particular focus on the small- firm sector in Chapter 16.
UK employment by industry (1980 = 100)Figure 1.4
B
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
180
1990 1995 2000 2005 2010
E m
pl oy
m en
t by
in du
st ry
(1 99
0 =
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) J-L J-L
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A
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Source: Based on Labour Market Statistics, series JWR5–9, JWS2–9, JWT2–7 (ONS, 2015)
Definition
Industrial concentration The degree to which an industry is dominated by large business enterprises.
Pause for thought
Give some examples of things we might learn about the likely behaviour and performance of businesses in an industry by knowing something about the industrial concentration of that industry.
THE DETERMINANTS OF BUSINESS PERFORMANCE1.3
Structure–conduct–performance It should be apparent from our analysis thus far that busi- ness performance is strongly influenced by the market structure within which the firm operates. This is known as the structure–conduct–performance paradigm.
The structure of an industry depends on many factors, such as consumer tastes, technology and the availability of
resources. These factors determine the competitiveness of an industry and influence firms’ behaviour, as a business oper- ating in a highly competitive market structure will conduct its activities differently from a business in a market with rel- atively few competitors. For example, the more competitive the market, the more aggressive the business may have to be in order to sell its product and remain competitive.
KI 1 p 10
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S U M M A R Y 1 5
Such conduct will in turn influence how well businesses perform. Performance can be measured by several different indicators, such as profitability, market share or growth in market share, and changes in share prices, especially rela- tive to those of other firms in the industry, to name some of the most commonly used.
Throughout the text, we will see how market structure affects business conduct, and how business conduct affects business performance. Chapters 11 and 12 are particularly relevant here.
It would be wrong, however, to argue that business per- formance is totally shaped by external factors such as mar- ket structure. In fact, the internal aims and organisation of business may be very influential in determining success.
Internal aims and organisation Economists have traditionally assumed that businesses aim to maximise their profits. This traditional ‘theory of the firm’ shows the output that a firm should sell and at what price, if its objective is to make as much profit as possible.
Although this is still the case for many firms, as busi- nesses have grown and become increasingly complex, more specialist managers have been employed to make the day- to-day decisions. This complexity of organisation makes the assumption of profit maximisation too simplistic in many cases.
With complex products and production lines, we have seen the emergence of increasingly distinct groups within firms, including the owners (shareholders) and the manag- ers who are employed for their specialist knowledge. The problem is that the objectives of managers and owners may well differ and are often in conflict.
The owners of a business may want to maximise prof- its by selling a particular level of output at a certain price. However, the managers may want to maximise sales and reduce prices to achieve this goal. This action may reduce
profits, creating a conflict between objectives. Understand- ing these possible conflicts is crucial when trying to estab- lish the objectives of a business. Whose objectives are being pursued? We will look at these conflicts and solutions in Chapters 3 and 14.
It is not only the aims of a business that affect its perfor- mance. Performance also depends on the following:
■ Internal structure. The way in which the firm is organised (e.g. into departments or specialised units) will affect its costs, its aggressiveness in the market, its willingness to innovate, etc.
■ Information. The better informed a business is about its markets, about its costs of production, about alterna- tive techniques and about alternative products it could make, the better will it be able to fulfil its goals.
■ The competence of management. The performance of a business will depend on the skills, experience, motiva- tion, dedication and sensitivity of its managers.
■ The quality of the workforce. The more skilled and the bet- ter motivated is a company’s workforce, the better will be its results.
Systems. The functioning of any organisation will depend on the systems in place: information systems, systems for motivation (rewards, penalties, team spirit, etc.), technical systems (for sequencing production, for quality control, for setting specifications), distributional systems (transport, ordering and supply), financial systems (for accounting and auditing), and so on. We shall be examining many of these features of internal organisation in subsequent chapters.
Pause for thought
Other than profit and sales, what other objectives might managers have and how would you expect this to affect the price charged and output sold?
SUMMARY
1a Business economics is about the study of economic deci- sions made by business and the influences upon this. It is also concerned with the effects that this decision making has upon other businesses and the performance of the economy in general.
1b The business environment refers to the environment within which business decision making takes place. When analysing a business’s environment it has been traditional to divide it into four dimensions: political, economic, social and technological (PEST). It is com- mon practice nowadays, however, to add a further three dimensions: environmental, ethical and legal (STEEPLE).
1c The economic dimension of the business environment is divided into two: the microeconomic environment and the macroeconomic environment. The microenvi- ronment concerns factors specific to a particular firm
in a particular market. The macroenvironment concerns how national and international economic circumstances affect all business, although to different degrees.
2a Production is divided into primary, secondary or tertiary. In most advanced countries the tertiary sector has grown relative to the secondary sector.
2b Firms are classified into industries and industries into sectors. Such classification enables us to chart changes in industrial structure over time and to assess changing patterns of industrial concentration, its causes and effects.
3 The performance of a business is determined by a wide range of both internal and external factors, such as busi- ness organisation, the aims of owners and managers, and market structure.
KI 7 p 38
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REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Assume you are a Japanese car manufacturer with a plant located in the UK and are seeking to devise a business strategy for the twenty-first century. Conduct a STEEPLE analysis on the UK car industry and evaluate the various strategies that the business might pursue.
2 What is the Standard Industrial Classification (SIC)? In what ways might such a classification system be useful? Can you think of any limitations or problems such a system might have over time?
3 Into which of the three sectors would you put (a) the fertiliser industry; (b) a marketing agency serving the electronics industry?
4 In Chapter 1 we have identified some of the major changes in the UK’s industrial structure and concentration in recent times. What were these changes and what might they tell us about changes in the UK economy?
5 Outline the main determinants of business performance. Distinguish whether these are micro- or macroeconomic.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
M01_SLOM2103_07_SE_C01.indd 16 4/25/16 1:17 PM
Economics and the world of business
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How do economists set about analysing business decision making? ■ What are the core economic concepts that are necessary to understand the economic choices that businesses have to
make, such as what to produce, what inputs and what technology to use, where to locate their production and how best to compete with other firms?
■ What is meant by ‘opportunity cost’? How is it relevant when people make economic choices? ■ What is the difference between microeconomics and macroeconomics? ■ How can you represent simple economic relationships in a graph? ■ What are the relative merits of presenting data in a chart or in a table? ■ What is meant by a functional relationship ?
WHAT DO ECONOMISTS STUDY? 2.1
This text aims to give you a better understanding of the eco- nomic influences on business in a dynamic world.
Since 2007 we have seen many changes in the global financial system. Many banks and financial institutions failed and there was considerable intervention by govern- ments and central banks across the world to rescue the financial system and restore economic growth.
But intervention could not prevent recession. Busi- nesses of all sizes were adversely affected by difficult lend- ing conditions and falling consumer demand; many still are. It is likely to take many years for some economies to recover to pre- crisis levels. In the UK, GDP remains some 17 per cent lower than if growth had continued on its pre- 2008 trajectory.
As we look forward, key economic challenges include making further reforms to the financial system and reduc- ing levels of sovereign debt.
The global economy is changing, perhaps more dramat- ically than in the recent past, but you will be glad to know that most of the principles of economics do not. This text therefore aims to give you a much better understanding of the economic influences on the world of business in a con- stantly changing world.
Tackling the problem of scarcity In the previous chapter we looked at various aspects of the business environment and the influences on firms. We also looked at some of the economic problems that businesses face. But what contribution can economists make to the analysis of these problems and to recommending solutions?
To answer this question we need to go one stage back and ask what it is that economists study in general. What is it that makes a problem an economic problem? The answer
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a p
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is that there is one central problem faced by all individuals, firms, governments and in all societies. This is the problem of scarcity.
Of course, we do not all face the problem of scarcity to the same degree. A poor person unable to afford enough to eat or a decent place to live will hardly see it as a ‘prob- lem’ that a rich person cannot afford a second Ferrari. But economists do not claim that we all face an equal problem of scarcity. The point is that people, both rich and poor, want more than they can have and this will cause them to behave in certain ways. Economics studies that behaviour.
Two of the key elements in satisfying wants are consump- tion and production. As far as consumption is concerned, economics studies how much the population spends; what the pattern of consumption is in the economy; and how much people buy of particular items. The business econo- mist, in particular, studies consumer behaviour; how sensi- tive consumer demand is to changes in prices, advertising, fashion and other factors; and how the firm can seek to per- suade the consumer to buy its products.
As far as production is concerned, economics studies how much the economy produces in total; what influences the rate of growth of production; and why the production of some goods increases and the production of others falls. The business economist tends to focus on the role of the firm in this process: what determines the output of individ- ual businesses and the range of products they produce; what techniques firms use and why; and what determines their investment decisions and how many workers they employ.
The production of goods and services involves the use of inputs, or factors of production as they are often called. These are of three broad types:
■ Human resources: labour. The labour force is limited both in number and in skills.
■ Natural resources: land and raw materials. The world’s land area is limited, as are its raw materials.
■ Manufactured resources: capital. Capital consists of all those inputs that themselves have had to be produced in the first place. The world has a limited stock of capital: a limited supply of factories, machines, transportation and other equipment. The productivity of capital is lim- ited by the state of technology.
We will be studying the use of these resources by firms for the production of goods and services: production to
meet consumer demand – production which will thus help to reduce the problem of scarcity.
Demand and supply We said that economics is concerned with consumption and production. Another way of looking at this is in terms of demand and supply. In fact, demand and supply and the relationship between them lie at the very centre of econom- ics. But what do we mean by the terms, and what is their relationship with the problem of scarcity?
Demand is related to wants. If goods and services were free, people would simply demand and consume whatever they wanted. Such wants are virtually boundless: perhaps only limited by people’s imagination. Supply, on the other hand, is limited. The amount that firms can supply depends on the resources and technology available.
Given the problem of scarcity, given that human wants exceed what can actually be produced, potential demands will exceed potential supplies. Society therefore has to find some way of dealing with this problem. Somehow it has to try to match demand and supply. This applies at the level of the economy overall: aggregate demand will need to be bal- anced against aggregate supply. In other words, total spend- ing in the economy must balance total production. It also applies at the level of individual goods and services. The demand and supply of cabbages must balance, as must the demand and supply of TVs, cars, houses and bus journeys.
But if potential demand exceeds potential supply, how are actual demand and supply to be made equal? Either demand has to be curtailed or supply has to be increased, or a combination of the two. Economics studies this process. It studies how demand adjusts to available supplies, and how supply adjusts to consumer demands.
The business economist studies the role of firms in this process: how they respond to demand, or, indeed, try
KI 2 p 18
Scarcity is the excess of human wants over what can actually be produced. Because of scarcity, various choices have to be made between alternatives.
KEY IDEA
2
Pause for thought
If we would all like more money, why doesn’t the government or central bank print a lot more? Could this solve the problem of scarcity ‘at a stroke’?
Definitions
Scarcity The excess of human wants over what can actually be produced to fulfil these wants.
Consumption The act of using goods and services to satisfy wants. This will normally involve purchasing the goods and services.
Production The transformation of inputs into outputs by firms in order to earn profit (or meet some other objective).
Factors of production (or resources) The inputs into the production of goods and services: labour, land and raw materials, and capital.
Labour All forms of human input, both physical and mental, into current production.
Land (and raw materials) Inputs into production that are provided by nature: e.g. unimproved land and mineral deposits in the ground.
Capital All inputs into production that have themselves been produced: e.g. factories, machines and tools.
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to create demand for their products; how they combine their inputs to achieve output in the most efficient way; how they decide the amount to produce and the price to charge their customers; and how they make their invest- ment decisions. Not only this, the business economist also considers the wider environment in which firms operate and how they are affected by it: the effect of changes in the national and international economic climate, such as upswings and downswings in the economy, and changes in interest rates and exchange rates. In short, the business economist studies supply: how firms’ output is affected by a range of influences, and how firms can best meet their objectives.
Dividing up the subject Economics is traditionally divided into two main branches – macroeconomics and microeconomics, where ‘macro’ means big, and ‘micro’ means small.
■ Macroeconomics examines the economy as a whole. It is thus concerned with aggregate demand and aggregate supply. By ‘aggregate demand’ we mean the total amount of spending in the economy, whether by consumers, by overseas customers for our exports, by the government, or by firms when they buy capital equipment or stock up on raw materials. By ‘aggregate supply’ we mean the total national output of goods and services.
■ Microeconomics examines the individual parts of the economy. It is concerned with the factors that determine the demand and supply of particular goods and services and resources: cars, butter, clothes and haircuts; electri- cians, shop assistants, blast furnaces, computers and oil. It explores issues in competition between firms and the rationale for trade.
Business economics, because it studies firms, is largely concerned with microeconomic issues. Nevertheless, given that businesses are affected by what is going on in the econ- omy as a whole, it is still important for the business econ- omist to study the macroeconomic environment and its effects on individual firms.
Definitions
Macroeconomics The branch of economics that studies economic aggregates (grand totals): e.g. the overall level of prices, output and employment in the economy.
Aggregate demand The total level of spending in the economy.
Aggregate supply The total amount of output in the economy.
Microeconomics The branch of economics that studies individual units: e.g. households, firms and industries. It studies the interrelationships between these units in determining the pattern of production and distribution of goods and services.
2.2 BUSINESS ECONOMICS: THE MACROECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT
Because things are scarce, societies are concerned that their resources are being used as fully as possible, and that over time the national output should grow. Governments are keen to boast to their electorate how much the economy has grown since they have been in charge!
The achievement of growth and the full use of resources is not easy, however, as demonstrated by the periods of high unemployment and stagnation that have occurred from time to time throughout the world (e.g. in the 1930s, the early 1980s, the early 1990s and the late 2000s). Further- more, attempts by governments to stimulate growth and employment have often resulted in inflation and a large rise in imports. Even when societies do achieve growth, it can be short lived. Economies typically experience cycles, where periods of growth alternate with periods of stagna- tion, such periods varying from a few months to a few years.
Macroeconomics, then, studies the determination of national output and its growth over time. It also studies the problems of stagnation, unemployment, inflation, the balance of international payments and cyclical instability, and the pol- icies adopted by governments to deal with these problems.
Macroeconomic problems are closely related to the bal- ance between aggregate demand and aggregate supply.
If aggregate demand is too high relative to aggregate supply, inflation and balance of payments deficits are likely to result.
■ Inflation refers to a general rise in the level of prices throughout the economy. If aggregate demand rises sub- stantially, firms are likely to respond by raising their prices. After all, if demand is high, they can probably still sell as much as before (if not more) even at the higher prices, and thus make more profit. If firms in general put up their prices, inflation results.
■ Balance of trade deficits are the excess of imports over exports. If aggregate demand rises, part of the extra demand will be spent on imports, such as US tablets, Japanese MP3 players, German cars and Chilean wine. Also if inflation is high, home-produced goods will become uncompetitive with foreign goods. We are likely, therefore, to buy more foreign imports, and peo- ple abroad are likely to buy fewer of our exports.
KI 2 p 18
Definitions
Rate of inflation The percentage increase in the level of prices over a 12-month period.
Balance of trade Exports of goods and services minus imports of goods and services. If exports exceed imports, there is a ‘balance of trade surplus’ (a positive figure). If imports exceed exports, there is a ‘balance of trade deficit’ (a negative figure).
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If aggregate demand is too low relative to aggregate supply, unemployment and recession may well result.
■ A recession is defined as where output in the economy declines for two consecutive quarters or more: in other words, where growth becomes negative over that time. A recession is associated with a low level of consumer spend- ing. If people spend less, shops are likely to find themselves with unsold stocks. As a result they will buy less from the manufacturers, which in turn will cut down on production.
■ Unemployment is likely to result from cutbacks in produc- tion. If firms are producing less, they will need a smaller labour force.
Government macroeconomic policy, therefore, tends to focus on the balance of aggregate demand and aggregate supply. It can be demand-side policy, which seeks to influ- ence the level of spending in the economy. This in turn will affect the level of production, prices and employment. Or it can be supply-side policy. This is designed to influence the level of production directly: for example, by creating more incentives for businesses to innovate.
Macroeconomic policy and its effects on business Both demand-side and supply-side policy will affect the busi- ness environment. Take demand-side policy. If there is a reces- sion, the government might try to boost the level of spending (aggregate demand) by cutting taxes, increasing government spending or reducing interest rates. If consumers respond by purchasing more, then this will clearly have an effect on businesses. But firms will want to be stocked up ready for an upsurge in consumer demand. Therefore, they will want to estimate the effect on their own particular market of a boost to aggregate demand. Studying the macroeconomic environ- ment and the effects of government policy, therefore, is vital for firms when forecasting future demand for their product.
It is the same with supply-side policy. The government may introduce tax incentives for firms to invest, or for peo- ple to work harder; it may introduce new training schemes;
it may build new motorways. These policies will affect firms’ costs and hence the profitability of production. So, again, firms will want to predict how government policies are likely to affect them, so that they can plan accordingly.
The circular flow of income One of the most useful diagrams for illustrating the mac- roeconomic environment and the relationships between producers and consumers is the circular flow of income diagram. This is illustrated in Figure 2.1.
The consumers of goods and services are labelled ‘house- holds’. Some members of households, of course, are also workers, and in some cases are the owners of other factors of production too, such as land. The producers of goods and services are labelled ‘firms’.
Firms and households are in a twin ‘demand and supply’ relationship.
First, on the right-hand side of the diagram, households demand goods and services, and firms supply goods and services. In the process, exchange takes place. In a money economy (as opposed to a barter economy), firms exchange
KI 1 p 10
Circular flow of goods and incomesFigure 2.1
Definitions
Recession A period where national output falls. The offi- cial definition is where real GDP declines for two or more consecutive quarters.
Unemployment The number of people who are actively looking for work but are currently without a job. (Note that there is much debate as to who should officially be counted as unemployed.)
Demand-side policy Government policy designed to alter the level of aggregate demand, and thereby the level of output, employment and prices.
Supply-side policy Government policy that attempts to alter the level of aggregate supply directly.
Barter economy An economy where people exchange goods and services directly with one another without any payment of money. Workers would be paid with bundles of goods.
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goods and services for money. In other words, money flows from households to firms in the form of consumer expend- iture, while goods and services flow the other way – from firms to households.
This coming together of buyers and sellers is known as a market – whether it be a street market, a shop, an auction, a mail-order system or whatever. Thus we talk about the market for apples, the market for oil, for cars, for houses, for televisions, and so on.
Second, firms and households come together in the market for factors of production. This is illustrated on the left-hand side of the diagram. This time the demand and supply roles are reversed. Firms demand the use of factors of production owned by households – labour, land and capital. Households supply them. Thus the services of labour and other factors flow from households to firms, and in exchange firms pay households money – namely, wages, rent, dividends and interest. Just as we referred to particular goods markets, so we can also refer to particular factor markets – the market for bricklayers, for secretaries, for hairdressers, for land, etc.
There is thus a circular flow of incomes. Households earn incomes from firms and firms earn incomes from house- holds. The money circulates. There is also a circular flow of goods and services, but in the opposite direction. House- holds supply factor services to firms, which then use them to supply goods and services to households.
Macroeconomics is concerned with the total size of the flow. If consumers choose to spend more, firms will earn more from the increased level of sales. They will probably respond by producing more or raising their prices, or some combination of the two. As a result, they will end up paying more out to workers in the form of wages, and to sharehold- ers in the form of profits. Households will thus have gained additional income. This will then lead to an additional increase in consumer spending, and, therefore, a further boost to production.
BOX 2.1 LOOKING AT MACROECONOMIC DATA
Assessing different countries’ macroeconomic performance
Unemployment (% of workforce)
Inflation (%)
Economic growth (%)
Balance on current account1 (% of national income)
USA Japan Germany UK USA Japan Germany UK USA Japan Germany UK USA Japan Germany UK
1961–70 4.8 1.3 0.6 1.7 2.4 5.6 2.7 4.0 4.2 10.1 4.4 2.8 0.5 0.6 0.9 0.2
1971–80 6.4 1.8 2.2 3.8 7.0 8.8 5.2 13.4 3.2 4.4 2.9 2.0 0.9 0.5 1.1 −0.7
1981–90 7.1 2.5 6.0 9.6 4.5 1.8 2.6 6.2 3.2 4.6 2.3 2.7 −1.7 2.3 2.6 −1.4
1991–2000 5.6 3.3 7.8 7.9 2.2 0.5 1.8 3.2 3.4 1.2 2.1 2.5 −1.6 2.5 −0.7 −1.5
2001–6 5.3 4.8 9.2 5.1 2.7 −0.4 1.6 1.6 2.4 1.4 1.1 2.5 −5.0 3.3 3.3 −2.2
2007–152 7.7 4.1 6.3 7.0 1.5 0.3 1.2 2.3 1.2 0.2 1.2 1.2 −2.3 1.2 6.7 −2.1
Notes: 1 The current account balance is the balance of trade plus other income flows from and to abroad 2 2015 figures based on forecasts Source: Based on Statistical Annex of the European Economy (EC, 2015)
Rapid economic growth, low unemployment, low inflation and the avoidance of balance of trade deficits are the major mac- roeconomic policy objectives of most governments around the world. To help them achieve these objectives they employ eco- nomic advisers. But when we look at the performance of various economies, the success of government macroeconomic policies seems decidedly ‘mixed’. The table shows data for the USA, Japan, Germany and the UK from 1961 to 2015. If the government does not have much success in managing the economy, it could be for the following reasons:
■ Economists have incorrectly analysed the problems and hence have given the wrong advice.
■ Economists disagree and hence have given conflicting advice.
■ Economists have based their advice on inaccurate forecasts. ■ Governments have not heeded the advice of economists. ■ There is little else that governments could have done: the
problems were insoluble.
1. Has the UK generally fared better or worse than the other three countries?
2. Was there a common pattern in the macroeconomic per- formance of each of the four countries over this period of just over 50 years?
Definition
Market The interaction between buyers and sellers.
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2.3 BUSINESS ECONOMICS: MICROECONOMIC CHOICES
Microeconomics and choice Because resources are scarce, choices have to be made. There are three main categories of choice that must be made in any society:
■ What goods and services are going to be produced and in what quantities, given that there are not enough resources to produce all the things that people desire? How many cars, how much wheat, how much insurance, how many rock concerts, etc. will be produced?
■ How are things going to be produced, given that there is normally more than one way of producing things? What resources are going to be used and in what quantities? What techniques of production are going to be adopted? Will cars be produced by robots or by assembly-line workers? Will electricity be produced from coal, oil, gas, nuclear fission, renewable resources or a mixture of these?
■ For whom are things going to be produced? In other words, how is the nation’s income going to be distrib- uted? After all, the higher your income, the more you can consume of the nation’s output. What will be the wages of farm workers, printers, cleaners and accountants? How much will pensioners receive? How much profit will owners of private companies receive or will state-owned industries make?
All societies have to make these choices, whether they be made by individuals, by groups or by the government. These choices can be seen as microeconomic choices, since they are concerned not with the total amount of national output, but with the individual goods and services that make it up: what they are, how they are made and who gets the incomes to buy them.
KI 2 p 18
The effect does not go on indefinitely, however. When households earn additional incomes, not all of it is spent: not all of it recirculates. Some of the additional income will be saved; some will be paid in taxes; and some will be spent on imports (and thus will not stimulate domestic produc- tion). The bigger these ‘withdrawals’, as they are called, the less will production carry on being stimulated.
It is important for firms to estimate the eventual effect of an initial rise in consumer demand (or a rise in govern-
ment expenditure, for that matter). Will there be a boom in the economy, or will the rise in demand merely fizzle out? A study of macroeconomics helps business people to under- stand the effects of changes in aggregate demand, and the effects that such changes will have on their own particular business.
We examine the macroeconomic environment and the effects on business of macroeconomic policy in Chapters 26–32.
BOX 2.2 WHAT, HOW AND FOR WHOM
Who answers these questions?
As we have seen, in microeconomics there are three key ques- tions: what to produce; how to produce; for whom to produce. These questions have to be answered because of the problem of scarcity. However, the scarcity problem does not tell us anything about who answers these questions and how the problems are addressed. In some economies, it is the government or some central planning authority that answers these questions. This is known as a planned or command economy. At the other end of the spectrum is a free-market or laissez-faire economy, where there is no government intervention at all and it is individuals and firms who answer the questions above. In practice, all economies are mixed economies, where decisions are taken by government, individuals and firms. It is the degree of government intervention that distinguishes different economic systems and determines how far towards each end of the spectrum an economy lies. In countries such as China or Cuba, the government has a large role, whereas in the USA and various other Western
economies, the government plays a much smaller role. Furthermore, governments differ in the type of intervention, such as regulation, taxation and public ownership, so any
Definitions
Planned or command economy An economy where all economic decisions are taken by the central (or local) authorities.
Free-market or laissez-faire economy An economy where all economic decisions are taken by individual households and firms, with no government intervention.
Mixed economy An economy where economic decisions are made partly through the market and partly by the government.
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Choice and opportunity cost Choice involves sacrifice. The more food you choose to buy, the less money you will have to spend on other g o o d s . T h e m o r e f o o d a n a t i o n p r o d u c e s , t h e f e w e r resources will there be for producing other goods. In
The opportunity cost of something is what you give up to get it/do it. In other words, it is cost measured in terms of the best alternative forgone.
KEY IDEA
3
BOX 2.2 WHAT, HOW AND FOR WHOM (Continued)
Most of these problems were experienced in the former Soviet Union and the other Eastern bloc countries, and were part of the reason for the overthrow of their communist regimes.
The free-market economy In a free-market economy, it is the firms who decide what to produce and they will respond to consumer tastes. As con- sumer demand or supply conditions change, prices can adjust. A shortage will push prices up and a surplus will push them down. And so, unlike in a command economy, shortages and surpluses can be eliminated. This is one of the main advantages of a free-market econ- omy. Resources will be used more efficiently, as firms and consumers have an incentive to act in their own self-interest. And these incentives can help to minimise the economic problem of scarcity. It also has the advantage of allowing individuals to have their liberty and make their own decisions, and because planning is not required, the bureaucracy and administrative costs are low. Despite the movement towards this type of economic system, it does still have its disadvantages. Without any government, some goods and services may not be produced, such as national defence and street lights. Others may be under- or overproduced, including education and polluting products respectively. Unemployment may be high and society could be very unequal, perhaps through some firms dominating the market and earning substantial profits, and those people with power and influence exploiting those without.
The mixed economy Given that there are disadvantages to both a free-market and a command economy, it is hardly surprising that all economies are mixed. Some goods/services are left entirely to the free market, where producers respond to signals from consumers when deciding what to produce. Other goods and services have some light-touch intervention, perhaps through regulation of price, quality or information. How- ever, as we saw in the section above, a free-market economy may not produce some goods and services at all and it is in these cases where there may be a much larger role for the government to ensure an efficient allocation of resources. But it is worth bearing in mind that while markets can fail, so can governments. We consider various forms of government intervention in Chapters 20, 21 and 22.
1. Draw a spectrum of economic systems ranging from command economy to free-market economy. Pick some countries and decide where you think they lie. Think about the role of government in each country and in which areas the government intervenes.
2. How would the positioning of countries along the spec- trum of economic systems change if you were considering the 1980s?
comparisons between countries and the amount of interven- tion should be made with caution. Over the past 30 years, there has been a general shift towards the free-market end of the spectrum, as more and more countries have abandoned central planning. So, why are more countries increasingly relying on the free market to answer the questions of what, how and for whom to produce?
The command economy In a command economy, it is the role of the state to allocate resources. It will decide how much should be invested and in what industries. It may tell each industry and individual firms which goods to produce, how much to produce and how they should be producing: e.g. the technology to use and labour requirements. The state will also have a role in deciding how output should be distributed between consumers, i.e. the ‘for whom’ question. Government may distribute goods based on its judgement of its people’s needs; it could distribute goods and services directly through rationing or could determine the distribution of income and perhaps prices to influence consumer expenditure. Although countries have moved towards the free-market end of the spectrum, there are advantages of this type of eco- nomic system. Governments can achieve high rates of growth through its allocation of resources to investment and also avoid unemployment by dictating the allocation of labour. Goods and services such as education, policing, national defence would be provided and governments could take account of ‘bad’ things, such as pollution, which is unlikely to be the case in an economy where there is no government intervention. However, there is likely to be a significant amount of bureaucracy and the administrative costs of a command economy are prohibitive, as modern economies are very complex, meaning that planning would require a huge amount of complex information. Furthermore, incentives may be very limited. For example, if income is distributed relatively equally between individuals, this could reduce the incentive to work harder or to train. Or if firms are rewarded by meeting targets for output, they may reduce the quality of goods in order to meet the targets. Consumers and producers may lack individual liberty, being told what to produce and consume and this, in turn, could cre- ate shortages and surpluses. Government may dictate what is produced, but what happens if consumers don’t want the goods that the government requires firms to produce? A shortage will emerge and, with the state setting prices, the price cannot adjust to eliminate the shortage. Conversely, too much of some goods may be produced, given consumer tastes, and, once again, the price cannot adjust to eliminate the surplus. In both cases, there is an inefficient use and allocation of resources.
other words, the production or consumption of one thing involves the sacrifice of alternatives. This sacrifice of
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2 4 C H A P T E R 2 E C O N O M I C S A N D T H E W O R L D O F B U S I N E S S
BOX 2.3 THE OPPORTUNITY COSTS OF STUDYING ECONOMICS
What are you sacrificing?
You may not have realised it, but you probably consider opportunity costs many times a day. The reason is that we are constantly making choices: what to buy, what to eat, what to wear, whether to go out, how much to study, and so on. Each time we make a choice to do something, we are in effect reject- ing doing some alternative – after all, we can’t do everything. This alternative forgone is the opportunity cost of our action. Sometimes the opportunity costs of our actions are the direct monetary costs we incur. Sometimes it is more complicated. Take the opportunity costs of your choices as a student of economics.
Buying a textbook costing £54.99 This does involve a direct money payment. What you have to consider is the alternatives you could have bought with the £54.99. You then have to weigh up the benefit from the best alternative against the benefit of the textbook.
1. What might prevent you from making the best decision?
Coming to classes You may or may not be paying course fees. Even if you are, there is no extra (marginal) monetary cost in coming to classes once the fees have been paid. You will not get a refund by skipping classes! So are the opportunity costs zero? No: by coming to classes you are not working in the library; you are not having an extra hour in bed; you are not sitting drinking coffee with friends, and so on. If you are making a rational decision to come to classes, then you will consider such possible alternatives.
2. If there are several other things you could have done, is the opportunity cost the sum of all of them?
Choosing to study at university or college What are the opportunity costs of being a student in higher education? At first it might seem that the costs would include the following:
■ Tuition fees. ■ Books, stationery, etc. ■ Accommodation expenses. ■ Transport. ■ Food, entertainment and other living expenses.
But adding these up does not give the opportunity cost. The opportunity cost is the sacrifice entailed by going to university or college rather than doing something else. Let us assume that the alternative is to take a job that has been offered. The correct list of opportunity costs of higher educa- tion would include:
■ Tuition fees. ■ Books, stationery, etc. ■ Additional accommodation and transport expenses over
what would have been incurred by taking the job. ■ Wages that would have been earned in the job less any
student grant or loan interest subsidy received.
Note that tuition fees would not be included if they had been paid by someone else: for example, as part of a scholarship or a government grant.
3. Why is the cost of food not included?
4. Make a list of the benefits of higher education.
5. Is the opportunity cost to the individual of attending higher education different from the opportunity costs to society as a whole?
KI 3 p 23
alternatives in the production (or consumption) of a good is known as its opportunity cost.
If the workers on a farm can produce either 1000 tonnes of wheat or 2000 tonnes of barley, then the opportunity cost of producing 1 tonne of wheat is the 2 tonnes of barley forgone. The opportunity cost of buying a textbook is the new pair of jeans you also wanted that you have had to go without. The opportunity cost of working overtime is the leisure you have sacrificed.
Rational choices Economists often refer to rational choices. This simply means the weighing up of the costs and benefits of any activ- ity, whether it be firms choosing what and how much to produce, workers choosing whether to take a particular job or to work extra hours, or consumers choosing what to buy.
Imagine you are doing your shopping in a supermar- ket and you want to buy some meat. Do you spend a lot of money and buy best steak, or do you buy cheap mince instead? To make a rational (i.e. sensible) decision, you
will need to weigh up the costs and benefits of each alter- native. Best steak may give you a lot of enjoyment, but it has a high opportunity cost: because it is expensive, you will need to sacrifice quite a lot of consumption of other goods if you decide to buy it. If you buy the mince, how- ever, although you will not enjoy it so much, you will
Pause for thought
Assume that you are looking for a job and are offered two. One is more pleasant to do, but pays less. How would you make a rational choice between the two jobs?
Definitions
Opportunity cost The cost of any activity measured in terms of the best alternative forgone.
Rational choices Choices that involve weighing up the benefit of any activity against its opportunity cost.
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2 . 3 B U S I N E S S E C O N O M I C S : M I C R O E C O N O M I C C H O I C E S 2 5
have more money left over to buy other things: it has a lower opportunity cost.
Thus rational decision making, as far as consumers are concerned, involves choosing those items that give you the best value for money: i.e. the greatest benefit relative to cost.
The same principles apply to firms when deciding what to produce. For example, should a car firm open up another production line? A rational decision will again involve weighing up the benefits and costs. The benefits are the rev- enues that the firm will earn from selling the extra cars. The costs will include the extra labour costs, raw material costs, costs of component parts, etc. It will be profitable to open up the new production line only if the revenues earned exceed the costs entailed: in other words, if it earns a profit.
In the more complex situation of deciding which model of car to produce, or how many of each model, the firm must weigh up the relative benefits and costs of each: i.e. it will want to produce the most profitable product mix.
Marginal costs and benefits In economics we argue that rational choices involve weigh- ing up marginal costs and marginal benefits. These are the costs and benefits of doing a little bit more or a little bit less of a specific activity. They can be contrasted with the total costs and benefits of the activity.
Take a familiar example. What time will you set the alarm clock to go off tomorrow morning? Let us say that you have to leave home at 8.30. Perhaps you will set the alarm for 7.00. That will give you plenty of time to get up and get ready, but it will mean a relatively short night’s sleep. Perhaps then you will decide to set it for 7.30 or even 8.00. That will give you a longer night’s sleep, but much more of a rush in the morning to get ready.
So how do you make a rational decision about when the alarm should go off? What you have to do is to weigh up the costs and benefits of additional sleep. Each extra minute in bed gives you more sleep (the marginal benefit), but gives you more of a rush when you get up (the marginal cost).
The decision is therefore based on the costs and benefits of extra sleep, not on the total costs and benefits of a whole night’s sleep.
This same principle applies to rational decisions made by consumers, workers and firms. For example, the car firm we were considering just now will weigh up the marginal costs and benefits of producing cars: in other words, it will compare the costs and revenue of producing additional cars. If additional cars add more to the firm’s revenue than to its costs, it will be profitable to produce them.
Microeconomic choices and the firm All economic decisions made by firms involve choices. The business economist studies these choices and their results.
We will look at the choices of how much to produce, what price to charge the customer, how many inputs to use, what types of input to use and in what combination. Firms will also need to make choices that have a much longer- term effect, such as whether to expand the scale of its oper- ations, whether to invest in new plants, engage in research and development, whether to merge with or take over another company, diversify into other markets, or increase the amount it exports.
The right choices (in terms of best meeting the firm’s objectives) will vary according to the type of market in which the firm operates, its predictions about future demand, its degree of power in the market, the actions and reactions of competitors, the degree and type of govern- ment intervention, the current tax regime, the availabil- ity of finance, and so on. In short, we will be studying the whole range of economic choices made by firms and in a number of different scenarios.
In all these cases, the owners of firms will want the best possible choices to be made: i.e. those choices that best meet the objectives of the firm. Making the best choices, as we have seen, will involve weighing up the marginal bene- fits against the marginal opportunity costs of each decision.
KI 4 p 25
Rational decision making involves weighing up the marginal benefit and marginal cost of any activity. If the marginal benefit exceeds the marginal cost, it is rational to do the activity (or to do more of it). If the marginal cost exceeds the marginal benefit, it is rational not to do it (or to do less of it).
KEY IDEA
4
Definitions
Marginal costs The additional cost of doing a little bit more (or 1 unit more if a unit can be measured) of an activity.
Marginal benefits The additional benefits of doing a little bit more (or 1 unit more if a unit can be measured) of an activity.
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REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Virtually every good is scarce in the sense we have defined it. There are, however, a few exceptions. Under certain circumstances, water and air are not scarce. When and where might this be true for (a) water and (b) air? Why is it important to define water and air very carefully before deciding whether they are scarce or abundant? Under circumstances where they are not scarce, would it be possible to charge for them?
2 Which of the following are macroeconomic issues, which are microeconomic ones and which could be either depending on the context? (a) Inflation. (b) Low wages in certain service industries. (c) The rate of exchange between the pound and the
euro. (d) Why the price of cabbages fluctuates more than that
of cars. (e) The rate of economic growth this year compared with
last year.
(f) The decline of traditional manufacturing industries.
3 Make a list of three things you did yesterday. What was the opportunity cost of each?
4 A washing machine manufacturer is considering whether to produce an extra batch of 1000 washing machines. How would it set about working out the marginal oppor- tunity cost of so doing?
5 How would a firm use the principle of weighing up mar- ginal costs and marginal benefits when deciding whether (a) to take on an additional worker; (b) to offer overtime to existing workers?
6 We identified three categories of withdrawal from the circular flow of income. What were they? There are also three categories of ‘injection’ of expenditure into the circular flow of income. What do you think they are?
SUMMARY
1a The central economic problem is that of scarcity. Given that there is a limited supply of factors of production (labour, land and capital), it is impossible to provide everybody with everything they want. Potential demands exceed potential supplies.
1b The subject of economics is usually divided into two main branches: macroeconomics and microeconomics.
2a Macroeconomics deals with aggregates such as the over- all levels of unemployment, output, growth and prices in the economy.
2b The macroeconomic environment will be an important determinant of a business’s profitability.
3a Microeconomics deals with the activities of individual units within the economy: firms, industries, consumers,
workers, etc. Because resources are scarce, people have to make choices. Society has to choose by some means or other what goods and services to produce, how to produce them and for whom to produce them. Microeco- nomics studies these choices.
3b Rational choices involve weighing up the marginal ben- efits of each activity against its marginal opportunity costs. If the marginal benefit exceeds the marginal cost, it is rational to choose to do more of that activity.
3c Businesses are constantly faced with choices: how much to produce, what inputs to use, what price to charge, how much to invest, etc. We will study these choices.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, Which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
program.
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2.3 APPENDIX: SOME TECHNIQUES OF ECONOMIC ANALYSIS 27
APPENDIX: SOME TECHNIQUES OF ECONOMIC ANALYSIS
When students first come to economics, many are worried about the amount of mathematics they will encounter. Will it all be equations and graphs, and will there be lots of hard calculations to do and difficult theories to grasp?
Economics can involve a lot of mathematics, but it doesn’t have to and as you will see if you glance through the pages of this text, there are many diagrams and tables, but only a few equations. The mathematical techniques that you will have to master are relatively limited, but they are ones which we use many times in many different contexts. You will find that, if you are new to the subject, you will very quickly become familiar with these techniques. If you are not new to the subject, perhaps you could reassure your colleagues who are!
Diagrams as pictures On many occasions, we use diagrams simply to pro- vide a picture of a relationship. Just as a photograph in a newspaper can often provide a much more vivid picture of an event than any description in words, so too a dia- gram in economics can often picture a relationship with a vividness and clarity that could never be achieved by description alone.
For example, we may observe that as people’s incomes rise, they spend a lot more on entertainment and only a little more on food. We can picture this relationship very nicely by the use of a simple graph.
In Figure 2.2, an individual’s income is measured along the horizontal axis and the expenditure on food and entertainment is measured up the vertical axis. There are just two lines on this diagram: the one showing how the person’s expenditure on entertainment rises as income rises, the other how the expenditure on food rises as income rises.
Now we could use a diagram like this to plot actual data. But we may simply be using it as a sketch – as a pic- ture. In this case we do not necessarily need to put figures on the two axes. We are simply showing the relative shapes of the two curves. These shapes tell us that the person’s expenditure on entertainment rises more quickly than that on food, and that above a certain level of income the expenditure on entertainment becomes greater than that on food.
If you were to describe in words all the information that this sketch graph depicts, you would need several lines of prose.
Figure 2.1 (the circular flow diagram) was an example of a sketch designed to give a simple, clear picture of a rela- tionship: a picture stripped of all unnecessary detail.
Representing real-life statistics In many cases we will want to depict real-world data. We may want to show, for example, how the level of business investment has fluctuated over a given period of time, or we may want to depict the market shares of the different firms within a given industry. In the first case we will need to look at time-series data. In the second we will look at cross-sec- tion data.
Time-series data Table 2.1 shows annual percentage changes in investment in the European Union between 1980 and 2016 (the data
The effect of a rise in an individual’s income on his/her expenditure on food and entertainment Figure 2.2
Pause for thought
What else is the diagram telling us?
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28 CHAPTER 2 ECONOMICS AND THE WORLD OF BUSINESS
refer simply to the 15 countries that were members prior to 2004).
A table like this is a common way of representing time-series data. It has the advantage of giving the precise figures, and is thus a useful reference if we want to test any theory and see whether it predicts accurately.
Notice that in this particular table the figures are given annually. Depending on the period of time over which we want to see the movement of a variable, it may be more appropriate to use a different interval of time. For example, if we wanted to see how investment had changed over the past 50 years, we might use intervals of five years or more. If, however, we wanted to see how investment had changed over the course of a year, we would probably use monthly figures.
Time-series data can also be shown graphically. In fact the data from a table can be plotted directly on to a graph. Figure 2.3 plots the data from Table 2.1. Each dot on the
graph corresponds to one figure from the table. The dots are then joined up to form a single line.
Thus if you wanted to find the annual percentage change in investment in the EU at any time between 1981 and 2016, you would simply find the appropriate date on the horizontal axis, read vertically upward to the line you have drawn, then read across to find the annual rate of change in investment.
Although a graph like this cannot give you quite such an accurate measurement of each point as a table does, it gives a much more obvious picture of how the figures have moved over time and whether the changes are getting
198119821983198419851986198719881989199019911992199319941995199619971998
–4.2–1.00.52.23.24.05.18.96.93.7–0.6–0.3–5.43.13.32.53.56.2
199920002001200220032004200520062007200820092010201120122013201420152016
5.54.60.6–0.81.42.82.45.24.9–1.3–11.60.41.8–2.5–1.61.92.84.5
Investment in the EU(15): percentage changes from previous year at 2010 market prices Table 2.1
Source: Based on Statistical Annex of the European Economy (EC, 2015). 2015 and 2016 are forecast
Investment in the EU(15) (% changes from previous year) Figure 2.3
–14
–12
–10
–8
–6
–4
–2
0
2
4
6
8
10
19801985199019952000200520102015
In ve
stm e
n t (an
n u
al % ch
an g
e )
Note: 2015 and 2016 figures are forecast Source: Based on Statistical Annex of the European Economy, Table 20 (EC, 2015)
Definition
Time-series data Information depicting how a variable (e.g. the price of eggs) changes over time.
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2 . 3 A P P E N D I X : S O M E T E C H N I Q U E S O F E C O N O M I C A N A L Y S I S 2 9
Economic growth and growth in investment in the EU(15)Figure 2.4
Economic growth
Growth in investment
–14
–12
–10
–8
–6
–4
–2
0
2
4
6
8
10
1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
N at
io na
l i nc
om e,
I nv
es tm
en t
(a nn
ua l %
c ha
ng e)
Note: 2015 and 2016 figures are forecast
Source: Based on Statistical Annex of the European Economy, Tables 10 and 20 (EC, 2015)
bigger (the curve getting steeper) or smaller (the curve get- ting flatter). We can also read off what the likely figure would be for some point between two observations.
It is also possible to combine two sets of time-series data on one graph to show their relative movements over time. Table 2.2 shows annual percentage changes in EU national income (i.e. economic growth rates) for the same time period.
Figure 2.4 plots these data along with those from Table 2.1. This enables us to get a clear picture of how annual percent- age changes in investment and in national income moved in relation to each other over the period in question.
Cross-section data Cross-section data show different observations made at the same point in time. For example, they could show the quan- tities of food and clothing purchased at various levels of household income, or the costs to a firm or industry of pro- ducing various quantities of a product.
Table 2.3 gives an example of cross-section data. It shows the percentage shares of the UK’s largest cider brands in 2009 and 2011. Cross-section data like these are often repre- sented in the form of a chart. Figure 2.5 shows the data as a bar chart, and Figure 2.6 as a pie chart.
It is possible to represent cross-section data at two or more different points in time, thereby presenting the fig- ures as a time series. In Table 2.3, figures are given for just two years. With a more complete time series we could graph the movement of the market shares of each of the brands over time. In doing this, we create a very complete dataset, known as panel data.
1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1992 1993 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998
0.2 1.1 1.8 2.5 2.5 2.8 2.8 4.2 3.7 3.0 1.8 1.3 –0.1 2.9 2.6 1.9 2.9 3.0
1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016
3.0 3.8 2.1 1.2 1.3 2.3 1.9 3.2 2.9 0.3 –4.5 2.1 1.6 –0.5 –0.1 1.2 1.4 1.9
National income in the EU(15): percentage changes from previous year (economic growth rates) at 2010 market prices
Table 2.2
Source: Based on Statistical Annex of the European Economy (EC, 2015). 2015 and 2016 are forecast
Definition
Cross-section data Information showing how a variable (e.g. the consumption of eggs) differs between different groups or different individuals at a given time.
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2009 (%) 2011 (%)
Strongbow 28.5 27.2
Own-label 8.6 7.9
Magners 8.3 7.5
Lambrini 6.5 4.5
Bulmers Original 4.5 3.8
Frosty Jack’s 2.9 4.1
Bulmers Pear cider 2.8 2.6
Jacques Fruits De Bois 2.7 2.2
Scrumpy Jack 2.5 2.4
Kopparberg 1.7 2.2
Stella Artois Cidre n/a 3.2
Others 31.0 32.4
100.0 100.0
UK market shares of cider brandsTable 2.3
Source: Mintel Cider UK Report, February 2012
UK market shares of cider brandsFigure 2.5
Source: Based on Mintel Cider UK Report, February 2012
Index numbers Time-series data are often expressed in terms of index num- bers. Consider the data in the top row of each part of Table 2.4. It shows index numbers of manufacturing output in the UK from 1985 to 2014.
One year is selected as the base year, and this is given the value of 100. In our example this is 2011. The output for other years is then shown by their percentage variation
from 100. For 1985 the index number is 83.2. This means that manufacturing output was 16.8 per cent lower in 1985 than in 2011. The index number for 2007 is 106.6. This means that manufacturing output was 6.6 per cent higher in 2007 than in 2011.
The use of index numbers allows us to see clearly any upward and downward movements, and to make an easy comparison of one year with another. For example, Table 2.4 shows quite clearly that manufacturing output fell from 1989 to 1992 and did not reach its 1989 level until 1994. It fell again from 2007 to 2009 and from 2011 to 2013.
Index numbers are very useful for comparing two or more time series of data. For example, suppose we wanted to compare the growth of manufacturing output with that of the service industries. To do this we simply express both sets of figures as index numbers with the same base year. This is again illustrated in Table 2.4.
Pause for thought
Does this mean that the value of manufacturing output in 2007 was 6.6 per cent higher in money terms than in 2011?
Definitions
Index number The value of a variable expressed as 100 plus or minus its percentage deviation from a base year.
Base year (for index numbers) The year whose index number is set at 100.
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UK market shares of cider brandsFigure 2.6
Source: Mintel Cider UK Report, February 2012
1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999
Output of manufacturing
83.2 84.3 88.4 94.8 98.6 98.5 93.5 93.4 94.8 99.3 100.8 101.5 103.3 103.7 104.3
Output of services
48.3 50.3 52.4 54.8 55.9 56.7 56.9 57.6 59.7 62.0 63.6 65.5 67.3 70.5 73.4
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Output of manufacturing
106.6 105.0 102.3 101.7 103.6 103.5 105.8 106.6 103.5 93.8 98.2 100.0 98.7 98.0 100.5
Output of services
76.8 79.6 81.9 86.6 88.6 92.4 95.9 98.9 99.4 96.6 98.0 100.0 102.0 104.0 107.1
UK manufacturing output at constant 2011 prices: 2011 = 100Table 2.4
Source: Time series data, series K22A and L2NC (ONS, 2015)
The figures show a quite different pattern for the two sectors. The growth of the service industries has been much steadier and more rapid.
Using index numbers to measure percentage changes To find the annual percentage growth rate in any one year, we simply look at the percentage change in the index from the previous year. To work this out, we use the following formula:
It - It - 1 It - 1
* 100
where It is the index in the year in question and It−1 is the index in the previous year.
Thus, using Table 2.4, to find the growth rate in manufac- turing output from, say, 1987 to 1988, we first see how much the index has risen, It − It−1. The answer is 94.8 − 88.4 = 6.4.
But this does not mean that the growth rate is 6.4 per cent. According to our formula, the growth rate is equal to:
94.8 - 88.4 88.4
* 100
= 6.4>88.4 * 100 = 7.24%.
The price index Perhaps the best known of all price indices is the consumer prices index (CPI).1 It is an index of the prices of goods and
1 Previously another measure, the retail price index (RPI), was the major measure of consumer prices. Although the RPI is still used, it has been largely replaced by the CPI, which is a more sophisticated measure.
Definition
Consumer prices index (CPI) An index of the prices of goods bought by a typical household.
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services purchased by the average household. Movements in this index, therefore, show how the cost of living has changed. Annual percentage increases in the CPI are the commonest definition of the rate of inflation. Thus if the CPI went up from 100 to 103 over a 12-month period, we would say that the rate of inflation was 3 per cent. If it went up from 150 to 156 over 12 months, the rate of inflation would be (156 - 150)/150 * 100 = 4 per cent.
The use of weighted averages The CPI is a weighted average of the prices of many items. The index of manufacturing output that we looked at above was also a weighted average: an average of the output of many individual products.
To illustrate how a weighted average works, consider the case of a weighted average of the output of just three indus- tries, A, B and C. Let us assume that in the base year (year 1) the output of A was £7 million, of B £2 million and of C £1 million, giving a total output of the three industries of £10 million. We now attach weights to the output of each indus- try to reflect its proportion of total output. Industry A is given a weight of 0.7 because it produces seven-tenths of total out- put. Industry B is given a weight of 0.2 and industry C of 0.1. We then simply multiply each industry’s index by its weight and add up all these figures to give the overall industry index.
The index for each industry in year 1 (the base year) is 100. This means that the weighted average index is also 100. Table 2.5 shows what happens to output in year 2. Industry A’s output falls by 10 per cent, giving it an index of 90 in year 2. Industry B’s output rises by 10 per cent and indus- try C’s output rises by 30 per cent, giving indices of 110 and 130, respectively. But as you can see from the table, despite the fact that two of the three industries have had a rise in output, the total industry index has fallen from 100 to 98. The reason is that industry A is so much larger than the other two that its decline in output outweighs their increase.
The consumer prices index is a little more complicated. This is because it is calculated in two stages. First, products are grouped into categories such as food, clothing and ser- vices. A weighted average index is worked out for each group. Thus the index for food would be the weighted
Year 1 Year 2
Industry Weight Index Index times weight
Index Index times weight
A 0.7 100 70 90 63
B 0.2 100 20 110 22
C 0.1 100 10 130 13
Total 1.0 100 98
Constructing a weighted average indexTable 2.5
Definitions
Weighted average The average of several items where each item is ascribed a weight according to its importance. The weights must add up to 1.
Functional relationships The mathematical relationships showing how one variable is affected by one or more others.
average of the indices for bread, potatoes, cooking oil, etc. Second, a weight is attached to each of the groups in order to work out an overall index.
Functional relationships Business economists frequently examine how one eco- nomic variable affects another: how the purchases of cars are affected by their price; how consumer expenditure is affected by taxes, or by incomes; how the cost of producing wash- ing machines is affected by the price of steel; how business investment is affected by changes in interest rates. These relationships are called functional relationships. We will need to express these relationships in a precise way. This can be done in the form of a table, as a graph or as an equation.
Simple linear functions These are relationships which, when plotted on a graph, produce a straight line. Let us take an imaginary example of the relationship between total saving in the economy (S) and the level of national income (Y). This functional rela- tionship can be written as:
S = f(Y)
This is simply shorthand for saying that saving is a function of (i.e. depends on) the level of national income.
If we want to know just how much will be saved at any given level of income, we will need to spell out this func- tional relationship. Let us do this in each of the three ways.
As a table. Table 2.6 gives a selection of values of Y and the corresponding level of S. It is easy to read off from the table
National income (£bn per year)
Total saving (£bn per year)
0 0
10 2
20 4
30 6
40 8
50 10
A saving functionTable 2.6
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2 . 3 A P P E N D I X : S O M E T E C H N I Q U E S O F E C O N O M I C A N A L Y S I S 3 3
A graph of the saving function: S = 0.2YFigure 2.7
x y
0 4
1 6
2 8
3 10
4 12
5 14
. .
y = 4 + 2 xTable 2.7 y = 4 + 2xFigure 2.8
the level of saving at one of the levels of national income listed. It is clearly more difficult to work out the level of sav- ing if national income were £23.4 billion or £47.4 billion.
As a graph. Figure 2.7 plots the data from Table 2.6. Each of the dots corresponds to one of the points in the table. By joining the dots up into a single line we can easily read off the value for saving at some level of income other than those listed in the table. A graph also has the advantage of allowing us to see the relationship at a glance.
It is usual to plot the independent variable (i.e. the one that does not depend on the other) on the horizontal or x-axis, and the dependent variable on the vertical or y-axis. In our example, saving depends on national income. Thus saving is the dependent variable and national income is the independent variable.
As an equation. The data in the table can be expressed in the equation:
S = 0.2Y
This has the major advantage of being precise. We could work out exactly how much would be saved at any given level of national income.
This particular function starts at the origin of the graph (i.e. the bottom left-hand corner). This means that when the value of the independent variable is zero, so too is the value of the dependent variable. Frequently, however, this is not the case in functional relationships. For example, when people have a zero income, they will still have to live,
and thus will draw from their past savings: they will have negative saving.
When a graph does not pass through the origin, its equa- tion will have the form:
y = a + bx
where this time y stands for the dependent variable (not ‘income’) and x for the independent variable, and a and b will have numbers assigned in an actual equation. For example, the equation might be:
y = 4 + 2x
This would give Table 2.7 and Figure 2.8. Notice two things about the relationship between the
equation and the graph: The point where the line crosses the vertical axis (at a
value of 4) is given by the constant (a) term. If the a term were negative, the line would cross the vertical axis below the horizontal axis.
The slope of the line is given by the b term. The slope is 2/1: for every 1 unit increase in x there is a 2 unit increase in y.
Non-linear functions These are functions where the equation involves a squared term (or other power terms). Such functions will give a curved line when plotted on a graph. As an example, con- sider the following equation:
y = 4 + 10x - x2
Table 2.8 and Figure 2.9 are based on it. As you can see, y rises at a decelerating rate and even-
tually begins to fall. This is because the negative x2 term is becoming more and more influential as x rises, and eventu- ally begins to outweigh the 10x term.
The actual relationship that exists between two varia- bles will determine the mathematical function that is used (linear or non-linear) and this will then affect the shape of the curve.
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3 4 C H A P T E R 2 E C O N O M I C S A N D T H E W O R L D O F B U S I N E S S
x y
0 4
1 13
2 20
3 25
4 28
5 29
6 28
. .
y = 4 + 10x − x2Table 2.8y = 4 + 10x − x 2Figure 2.9
SUMMARY TO APPENDIX
1 Diagrams in economics can be used as pictures, to sketch a relationship so that its essentials can be perceived at a glance.
2 Tables, graphs and charts are also used to portray real- life data. These can be time-series data or cross-section data or both.
3 Presenting time-series data as index numbers gives a clear impression of trends and is a good way of compar- ing how two or more series (perhaps originally measured in different units) have changed over the same time period. A base year is chosen and the index for that year is set at 100. The percentage change in the value of a var- iable is given by the percentage change in the index. The formula is:
It - It - 1 It - 1
* 100
4 Several items can be included in one index by using a weighted value for each of the items. The weights must add up to 1 and each weight will reflect the relative importance of that particular item in the index.
5 Functional relationships can be expressed as an equa- tion, a table or a graph. In the linear (straight-line) equation y = a + bx, the a term gives the vertical inter- cept (the point where the graph crosses the vertical axis) and the b term gives the slope. When there is a power term (e.g. y = a + bx + cx2), the graph will be a curve.
REVIEW QUESTIONS TO APPENDIX
1 What are the relative advantages and disadvantages of presenting information in (a) a table; (b) a graph; (c) an equation?
2 If the CPI went up from 125 to 130 over 12 months, what would be the rate of inflation over that period?
3 On a diagram like Figure 2.8, draw the graphs for the following equations.
y = -3 = 4x y = 15 - 3x
4 What shaped graph would you get from the following equations?
y = -6 + 3x + 2x2
y = 10 - 4x + x2
If you cannot work out the answer, construct a table like Table 2.8 and then plot the figures on a graph.
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Business organisations
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How are businesses organised and structured? ■ What are the aims of business? ■ Will owners, managers and other employees necessarily have the same aims? How can those working in the firm be
persuaded to achieve the objectives of their employers? ■ What are the various legal categories of business and how do different legal forms suit different types of business? ■ How do businesses differ in their internal organisation? What are the relative merits of alternative forms of organisation?
If you decide to grow strawberries in your garden or allotment, or if you decide to put up a set of shelves in your home, then you have made a production decision. Most production decisions, however, are not made by the individuals who will consume the product. Most production decisions are made by fi rms: whether by small one-person businesses or by giant multinational corporations, such as General Motors or Sony.
In this chapter we are going to investigate the fi rm: what is its role in the economy; what are the goals of fi rms; how do fi rms diff er in respect to their legal status; and in what ways are they organised internally?
THE NATURE OF FIRMS 3.1
As firms have grown and become more complex, so the analysis of them has become more sophisticated. They are seen less and less like a ‘black box’, where inputs are fed in one end, used in the most efficient way and then output emerges from the other end. Instead, the nature and organ- isation of firms are seen to be key determinants of how they behave and of the role they play in respect to resource allo- cation and production.
Complex production Very few goods or services are produced by one person alone. Most products require a complex production process that will involve many individuals. But how are these indi- viduals to be organised in order to produce such goods and services? Two very different ways are:
■ within markets via price signals; ■ within firms via a hierarchy of managerial authority.
C h
a p
te r 3
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3 6 C H A P T E R 3 B U S I N E S S O R G A N I S A T I O N S
In the first of these two ways, each stage of production would involve establishing a distinct contract with each separate producer. Assume that you wanted to produce a woollen jumper. You would need to enter a series of separate contracts: to have the jumper designed, to buy the wool, to get the wool spun, to get it dyed, to have the jumper knitted. There are many other stages in the produc- tion and distribution process that might also be considered. With each contract a price will have to be determined, and that price will reflect current market conditions. In most cases, such a form of economic organisation would prove to be highly inefficient and totally impractical. Consider the number of contracts that might be necessary if you wished to produce a motor car!
With the second way of organising production, a single firm (or just a few firms) replaces the market. The co-ordi- nation of the conversion of inputs into output takes place within the firm: not through the market mechanism, but by management issuing orders as to what to produce and the manner in which this is to take place. Hence the dis- tinguishing feature of the firm is that the price mechanism plays little role in allocating resources within it.
The benefits of organising production within firms The function of the firm is to bring together a series of pro- duction and distribution operations, doing away with the need for individuals to enter into narrowly specified con- tracts. If you want a woollen jumper, you go to a woollen jumper retailer.
According to Ronald Coase, 1 the key advantage of organising production and distribution through firms, as opposed to the market, is that it involves lower transaction costs. Transaction costs are the costs of making economic arrangements about production, distribution and sales.
The transaction costs associated with individual con- tracts made through the market are likely to be substantial for the following reasons:
■ The uncertainty in framing contracts. It is unlikely that decision makers will have perfect knowledge of the pro- duction process. Given, then, that such contracts are established on imperfect information, they are conse- quently subject to error.
■ The complexity of contracts. Many products require mul- tiple stages of production. The more complex the prod- uct, the greater the number of contracts that would have to be made. The specifications within contracts may also become more complex, requiring high levels of under- standing and knowledge of the production process, which raises the possibility of error in writing them. As contracts become more complex they raise a firm’s costs of production and make it more difficult to determine the correct price for a transaction.
■ Monitoring contracts. Entering into a contract with another person may require you to monitor whether the terms of the contract are fulfilled. This may incur a sig- nificant time cost for the individual, especially if a large number of contracts require monitoring.
■ Enforcing contracts. If one party breaks its contract, the legal expense of enforcing the contract or recouping any losses may be significant. Many individuals might find such costs prohibitive, and as a consequence be unable to pursue broken contracts through the legal system.
What is apparent is that, for most goods, the firm represents a superior way to organise production. The actions of man- agement replace the price signals of the market and over- come many of the associated transaction costs.
Goals of the firm Economists have traditionally assumed that firms will want to maximise profits. The ‘traditional theory of the firm’, as it is called, shows how much output firms should produce and at what price, in order to make as much profit as possible. But do firms necessarily want to maximise profits?
It is reasonable to assume that the owners of firms will want to maximise profits: this much most of the critics of the traditional theory accept. The question is, however, whether it is the owners that make the decisions about how much to produce and at what price.
The divorce of ownership from control As businesses steadily grew over the nineteenth and twenti- eth centuries, many owner-managers were forced, however reluctantly, to devolve some responsibility for the running of the business to other individuals. These new managers brought with them technical skills and business exper- tise, a crucial prerequisite for a modern successful business enterprise.
1Ronald H. Coase, ‘The Nature of the Firm’, Economica, Vol. 4, No. 16, Nov. 1937, pp. 386–405.
Transaction costs. The costs incurred when firms buy inputs or services from other firms as opposed to producing them themselves. They include the costs of searching for the best firm to do business with, the costs of negotiating, drawing up, monitoring and enforcing contracts, and the costs of transporting and handling products between the firms. These costs should be weighed against the benefits of outsourcing through the market.
KEY IDEA
5
Definitions
The firm An economic organisation that co-ordinates the process of production and distribution.
Transaction costs Those costs incurred when making economic contracts in the marketplace.
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3 . 1 T H E N A T U R E O F F I R M S 3 7
The managerial revolution that was to follow, in which business owners (shareholders) and managers became dis- tinct groups, called into question what the precise goals of the business enterprise might now be. This debate was to be further fuelled by the growth of the joint-stock company (a structure first recognised in England in the sixteenth century) in which the ownership of the enterprise was pro- gressively dispersed over a large number of shareholders. The growth in the joint-stock company was a direct conse- quence of business owners looking to raise large amounts of investment capital in order to maintain or expand business activity.
This twin process of managerial expansion and widen- ing share ownership led Berle and Means2 to argue that the ownership of stocks and shares in an enterprise no longer meant control over its assets. They subsequently drew a dis- tinction between ‘nominal ownership’, namely getting a return from investing in a business, and ‘effective owner- ship’, which is the ability to control and direct the assets of the business. The more dispersed nominal ownership becomes, the less and less likely it is that there will be effec- tive ownership by shareholders. (This issue will be consid- ered in more detail in Chapter 14.)
The modern company is legally separate from its own- ers (as you will discover in section 3.2). Hence the assets are legally owned by the business itself. Consequently, the group in charge of the business is that which controls the use of these assets: i.e. the group which determines the business’s objectives and implements the necessary proce- dures to secure them. In most companies this group is the managers.
Berle and Means argued that, as a consequence of this transition from owner to manager control, conflicts are likely to develop between the goals of managers and those of the owners. But what are the objectives of managers? Will they want to maximise profits, or will they have some other aim?
Managers may want to maximise their own interests, such as pursuing higher salaries, greater power or prestige, greater sales, better working conditions or greater popular- ity with their subordinates. Different managers in the same firm may well pursue different aims. But these aims may conflict with profit maximisation.
Managers will still have to ensure that sufficient profits are made to keep shareholders happy, but that may be very different from maximising profits. Alternative theories of the firm to those of profit maximisation, therefore, tend to assume that large firms are profit ‘satisficers’. That is, man- agers strive hard for a minimum target level of profit, but are less interested in profits above this level.
Such theories fall into two categories: first, those theo- ries which assume that firms attempt to maximise some
other aim, provided that sufficient profits are achieved; and second, those theories which assume that firms pursue a number of potentially conflicting aims, of which sufficient profit is merely one. (These alternative theories are exam- ined more fully in Chapter 14.)
The principal–agent relationship Can the owners of a firm ever be sure that their manag- ers will pursue the business strategy most appropriate to achieving the owners’ goals (which traditional economic theory tells us is the maximisation of profit)? This is an example of what is known as the principal–agent problem.
One of the features of a complex modern economy is that people (principals) have to employ others (agents) to carry out their wishes. If you want to go on holiday, it is eas- ier to go to a travel agent to sort out the arrangements than to do it all yourself. Likewise, if you want to buy a house, it is more convenient to go to an estate agent.
The crucial advantage that agents have over their prin- cipals is specialist knowledge and information. This is frequently the basis upon which agents are employed. For example, owners employ managers for their specialist knowledge of a market or their understanding of business
2A. A. Berle and G. C. Means, The Modern Corporation and Private Property (Macmillan, 1933).
Definitions
Joint-stock company A company where ownership is distributed between a large number of shareholders.
Profit satisficing Where a firm or manager aims to achieve a target level of profit that is regarded as satisfac- tory. By not aiming for the maximum profit, this allows managers to pursue other objectives, such as sales maxi- misation or their own salary or prestige.
Principal–agent problem One where people (princi- pals), as a result of lack of knowledge, cannot ensure that their best interests are served by their agents.
Pause for thought
Make a list of six possible aims that a manager of a high street department store might have. Identify some conflicts that might arise between these aims.
The nature of institutions and organisations is likely to influence behaviour. There are various forces influ- encing people’s decisions in complex organisations. Assumptions that an organisation will follow one simple objective (e.g. short-run profit maximisation) are thus too simplistic in many cases.
KEY IDEA
6
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3 8 C H A P T E R 3 B U S I N E S S O R G A N I S A T I O N S
practice. But this situation of asymmetric information – that one party (the agent) knows more than the other (the princi- pal) – means that it will be very difficult for the principal to judge in whose interest the agent is operating. Are managers pursuing their own goals rather than the goals of the owner?
Principals may attempt to reconcile the fact that they have imperfect information, and are thus in an inherently weak position, in the following ways:
■ Monitoring the performance of the agent. Shareholders could monitor the performance of their senior managers through attending annual general meetings. The manag- ers could be questioned by shareholders and ultimately replaced if their performance is seen as unsatisfactory.
■ Establishing a series of incentives to ensure that agents act in the principals’ best interest. For example, managerial pay could be closely linked to business performance (e.g.
The principal–agent problem. Where people (princi- pals), as a result of a lack of knowledge, cannot ensure that their best interests are served by their agents. Agents may take advantage of this situation to the disadvantage of the principals.
KEY IDEA
7
BOX 3.1 EXPLOITING ASYMMETRIC INFORMATION
Examples of the principal–agent relationship
Elections Whether it is at school, college, university or even in govern- ment, you need votes to win an election. Depending on the context, there will be certain things that are more likely to lead to victory. Perhaps at school, it’s campaigning for shorter days or no uniforms. At university, it might be about provid- ing more contact with academic staff and at a general election it might be about redistributing income, protecting education or health care, or investing money in regeneration projects. But here too there is a problem of asymmetric information. Whatever the campaign promises, the people seeking election (the agents) generally know better than the electorate (the principals) whether or not their manifesto is viable; whether they will stick to their promises or if they are merely promises to gain votes.
Internet dating The world of online dating has grown significantly over the past few years, with more and more people taking to the web to find their perfect match. But here is another classic example of the problem of asymmetric information. Dating sites (so we’re told!) require you to upload a picture and complete some general information about you: your likes, dislikes, height, age, education, salary, occupation, loca- tion, etc. However, when you complete that information, only you know how much of it is completely true. There are inevitably certain characteristics that make people’s profiles more attractive – perhaps you exaggerate your height or salary or take a few years off your age. Whatever ‘white lies’ you tell, you have much better information as to your own profile than those looking at it. Of course, the same applies to you when you accept a date with someone who has seen your profile – they have more information than you as to whether their picture is recent or taken a decade ago!
Give some other examples of where asymmetric information might cause problems for one party.
The issue of asymmetric information and its implications for the principal–agent relationship is not just a problem within firms. It exists in many walks of life where two parties are involved in some sort of transaction, but where one party has more information than the other and it may be in their inter- ests to use that extra information to gain an advantage.
Housing When you want to buy or sell a house, you probably lack infor- mation about the values of houses and so you will go to an estate agent. However, the reason you go to the estate agent is because they have better information than you – and they know this. The buyer (or seller) is the principal and the estate agent is the agent. Assume you want to sell a house. It could be in the estate agent’s interests to try to convince you that it is necessary to accept a lower price for your house, while the real reason is to save the agent time, effort and expense. It is a similar story if you want to buy a house. The estate agent may tell you that the heating is excellent and cheap, but it is in their interests to say this and they know much better than you if they are telling the truth! The fact that the estate agent has better information than you (the buyer) means that they can use this information to gain an advan- tage: a higher price or a quick sale.
Second-hand cars Assume you want to buy a second-hand car and go to a sec- ond-hand car dealer. When looking at a particular car, you might look at the mileage, the upholstery and whether there any scratches on the bodywork or any obvious damage. You’ll ask about any problems or reliability issues. But even if you have expert knowledge about cars, the dealer will have much better information than you as to how good (or bad) it really is. They may ‘neglect’ to tell you about the rust on the underside of the car, the problems of starting it on a cold morning or its history of unreliability. By omitting cer- tain bad things about the car, they will hope to gain a higher price and thus use the problem of asymmetric information to their advantage.
Definition
Asymmetric information A situation in which one party in an economic relationship knows more than another.
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3 . 2 T H E F I R M A S A L E G A L E N T I T Y 3 9
THE FIRM AS A LEGAL ENTITY3.2
The legal structure of the firm is likely to have a signifi- cant impact on its conduct, and subsequent performance, within the marketplace. In the UK, there are several types of firm, each with a distinct legal status.
The sole proprietor Here, the business is owned by just one person. Usually such businesses are small, with only a few employees. Retailing, construction and farming are typical areas where sole proprietorships are found. Such businesses are easy to set up and may require only a relatively small initial capital investment. They may well flourish if the owner is highly committed to the business, and can respond to changing market conditions. They suffer two main disadvantages, however:
■ Limited scope for expansion. Finance is limited to what the owner can raise personally, e.g. through savings or a bank loan. Also there is a limit to the size of an organisa- tion that one person can effectively control.
■ Unlimited liability. The owner is personally liable for any losses that the business might make. This could result in
the owner’s house, car and other assets being seized to pay off any outstanding debts, should the business fail.
The partnership This is where two or more people own the business. In most partnerships there is a legal limit of 20 partners. Part- nerships are common in the same fields as sole proprietor- ships. They are also common in the professions: solicitors, accountants, surveyors, etc. With more owners, there is more scope for expansion, as extra finance can be raised. Also, as partners can each specialise in one aspect of the business, larger organisations are often more viable. How- ever, taking on partners does mean a loss of control through shared decision making.
Although since 2001 it has been possible to form limited liability partnerships, many partnerships still have unlim- ited liability. This problem could be very serious. The mis- takes of one partner could jeopardise the personal assets of all the other partners.
Where large amounts of capital are required and/ or when the risks of business failure are relatively high,
KI 6 p 37
profitability). Schemes such as profit sharing encourage managers (agents) to act in the owners’ (principals’) interests, thereby aligning their objectives. However, this is likely to be more effective with a larger incentive: e.g. the larger the share in company profits, the more inclined managers will be to act in the owners’ interests. However, the larger the incentive the more costly it is likely to be to the owners.
Within any firm there will exist a complex chain of princi- pal–agent relationships – between workers and managers, between junior managers and senior managers, between senior managers and directors, and between directors and shareholders. All groups will hold some specialist knowl- edge which might be used to further their own distinct goals. Predictably, the development of effective monitor- ing and evaluation programmes and the creation of perfor- mance-related pay schemes have been two central themes in the development of business practices in recent years – a sign that the principal is looking to fight back.
Staying in business Aiming for profits, sales, salaries, power, etc. will be useless if the firm does not survive! Trying to maximise any of the var- ious objectives may be risky. For example, if a firm tries to maximise its market share by aggressive advertising or price cutting, it might invoke a strong response from its rivals. The
resulting war may drive it out of business. Some of the manag- ers may easily move to other jobs and may actually gain from the experience, but the majority are likely to lose. Concern with survival, therefore, may make firms cautious.
Not all firms, however, make survival the top prior- ity. Some are adventurous and are prepared to take risks. Adventurous firms are most likely to be those dominated by a powerful and ambitious individual – an individual pre- pared to take gambles.
The more dispersed the decision-making power is in the firm, and the more worried managers are about their own survival, the more cautious are their policies likely to be: preferring ‘tried and trusted’ methods of production, preferring to stick with products that have proved to be popular, and preferring to expand slowly and steadily.
If a firm is too cautious, however, it may not survive. It may find that it loses market share to more innovative or aggressive competitors. Ultimately, a firm must balance caution against keeping up with competitors, ensuring that the customer is sufficiently satisfied and that costs are kept sufficiently low by efficient management and the introduc- tion of new technology.
The efficient operation of the firm may be strongly influ- enced by its internal organisational structure. We will con- sider this in more detail (see section 3.3), but first we must consider how the legal structure of the firm might influence its conduct within the marketplace.
KI 6 p 37
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partnerships without limited liability are not an appropri- ate form of organisation. In such cases it is best to form a company (or ‘joint-stock company’ to give it its full title).
Companies A company is legally separate from its owners. This means that it can enter into contracts and own property. Any debts are its debts, not the owners’. The owners of the company are the shareholders and the size of each own- er’s shareholdings will vary, depending on the amount invested. Each shareholder receives his or her share of the company’s distributed profit. These payments are called ‘dividends’.
The owners have only limited liability. This means that, if the company goes bankrupt, the owners will lose the amount of money they have invested in the company, but no more. Their personal assets cannot be seized. This has the advantage of encouraging people to become share- holders, and indeed large companies may have thousands of shareholders – some with very small holdings and oth- ers, including institutional shareholders such as pension funds, with very large holdings. Without the protection of limited liability, many of these investors would never put their money into any company that involved even the slightest risk. It also means that companies can raise sig- nificant finance, thus creating greater scope for expansion.
Shareholders often take no part in the running of the firm. They may elect a board of directors which decides broad issues of company policy. The board of directors in turn appoints managers who make the day-to-day decisions. There are two types of company: public and private.
Public limited companies. A public limited company is not a nationalised industry: it is still in the private sector. It is ‘public’ because it can offer new shares publicly: by issuing a prospectus, it can invite the public to subscribe to a new share issue. In addition, many public limited companies are quoted on a stock exchange, where existing shareholders can sell some or all of their shares. The prices of these shares will be determined by demand and supply. A public lim- ited company must hold an annual shareholders’ meeting. Examples of well-known UK public limited companies are Marks & Spencer, BP, Barclays, BSkyB and Tesco.
Private limited companies. Private limited companies cannot offer their shares publicly. Shares have to be sold privately. This makes it more difficult for private limited companies to raise finance, and consequently they tend to be smaller than public companies. They are, however, easier to set up than public companies. One of the most famous examples of a private limited company was Manchester United foot- ball club (which used to be a public limited company until it was bought out by the Glazer family in 2005). It then became a public limited company again in August 2012
when 10 per cent of the shares were floated on the New York Stock Exchange.
Consortia of firms It is common, especially in large civil engineering pro- jects that involve very high risks, for many firms to work together as a consortium. The Channel Tunnel and Thames Barrier are products of this form of business organisation. Within the consortium one firm may act as the managing contractor, while the other members may provide specialist services. Alternatively, management may be more equally shared.
Co-operatives These are of two types.
Consumer co-operatives. These, like the old high street Co-ops, are officially owned by the consumers. Consumers in fact play no part in the running of these co-operatives. They are run by professional managers.
Producer co-operatives. These are firms that are owned by their workers, who share in the firm’s profit according to some agreed formula. They are sometimes formed by people in the same trade coming together: for example, producers of handicraft goods. At other times they are formed by workers buying out their factory from the owners; this is most likely if it is due to close, with a resultant loss of jobs. Producer co-operatives, although still relatively few in num- ber, have grown in recent years. One of the most famous is the department store chain, John Lewis, with its supermar- ket division, Waitrose (see Box 1.1).
Public corporations These are state-owned enterprises such as the BBC, the Bank of England and nationalised industries.
Public corporations have a legal identity separate from the government. They are run by a board, but the mem- bers of the board are appointed by the relevant government minister. The boards have to act within various terms of reference laid down by Act of Parliament. Profits of public corporations that are not reinvested accrue to the Treasury. Since 1980 most public corporations have been ‘privatised’: that is, they have been sold directly to other firms in the pri- vate sector (such as Austin Rover to British Aerospace) or to the general public through a public issue of shares (such as British Gas). However, in response to turmoil in the finan- cial markets, the UK government nationalised two banks in 2008, Northern Rock (see Box 15.3) and Bradford and Bing- ley. It also partly nationalised two others, the Royal Bank of Scotland and the Lloyds Banking Group (HBOS and Lloyds TSB).
The issue of privatisation is considered in Chapter 22.
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3 . 3 T H E I N T E R N A L O R G A N I S A T I O N O F T H E F I R M 4 1
BOX 3.2 MANAGERS AND PERFORMANCE
Are high CEO salaries justified?
The phenomenon has been building for years. FTSE 100 chief executives’ pay was 47 times that of average employees in 1998 but had risen to 120 times by 2010. . . . Bosses’ packages have more than doubled in value over that period, while share prices have barely changed. . . . The High Pay Commission says the growth of performance- related pay has itself added to the complexity of remuneration and boosted the amount that can be received. . . . Some academics argue that over-powerful executives have been able to extract excessive awards. Not everyone agrees with the consensus view, however. Thomas Noe, professor of management studies at Oxford’s Said Business School, says it is fundamentally incorrect. . . . In the US, he argues – and probably in the UK, too – most of the increase in executive pay can be accounted for by an increase in company size. . . . for a large company, it can make sense to pay a premium for a chief executive who may deliver a slightly better performance than its rivals. ‘You are much more willing to pay for tiny differences in performance, because now they are getting multiplied by a much bigger base.’ . . . ‘If shareholders were unhappy’, he adds, ‘they would vote against company pay policies.’ Robert Talbut, chief investment officer at Royal London Asset Management and a member of the High Pay Commission says: ‘Shareholders are engaging but the tools available to them are very limited, because all we do is get an advisory vote once the remuneration committee have decided what they want to do.’ The real problem, he says, is that remuneration committees are showing ‘insufficient steel’ and not doing the job that shareholders want them to do. ‘The whole system gives the impression of having been captured by the insiders.’5
1. Explain how excessive executive remuneration might illustrate the principal–agent problem.
2. In the UK, many of the highest-paid executives head former public utilities. Why might the giving of very high rewards to such individuals be a source of public concern?
In the year to June 2014, according to a report by Incomes Data Services (IDS),3 chief executives of the top 100 listed UK companies earned an average of £3.34 million, more than 120 times greater than the average UK wage of £27 200. Directors on average earned £2.43 million per year. The differential between executive pay and that of employees has accelerated significantly over the past 15 years. In the year to June 2014 alone, directors’ earnings (pay, bonuses, shares, etc.) rose by 21 per cent, compared with median pay of employees rising by a mere 0.1 per cent. In 2000, chief executives earned on average ‘only’ 47 times more than the average employee. The IDS report also noted that between 2000 and 2014, ‘the median total earnings for FTSE 100 bosses rose by 278 per cent, while the corresponding rise in total earnings for full-time employees was 48 per cent’.4
The awards given to executive ‘fat cats’ have met with con- siderable protest in recent years. So how can such high pay awards to top executives be justified? The two main argu- ments put forward to justify such generosity are as follows:
■ ‘The best cost money.’ Failure to offer high rewards may encourage the top executives within an industry to move elsewhere.
■ ‘High rewards motivate.’ High rewards are likely to moti- vate not only top executives, but also those below them. Managers, especially those in the middle of the business hierarchy, will compete for promotion and seek to do well with such high rewards on offer.
However, this view has been challenged, not least by the Business Secretary in the 2010–15 Conservative/Liberal Democrat Coalition government, Vince Cable.
Vince Cable, Britain’s outspoken business secretary, is fulminating about ‘outrageous’ executive pay awards… . ‘There’s a serious problem, because executive pay has got way out of line with company performance . . .’. Is the link between executive pay and performance as broken as critics say – and if it is, can anything meaningful be done?
3 ‘ Directors’ Pay Report 2014/15’, Incomes Data Services (Thomson Reuters, October 2014).
4 ‘ Directors “earn 120 times more than average employee”’, BBC News, 13 October 2014.
5 Brian Groom, ‘Executive pay: The trickle-up effect’, Financial Times, 27 July 2011. © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved.
THE INTERNAL ORGANISATION OF THE FIRM3.3
The internal operating structures of firms are frequently governed by their size. Small firms tend to be centrally managed, with decision making operating through a clear managerial hierarchy. In large firms, however, the organi- sational structure tends to be more complex, although tech- nological change is forcing many organisations to reassess the most suitable organisational structure for their business.
KI 6 p 37 Pause for thought
Before you read on, consider in what ways technology might influence the organisational structure of a business.
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4 2 C H A P T E R 3 B U S I N E S S O R G A N I S A T I O N S
U-form In small to medium-sized firms, the managers of the various departments – marketing, finance, production, etc. – are normally directly responsible to a chief executive, whose function is to co-ordinate their activities: relaying the firm’s overall strategy to them and being responsible for interde- partmental communication. We call this type of structure U (unitary) form (see Figure 3.1).
When firms expand beyond a certain size, however, a U-form structure is likely to become inefficient. This inef- ficiency arises from difficulties in communication, co-ordi- nation and control. It becomes too difficult to manage the whole organisation from the centre. The problem is that the chief executive suffers from bounded rationality – a limit on the rate at which information can be absorbed and pro- cessed. When facing complex decisions they typically make satisfactory rather than optimal decisions, relying on rules- of-thumb and tried and tested methods. As the firm grows, more decisions are required. This leads to less time per deci- sion and ultimately poorer decisions. The chief executive effectively loses control of the firm.
In attempting to regain control, it is likely that a further managerial layer will be inserted. The chain of command thus becomes lengthened as the chief executive must now co-ordinate and communicate via this intermediate mana- gerial level. This leads to the following problems:
■ Communication costs increase. ■ Messages and decisions may be misinterpreted and
distorted. ■ The firm experiences a decline in organisational efficiency
as various departmental managers, freed from central con- trol, seek to maximise their personal departmental goals.
M-form To overcome these organisational problems, the firm can adopt an M (multi-divisional) form of managerial structure (see Figure 3.2).
This suits medium to large firms. The firm is divided into a number of ‘divisions’. Each division could be responsible for a particular product or group of products, or a particular market (e.g. a specific country). The day-to-day running and even certain long-term decisions of each division would be the responsibility of the divisional manager(s). This leads to the following benefits:
■ Reduced length of information flows. ■ The chief executive being able to concentrate on overall
strategic planning. ■ An enhanced level of control, with each division being
run as a mini ‘firm’, competing with other divisions for the limited amount of company resources available.
The flat organisation The shift towards the M-form organisational structure was primarily motivated by a desire to improve the process of decision making within the business. This involved adding layers of management. Recent technological innovations, especially in respect to computer systems such as e-mail and management information systems, have encouraged many organisations to think again about how to estab- lish an efficient and effective organisational structure. The flat organisation is one that fully embraces the latest
U-form business organisationFigure 3.1
Good decision making requires good information. Where information is poor, or poorly used, decisions and their outcomes may be poor. This may be the result of bounded rationality.
KEY IDEA
8
Definitions
U-form business organisation One in which the central organisation of the firm (the chief executive or a mana- gerial team) is responsible both for the firm’s day-to-day administration and for formulating its business strategy.
Bounded rationality Individuals are limited in their ability to absorb and process information. People think in ways conditioned by their experiences (family, educa- tion, peer groups, etc.).
M-form business organisation One in which the busi- ness is organised into separate departments, such that responsibility for the day-to-day management enterprise is separated from the formulation of the business’s stra- tegic plan.
Flat organisation One in which technology enables senior managers to communicate directly with those lower in the organisational structure. Middle managers are bypassed.
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3 . 3 T H E I N T E R N A L O R G A N I S A T I O N O F T H E F I R M 4 3
developments in information technology, and by so doing is able to reduce the need for a large group of middle man- agers. Senior managers, through these new information sys- tems, can communicate easily and directly with those lower in the organisational structure. Middle managers are effec- tively bypassed.
The speed of information flows reduces the impact of bounded rationality on the decision-making process. Sen- ior managers are able to re-establish and, in certain cases, widen their span of control over the business organisation.
In many respects the flat organisation represents a return to the U-form structure. It is yet to be seen whether we also have a return to the problems associated with this type of organisation.
Multinationals and business organisation Further types of business organisation which we might identify are closely linked to the expansion and develop- ment of the multinational enterprise. Such organisational structures have developed as a response to these businesses attempting to control their business activities on a global scale. Three forms of multinational business organisation are identified below.
H-form. The H-form or holding company is in many respects a variation on the M-form structure. A holding company (or parent company) is one which owns a controlling interest in other subsidiary companies. These subsidiaries, in turn, may also have controlling interests in other companies.
H-form organisational structures can be highly complex. While the parent company has ultimate control over its various subsidiaries, it is likely that both tactical and strate- gic decision making is left to the individual companies within the organisation. Many multinationals are organised along the lines of an international holding company, where overseas subsidiaries pursue their own independent strat- egy. The Walt Disney Company (Holding Company) rep- resents a good example of an H-form business organisation.
Figure 3.3 shows the firm’s organisational structure and the range of assets it owns.
Integrated international enterprise. The integrated interna- tional enterprise is an organisational structure where a company’s international subsidiaries, rather than pursuing independent business strategies, co-ordinate and integrate their activities in pursuit of shared corporate aims and objectives. The co-ordination of such activities can be either at a regional level – for example, within the European mar- ket – or on a truly global scale. In such an organisation, the distinction between parent company and subsidiary is of less relevance than the identification of a clear corporate philosophy which dominates business goals and policy.
Transnational association. A further form of multinational business organisation is the transnational association. Here the business headquarters holds little equity investment in its subsidiaries. These are largely owned and managed by local people. These subsidiaries receive managerial and tech- nical assistance from the headquarters, in exchange for con- tractual agreements that output produced by the subsidiary is sold to the headquarters. Such output is most likely to take the form of product components rather than finished prod- ucts. The headquarters then acts as an assembler, marketer or
M-form business organisationFigure 3.2
Definitions
Holding company A business organisation in which the present company holds interests in a number of other companies or subsidiaries.
Integrated international enterprise One in which an international company pursues a single business strategy. It co-ordinates the business activities of its subsidiaries across different countries.
Transnational association A form of business organisa- tion in which the subsidiaries of a company in different countries are contractually bound to the parent company to provide output to or receive inputs from other subsidiaries.
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4 4
CH
A P
TER 3
B
U S
IN ES
S O
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A N
IS A
TIO N
S
Organisational structure of The Walt Disney Company (Holding Company)Figure 3.3
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3 . 3 T H E I N T E R N A L O R G A N I S A T I O N O F T H E F I R M 4 5
BOX 3.3 THE CHANGING NATURE OF BUSINESS
Knowledge rules
part-time and short-term contracts and consultancy, means that full-time work is not the only option. (We examine this in section 18.7.) The result is an increasing number of workers offering their services to business in non-conventional ways.
■ As the domestic economy increasingly spills into the global economy, the complexity of the marketplace facing business means that few businesses have the expertise to provide an integrated product. With communication costs that are largely insignificant, businesses are likely to be more efficient and flexible if they outsource and de- integrate. Not only are businesses outsourcing various stages of production, but many are also employing specialist companies to provide key areas of management, such as HRM (human resource management): hiring, firing, training, benefits, etc.
■ Whereas in the past businesses controlled information, to- day access to information via sources such as the Internet means that power is shifting towards the consumer.
■ Today, unlike in previous decades, technological develop- ments are less specific to industries. Knowledge develop- ments diffuse and cut across industry boundaries. What this means for business, in a knowledge-driven economy, is that they must look beyond their own industry if they are to develop and grow. We frequently see partnerships and joint ventures between businesses that cut across industry types and technology.
What is clear from the above is that the dynamics of the knowledge economy require a quite fundamental change in the nature of business. Organisationally it needs to be more flexible, helping it to respond to the ever-changing market conditions it faces. Successful companies draw upon their core competencies to achieve market advantage, and thus ultimately specialise in what they do best. Businesses must learn to work with others, either through outsourcing special- ist tasks, or through more formal strategic partnerships. Within this new business model the key assets are the spe- cialist people in the organisation – its knowledge workers. How will businesses attract, retain and motivate the best? Will financial rewards be sufficient, or will workers seek more from their work and the organisation they work for? With such issues facing the corporation we can expect to see a radical reinterpretation of what business looks like and how it is practised over the coming years.
How is the development of the knowledge economy likely to affect the distribution of wage income? Will it become more equal or less equal?
In the knowledge-driven economy, innovation has become central to achievement in the business world. With this growth in importance, organisations large and small have begun to re-evaluate their products, their services, even their corporate culture in the attempt to maintain their competitiveness in the global markets of today. The more forward-thinking companies have recognised that only through such root and branch reform can they hope to survive in the face of increasing competition.6
Knowledge is fundamental to economic success in many indus- tries, and for most firms, key knowledge resides in skilled mem- bers of the workforce. The result is a market in knowledge, with those having the knowledge being able to command high sal- aries and often being ‘head hunted’. The ‘knowledge economy’ is affecting people from all walks of life, and fundamentally changing the nature, organisation and practice of business. The traditional business corporation was based around five fundamental principles:
■ Individual workers needed the business and the income it provided more than the business needed them. After all, employers could always find alternative workers. As such, the corporation was the dominant partner in the employ- ment relationship.
■ Employees who worked for the corporation tended to be full time, and depended upon the work as their sole source of income.
■ The corporation was integrated, with a single man- agement structure overseeing all the various stages of production. This was seen as the most efficient way to organise productive activity.
■ Suppliers, and especially manufacturers, had considerable power over the customer by controlling information about their product or service.
■ Technology relevant to an industry was developed within the industry.
In more recent times, with the advent of the knowledge econ- omy, the principles above have all but been turned on their head.
■ The key factor of production in a knowledge economy is knowledge itself, and the workers that hold such knowl- edge. Without such workers, the corporation is unlikely to succeed. As such, the balance of power between the busi- ness and the worker in today’s economy is far more equal.
■ Even though the vast majority of employees still work full time, the diversity in employment contracts, such as
distributor of such output, or some combination of all three. It retains the decisive role within the international business, but the use of global sourcing means that distinct production sites are used to produce large numbers of single compo- nents and this helps to reduce costs.
We shall investigate the organisational structures and issues surrounding multinational corporations more fully (see Chapter 23).
Definition
Global sourcing Where a company uses production sites in different parts of the world to provide particular com- ponents for a final product.
6 European Commission, Directorate-General for Enterprise, Innovation Management and the Knowledge-Driven Economy (ECSC-EC-EAEC Brussels- Luxembourg, 2004).
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4 6 C H A P T E R 3 B U S I N E S S O R G A N I S A T I O N S
SUMMARY
1a The firm’s role in the economy is to eliminate the need for making individual contracts through the market, and to provide a more efficient way to organise production.
1b Using the market to establish a contract is not costless. Transaction costs will mean that the market is normally less efficient than the firm as an allocator of resources.
1c The divorce of ownership from control implies that the objectives of owners and managers may diverge, and sim- ilarly the objectives of one manager from another. Hence the goals of firms may be diverse. What is more, as own- ership becomes more dispersed, so the degree of control by owners diminishes yet further.
1d Managers might pursue maximisation goals other than profit, or look to achieve a wide range of targets in which profit acts as a constraint on other business aims.
1e The problem of managers not pursuing the same goals as the owners is an example of the principal–agent prob- lem. Agents (in this case the managers) may not always carry out the wishes of their principals (in this case the owners). Because of asymmetric information, managers are able to pursue their own aims, just so long as they produce results that will satisfy the owners. The solution for owners is for there to be better means of monitoring the performance of managers, and incentives for the managers to behave in the owners’ interests.
2a The legal status of the firm will influence both its actions and performance within the marketplace.
2b There are several types of legal organisation of firms: the sole proprietorship, the partnership, the private limited company, the public limited company, consortia of firms, co-operatives and public corporations. In the first two cases, the owners have unlimited liability: the owners are personally liable for any losses the business might make. With companies, however, shareholders’ liability is lim- ited to the amount they have invested. This reduced risk encourages people to invest in companies.
3a The relative success of a business organisation will be strongly influenced by its organisational structure. As a firm grows, its organisational structure will need to evolve in order to account for the business’s growing complexity. This is particularly so if the business looks to expand overseas.
3b As firms grow, so they tend to move from a U-form to an M-form structure. In recent years, however, with the advance of information technology, many firms have adopted a flat organisation – a return to U-form.
3c Multinational companies often adopt relatively complex forms of organisation. These vary from a holding com- pany (H-form) structure, to the integrated international enterprise, to transnational associations.
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 What is meant by the term ‘transaction costs’? Explain why the firm represents a more efficient way of organising economic life than relying on individual contracts.
2 Explain why the business objectives of owners and man- agers are likely to diverge. How might owners attempt to ensure that managers act in their interests and not in the managers’ own interests?
3 Compare and contrast the relative strengths and weak- nesses of the partnership and the public limited company.
4 Conduct an investigation into a recent large building pro- ject, such as the 2012 London Olympics or the Football World Cup in Brazil. Identify what firms were involved
and the roles and responsibilities they had. Outline the advantages and disadvantages that such business consor- tia might have.
5 If a business is thinking of reorganisation, why and in what ways might new technology be an important factor in such considerations?
6 What problems are multinational corporations, as opposed to domestic firms, likely to have in respect to organising their business activity? What alternative organisational models might multinationals adopt? To what extent do they overcome the problems you have identified?
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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W E B R E F E R E N C E S 4 7
WEBSITES RELEVANT TO PART A
Numbers and sections refer to websites listed in the Web appendix and hotlinked from this text’s website at www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman
■ For a tutorial on finding the best economics websites, see site C8 (Internet for Economics).
■ For news articles relevant to Part A, see the Economics News Articles link from the text’s website.
■ For general economics news sources, see websites in section A of the Web appendix at the end of the text, and particularly A1–9, 35, 36. See also A38, 39, 42, 43, 44 for links to newspapers worldwide.
■ For business news items, again see websites in section A of the Web appendix at the end of the text, and particularly A1–4, 8, 20–26, 35, 36.
■ For sources of economic and business data, see sites in section B and particularly B1–5, 27–9, 32, 36, 39, 43.
■ For general sites for students of economics for business, see sites in section C and particularly C1–7.
■ For sites giving links to relevant economics and business websites, organised by topic, see sites I4, 7, 8, 11, 12, 17, 18.
■ For details on companies, see site A3.
ADDITIONAL PART A CASE STUDIES IN THE ECONOMICS FOR BUSINESS MyEconLab (www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman)
A.1 The UK defence industry. A PEST analysis of the changes in the defence industry in recent years.
A.2 Scarcity and abundance. If scarcity is the central economic problem, is anything truly abundant?
A.3 Global economics. This examines how macroeconomics and microeconomics apply at the global level and identifies some key issues.
A.4 Buddhist economics. A different perspective on economic problems and economic activity.
A.5 Downsizing and business reorganisation. Many companies in recent years have ‘downsized’ their operations and focused on their core competencies. This looks particularly at the case of IBM.
A.6 Positive and normative statements. A crucial distinction when considering matters of economic policy.
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Business and markets
The Financial Times, 10 September 2015
Cost of breakfast drops to a five-year low
The Financial Times Limited 2015. All Rights Reserved.
By Emiko Terazono
At last some good news from the commodities rout – the cost of breakfast is at its lowest in five years.
Prices of breakfast commodities – from wheat to pork to coffee – have fallen this year thanks to benign weather, plentiful supplies and the recent sell-off in raw materials. The rise in the US dollar has also made exports from America uncompeti- tive, adding to pressure on grain and oil seed prices.
An equal weighted average of six commodities – wheat, milk, coffee, orange juice, sugar and lean hogs – is at levels not seen since 2010.
Although the Financial Times ’ breakfast index is a simple average and only shows a notional value of the morning meal, it does reflect the food defla- tion that is affecting farmers, as well as consum- ers, this year.
“The ingredients for breakfast have been falling rapidly,” says Abdolreza Abbassian, senior grains economist at the UN Food and Agriculture Organ- ization in Rome.
Cheap breakfast is “in line with the FAO food price index”, says Mr Abbassian, pointing to the latest figure in August, which registered the larg- est monthly fall since December 2008. The index is at its lowest level in six years.
An upward revision in yield forecasts for grains and oilseeds from the US Department of Agriculture, improving weather, as well as worries about the
impact of the Chinese market turmoil on the coun- try’s consumption, have all contributed to the sharp price declines in the past few weeks, say ana- lysts.
“All in all, that has caused this massive correc- tion in prices,” says Daryna Kovalska, analyst at Macquarie.
Although there are concerns about future sup- plies, the world remains burdened with excess inventories of agricultural crops. According to the latest data from the International Grains Coun- cil, global grain inventory is standing at a 29-year high of 447m tonnes.
“We struggle to find any strong bullish indicators for agricultural commodities in the near future,” says Ms Kovalska.
The situation is in strong contrast to the first half of 2014, when prices of breakfast commodities soared on adverse weather, hitting raw materi- als such as coffee and milk. Disease boosted pork prices and Russia’s incursion into Crimea pushed wheat prices higher.
There are a handful of agricultural commodities that have remained strong. Breakfast with a cup of tea or cocoa will be more expensive, as tea has jumped 67 per cent this year on supply shortfalls due to a severe drought earlier this year, while cocoa has risen 13 per cent on concerns about the effects of the El Niño weather phenomenon.
The FT Reports . . .
B Part
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Markets dominate economic life, from buying and selling raw materials, to supplying the final product to the customer. It would be difficult to imagine a world without markets. In fact we talk about economies today as ‘market economies’, with economic decisions made primarily by business, consumers and employees interacting with each other in a market environment.
The determination of a market price is a complex business and often subject to great fluctuation (as the Financial Times article illustrates). This is particularly so when you consider commodities, such as coffee, wheat and orange juice, which are highly dependent upon the weather and subject to considerable speculative buying and selling.
In Part B of this text we shall explore how the market system operates. In Chapter 4 we will consider those factors that influence both demand and supply, and how via their interaction we are able to derive a market price. We see how markets transmit infor- mation from consumers to producers and from producers to consumers. We see how prices act as an incentive – for example, if consumers want more mobile phones, how this increased demand leads to an increase in their price and hence to an incentive for firms to increase their production.
Changes in price affect the quantity demanded and supplied. But how much? How much will the demand for DVDs go up if the price of DVDs comes down? How much will the supply of new houses go up if the price of houses rises? In Chapter 5 we develop the concept of elasticity of demand and supply to examine this responsiveness. We also consider some of the issues the market raises for business, such as the effects on a business’s revenue of a change in the price of the product, the impact of time on demand and supply and how businesses deal with the risk and uncertainty markets generate. We also look at speculation – people attempting to gain by anticipating price changes.
Uncertainty is also the defining characteristic of business competition today. Competing in volatile markets can feel a lot like entering the ring against George Foreman in his prime – or, even worse, like stumbling into a barroom brawl. The punches come from all directions, include a steady barrage of body blows and periodic haymakers, and are thrown by a rotating cast of characters who swing bot- tles and bar stools as well as fists.
Donald Sull, ‘How to survive in turbulent markets’, Harvard Business Review, February 2009, p. 80
Key terms
Price mechanism Demand and demand
curves Income and substitution
effects Supply and supply curves Equilibrium price and
quantity Shifts in demand and sup-
ply curves Price elasticity of demand Income elasticity of
demand Cross-price elasticity of
demand Price elasticity of supply Speculation Risk and uncertainty Spot and futures markets
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The working of competitive markets
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How do markets operate? ■ How are market prices determined and when are they likely to rise or fall? ■ Under what circumstances do firms have to accept a price given by the market rather than being able to set the price
themselves? ■ What are the influences on consumer demand? ■ What factors determine the amount of supply coming on to the market? ■ How do markets respond to changes in demand or supply?
BUSINESS IN A COMPETITIVE MARKET 4.1
If a firm wants to increase its profits, should it raise its prices, or should it lower them? Should it increase its out- put, or should it reduce it? Should it modify its product, or should it keep the product unchanged? The answer to these and many other questions is that it depends on the market in which the firm operates. If the market is buoy- ant, it may well be a good idea for the firm to increase its output in anticipation of greater sales. It may also be a good idea to raise the price of its product in the belief that con- sumers will be willing to pay more. If, however, the market is declining, the firm may decide to reduce output, or cut prices, or diversify into an alternative product.
The firm is thus greatly affected by its market environ- ment, an environment that is often outside the firm’s con- trol and subject to frequent changes. For many firms, prices are determined not by them, but by the market. Even where they do have some influence over prices, the influence is only slight. They may be able to put prices up a small
amount, but if they raise them too much, they will find that they lose sales to their rivals.
The market dominates a firm’s activities. The more com- petitive the market, the greater this domination becomes. In the extreme case, the firm may have no power at all to change its price: it is what we call a price taker . It has to accept the market price as given. If the firm attempts to raise the price above the market price, it will simply be unable to sell its product: it will lose all its sales to its competitors. Take the case of farmers selling wheat. They have to accept the price as dictated by the market. If individually they try to sell above the market price, no one will buy.
C h
a p
te r4
Definition
Price taker A person or firm with no power to be able to influence the market price.
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In competitive markets, consumers too are price takers. When we go into shops we have no control over prices. We have to accept the price as given. For example, when you get to the supermarket checkout, you cannot start haggling with the checkout operator over the price of a can of beans or a tub of margarine.
So how does a competitive market work? For simplicity we will examine the case of a perfectly competitive market. This is where both producers and consumers are too numer- ous to have any control over prices whatsoever: a situation where everyone is a price taker.
Clearly, in other markets, firms will have some discretion over the prices they charge. For example, a manufacturing company such as Ford will have some discretion over the prices it charges for its Fiestas or Mondeos. In such cases the firm has some ‘market power’. (We will examine different degrees of market power in Chapters 11 and 12.)
The price mechanism In a free market individuals are free to make their own economic decisions. Consumers are free to decide what to buy with their incomes: free to make demand decisions. Firms are free to choose what to sell and what production methods to use: free to make supply decisions. The result- ing demand and supply decisions of consumers and firms are transmitted to each other through their effect on prices: through the price mechanism.
The price mechanism works as follows. Prices respond to shortages and surpluses. Shortages cause prices to rise. Sur- pluses cause prices to fall.
If consumers decide they want more of a good (or if producers decide to cut back supply), demand will exceed supply. The resulting shortage will cause the price of the good to rise. This will act as an incentive to producers to supply more, since production will now be more profitable. At the same time, it will discourage consumers from buying so much. The price will continue rising until the shortage has thereby been eliminated.
If, on the other hand, consumers decide they want less of a good (or if producers decide to produce more), supply will exceed demand. The resulting surplus will cause the price of the good to fall. This will act as a disincentive to producers,
who will supply less, since production will now be less prof- itable. It will encourage consumers to buy more.
The price will continue falling until the surplus has thereby been eliminated.
This price, where demand equals supply, is called the equilibrium price. By equilibrium we mean a point of bal- ance or a point of rest: in other words, a point towards which there is a tendency to move.
The same analysis can be applied to labour markets (and those for other factors of production), except that here the demand and supply roles are reversed. Firms are the demanders of labour. Households are the suppliers. If there is a surplus of a particular type of labour, the wage rate (i.e. the price of labour) will fall until demand equals supply. Many economies fell into recession in 2008, and in the next few years the demand for goods and services fell, reducing the demand for labour. The surplus of labour (unemployment) that emerged in many labour markets led to a fall in wage rates in these markets.
Likewise, if the demand for a particular type of labour exceeds its supply, the resulting shortage will drive up the wage rate, as employers compete with each other for labour. The higher wages will curb firms’ demand for that type of labour and encourage more workers to take up that type of job. As economies have recovered from recession, wages have risen in many labour markets and they should continue to do so until demand equals supply, thus elimi- nating the shortage in those markets.
As with price, the wage rate where the demand for labour equals the supply is known as the equilibrium wage rate.
The response of demand and supply to changes in price illustrates a very important feature of how economies work.
The effect of changes in demand and supply How will the price mechanism respond to changes in con- sumer demand or producer supply? After all, the pattern of consumer demand changes over time. For example, peo- ple may decide they want more downloadable music and
People respond to incentives. It is important, therefore, that incentives are appropriate and have the desired effect.
KEY IDEA
9
Definitions
Perfectly competitive market (preliminary definition) A market in which all producers and consumers of the product are price takers. There are other features of a perfectly com- petitive market; these are examined in Chapter 11.
Free market One in which there is an absence of govern- ment intervention. Individual producers and consumers are free to make their own economic decisions.
The price mechanism The system in a market economy whereby changes in price in response to changes in demand and supply have the effect of making demand equal to supply.
Equilibrium price The price where the quantity demanded equals the quantity supplied: the price where there is no shortage or surplus.
Equilibrium A position of balance. A position from which there is no inherent tendency to move away.
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fewer CDs. The pattern of supply also changes. For exam- ple, changes in technology may allow the mass production of microchips at lower cost, while the production of hand- built furniture becomes relatively expensive.
In all cases of changes in demand and supply, the result- ing changes in price act as both signals and incentives.
A change in demand A rise in demand for a good creates a shortage, which causes a rise in its price. This then acts as an incentive for firms to supply more of it. They will divert resources from goods with lower prices relative to costs (and hence lower profits) to this good, which is now more profitable.
A fall in demand for a good creates a surplus, which causes a fall in its price. This then acts as an incentive for firms to supply less, as these goods are now less profitable to produce.
A change in supply A rise in supply creates a surplus and causes a fall in price. This then acts as an incentive for consumers to demand more. A fall in supply creates a shortage, causing a rise in price. This then acts as an incentive for consumers to buy less.
The interdependence of markets The interdependence of goods and factor markets A rise in demand for a good will raise its price and profit- ability. Firms will respond by supplying more. But to do this they will require more inputs. Thus the demand for the inputs will rise, which, in turn, will raise the price of
the inputs. The suppliers of these inputs will respond to this incentive by supplying more. This can be summarised as follows:
Goods market ■ Demand for the good rises. ■ This creates a shortage. ■ This causes the price of the good to rise. ■ This eliminates the shortage by choking off some of the
demand and encouraging firms to produce more.
Factor market ■ The increased supply of the good causes an increase in
the demand for factors of production (i.e. inputs) used in making it.
■ This causes a shortage of those inputs. ■ This causes their prices to rise. ■ This eliminates their shortage by choking off some of
the demand and encouraging the suppliers of inputs to supply more.
Goods markets thus affect factor markets. Figure 4.1 sum- marises this sequence of events. (It is common in econom- ics to summarise an argument like this by using symbols.)
Interdependence exists in the other direction too: factor markets affect goods markets. For example, the discovery of raw materials will lower their price. This will lower the costs of production of firms using these raw materials and increase the supply of the finished goods. The resulting sur- plus will lower the price of the good, which, in turn, will encourage consumers to buy more.
The interdependence of different goods markets Many goods markets are also interdependent, such that a rise in the price of one good may encourage consumers to buy alternatives. This will drive up the price of alternatives, which will encourage producers to supply more of the alternatives.
Let us now turn to examine each side of the market – demand and supply – in more detail.
KI 9 p 51
Changes in demand or supply cause markets to adjust. Whenever such changes occur, the resulting ‘disequilibrium’ will bring an automatic change in prices, thereby restoring equilibrium (i.e. a balance of demand and supply).
KEY IDEA
10
KI 9 p 51
KI 10 p 52
KI 10 p 52
The price mechanism: the effect of a rise in demandFigure 4.1
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The relationship between demand and price The headlines announce: ‘Major crop failures in Brazil and East Africa: coffee prices soar.’ Shortly afterwards you find that coffee prices have doubled in the shops. What do you do? Presumably you will cut back on the amount of coffee you drink. Perhaps you will reduce it from, say, six cups per day to two. Perhaps you will give up drinking coffee altogether.
This is simply an illustration of the general relationship between price and consumption: when the price of a good rises, the quantity demanded will fall. This relationship is known as the law of demand. There are two reasons for this law:
■ People will feel poorer. They will not be able to afford to buy so much of the good with their money. The purchas- ing power of their income (their real income) has fallen. This is called the income effect of a price rise.
■ The price has risen relative to other goods. People will thus switch to alternative or ‘substitute’ goods. This is called the substitution effect of a price rise.
Similarly, when the price of a good falls, the quantity demanded will rise. People can afford to buy more (the income effect), and they will switch away from consuming alternative goods (the substitution effect).
Therefore, returning to our example of the increase in the price of coffee, we will not be able to afford to buy as
much as before, and we will probably drink more tea, cocoa, fruit juices or even water instead.
A word of warning: be careful about the meaning of the words quantity demanded. They refer to the amount con- sumers are willing and able to purchase at a given price over a given time period (for example, a week or a month). They do not refer to what people would simply like to consume. You might like to own a luxury yacht, but your demand for luxury yachts will almost certainly be zero.
The demand curve Consider the hypothetical data in Table 4.1. The table shows how many kilos of potatoes per month would be pur- chased at various prices.
Columns (2) and (3) show the demand schedules for two individuals, Tracey and Darren. Column (4), by contrast, shows the total market demand schedule. This is the total demand by all consumers. To obtain the market demand schedule for potatoes, we simply add up the quantities demanded at each price by all consumers: i.e. Tracey, Dar- ren and everyone else who demands potatoes. Notice that we are talking about demand over a period of time (not at a point in time). Thus we would talk about daily demand or weekly demand or whatever.
DEMAND4.2
Price (pence per kg)
(1)
Tracey’s demand (kg) (2)
Darren’s demand (kg) (3)
Total market demand (tonnes: 000s)
(4)
A 20 28 16 700 B 40 15 11 500 C 60 5 9 350 D 80 1 7 200 E 100 0 6 100
The demand for potatoes (monthly)Table 4.1
Definitions
The law of demand The quantity of a good demanded per period of time will fall as the price rises and rise as the price falls, other things being equal (ceteris paribus).
Income effect The effect of a change in price on quantity demanded arising from the consumer becoming better or worse off as a result of the price change.
Substitution effect The effect of a change in price on quan- tity demanded arising from the consumer switching to or from alternative (substitute) products.
Quantity demanded The amount of a good that a con- sumer is willing and able to buy at a given price over a given period of time.
Demand schedule for an individual A table showing the different quantities of a good that a person is willing and able to buy at various prices over a given period of time.
Market demand schedule A table showing the different total quantities of a good that consumers are willing and able to buy at various prices over a given period of time.
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The demand schedule can be represented graphically as a demand curve. Figure 4.2 shows the market demand curve for potatoes corresponding to the schedule in Table 4.1. The price of potatoes is plotted on the vertical axis. The quantity demanded is plotted on the horizontal axis.
Point E shows that at a price of 100p per kilo, 100 000 tonnes of potatoes are demanded each mont h. When the price falls to 80p we move down the curve to point D. This shows that the quantity demanded has now risen to 200 000 tonnes per month. Similarly, if the price falls to 60p, we move down the curve again to point C: 350 000 tonnes are now demanded. The five points on the graph (A–E) correspond to the figures in columns (1) and (4) of Table 4.1. The graph also enables us to read off the likely quantities demanded at prices other than those in the table.
A demand curve could also be drawn for an individ- ual consumer. Like market demand curves, individuals’ demand curves generally slope downward from left to right (they have negative slopes): the lower the price of a prod- uct, the more a person is likely to buy.
Two points should be noted at this stage:
■ In textbooks, demand curves (and other curves too) are only occasionally used to plot specific data. More fre- quently they are used to illustrate general theoretical arguments. In such cases the axes will simply be price and quantity, with the units unspecified.
■ The term ‘curve’ is used even when the graph is a straight line! In fact, when using demand curves to illustrate argu- ments we frequently draw them as straight lines – it’s easier.
Other determinants of demand Price is not the only factor that determines how much of a good people will buy. Think about your own consump- tion of any good – which other factors would cause you to buy more or less of it? Here are just some of the factors that might affect demand:
Tastes. The more desirable people find the good, the more they will demand. Your tastes are probably affected by advertising, fashion, observing what your friends and other consumers buy, considerations of health and your experi- ences from consuming the good on previous occasions.
The number and price of substitute goods (i.e. competitive goods). The higher the price of substitute goods, the higher will be the demand for this good as people switch from the substitutes. For example, the demand for coffee will depend on the price of tea. If tea goes up in price, the demand for coffee will rise.
The number and price of complementary goods. Complementary goods are those that are consumed together: cars and petrol, shoes and polish, bread and butter. The higher the price of complementary goods, the fewer of them will be bought and hence the less the demand for this good. For example, the demand for Xbox games will depend on the price of an XBox. If the price of an XBox goes up, so that fewer are bought, the demand for Xbox games will fall.
Income. As people’s incomes rise, their demand for most goods will rise. Such goods are called normal goods. There are
Market demand curve for potatoes (monthly)Figure 4.2
Definitions
Demand curve A graph showing the relationship between the price of a good and the quantity of the good demanded over a given time period. Price is measured on the vertical axis; quantity demanded is measured on the horizontal axis. A demand curve can be for an individual consumer or a group of consumers, or more usually for the whole market.
Substitute goods A pair of goods which are considered by consumers to be alternatives to each other. As the price of one goes up, the demand for the other rises.
Complementary goods A pair of goods consumed together. As the price of one goes up, the demand for both goods will fall.
Normal goods Goods whose demand rises as people’s incomes rise.
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exceptions to this general rule, however. As people get richer, they spend less on inferior goods, such as supermarkets’ value lines or bus travel, and switch to better- quality goods.
Distribution of income. If, for example, national income were redistributed from the poor to the rich, the demand for lux- ury goods would rise. At the same time, as the poor got poorer, they might have to turn to buying inferior goods, whose demand would thus rise too.
Expectations of future price changes. If people think that prices are going to rise in the future, they are likely to buy more now before the price does go up, so demand will increase.
Movements along and shifts in the demand curve A demand curve is constructed on the assumption that ‘other things remain equal’ (ceteris paribus). In other words, it is assumed that none of the determinants of demand, other than price, changes. The effect of a change in price is then simply illustrated by a movement along the demand curve: for example, from point B to point D in Figure 4.2 when price rises from 40p to 80p per kilo.
What happens, then, when one of these other determi- nants does change? The answer is that we have to construct a whole new demand curve: the curve shifts. Consider a change in one of the determinants of your demand for books, excluding the price of books: say your income rises. Assuming books are a normal good, this increase in income will cause you to buy more books at any price: the whole curve will shift to the right. This shows that at each price more books will be demanded than before. Thus in Figure 4.3 at a price of P, a quantity of Q0 was originally
demanded. But now, after the increase in demand, Q1 is demanded. (Note that D1 is not necessarily parallel to D0.)
If a change in a determinant other than price causes demand to fall, the whole curve will shift to the left.
To distinguish between shifts in and movements along demand curves, it is usual to distinguish between a change in demand and a change in the quantity demanded. A shift in demand is referred to as a change in demand, whereas a movement along the demand curve as a result of a change in price is referred to as a change in the quantity demanded.
KI 13 p 78
Definitions
Inferior goods Goods whose demand falls as people’s incomes rise.
Change in demand The term used for a shift in the demand curve. It occurs when a determinant of demand other than price changes.
Change in the quantity demanded The term used for a movement along the demand curve to a new point. It occurs when there is a change in price.
Pause for thought
1. By referring to each of these six determinants of demand, consider what factors would cause a rise in the demand for butter.
2. Do all these six determinants of demand affect both an individual’s demand and the market demand for a product?
3. Identify any other factors that would affect (a) your demand for goods and services and (b) the market demand for goods and services.
An increase in demandFigure 4.3
Pause for thought
By referring to the determinants of demand, consider what factors would cause a rightward shift in the demand for family cars.
SUPPLY4.3
Supply and price Imagine you are a farmer deciding what to do with your land. Part of your land is in a fertile valley. Part is on a hillside where the soil is poor. Perhaps, then, you will consider grow- ing vegetables in the valley and keeping sheep on the hillside.
Your decision will depend to a large extent on the price that various vegetables will fetch in the market, and like- wise the price you can expect to get from sheep and wool. As far as the valley is concerned, you will plant the vegeta- bles that give the best return. If, for example, the price of potatoes is high, you will probably use a lot of the valley
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for growing potatoes. If the price gets higher, you may well use the whole of the valley, perhaps being prepared to run the risk of potato disease. If the price is very high indeed, you may even consider growing potatoes on the hillside, even though the yield per acre is much lower there. In other words, the higher the price of a particular crop, the more you are likely to grow in preference to other crops.
This illustrates the general relationship between supply and price: when the price of a good rises, the quantity supplied will also rise. There are three reasons for this:
■ As firms supply more, they are likely to find that, beyond a certain level of output, costs rise more and more rap- idly. Only if price rises will it be worth producing more and incurring these higher costs.
■ In the case of the farm we have just considered, once potatoes have to be grown on the hillside, the costs of producing them will increase. Also if the land has to be farmed more intensively, say by the use of more and more fertilisers, again the cost of producing extra pota- toes is likely to rise quite rapidly. It is the same for man- ufacturers. Beyond a certain level of output, costs are likely to rise rapidly as workers have to be paid overtime and as machines approach their full capacity. If higher output involves higher costs of production, producers will need to get a higher price if they are to be persuaded to produce extra output. We consider how costs rise with rises in output in more detail in Chapter 9.
■ The higher the price of the good, the more profitable it becomes to produce. Firms will thus be encouraged to produce more of it by switching from producing less profitable goods.
■ Given time, if the price of a good remains high, new producers will be encouraged to set up in production. Total market supply thus rises.
The first two determinants affect supply in the short r u n . T h e t h i r d a f f e c t s s u p p l y i n t h e l o n g r u n . ( W e distinguish between short-run and long-run supply later, in section 5.4.)
The supply curve The amount that producers would like to supply at various prices can be shown in a supply schedule. Table 4.2 shows a monthly supply schedule for potatoes, both for an indi- vidual farmer (farmer X) and for all farmers together (the whole market).
The supply schedule can be represented graphically as a supply curve. A supply curve may be an individual firm’s supply curve or a market supply curve (i.e. that of the whole industry).
Figure 4.4 shows the market supply curve of potatoes. As with demand curves, price is plotted on the vertical axis and quantity on the horizontal axis. Each of the points a–e
Market supply curve of potatoes (monthly)Figure 4.4
Definitions
Supply schedule A table showing the different quanti- ties of a good that producers are willing and able to supply at various prices over a given time period. A supply sched- ule can be for an individual producer or group of produc- ers, or for all producers (the market supply schedule).
Supply curve A graph showing the relationship between the price of a good and the quantity of the good supplied over a given period of time.
Price of potatoes
(pence per kg)
Farmer X’s supply
(tonnes)
Total market supply
(tonnes: 000s)
a 20 50 100 b 40 70 200 c 60 100 350 d 80 120 530 e 100 130 700
The supply of potatoes (monthly)Table 4.2
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corresponds to a figure in Table 4.2. Thus, for example, a price rise from 60p per kilogram to 80p per kilogram will cause a movement along the supply curve from point c to point d: total market supply will rise from 350 000 tonnes per month to 530 000 tonnes per month.
Not all supply curves will be upward sloping (positively sloped). Sometimes they will be vertical, or horizontal, or even downward sloping. This will depend largely on the time period over which firms’ response to price changes is considered. This question is examined in Chapter 5 (page 76).
Other determinants of supply Like demand, supply is not determined simply by price. The other determinants of supply are as follows.
The costs of production. The higher the costs of production, the less profit will be made at any price. As costs rise, firms will cut back on production, probably switching to alterna- tive products whose costs have not risen so much.
The main reasons for a change in costs are as follows:
■ Change in input prices: costs of production will rise if wages, raw material prices, rents, interest rates or any other input prices rise.
■ Change in technology: technological advances can fun- damentally alter the costs of production. Consider, for example, how the microchip revolution has changed production methods and information handling in virtu- ally every industry in the world.
■ Organisational changes: various cost savings can be made in many firms by reorganising production.
■ Government policy: costs will be lowered by govern- ment subsidies and raised by various taxes.
The profitability of alternative products (substitutes in supply). Many firms produce a range of products and will move resources from the production of one good to another as circumstances change. If some alternative product (a sub- stitute in supply) becomes more profitable to supply than before, producers are likely to switch from the first good to this alternative; so supply of the first good falls. Other goods are likely to become more profitable if their prices rise or their costs of production fall. For example, if the price of carrots goes up, or the cost of producing carrots comes down, farmers may decide to produce more carrots. The supply of potatoes is therefore likely to fall.
The profitability of goods in joint supply. Sometimes when one good is produced, another good is also produced at the
same time. These are said to be goods in joint supply. An example is the refining of crude oil to produce petrol. Other grade fuels will be produced as well, such as diesel and par- affin. If more petrol is produced, due to a rise in demand, then the supply of these other fuels will rise too.
Nature, ‘random shocks’ and other unpredictable events. In this category we would include the weather and diseases affect- ing farm output, wars affecting the supply of imported raw materials, the breakdown of machinery, industrial disputes, earthquakes, floods and fire, etc.
The aims of producers. A profit-maximising firm will supply a different quantity from a firm that has a different aim, such as maximising sales.
Expectations of future price changes. If price is expected to rise, producers may temporarily reduce the amount they sell. Instead they are likely to build up their stocks and only release them on to the market when the price does rise. At the same time they may plan to produce more, by installing new machines, or taking on more labour, so that they can be ready to supply more when the price has risen.
The number of suppliers. If new firms enter the market, sup- ply is likely to rise.
Movements along and shifts in the supply curve The principle here is the same as with demand curves. The effect of a change in price is illustrated by a movement along the supply curve: for example, from point d to point e in Figure 4.4 when price rises from 80p to 100p. Quantity supplied rises from 530 000 to 700 000 tonnes.
If any other determinant of supply changes, the whole supply curve will shift. A rightward shift illustrates an increase in supply. A leftward shift illustrates a decrease in
KI 3 p 23 KI 13
p 78
Pause for thought
1. How much would be supplied at a price of 70p per kilo? 2. Draw a supply curve for farmer X. Are the axes drawn to the
same scale as in Figure 4.4? Pause for thought
With reference to each of the above determinants of supply, identify what would cause (a) the supply of potatoes to fall and (b) the supply of leather to rise.
Definitions
Substitutes in supply These are two goods where an increased production of one means diverting resources away from producing the other.
Goods in joint supply These are two goods where the production of more of one leads to the production of more of the other.
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supply. Thus in Figure 4.5, if the original curve is S0, the curve S1 represents an increase in supply (more is supplied at each price), whereas the curve S2 represents a decrease in supply (less is supplied at each price).
A movement along a supply curve is often referred to as a change in the quantity supplied, whereas a shift in the sup- ply curve is simply referred to as a change in supply.
Pause for thought
By referring to the determinants of supply, consider what fac- tors would cause a rightward shift in the supply of family cars.
Shifts in the supply curveFigure 4.5
PRICE AND OUTPUT DETERMINATION4.4
Equilibrium price and output We can now combine our analysis of demand and supply. This will show how the actual price of a product and the actual quantity bought and sold are determined in a free and competitive market.
Let us return to the example of the market demand and market supply of potatoes, and use the data from Tables 4.1 and 4.2. These figures are given again in Table 4.3.
What will be the price and output that actually prevail? If the price started at 20p per kilogram, demand would exceed supply by 600 000 tonnes (A − a). Consumers would be unable to obtain all they wanted and would thus be will- ing to pay a higher price. Producers, unable or unwilling to supply enough to meet the demand, will be only too happy to accept a higher price. The effect of the shortage, then, will be to drive up the price. The same would happen at a price of 40p per kilogram. There would still be a shortage; price would still rise. But as the price rises, the quantity demanded falls and the quantity supplied rises. The short- age is progressively eliminated.
What would happen if the price started at a much higher level: say, at 100p per kilogram? In this case sup- ply would exceed demand by 600 000 tonnes (e − E). The effect of this surplus would be to drive the price down as farmers competed against each other to sell their excess supplies. The same would happen at a price of 80p per kilogram. There would still be a surplus; the price would still fall.
In fact, only one price is sustainable. This is the price where demand equals supply: namely 60p per kilogram, where both demand and supply are 350 000 tonnes. When supply matches demand the market is said to clear. There is no shortage and no surplus.
The price, where demand equals supply, is called the equilibrium price (see pages 51–2) or market clearing price. In Table 4.3, if the price starts at any level other than 60p per kilogram, there will be a tendency for it to move towards 60p. The equilibrium price is the only price at which pro- ducers’ and consumers’ wishes are mutually reconciled: where the producers’ plans to supply exactly match the consumers’ plans to buy.
Price of potatoes
(pence per kg)
Total market demand
(tonnes: 000s)
Total market supply
(tonnes: 000s)
20 700 (A) 100 (a) 40 500 (B) 200 (b) 60 350 (C) 350 (c) 80 200 (D) 530 (d)
100 100 (E) 700 (e)
The market demand and supply of potatoes (monthly)
Table 4.3 Definitions
Change in the quantity supplied The term used for a movement along the supply curve to a new point. It occurs when there is a change in price.
Change in supply The term used for a shift in the supply curve. It occurs when a determinant other than price changes.
Market clearing A market clears when supply matches demand, leaving no shortage or surplus. The market is in equilibrium.
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4 . 4 P R I C E A N D O U T P U T D E T E R M I N A T I O N 5 9
Demand and supply curves The determination of equilibrium price and output can be shown using demand and supply curves. Equilibrium is where the two curves intersect.
Figure 4.6 shows the demand and supply curves of pota- toes corresponding to the data in Table 4.3. Equilibrium price is Pe (60p) and equilibrium quantity is Qe (350 000 tonnes).
At any price above 60p, there would be a surplus. Thus at 80p there is a surplus of 330 000 tonnes (d − D). More is supplied than consumers are willing and able to purchase at that price. Thus a price of 80p fails to clear the market. Price will fall to the equilibrium price of 60p. As it does so, there will be a movement along the demand curve from point D to point C, and a movement along the supply curve from point d to point c.
At any price below 60p, there would be a shortage. Thus at 40p there is a shortage of 300 000 tonnes (B − b). Price will rise to 60p. This will cause a movement along the supply curve from point b to point c and along the demand curve from point B to point C.
Point Cc is the equilibrium: where demand equals supply.
Movement to a new equilibrium The equilibrium price will remain unchanged only so long as the demand and supply curves remain unchanged. If either of the curves shifts, a new equilibrium will be formed.
A change in demand If one of the determinants of demand changes (other than price), the whole demand curve will shift. This will lead to a movement along the supply curve to the new intersection point.
For example, in Figure 4.7, if a rise in consumer incomes led to the demand curve shifting to D2, there would be a shortage of h − g at the original price Pe1. This would cause price to rise to the new equilibrium Pe2. As it did so there would be a movement along the supply curve from point g to point i, and along the new demand curve (D2) from point h to point i. Equilibrium quantity would rise from Qe1 to Qe2.
The effect of the shift in demand, therefore, has been a movement along the supply curve from the old equilibrium to the new: from point g to point i.
KI 11 p 59
KI 10 p 52
The determination of market equilibrium (potatoes: monthly)Figure 4.6
Equilibrium is the point where conflicting interests are balanced. Only at this point is the amount that demanders are willing to purchase the same as the amount that suppliers are willing to supply. It is a point which will be automatically reached in a free market through the operation of the price mechanism.
KEY IDEA
11
The effect of a shift in the demand curveFigure 4.7
Pause for thought
What would happen to price and quantity if the demand curve shifted to the left? Draw a diagram to illustrate your answer.
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BOX 4.1 UK HOUSE PRICES
The ups and downs of the housing market
1‘House Price Indices’, ONS, October 2014.
A change in supply Likewise, if one of the determinants of supply (other than price) changes, the whole supply curve will shift. This will lead to a movement along the demand curve to the new intersection point.
For example, in Figure 4.8, if costs of production rose, the supply curve would shift to the left: to S2. There would be a shortage of g − j at the old price of Pe1. Price would rise from Pe1 to Pe3. Quantity would fall from Qe1 to Qe3. In other words, there would be a movement along the demand curve from point g to point k, and along the new supply curve (S2) from point j to point k.
To summarise: a shift in one curve leads to a movement along the other curve to the new intersection point.
Sometimes a number of determinants might change. This may lead to a shift in both curves. When this hap- pens, equilibrium simply moves from the point where the old curves intersected to the point where the new ones intersect.
KI 10 p 52
KI 11 p 59
The effect of a shift in the supply curveFigure 4.8
If you are thinking of buying a house sometime in the future, then you may well follow the fortunes of the housing market with some trepidation. It is an exceptionally important mar- ket to consumers and government, with households spending more on housing as a proportion of their income than on any- thing else. The housing market is affected by many factors, thus it is hardly surprising that there have been many ups and downs. In the late 1980s there was a housing price explosion in the UK: between 1984 and 1989 house prices doubled. With peo- ple expecting further rises, there was a rush to buy houses and hence borrowing increased significantly. Banks and building societies had plenty of money to lend and many people took out very large mortgages. By the end of 1988 (the peak of boom), house prices were rising at an annual rate of 34 per cent. However, from 1990 to 1995 house prices fell by 12.2 per cent and this sent many households into negative equity. This occurs when the size of a household’s mortgage is greater than the value of their house, meaning that if they sold their house, they would still owe money! Many people therefore found themselves in a situation where they were unable to move house. In the latter part of the 1990s house prices rose by around 5 per cent per annum, but then the rate of house price inflation accelerated and by the end of 2002 house prices were rising by an annual rate of 26 per cent. For home-owners this was good news, but for first-time buyers it meant that they were priced out of the market and hence unable to get on the property ladder. The gross house-price-to-earnings ratio for first-time buyers was just over 2 in the mid-1990s, but by 2007 the price of a house had risen to over 5 times the size of a first-time buyer’s earnings. For those on low incomes, own- ing a home of their own was becoming increasingly difficult.
With the financial crisis of 2007–8 and subsequent recession, house prices started to decline. By early 2009, they were falling at an annual rate of 17.5 per cent. This caused people to postpone buying, once again hoping that prices would con- tinue to fall, but they remained relatively flat for several years (see chart), mirroring the lack of growth in the economy. First-time buyers now had a greater chance of getting on the property ladder, if they were able to obtain the necessary finance, but many were still reluctant, fearing that prices might continue to decline, seeing a return to the problem of negative equity that occurred in the 1990s. However, by late 2013, prices were once again rising, espe- cially in the south-east of England and London in particular. In July 2014, the UK’s annual house price inflation rate was 11.7 per cent, but this was made up of 19.1 and 12.2 per cent in London and the South East, respectively. Elsewhere in the UK, the average rate was 7.9 per cent. Similar trends contin- ued throughout the rest of 2014 and into 2015, reflecting the relative rates of economic growth in the various regions of the UK.1
The determinants of house prices House prices are determined by demand and supply. If demand rises (i.e. shifts to the right) or if supply falls (i.e. shifts to the left), the equilibrium price of houses will rise. Similarly, if demand falls or supply rises, the equilibrium price will fall. So why did UK house prices rise so rapidly in the 1980s, the late 1990s through to 2007 and once more from 2013? Why did they also fall in the early 1990s and then fall again from 2008 to 2013? The answer lies primarily in changes in the
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4 . 4 P R I C E A N D O U T P U T D E T E R M I N A T I O N 6 1
demand for housing. Let us examine the various factors that affected the demand for houses.
Incomes (actual and anticipated) The second half of the 1980s, 1996 to 2007 and from 2013 were periods of rising incomes or recovery. The economy was experiencing an economic ‘boom’ or, in the most recent period, a recovery from the financial crisis. Many people wanted to spend their extra incomes on housing: either buy- ing a house for the first time, or moving to a better one. What is more, many people thought that their incomes would con- tinue to grow, and were thus prepared to stretch themselves financially in the short term by buying an expensive house, confident that their mortgage payments would become more and more affordable over time. The early 1990s and from 2008 to 2012, by contrast, were periods of low or negative growth, with rising unemployment and falling incomes. People had much less confidence about their ability to afford large mortgages.
The desire for home ownership The desire for home ownership has increased over the years. In recent times this has been fuelled by a host of television programmes focused on buying and selling property. Factors such as increased life expectancy, changing demographics, such as more single-parent families and flows of workers from EU countries, have also caused a significant growth in the desire for home ownership.
The cost of mortgages During the second half of the 1980s, mortgage interest rates were generally falling. This meant that people could afford larger mortgages, and thus afford to buy more expensive houses. In 1989, however, this trend was reversed. Mortgage
interest rates were now rising. Many people found it difficult to maintain existing payments, let alone to take on a larger mortgage. From 1996 to 2003 mortgage rates were generally reduced again, once more fuelling the demand for houses. From 2003 to 2007 interest rates rose again, but this was not enough to deter the demand for housing. From 2008 to 2015 (and perhaps beyond) interest rates remained low. Until 2013, this did not cause an increase in housing demand due to the continued economic uncertainty created by the finan- cial crisis and banks being cautious over their lending. But the recovery in housing demand from around 2013, although driven partly by the recovery of the economy, was helped by continuing low interest rates.
The availability of mortgages In the late 1980s, mortgages were readily available. Banks and building societies were prepared to accept smaller depos- its on houses, and to grant mortgages of 3.5 times a person’s annual income, compared with 2.5 times in the early 1980s. In the early 1990s, however, banks and building societies were more cautious about granting mortgages. They were aware that, with falling house prices, rising unemployment and the growing problem of negative equity, there was a growing danger that borrowers would default on payments. With the recovery of the economy in the mid-1990s, however, and with a growing number of mortgage lenders, mortgages became more readily available and for greater amounts rel- ative to people’s income. This pushed up prices. In 2001 the average house price was 3.4 times greater than a person’s earnings, but this rose steadily to reach 5.74 times a person’s earnings in 2007. From late 2007 to 2012, however, problems in acquiring loans from the banking sector, falling house prices and ris- ing unemployment all signalled a repeat of the early 1990s.
UK house price inflation (annual %, adjusted quarterly) 40
30
20
10
0
–20
–10
P er
ce nt
ag e
an nu
al h
ou se
p ric
e in
cr ea
se (a
dj us
te d
qu ar
te rly
)
1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 Source: Based on data in Halifax House Price Index (Lloyds Banking Group)
▲
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Many mortgage lenders were asking for deposits of at least 25 per cent – over £40 000 for an average house in the UK. This requirement was relaxed through 2013 and 2014 and government-backed ‘Help to Buy’ schemes were introduced to help borrowers get a mortgage with a 5 per cent deposit. This was another factor that contributed towards accelerating house prices.
Speculation A belief that house prices will continue to move in a particu- lar direction can exacerbate house price movements. In other words, speculation tends to increase house price volatility. In the 1980s and from the mid-1990s to 2007, people gen- erally believed that house prices would continue rising. This encouraged people to buy as soon as possible, and to take out the biggest mortgage possible, before prices went up any further. There was also an effect on supply. Those with houses to sell held back until the last possible moment in the hope of getting a higher price. The net effect was for a rightward shift in the demand curve for houses and a leftward shift in the supply curve. The effect of this speculation, therefore, was to help bring about the very effect that people were predicting (see section 5.4). In the early 1990s, and again from 2008, the opposite occurred. People thinking of buying houses held back, hoping to buy at a lower price. People with houses to sell tried to sell them as quickly as possible before prices fell any further. Again the effect of this speculation was to aggravate the change in prices – this time a fall in prices.
Supply While speculation about changing house prices is perhaps the biggest determinant of housing supply in the short term, over the long term supply depends on house building. Govern- ments’ housing policy is often focused on how to encourage the building industry by providing tax and other incentives and streamlining planning regulations. But house building may bring adverse environmental and social problems and people often oppose new housing developments in their area.
A global dimension to falling house prices The fall in UK house prices in 2008 had global origins. The dramatic growth in mortgage lending in the UK was also a fea- ture of many other industrialised countries at this time, most notably the USA, where there had been similar dramatic rises in house prices. Banks and other mortgage lenders bundled up these large mortgage debts into ‘financial instruments’ and sold them on to other global financial institutions so that they could meet their everyday liquidity requirements of paying bills and meeting customers’ demands for cash. This worked well while there was economic prosperity and people could pay their mortgages. However, it became apparent in 2007 that many of the mortgages sold, notably in the USA, were to people who could not meet their repayments. As the number of mortgage defaults increased, the value of the mortgage-laden financial instruments sold on to other financial institutions fell. As banks found it increasingly dif- ficult to meet their liquidity requirements, they reduced the number of mortgages to potential home owners. Although housing markets in many countries have recovered as more housing finance has become available and as con- fidence has returned, the world economy has continued to become more interdependent. This means that the state of the global economy and global finance will increasingly be felt in housing markets around the world.
1. Draw supply and demand diagrams to illustrate what was happening to house prices (a) in the second half of the 1980s and from the late 1990s to 2007; (b) in the early 1990s and 2008–12; (c) in London and the South East of England in 2014.
2. Are there any factors on the supply side that contribute to changes in house prices? If so, what are they?
3. Find out what has happened to house prices over the past three years. Attempt an explanation of what has happened.
BOX 4.2 STOCK MARKET PRICES
Demand and supply in action
Firms that are quoted on the stock market (see page 40 and section 19.5) can raise money by issuing shares. These are sold on the ‘primary stock market’. People who own the shares receive a ‘dividend’ on them, normally paid six-monthly. This varies with the profitability of the company.
People or institutions that buy these shares, however, may not wish to hold on to them for ever. This is where the ‘ secondary stock market’ comes in. It is where existing shares are bought and sold. There are stock markets, primary and secondary, in all the major countries of the world.
There are 2446 companies whose shares are listed on the London Stock Exchange, as of the beginning of 2015 and shares are traded each Monday to Friday (excluding bank holidays). The prices of shares depend on demand and supply. For example, if the demand for Tesco shares at any one time exceeds the supply on offer, the price will rise until demand and supply are equal. Share prices fluctuate
throughout the trading day and sometimes price changes can be substantial.
To give an overall impression of share price movements, stock exchanges publish share price indices. The best known one in the UK is the FTSE 100, which stands for the ‘Financial Times Stock Exchange’ index of the 100 largest companies’ shares. The index represents an average price of these 100 shares. The chart shows movements in the FTSE 100 from 1995 to 2015. The index was first calculated on 3 January 1984 with a base level of 1000 points. It reached a peak of 6930 points on 30 December 1999 and fell to 3287 on 12 March 2003; it then rose again, reaching a high of 6730 on 12 October 2007. In the midst of the financial crisis the index fell to a low of 3781 on 21 November 2008, but by early 2010 it had partially recovered, passing 6000 for a brief period, before levelling out and fluctuating around an average of 5500 to mid-2012, only to rise above 6000 again at the start of 2013. Between
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2013 and the start of 2015 (when writing), it remained above 6500, reaching a high of 6887 by February 2015.
But what causes share prices to change? Why were they so high in 1999, but only just over half that value just three years later, and why has this trend repeated itself in the late 2000s? The answer lies in the determinants of the demand and supply of shares.
Demand There are five main factors that affect the demand for shares.
The dividend yield This is the dividend on a share as a percentage of its price. The higher the dividend yields on shares the more attractive they are as a form of saving. One of the main explanations of rising stock market prices from 2003 to 2007 was high profits and resulting high dividends. Similarly, the slowdown in the world economy after 2007 led to falling profits and falling dividends.
The price of and/or return on substitutes The main substitutes for shares in specific companies are other shares. Thus if, in comparison with other shares, Tesco shares are expected to pay high dividends relative to the share price, people will buy Tesco shares. As far as shares in general are concerned, the main substitutes are other forms of saving. Thus if the interest rate on savings accounts in banks and building societies fell, people with such accounts would be tempted to take their money out and buy shares instead. Another major substitute is property. If house prices rise rapidly, as they did from the late 1990s to 2007, this will reduce the demand for shares as many people switch to buying property in anticipation of even higher prices, as we saw in Box 4.1. If
house prices level off, this makes shares relatively more attrac- tive as an investment and can boost the demand for them. From late 2007, when house prices and share prices fell dra- matically, investors looked towards other, safer, investments such as gold, government debt (Treasury bills and gilts) or even holding cash. But then with interest rates, including those on savings accounts, being dramatically cut as a result of Bank of England measures to stimulate the economy in 2009, many people saw shares as an attractive alternative to bank and building society accounts. The stock market began rising again.
Incomes If the economy is growing rapidly and people’s incomes are thus rising rapidly, they are likely to buy more shares. Thus in the mid-to-late 1990s, when UK incomes were rising at an average annual rate of over 3 per cent, share prices rose rapidly (see chart). As growth rates fell in the early 2000s, so share prices fell. Similarly, when economic growth improved from 2003 to 2007 share prices increased, but they fell back with the global financial crisis in 2007–8 and the onset of recession and declining real incomes from 2008, only to rise again as the recovery took hold from around 2013.
Wealth ‘Wealth’ is people’s accumulated savings and property. Wealth rose in the 1990s and 2000s, and many people used their increased wealth to buy shares.
Expectations From 2003 to 2007 people expected share prices to go on rising. They were optimistic about continued growth in the
Financial Times Stock Exchange Index (F TSE) (3 January 1984 = 1000)
2 000
2 500
3 000
3 500
4 000
4 500
5 000
5 500
6 000
6 500
7 000
1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
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economy. But as people bought shares, this pushed their prices up even more, thereby fuelling further speculation that they would go on rising and encouraging further share buying. The global banking crisis in 2007–8 and fears of impending recession started a dramatic fall in share prices in 2008 and, as a result, confidence was shaken. Uncertainty over how and when the global economy would recover caused share prices to be volatile for a few years after the financial crisis, but they began a steady upward trend once the worst of the downturn was over.
Supply The factors affecting supply in the secondary market are largely the same as those affecting demand, but in the oppo- site direction. If the return on alternative forms of saving falls, people with shares are likely to hold on to them, as they represent a better form of saving. The supply of shares to the market will fall. If incomes or wealth rise, people again are likely to want to hold on to their shares. As far as expectations are concerned, if people believe that share prices will rise, they will hold on to the shares they have. Supply to the market will fall, thereby pushing up prices. If, however, they believe that prices will fall (as they did in 2008), they will sell their shares now before prices do fall. Supply will increase, driving down the price.
Share prices and business Companies are crucially affected by their share price. If a company’s share price falls, this is taken as a sign that ‘the
market’ is losing confidence in the company, as we saw with Tesco during the latter part of 2014. This will make it more difficult to raise finance, not only by issuing additional shares in the primary market, but also from banks. It will also make the company more vulnerable to a takeover bid. This is where one company seeks to buy out another by offering to buy all its shares. A takeover will succeed if the owners of more than half of the company’s shares vote to accept the offered price. Shareholders are more likely to agree to the takeover if the company’s share price has not been performing very well.
Can you buck the market? Many individuals like to play the market, thinking that they can make easy profits. However, beware! The ‘efficient mar- kets hypothesis’ predicts that historical share price informa- tion, such as that shown in the chart or in the pages of today’s financial press, provides no help whatsoever in determining future share prices. Why? Because the current share price already reflects what people anticipate will happen. Future share price movements will occur only as new (unanticipated) information arrives – and it’s pure chance; you can’t predict the unanticipated! In this purist view, the market for shares is said to be a perfectly efficient market (see section 19.5 for further analysis).
If the rate of economic growth in the economy is 3 per cent in a particular year, why are share prices likely to rise by more than 3 per cent that year?
BOX 4.3 CONTROLLING PRICES
Efforts to curb binge drinking
Throughout this chapter we have been looking at the way in which the price mechanism works in competitive markets. When a determinant of demand and/or supply changes, the price mecha- nism eliminates any resulting shortage or surplus: price moves to a new equilibrium level which equates demand and supply. Over the years there has been a general shift in economies across the world to a more market-based system that allows the price mechanism to work. This means consumers and many producers responding to prices, creating a more efficient market, as we saw in Box 2.2. However, is there an argument against the price mechanism and in favour of government intervention to fix prices? The equilibrium price is not neces- sarily the ‘best’ price in a market and we do see governments setting prices either above or below the equilibrium. When a price is set above the equilibrium, it is known as a minimum price (or price floor). Such a price will create a surplus, as the quantity supplied will exceed the quantity demanded, as shown in chart (a). Normally, a surplus would be eliminated by a fall in price but, with a minimum price set above the equilibrium, the surplus persists. One minimum price control that you will be familiar with and may benefit from is the National Minimum Wage, which is covered in more detail in Chapter 18.
When a price is set below the equilibrium, it is known as a maximum price (or price ceiling). In this case a shortage emerges, as the quantity demanded will exceed the quan- tity supplied, as shown in chart (b). Again, the shortage will persist, as the price mechanism no longer adjusts to eliminate it. Governments in some countries have set max- imum prices for various basic foodstuffs. The aim is to help the poor. The problem, however, is that it is likely to create shortages of food. The quantity demanded will be higher and the low price is likely discourage farmers from produc- ing so much.
Minimum price for alcohol Another market where price controls have been extensively discussed is that of alcohol. In early 2010, the UK House of Commons Health Select Committee proposed a minimum price per unit of alcohol in England and Wales (amongst other poli- cies) to combat the growing problem of binge drinking. It was argued that it would reduce the demand for alcohol by heavy drinkers by raising the price of otherwise cheap drinks, such as those found on offer in supermarkets, and in bars dur- ing ‘happy hours’.
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The report suggested that a minimum price of alcohol of 50p would save more than 3000 lives per year and would go some way to tackling the costs to the National Health Service of exces- sive drinking. Estimates by the Royal College of Physicians sug- gested that the total cost of excessive drinking is £6 billion, £3 billion of which is directly related to higher costs for the NHS. Few countries have a minimum price for alcohol but Saskatche- wan, Canada, is an exception. Evidence from there suggests that a 10 per cent rise in the prices of alcoholic drinks leads to an 8 per cent fall in consumption. While their policy is somewhat dif- ferent, with the minimum price varying for different drinks, it has furthered the argument in favour of minimum pricing in the UK.2
Critics of the minimum price argue that it will be ineffective, because those at whom it is primarily aimed (binge drinkers) will be largely unresponsive to the higher price. Instead it
would be the ‘sensible’ drinkers who suffer from having to pay a higher price for alcohol. Furthermore, there are concerns that it will adversely affect pubs and small supermarkets. However, an independent MP and member of the Commons Health Select Committee said:
The evidence we took showed that minimum pricing was the most effective way forward and at the moment you can sometimes buy beer cheaper than water. Our message is that the price would be put up but only by a little for moderate drinkers. Surely that is a sacrifice to pay for the good health of young people.3
Legislation for a minimum price of 50p per unit has already been passed in Scotland, though it is being challenged, and calls remain for a minimum price to be imposed in other parts of the UK too. If such a price were imposed above the equilib- rium, then a surplus would emerge, as firms would be willing to supply more at the price floor, but consumers would cut back their demand (or at least that’s the idea). Further intervention may then be needed to deal with the resulting surpluses that are always associated with minimum prices. There is the danger that the surpluses may be sold illicitly at cut prices. In the meantime, the UK Coalition government decided in July 2013 not to go ahead with minimum unit pricing. There would instead be a ban on the sale of alcohol below cost price.
1. What methods could be used by the government to deal with: a the surpluses from minimum price controls? b the shortages that result from maximum price controls?
2. How will the policy of a minimum or maximum price control be affected by a change in the relative steepness of the demand and supply curves? (This concept will be consid- ered in more detail in Chapter 5.)
3. Give some examples of items where the government might choose to set a maximum price. What problems might arise from doing so?
2‘The battle over alcohol pricing’, BBC News, 30 January 2013.
3 ‘Alcohol: First Report of Session 2009–10’, House of Commons Health Committee, April 2010.
Definitions
Minimum price A price floor set by the government or some other agency. The price is not allowed to fall below this level (although it is allowed to rise above it).
Maximum price A price ceiling set by the government or some other agency. The price is not allowed to rise above this level (although it is allowed to fall below it).
P
Pe
O Qd Qs Q
Minimum price
S S
D
Surplus Surplus
(a) Minimum Price: Price Floor
P
Pe
Q O QdQs
S
D
Shortage Maximum
price
(b) Maximum Price: Price Ceiling
SUMMARY
1a A firm is greatly affected by its market environment. The more competitive the market, the less discretion the firm has in determining its price. In the extreme case of a perfect market, the price is entirely outside the control of firms and consumers. The price is determined by demand and supply in the market, and both sides have to accept this price: they are price takers.
1b In a perfect market, price changes act as the mechanism whereby demand and supply are balanced. If there is a shortage, price will rise until the shortage is eliminated. If there is a surplus, price will fall until that is eliminated.
2a When the price of a good rises, the quantity demanded per period of time will fall. This is known as the ‘law of ▲
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demand’. It applies both to individuals’ demand and to the whole market demand.
2b The law of demand is explained by the income and substi- tution effects of a price change.
2c The relationship between price and quantity demanded per period of time can be shown in a table (or ‘schedule’) or as a graph. On the graph, price is plotted on the verti- cal axis and quantity demanded per period of time on the horizontal axis. The resulting demand curve is downward sloping (negatively sloped).
2d Other determinants of demand include tastes, the num- ber and price of substitute goods, the number and price of complementary goods, income, the distribution of income and expectations of future price changes.
2e If price changes, the effect is shown by a movement along the demand curve. We call this effect ‘a change in the quantity demanded’.
2f If any other determinant of demand changes, the whole curve will shift. We call this effect ‘a change in demand’. A rightward shift represents an increase in demand; a leftward shift represents a decrease in demand.
3a When the price of a good rises, the quantity supplied per period of time will usually also rise. This applies both to indi- vidual producers’ supply and to the whole market supply.
3b There are two reasons in the short run why a higher price encourages producers to supply more: (a) they are now willing to incur higher costs per unit associated with producing more; (b) they will switch to producing this product and away from now less profitable ones. In the long run there is a third reason: new producers will be attracted into the market.
3c The relationship between price and quantity supplied per period of time can be shown in a table (or schedule) or as a graph. As with a demand curve, price is plotted on the vertical axis and quantity per period of time on the hori- zontal axis. The resulting supply curve is upward sloping (positively sloped).
3d Other determinants of supply include the costs of pro- duction, the profitability of alternative products, the profitability of goods in joint supply, random shocks and expectations of future price changes.
3e If price changes, the effect is shown by a movement along the supply curve. We call this effect ‘a change in the quantity supplied’.
3f If any determinant other than price changes, the effect is shown by a shift in the whole supply curve. We call this effect ‘a change in supply’. A rightward shift repre- sents an increase in supply; a leftward shift represents a decrease in supply.
4a If the demand for a good exceeds the supply, there will be a shortage. This will lead to a rise in the price of the good.
4b If the supply of a good exceeds the demand, there will be a surplus. This will lead to a fall in the price.
4c Price will settle at the equilibrium. The equilibrium price is the one that clears the market, such that demand equals supply. This is shown in a demand and supply dia- gram by the point where the two curves intersect.
4d If the demand or supply curve shifts, this will lead either to a shortage or to a surplus. Price will therefore either rise or fall until a new equilibrium is reached at the position where the supply and demand curves now intersect.
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Using a diagram like Figure 4.1, summarise the effect of (a) a reduction in the demand for a good; (b) a reduction in the costs of production of a good.
2 Referring to Table 4.1, assume that there are 200 con- sumers in the market. Of these, 100 have schedules like Tracey’s and 100 have schedules like Darren’s. What would be the total market demand schedule for potatoes now?
3 Again referring to Table 4.1, draw Tracey’s and Darren’s demand curves for potatoes on one diagram. (Note that you will use the same vertical scale as in Figure 4.2, but you will need a quite different horizontal scale.) At
what price is their demand the same? What explanations could there be for the quite different shapes of their two demand curves? (This question is explored in Chapter 5.)
4 The price of pork rises and yet it is observed that sales of pork increase. Does this mean that the demand curve for pork is upward sloping? Explain.
5 This question is concerned with the supply of oil for central heating. In each case consider whether there is a movement along the supply curve (and in which direc- tion) or a shift in it (and whether left or right): (a) new oil fields start up in production; (b) the demand for central heating rises; (c) the price of gas falls; (d) oil companies
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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R E V I E W Q U E S T I O N S 6 7
whether demand or supply or both have shifted and in which direction: (a) a rise in the price of margarine; (b) a rise in the demand for yoghurt; (c) a rise in the price of bread; (d) a rise in the demand for bread; (e) an expected increase in the price of butter in the near future; (f) a tax on butter production; (g) the invention of a new, but expensive, process of removing all cholesterol from butter, plus the passing of a law which states that butter producers must use this process. In each case, assume ceteris paribus.
10 If both demand and supply change, and if we know in which direction they have shifted but not by how much, why is it that we will be able to predict the direction in which either price or quantity will change, but not both? (Clue: consider the four possible combinations and sketch them if necessary: D left, S left; D right, S right; D left, S right; D right, S left.)
anticipate an upsurge in the demand for central-heating oil; (e) the demand for petrol rises; (f) new technology decreases the costs of oil refining; (g) all oil products become more expensive.
6 For what reasons might the price of foreign holidays rise? In each case, identify whether these are reasons affecting demand or supply (or both).
7 The price of cod is much higher today than it was 30 years ago. Using demand and supply diagrams, explain why this should be so.
8 The number of owners of compact disc players has grown rapidly and hence the demand for compact discs has also grown rapidly. Yet the price of CDs has fallen. Why? Use a supply and demand diagram to illustrate your answer.
9 What will happen to the equilibrium price and quantity of butter in each of the following cases? You should state
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Business in a market environment
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How responsive is consumer demand to changes in the market price? How responsive is it to changes in consumer incomes and to the prices of competitor products?
■ How is a firm’s sales revenue affected by a change in price? ■ How responsive is business output to changes in price? ■ How does the responsiveness (or ‘elasticity’) of demand and supply to changes in price affect the working of markets? ■ Why are markets likely to be more responsive in the long run than in the short run to changes in demand or supply? ■ What is meant by ‘risk’ and ‘uncertainty’ and what is their significance to business? ■ How do firms deal with uncertainty about future market movements?
In Chapter 4 we examined how prices are determined in perfectly competitive markets: by the interaction of market demand and market supply. In such markets, although the market demand curve is downward slop- ing, the demand curve faced by the individual firm will be horizontal. This is illustrated in Figure 5.1 .
The market price is P m
. The individual firm can sell as much as it likes at this market price: it is too small to have any influence on the market – it is a price taker. It will not force the price down by producing more because, in terms of the total market, this extra output would be an infinitesimally small amount. If a farmer doubled the output of wheat sent to the mar- ket, it would be too small an increase to affect the world price of wheat!
In practice, however, many firms are not price tak- ers; they have some discretion in choosing their price. Such firms will face a downward-sloping demand curve. If they raise their price, they will sell less; if they lower their price, they will sell more. But firms and economists will want to know more than this. They will want to know just how much the quantity
Market demand curve for an individual firm under conditions of perfect competition
Figure 5.1
C h
a p
te r 5
Elasticity . The responsiveness of one variable (e.g. demand) to a change in another (e.g. price). This concept is fundamental to understanding how markets work. The more elastic variables are, the more responsive is the market to changing circumstances.
KEY IDEA
12
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5 . 1 P R I C E E L A S T I C I T Y O F D E M A N D 6 9
The responsiveness of quantity demanded to a change in price The demand for an individual firm For any firm considering changing its price, it is vital to know the likely effect on the quantity demanded. Take the case of two firms facing very different demand curves. These are shown in Figure 5.2.
Firm A can raise its price quite substantially – from £6 to £10 – and yet its level of sales only falls by a relatively small amount – from 100 units to 90 units. This firm will proba- bly be quite keen to raise its price. After all, it could make significantly more profit on each unit sold (assuming no rise in costs per unit), and yet sell only slightly fewer units.
Firm B, however, will think twice about raising its price. Even a relatively modest increase in price – from £6 to £7 – will lead to a substantial fall in sales from 100 units to 40 units. What is the point of making a bit more profit on those units it manages to sell, if in the process it ends up selling a lot fewer units? In such circumstances the firm may contemplate lowering its price.
The responsiveness of market demand Economists too will want to know how responsive demand is to a change in price: except in this case it is the responsive- ness of market demand that is being considered. This infor- mation is necessary to enable them to predict the effects of a shift in supply on the market price of a product.
Figure 5.3 shows the effect of a shift in supply with two quite different demand curves (D and D'). Assume that initially the supply curve is S1, and that it intersects with
both demand curves at point a, at a price of P1 and a quantity of Q1. Now supply shifts to S2. What will happen to price and quantity? Economists will want to know! The answer is that it depends on the shape of the demand curve. In the case of demand curve D, there is a relatively large rise in price (to P2) and a relatively small fall in quantity (to Q2): equilibrium is at point b. In the case of demand curve Dœ, however, there is only a relatively small rise in price (to P3), but a relatively large fall in quantity (to Q3): equilibrium is at point c.
Defining price elasticity of demand What we will want to compare is the size of the change in quantity demanded of a given product with the size of the
KI 10 p 52
PRICE ELASTICITY OF DEMAND5.1
The demand for an individual firm’s productFigure 5.2
(a) (b)
Market supply and demandFigure 5.3
demanded will fall. In other words, they will want to know how responsive demand is to a rise in price. This
responsiveness is measured using a concept called ‘elasticity’.
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7 0 C H A P T E R 5 B U S I N E S S I N A M A R K E T E N V I R O N M E N T
change in price. Price elasticity of demand does just this. It is defined as follows:
PeD =
Proportionate (or percentag e) chang e in quantity demanded
Proportionate (or percentag e) chang e in price
If, for example, a 20 per cent rise in the price of a product causes a 10 per cent fall in the quantity demanded, the price elasticity of demand will be:
-10%/20% = -0.5
Three things should be noted at this stage about the figure that is calculated for elasticity.
The use of proportionate or percentage measures Elasticity is measured in proportionate or percentage terms for the following reasons:
■ It allows comparison of changes in two qualitatively different things, which are thus measured in two differ- ent types of unit: i.e. it allows comparison of quantity changes (quantity demanded) with monetary changes (price).
■ It is the only sensible way of deciding how big a change in price or quantity is. Take a simple example. An item goes up in price by £1. Is this a big increase or a small increase? We can answer this only if we know what the original price was. If a can of beans goes up in price by £1, that is a huge price increase. If, however, the price of a house goes up by £1, that is a tiny price increase. In other words, it is the percentage or proportionate increase in price that we look at in deciding how big a price rise it is.
The sign (positive or negative) If price increases (a positive figure), the quantity demanded will fall (a negative figure). If price falls (a negative figure), the quantity demanded will rise (a positive figure). Thus price elasticity of demand will be negative: a positive figure is being divided by a negative figure (or vice versa).
The value (greater or less than 1) If we now ignore the sign and just concentrate on the value of the figure, this tells us whether demand is elastic or inelastic.
Elastic (e > 1). This is where a change in price causes a proportionately larger change in the quantity demanded. In this case the price elasticity of demand will be greater than 1, since we are dividing a larger figure by a smaller figure.
Inelastic (e < 1). This is where a change in price causes a pro- portionately smaller change in the quantity demanded. In this case the price elasticity of demand will be less than 1, since we are dividing a smaller figure by a larger figure.
Unit elastic (e = 1). Unit elasticity is where the quantity demanded changes proportionately the same as price. This will give an elasticity equal to 1, since we are dividing a fig- ure by itself.
The determinants of price elasticity of demand T h e p r i c e e l a s t i c i t y o f d e m a n d v a r i e s e n o r m o u s l y from one product to another. But why do some products have a highly elastic demand, whereas others have a highly inelastic demand? What determines price elasticity of demand?
The number and closeness of substitute goods This is the most important determinant. The more sub- stitutes there are for a good and the closer they are as sub- stitutes, the more people will switch to these alternatives when the price of the good rises, and the greater, therefore, will be the price elasticity of demand.
For example, the price elasticity of demand for a particu- lar brand of a product will probably be fairly high, especially if there are many other, similar brands. If its price goes up, people can simply switch to another brand: there is a large substitution effect. By contrast, the demand for a product in general will normally be pretty inelastic. If the price of food in general goes up, demand for food will fall only slightly. People will buy a little less, since they cannot now afford so much: this is the income effect of the price rise. But there is no alternative to food that can satisfy our hunger: there is therefore virtually no substitution effect.
The proportion of income spent on the good The higher the proportion of our income we spend on a good, the more we will be forced to cut consumption when
Definitions
Price elasticity of demand A measure of the responsiveness of quantity demanded to a change in price.
Elastic If demand is (price) elastic, then any change in price will cause the quantity demanded to change pro- portionately more. Ignoring the negative sign, it will have a value greater than 1.
Inelastic If demand is (price) inelastic, then any change will cause the quantity demanded to change by a propor- tionately smaller amount. Ignoring the negative sign, it will have a value less than 1.
Unit elasticity When the price elasticity of demand is unity, this is where quantity demanded changes by the same proportion as the price. Price elasticity is equal to 1.
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5 . 2 T H E I M P O R T A N C E O F P R I C E E L A S T I C I T Y O F D E M A N D T O B U S I N E S S D E C I S I O N M A K I N G 7 1
its price rises: the bigger will be the income effect and the more elastic will be the demand.
Thus salt has a very low price elasticity of demand. This is because we spend such a tiny fraction of our income on salt that we would find little difficulty in paying a relatively large percentage increase in its price: the income effect of a price rise would be very small. By contrast, there will be a much bigger income effect when a major item of expend- iture rises in price. For example, if mortgage interest rates rise (the ‘price’ of loans for house purchases), people may have to cut down substantially on their demand for hous- ing – being forced to buy somewhere much smaller and cheaper, or to live in rented accommodation.
The time period When price rises, people may take a time to adjust their consumption patterns and find alternatives. The longer the time period after a price change, then, the more elastic is the demand likely to be.
Pause for thought
Think of two products and estimate which is likely to have the higher price elasticity of demand. Explain your answer.
THE IMPORTANCE OF PRICE ELASTICITY OF DEMAND TO BUSINESS DECISION MAKING5.2
A firm’s sales revenue One of the most important applications of price elasticity of demand concerns its relationship with a firm’s sales rev- enue. The total sales revenue (TR) of a firm is simply price multiplied by quantity:TR = P × Q
For example, 3000 units (Q) sold at £2 per unit (P) will earn the firm £6000 (TR).
Let us assume that a firm wants to increase its total reve- nue. What should it do? Should it raise its price or lower it? The answer depends on the price elasticity of demand.
Elastic demand and sales revenue As price rises, so quantity demanded falls, and vice versa. When demand is elastic, quantity changes proportionately more than price. Thus the change in quantity has a bigger effect on total revenue than does the change in price. This can be summarised as follows:
P rises; Q falls proportionately more; therefore TR falls. P falls; Q rises proportionately more; therefore TR rises.
In other words, total revenue changes in the same direction as quantity.
This is illustrated in Figure 5.4. The areas of the rectan- gles in the diagram represent total revenue. But why? The area of a rectangle is its height multiplied by its length. In this case, this is price multiplied by quantity purchased, which, as we have seen, gives total revenue.
Demand is elastic between points a and b. A rise in price from £4 to £5 causes a proportionately larger fall in quan- tity demanded: from 20 to 10. Total revenue falls from £80 (the striped area) to £50 (the shaded area).
When demand is elastic, then, a rise in price will cause a fall in total revenue. If a firm wants to increase its revenue, it should lower its price.
KI 12 p 68
Pause for thought
If a firm faces an elastic demand curve, why will it not neces- sarily be in the firm’s interests to produce more? (Clue: you will need to distinguish between revenue and profit. We will explore this relationship in Chapter 10.)
Definition
Total (sales) revenue (TR) The amount a firm earns from its sales of a product at a particular price. TR = P * Q. Note that we are referring to gross revenue: that is, reve- nue before the deduction of taxes or any other costs.
Elastic demand between two pointsFigure 5.4
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Inelastic demand and sales revenue When demand is inelastic, it is the other way around. P r i c e c h a n g e s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y m o r e t h a n q u a n t i t y . Thus the change in price has a bigger effect on total reve- nue than does the change in quantity. To summarise the effects:
P rises; Q falls proportionately less; TR rises. P falls; Q rises proportionately less; TR falls.
In other words, total revenue changes in the same direction as price.
This is illustrated in Figure 5.5. Demand is inelastic between points a and c. A rise in price from £4 to £8 causes a proportionately smaller fall in quantity demanded: from 20 to 15. Total revenue rises from £80 (the striped area) to £120 (the shaded area).
If a firm wants to increase its revenue in this case, there- fore, it should raise its price.
Special cases Figure 5.6 shows three special cases: (a) a totally inelastic demand (PeD = 0), (b) an infinitely elastic demand (PeD = 1) and (c) a unit elastic demand (PeD = -1).
Inelastic demand between two pointsFigure 5.5
BOX 5.1 THE MEASUREMENT OF ELASTICITY
The average or ‘mid-point’ formula
We have defined price elasticity as the percentage or propor- tionate change in quantity demanded divided by the percent- age or proportionate change in price. But how, in practice, do we measure these changes for a specific demand curve? A common mistake that students make is to think that you can talk about the elasticity of a whole curve. The mistake here is that in most cases the elasticity will vary along the length of the curve. Take the case of the demand curve illustrated in diagram (a). Between points a and b, total revenue rises (P
2 Q
2 > P
1 Q
1 ):
demand is thus elastic between these two points. Between points b and c, however, total revenue falls (P
3 Q
3 < P
2 Q
2 ).
Demand here is inelastic.
Normally, then, we can refer to the elasticity only of a portion of the demand curve, not of the whole curve. There is, however, an exception to this rule. This is when the elasticity just so happens to be the same all the way along a curve, as in the three special cases illustrated in Figure 5.6. Although we cannot normally talk about the elasticity of a whole curve, we can nevertheless talk about the elasticity between any two points on it. Remember the formula we used was:
% o r P r o p o r tio n a te ∆Q % o r P r o p o r tio n a te ∆P
(where ∆ means ‘change in’).
(a) Different elasticities along different portions of a demand curve
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5 . 2 T H E I M P O R T A N C E O F P R I C E E L A S T I C I T Y O F D E M A N D T O B U S I N E S S D E C I S I O N M A K I N G 7 3
THE MEASUREMENT OF ELASTICITY
The average or ‘mid-point’ formula
The way we measure a proportionate change in quantity is to divide that change by the level of Q: i.e. ∆Q/Q. Similarly, we measure a proportionate change in price by dividing that change by the level of P: i.e. ∆P/P. Price elasticity of demand can thus now be rewritten as:
∆Q Q
, ∆P P
But just what value do we give to P and Q? Consider the demand curve in diagram (b). What is the elasticity of demand between points m and n? Price has fallen by £2 (from £8 to £6), but what is the proportionate change? Is it −2/8 or −2/6? The convention is to express the change as a proportion of the average of the two prices, £8 and £6: in other words to take the mid-point price, £7. Thus the proportionate change is −2/7.
Similarly the proportionate change in quantity between points m and n is 10/15, since 15 is mid-way between 10 and 20. Thus using the average (or ‘mid-point’) formula, elasticity between m and n is given by:
∆Q average Q
, ∆P
average P =
10 10
, - 2 7
= - 2.33
Since 2.33 is greater than 1, demand is elastic between m and n.
Referring again to diagram (b), what is the price elasticity of demand between a price of (a) £6 and £4; (b) £4 and £2? What do you conclude about the elasticity of a straight-line demand curve as you move down it?
(b) Measuring elasticity using the arc method
(a) Totally inelastic demand (PeD = 0); (b) Infinitely elastic demand (PeD = q); (c) Unit elastic demand (PeD = −1).
Figure 5.6
(a) (b) (c)
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7 4 C H A P T E R 5 B U S I N E S S I N A M A R K E T E N V I R O N M E N T
Totally inelastic demand This is shown by a vertical straight line. No matter what happens to price, quantity demanded remains the same. It is obvious that the more the price is raised, the bigger will be the revenue. Thus in Figure 5.6(a), P2 will earn a bigger revenue than P1.
Infinitely elastic demand This is shown by a horizontal straight line. At any price above P1 demand is zero. But at P1 (or any price below) demand is ‘infinitely’ large.
This seemingly unlikely demand curve is in fact rela- tively common. Many firms that are very small (like the small-scale grain farmer) are price takers. They have to accept the price as given by supply and demand in the whole market. If individual farmers were to try to sell above this price, they would sell nothing at all. At this price, however, they can sell to the market all they produce. (Demand is not literally infinite, but as far as the farmer is concerned it is.) In this case, the more the individual farmer produces, the more revenue will be earned. In Figure 5.6(b), more revenue is earned at Q2 than at Q1.
Unit elastic demand This is where price and quantity change in exactly the same proportion. Any rise in price will be exactly offset by a fall in
quantity, leaving total revenue unchanged. In Figure 5.6(c), the striped area is exactly equal to the shaded area: in both cases total revenue is £800.
You might have thought that a demand curve with unit elasticity would be a straight line at 45° to the axes. Instead it is a curve called a rectangular hyperbola. The reason for its shape is that the proportionate rise in quantity must equal the proportionate fall in price (and vice versa). As we move down the demand curve, in order for the proportionate (or percentage) change in both price and quantity to remain constant, there must be a bigger and bigger absolute rise in quantity and a smaller and smaller absolute fall in price. For example, a rise in quantity from 200 to 400 is the same pro- portionate change as a rise from 100 to 200, but its absolute size is double. A fall in price from £5 to £2.50 is the same percentage as a fall from £10 to £5, but its absolute size is only half.
Pause for thought
Two customers go to the fish counter at a supermarket to buy some cod. Neither looks at the price. Customer A orders 1 kilo of cod. Customer B orders £3 worth of cod. What is the price elasticity of demand of each of the two customers?
OTHER ELASTICITIES5.3
As we know, there are many factors that affect our demand for a product besides price. Firms will thus be interested to know the responsiveness of demand to a change in these other variables, such as consumers’ incomes and the prices of goods that are substitute or complementary to theirs. They will want to know the income elasticity of demand – the responsiveness of demand to a change in consumers’ incomes (Y); and the cross-price elasticity of demand – the responsiveness of demand for their good to a change in the price of another (whether a substitute or a complement).
Income elasticity of demand (YED) We define the income elasticity of demand for a good as follows:
YeD = Proportionate (or percentag e) chang e in demand Proportionate (or percentag e) chang e in income
For example, if a 2 per cent rise in consumer incomes causes an 8 per cent rise in a product’s demand, then its income elasticity of demand will be:
8%/2% = 4
The major determinant of income elasticity of demand is the degree of ‘necessity’ of the good.
In a developed country, the demand for luxury goods expands rapidly as people’s incomes rise, whereas the demand for more basic goods, such as bread, rises only a little. Thus items such as cars and foreign holidays have a high income elasticity of demand, whereas items such as potatoes and bus journeys have a low income elasticity of demand.
As we saw in the last chapter, the demand for inferior goods decreases as income rises. As people earn more, so they switch to better-quality goods. Unlike normal goods, therefore, which have a positive income elasticity of demand, inferior goods have a negative income elasticity of demand (a rise in income leads to a fall in demand).
Definitions
Income elasticity of demand The responsiveness of demand to a change in consumer incomes: the propor- tionate change in demand divided by the proportionate change in income.
Cross-price elasticity of demand The responsiveness of demand for one good to a change in the price of another: the proportionate change in demand for one good divided by the proportionate change in price of the other.
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5 . 3 O T H E R E L A S T I C I T I E S 7 5
Income elasticity of demand and the firm Income elasticity of demand is an important concept to firms considering the future size of the market for their product. If the product has a high income elasticity of demand, sales are likely to expand rapidly as national income rises, but may also fall significantly if the economy moves into recession.
Firms may also find that some parts of their market have a higher income elasticity of demand than others, and may thus choose to target their marketing campaigns on this group. For example, middle-income groups may have a higher income elasticity of demand for certain high-tech products than lower-income groups (which are unlikely to be able to afford such products even if their incomes rise somewhat) or higher-income groups (which can probably afford them anyway, and thus would not buy much more if their incomes rose). For this reason, changes in the distribu- tion of income can be an important factor for firms to con- sider when making decisions about which products to sell.
The current state of the economy and expectations of how average incomes could change will also be a key fac- tor for firms to consider in helping them decide where to invest resources, based on their predictions about the types of goods that people will demand.
Cross-price elasticity of demand (CEDab) This is often known by its less cumbersome title of ‘cross elasticity of demand’. It is a measure of the responsiveness of demand for one product to a change in the price of another (either a substitute or a complement). It enables us to predict how much the demand curve for the first product will shift when the price of the second product changes. For example, knowledge of the cross elasticity of demand for Coca-Cola with respect to the price of Pepsi would allow Coca-Cola to predict the effect on its own sales if the price of Pepsi were to change.
We define cross-price elasticity as follows:
CeDab =
Proportionate (or percentag e) chang e in demand for g ood a
Proportionate (or percentag e) chang e in price of g ood b
If good b is a substitute for good a, a’s demand will rise as b’s price rises. For example, the demand for bicycles will rise as the price of public transport rises. In this case, cross elastic- ity will be a positive figure. If b is complementary to a, how- ever, a’s demand will fall as b’s price rises and thus as the quantity of b demanded falls. For example, the demand for petrol falls as the price of cars rises. In this case, cross elastic- ity will be a negative figure.
Cross-price elasticity of demand and the firm The major determinant of cross elasticity of demand is the closeness of the substitute or complement. The closer it is, the bigger will be the effect on the first good of a change in the price of the substitute or complement, and hence the greater will be the cross elasticity – either positive or negative.
Firms will wish to know the cross elasticity of demand for their product when considering the effect on the demand for their product of a change in the price of a rival’s product (a substitute). If firm b cuts its price, will this make significant inroads into the sales of firm a? If so, firm a may feel forced to cut its prices too; if not, then firm a may keep its price unchanged. The cross-price elasticities of demand between a firm’s product and those of each of its rivals are thus vital pieces of information for a firm when making its production, pricing and marketing plans.
Similarly, a firm will wish to know the cross-price elas- ticity of demand for its product with any complementary good. Car producers will wish to know the effect of petrol price increases on the sales of their cars.
Price elasticity of supply (PES) Just as we can measure the responsiveness of demand to a change in one of the determinants of demand, so too we can measure the responsiveness of supply to a change in one of the determinants of supply. The price elasticity of supply refers to the responsiveness of supply to a change in price. We define it as follows:
PeS =
Proportionate (or percentag e) chang e in quantity s upplied
Proportionate (or percentag e) chang e in price
Thus if a 15 per cent rise in the price of a product causes a 30 per cent rise in the quantity supplied, the price elasticity of supply will be:
30%/15% = 2
In Figure 5.7, curve S2 is more elastic between any two prices than curve S1. Thus, when price rises from P1 to P2 there is a larger increase in quantity supplied with S2 (namely, Q1 to Q3) than there is with S1 (namely, Q1 to Q2).
Determinants of price elasticity of supply The amount that costs rise as output rises. The less the addi- tional costs of producing additional output, the more firms will be encouraged to produce for a given price rise: the more elastic will supply be.
Pause for thought
Assume that you decide to spend a quarter of your income on clothes. What is (a) your income elasticity of demand; (b) your price elasticity of demand?
Definition
Price elasticity of supply The responsiveness of quan- tity supplied to a change in price: the proportionate change in quantity supplied divided by the proportionate change in price.
KI 1 p 10
KI 8 p 42
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7 6 C H A P T E R 5 B U S I N E S S I N A M A R K E T E N V I R O N M E N T
BOX 5.2 ELASTICITY AND THE INCIDENCE OF TAX
Who bears the tax?
Taxes on goods are known as ‘indirect taxes’ because they tax people indirectly through higher prices while it is the shops or other firms that actually pay the taxes. Such taxes include value added tax (VAT) and excise duties on cigarettes, petrol and alcoholic drinks. These taxes can be a fixed amount per unit sold (a ‘specific tax’) or a percentage of the price (an ‘ad valorem tax’). But just how much of the tax will be passed on to the con- sumer and how much will firms absorb through reduced profit? This ‘incidence’ of taxation depends on the demand and supply curves for the product being taxed. A tax represents an increase in a firm’s production costs and so the effect will be to shift the firm’s supply curve upwards to the left, as discussed in section 4.3 and as shown in diagram (a). The supply curve shifts from S
1 to S
2 , where the vertical
distance between S 1 and S
2 represents the amount of the tax
per unit. This is shown by the arrow. The price that consumers pay is forced up from P
1 to P
2 and
the equilibrium quantity sold falls from Q 1 to Q
2 . Notice that the
rise in price from P 1 to P
2 is smaller than the total size of the
tax. This means that the burden of the tax must be shared between consumers and producers.
When a firm’s product is taxed, it would probably like to pass the cost increase on to its customers in the form of a higher price, thus protecting its profit margins. However, the law of demand tells us that any increase in price will cut the quantity demanded and this will therefore limit the amount of the tax that a firm can pass on to its customers. The price that the consumer pays with the tax has increased from P
1 to P
2 , but
the rest of the tax must be paid for by the producer. The pro- ducer’s share of the tax is the difference between the initial price, P
1 , and the price P
2–tax . Therefore, consumers pay to the
extent that price rises, whereas producers pay to the extent that this rise in price is not sufficient to cover the tax. The consumers’ and producers’ shares of the tax are shown by the two shaded areas: namely, the shares of the tax per unit multiplied by the number of units sold (Q
2 ).
Elasticity and the incidence of taxation A key question for any firm to answer, when faced with a specific tax being imposed on its good, is just how much of the tax the consumer can pay. The more of the tax that is passed on to the consumer, the bigger will be the potential loss in customers. But if only a small amount is paid by the consumer, the firm will suffer a loss in revenue, as the price it gets to keep will be lower. The burden faced by each group will depend on the price elas- ticities of demand and supply. Take the case of demand. If the demand curve is relatively ine- lastic, any increase in price will cause a smaller proportionate fall in quantity demanded. As such, the firm will be able to pass a large percentage of the total tax on to its customers in the form of a higher price, knowing that while demand will fall, it will not fall by much. The incidence of taxation falls mainly on the consumer. Conversely, if the firm’s product has relatively elastic demand, any price increase will cause a proportionately larger fall in quantity demanded and so the firm will be reluctant to increase the price to its customers by too much. In this case, the tax burden will fall primarily on the producer.
(a) The effect of a tax
S2
S1
O
P1
P2
Q2 Q1
D
Consumers’ Share
P
Q
P2 - t
Producers’ Share
Price elasticity of supplyFigure 5.7 Pause for thought
Return to question 2 in Box 4.3, where we considered the impact of minimum and maximum price controls and how the shape of the demand and supply curves could affect the size of the resulting surplus and shortages. How is the price elasticity of demand and supply relevant in the context of a minimum price on alcohol or any other product?
Supply is thus likely to be elastic if firms have plenty of spare capacity, if they can readily get extra supplies of raw materials, if they can easily switch away from producing alternative products and if they can avoid having to intro- duce overtime working (at higher rates of pay). If all these conditions hold, costs will be little affected by a rise in out-
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5 . 3 O T H E R E L A S T I C I T I E S 7 7
ELASTICITY AND THE INCIDENCE OF TAX
Who bears the tax?
In diagram (b), you can see the impact on the consumer’s and producer’s share of the tax with a relatively inelastic demand curve. The tax shifts the supply from S
1 to S
2 and consumers
now face a significant increase in price from P 1 to P
2 . The con-
sumer’s share of the tax is therefore the difference in these prices multiplied by the new equilibrium quantity, Q
2 (the red
area). The firm still has to pay some of the tax – the difference between P
1 and P
2–tax – but this green area is relatively small.
It is therefore in a firm’s interest to make its product relatively price inelastic, by advertising its unique qualities and per- suading consumers that there are no substitutes, as this will enable the firm to minimise the amount of tax it has to bear.
1. Draw a diagram showing an elastic demand curve and explain how this will affect the burden of tax borne by consumers and producers.
Tax policy If we combine the red and green areas in diagram (b), we can find the total amount that the firm will pay in tax. This is the same as the amount of revenue earned by the government. So, how can governments use the concept of elasticity to help increase tax revenue? It is easy to see that the less elastic
demand is, the smaller will be the fall in quantity sold follow- ing the imposition of a tax. This means that the government is able to receive a given per unit tax on a larger quantity when demand is relatively price inelastic. It therefore has an incen- tive to impose taxes on products that have a relatively inelas- tic demand, as a means of generating the highest amount of tax revenue. This is what we observe in many countries, where products such as cigarettes, petrol and alcohol are the major targets for indirect taxes, as taxes raise a lot of revenue and do not curb demand significantly. Indeed, in the UK, fuel duty (a specific tax) and VAT (an ad valorem tax), together account for between 60 and 75 per cent of the cost of petrol, depending on the price of petrol. The elasticity of supply also has an impact on the burden of tax borne by consumers and producers and crucially on the amount of tax revenue generated. The more elastic supply is, the smaller will be the producer’s share of the tax and hence firms have an incentive to make their supply as responsive as possible to a change in price. However, the greatest amount of government revenue will be generated from imposing a tax on a firm that has a relatively inelastic supply curve. Such a tax will cause a relatively small decrease in the quantity sold compared to an elastic supply curve and hence there are many more units to tax. Combining both demand and supply analysis, government revenue will be at its greatest when both demand and supply are relatively inelastic.
2. Using the same approach we did for demand in diagram (b), show how the burden of tax borne by consumers and pro- ducers will vary as the elasticity of supply is changed.
3. Demand tends to be more elastic in the long run than in the short run. Assume that a tax is imposed on a good that was previously untaxed. How will the incidence of this tax change as time passes?
S2
S1
O
P1
P2
Q2 Q1
D
P
Q
P2 - tax
Consumers’ Share
Producers’ Share
(b) Inelastic demand: the incidence of tax
Supply in different time periodsFigure 5.8
put, and supply will be relatively elastic. The less these con- ditions apply, the less elastic will supply be.
Time period (see Figure 5.8) ■ Immediate time period. Firms are unlikely to be able to
increase supply by much immediately. Supply is virtually fixed, or can vary only according to available stocks. Hence, supply is highly inelastic. In the diagram SI is drawn with Pes = 0. If demand increases to D2, supply will not be able to respond. Price will rise to P2. Quantity will remain at Q1. Equilibrium will move to point b.
■ Short run. If a slightly longer time period is allowed to elapse, some inputs can be increased (e.g. raw materials), while others will remain fixed (e.g. heavy machinery). Supply can increase somewhat. This is illustrated by SS. Equilibrium will move to point c with price falling again, to P3, and quantity rising to Q3.
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7 8 C H A P T E R 5 B U S I N E S S I N A M A R K E T E N V I R O N M E N T
■ Long run. In the long run, there will be sufficient time for all inputs to be increased and for new firms to enter the industry. Supply, therefore, is likely to be highly elastic. This is illustrated by curve SL. Long-run equilibrium will
be at point d with price falling back even further, to P4, and quantity rising all the way to Q 4. In some circumstances the supply curve may even slope downward. (See the sec- tion on economies of scale in Chapter 9, pages 149–51.)
THE TIME DIMENSION OF MARKET ADJUSTMENT5.4
The full adjustment of price, demand and supply to a situa- tion of disequilibrium will not be instantaneous. It is neces- sary, therefore, to analyse the time path which supply takes in responding to changes in demand, and which demand takes in responding to changes in supply.
Short-run and long-run adjustment As we have already seen, elasticity varies with the time period under consideration. The reason is that producers and consumers take time to respond to a change in price. The longer the time period, the bigger the response, and thus the greater the elasticity of supply and demand.
This is illustrated in Figures 5.9 and 5.10. In both cases, as equilibrium moves from points a to b to c, there is a large short-run price change (P1 to P2) and a small short-run quan- tity change (Q1 to Q2), but a small long-run price change (P1 to P3) and a large long-run quantity change (Q1 to Q3).
Price expectations and speculation In a world of shifting demand and supply curves, prices will constantly be moving up and down. If prices are likely to change in the foreseeable future, this will affect the behaviour of buyers and sellers now. If, for example, it is now December and you are thinking of buying a new winter coat, you might decide to wait until the January sales, and in the meantime make do with your old coat. If, on the other hand, when Jan- uary comes you see a new summer jacket in the sales, you might well buy it now and not wait until the summer, for fear
that the price will have gone up by then. Thus a belief that prices will go up will cause people to buy now; a belief that prices will come down will cause them to wait.
The reverse applies to sellers. If you are thinking of sell- ing your house and prices are falling, you will want to sell it as quickly as possible. If, on the other hand, prices are ris- ing sharply, you will wait as long as possible so as to get the highest price. Thus a belief that prices will come down will cause people to sell now; a belief that prices will go up will cause them to wait.
This behaviour of looking into the future and making buying and selling decisions based on your predictions is called speculation. Speculation is often partly based on cur- rent trends in price behaviour. If prices are currently rising, people may try to decide whether they are about to peak and go back down again, or whether they are likely to go on rising. Having made their prediction, they will then act on it. This speculation will thus affect demand and supply, which in turn will affect price. Speculation is commonplace in many markets: the stock exchange (see Box 4.2), the foreign exchange market and the housing market (see Box 4.1) are three examples. Large firms often employ specialist buyers who choose the right time to buy inputs, depending on what they anticipate will happen to their price.
KI 35 p 354
People’s actions are influenced by their expectations. People respond not just to what is happening now (such as a change in price), but to what they antici- pate will happen in the future.
KEY IDEA
13
Response of supply to an increase in demand
Figure 5.9 Response of demand to an increase in supply
Figure 5.10
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5 . 4 T H E T I M E D I M E N S I O N O F M A R K E T A D J U S T M E N T 7 9
Speculation tends to be self-fulfilling. In other words, the actions of speculators tend to bring about the very effect on prices that speculators had anticipated. For example, if speculators believe that the price of BP shares is about to rise, they will buy more BP shares, shifting demand to the right. But by doing this they will ensure that the price will rise. The prophecy has become self-fulfilling.
Speculation can either help to reduce price fluctuations or aggravate them: it can be stabilising or destabilising.
Stabilising speculation Speculation will tend to have a stabilising effect on price fluctuations when suppliers and/or demanders believe that a change in price is only temporary.
Assume, for example, that there has recently been a rise in price, caused, say, by an increase in demand. In Figure 5.11 (a) demand has shifted from D1 to D2. Equilibrium has moved from point a to point b, and price has risen from P1 to P2. How do people react to this rise in price?
Given that they believe this rise in price to be only tem- porary, suppliers bring their goods to market now, before price falls again. Supply shifts from S1 to S2. Demanders, however, hold back until price does fall. Demand shifts from D2 to D3. The equilibrium moves to point c, with price falling back towards P1.
A good example of stabilising speculation is that which occurs in agricultural commodity markets. Take the case of wheat. When it is harvested in the autumn there will be a plentiful supply. If all this wheat were to be put on the market, the price would fall to a very low level. Later in the year, when most of the wheat would have been sold, the price would then rise to a very high level. This is all easily predictable.
So what do farmers do? The answer is that they specu- late. When the wheat is harvested they know its price will tend to fall, and so instead of bringing it all to market they put a lot of it into store. The more price falls, the more they will put into store anticipating that the price will later rise. But
this holding back of supplies prevents prices from falling. In other words, it stabilises prices.
Later in the year, when the price begins to rise, they will gradually release grain on to the market from the stores. The more the price rises, the more they will release on to the market anticipating that the price will fall again by the time of the next harvest. But this releasing of supplies will again sta- bilise prices by preventing them rising so much.
Destabilising speculation Speculation will tend to have a destabilising effect on price fluctuations when suppliers and/or buyers believe that a change in price heralds similar changes to come.
Assume again that there has recently been a rise in price, caused by an increase in demand. In Figure 5.11(b), demand has shifted from D1 to D2 and price has risen from P1 to P2. This time, however, believing that the rise in price heralds further rises to come, suppliers wait until the price rises fur- ther. Supply shifts from S1 to S2. Demanders buy now before any further rise in price. Demand shifts from D2 to D3. As a result the price continues to rise: to P3.
Box 4.1 examined the housing market. In this market, speculation is frequently destabilising. Assume that people
KI 13 p 78
KI 10 p 52
Speculation (initial rise in price)Figure 5.11
(a) Stabilising speculation (b) Destabilising speculation
Definitions
Speculation This is where people make buying or selling decisions based on their anticipations of future prices.
Self-fulfilling speculation The actions of speculators tend to cause the very effect that they had anticipated.
Stabilising speculation This is where the actions of speculators tend to reduce price fluctuations.
Destabilising speculation This is where the actions of speculators tend to make price movements larger.
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8 0 C H A P T E R 5 B U S I N E S S I N A M A R K E T E N V I R O N M E N T
BOX 5.3 ADJUSTING TO OIL PRICE SHOCKS
Short-run and long-run demand and supply responses
Between December 1973 and June 1974, the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) put up the price of oil from $3 to $12 per barrel. It was further raised to over $30 in 1979. In the 1980s the price fluctuated, but the trend was downward. Except for a sharp rise at the time of the Gulf War in 1990, the trend continued through most of the 1990s, at times falling as low as $11. In the early 2000s, oil prices were generally higher, first fluc- tuating between $19 and $33 per barrel and then, from 2004 to 2006, steadily rising. The price then increased dramatically from January 2007, when it was just over $50 per barrel, to mid-2008 when it reached $147 per barrel. By late 2008 the price had fallen back sharply to under $50 per barrel as fears of a world recession cut the demand for oil. As the global economy began to recover, the oil price rose stead- ily, reaching $128 per barrel by early 2011. Prices then stabilised at just above $100 per barrel through to 2013, reaching a peak of $114 in August 2013 before falling back to $100 and then rising again to $112 in June 2014.These figures represented the high points of 2014, as the price of oil then began to plummet, reaching a low of $46.07 in February 2015. The price movements can be explained using simple demand and supply analysis.
The initial rise in price In the 1970s OPEC raised the price from P
1 to P
2 (see dia-
gram (a)). To prevent surplus at that price, OPEC members restricted their output by agreed amounts. This had the effect of shifting the supply curve to S
2 , with Q
2 being produced.
This reduction in output needed to be only relatively small because the short-run demand for oil was highly price inelas- tic: for most uses there are no substitutes in the short run.
Long-run effects on demand The long-run demand for oil was more elastic (see diagram (b)). With high oil prices persisting, people tried to find ways of cutting back on consumption. People bought smaller cars. They converted to gas or solid-fuel central heating. Firms switched to other fuels. Less use was made of oil-fired power stations for electricity generation. Energy-saving schemes became widespread both in firms and in the home. This had the effect of shifting the short-run demand curve from D
1 to D
2 . Price fell back from P
2 to P
3 . This gave a long-run
demand curve of D L : the curve that joins points A and C.
The fall in demand was made bigger by a world recession in the early 1980s.
Long-run effects on supply With oil production so much more profitable, there was an incentive for non-OPEC oil producers to produce oil. Prospect- ing went on all over the world and large oil fields were discov- ered and opened up in the North Sea, Alaska, Mexico, China and elsewhere. In addition, OPEC members were tempted to break their ‘quotas’ (their allotted output) and sell more oil. The net effect was an increase in world oil supplies. In terms of the diagrams, the supply curve of oil started to shift to the right from the mid-1980s onwards, causing oil prices to fall through most of the period up to 1998.
Back to square one? By the late 1990s, with the oil price as low as $10 per barrel, OPEC once more cut back supply. The story had come full cir- cle. This cut-back is once more illustrated in diagram (a).
(a) An initial restriction of supply (b) Long-run demand response
see house prices beginning to move upward. This might be the result of increased demand brought about by a cut in mortgage interest rates or by growth in the economy. People may well believe that the rise in house prices signals a boom in the housing market: that prices will go on rising. Potential buyers will thus try to buy as soon as possible before prices rise any further. This increased demand (as in Figure 5.11(b)) will thus lead to even bigger price rises. This is precisely what happened in the UK housing market in 1999–2007.
Pause for thought
Draw two diagrams like Figures 5.11(a) and (b), only this time assume an initial fall in demand and hence price. The first diagram should show the effects of stabilising specula- tion and the second the effect of destabilising speculation.
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5 . 4 T H E T I M E D I M E N S I O N O F M A R K E T A D J U S T M E N T 8 1
ADJUSTING TO OIL PRICE SHOCKS
Short-run and long-run demand and supply responses
The trouble this time was that worldwide economic growth was picking up. Demand was shifting to the right. The result was a rise in oil prices to around $33, which then fell back again in 2001 as the world slipped into recession and the demand curve shifted to the left. There were then some very large price increases, first as a result of OPEC in late 2001 attempting once more to restrict supply (a leftward shift in supply), and then, before the Iraq war of 2003, because of worries about possible adverse effects on oil supplies (a rightward shift in demand as countries stocked up on oil). The worries about long-run security of supply continued after the invasion of Iraq and the continuing political uncertainty in the region. The rises in the price of oil from 2004 through to mid-2008 were fuelled partly by rapidly expanding demand (a rightward shift in short-run demand), especially in countries such as China and India, and by speculation on the future price of oil. On the supply side, producers could not respond rapidly to meet this demand and there was further disruption to sup- ply in some oil-producing countries, including Nigeria and Algeria (a leftward shift in short-run supply). However, the dramatic rise in oil prices fuelled inflation across the world. Consumers and industry faced much higher costs and looked at methods to conserve fuel. In late 2008, the global financial crisis was followed by reces- sion. The price of oil began to fall back as the demand curve for oil shifted leftwards. It fell from a peak of $147 per barrel in July 2008 to a mere $34 per barrel by the end of the year. But then, as the world economy slowly recovered, and the demand for oil rose, so oil prices rose again. By early 2011, oil was trading at around $128 per barrel.
New sources of supply The fall in oil prices from the latter part of 2014 might seem somewhat surprising. With continuing conflicts in key oil-pro- ducing countries, the normal impact would be a rise in prices, as supply falls. But two things were happening on the supply side. First, new sources of supply were becoming available, in particu- lar large amounts of shale oil from the USA were coming onto the market. This had a large downward effect on prices. Second, rather than OPEC attempting to push prices up by restricting output, it stated that it would not cut its production, even if the crude oil price were to fall to $30. It hoped, thereby, to make shale oil production unprofitable for many US producers. These two factors on the supply side, plus continuing weak demand in the eurozone and other parts of the world, pushed
oil prices below $50. The demand for oil will inevitably rise at some point, but as long as supply remains high, prices are likely to remain well below the $100 mark. These effects can be illustrated in diagram (c). The starting point is mid-2014. Global demand and supply are D
1 and S
1 ;
price is above $100 per barrel (P 1 ) and output is Q
1 . Demand
now shifts to the left (to D 2 ) as growth in the eurozone and
elsewhere falls; and supply shifts to the right (to S 2 ). Price
falls to around $40 per barrel and, given the bigger shift in supply than demand, output rises to Q
2 . At a price of P
2 , how-
ever, output of Q 2 cannot be sustained: investing in new shale
oil wells becomes unprofitable. Thus at P 2 , long-run supply
(shown by S L ) is only Q
4 .
But with growth in the global economy in the latter part of the 2010s, demand shifts to the right: say, to D
3 . Price rises
to P 3 – possibly around $80 per barrel. This gives a short-run
output of Q 3 , but at that price it is likely that supply will be
sustainable in the long run as it makes investment in shale oil sufficiently profitable. Thus curve D
3 intersects with both S
2
and S L at this price and quantity.
With both demand and supply being price inelastic in the short run, large fluctuations in price are only to be expected. And these are amplified by speculation. The problem is made worse by an income elastic demand for oil. Demand can rise rapidly in times when the global econ- omy is booming, only to fall back substantially in times of recession.
Give some examples of things that could make the demand for oil more elastic. What specific policies could the government introduce to make demand more elastic?
Conclusion In some circumstances, then, the action of speculators can help keep price fluctuations to a minimum (stabilising spec- ulation). This is most likely when markets are relatively sta- ble in the first place, with only moderate underlying shifts in demand and supply.
Pause for thought
What are the advantages and disadvantages of speculation from the point of view of (a) the consumer; (b) firms?
Q3Q2Q4 Q1 Q
P
P2
P1 P3
O
D1
S1
D2
S2 SL
D3
(c) Oil market from 2014
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In other circumstances, however, speculation can make price fluctuations much worse. This is most likely in times of uncertainty, when there are significant changes in the determinants of demand and supply. Given this
uncertainty, people may see price changes as signifying some trend. They then ‘jump on the bandwagon’ and do what the rest are doing, further fuelling the rise or fall in price.
DEALING WITH UNCERTAINTY5.5
Risk and uncertainty When price changes are likely to occur, buyers and sellers will try to anticipate them. Unfortunately, on many occa- sions no one can be certain just what these price changes will be. Take the case of stocks and shares. If you anticipate that the price of, say, BP shares is likely to go up substan- tially in the near future, you may decide to buy some now and then sell them after the price has risen. But you can- not be certain that they will go up in price: they may fall instead. If you buy the shares, therefore, you will be taking a gamble.
Gambles can be of two types. The first is where you know the probability of each possible outcome occurring. Let us take the simplest case of a gamble on the toss of a coin. Heads you win; tails you lose. You know that the probability of winning is precisely 50 per cent. If you bet on the toss of a coin, you are said to be operating under conditions of risk. Risk is when the probability of an outcome is known. Risk itself is a measure of the variability of an outcome. For example, if you bet £1 on the toss of a coin, such that heads you win £1 and tails you lose £1, then the variability is −£1 to +£1.
The second form of gamble is the more usual. This is where the probabilities are not known or are only roughly known. Gambling on the Stock Exchange is like this. You may have a good idea that a share will go up in price, but is it a 90 per cent chance, an 80 per cent chance or what? You are not certain. Gambling under these sorts of conditions is known as operating under uncertainty. This is when the probability of an outcome is not known.
You may well disapprove of gambling and want to dis- miss people who engage in it as foolish or morally wrong. But ‘gambling’ is not just confined to horses, cards, rou- lette and the like. Risk and uncertainty pervade the whole of economic life and we are always making decisions, despite not knowing an outcome with any certainty. Even the most morally upright person must decide which career to go into, whether and when to buy a house, or even something as trivial as whether or not to take an umbrella when going out. Each of these decisions and thousands of
others are made under conditions of uncertainty (or occa- sionally risk).
We shall be examining how risk and uncertainty affect economic decisions at several points throughout the text. For example, in the next chapter we will see how it affects people’s attitudes and actions as consumers, and how tak- ing out insurance can help to reduce their uncertainty. At this point, however, let us focus on firms’ attitudes when supplying goods.
Stock holding as a way of reducing the problem of uncertainty. A simple way that suppliers can reduce risks is by holding stocks. Take the case of the wheat farmers we saw in the pre- vious section. At the time when they are planting the wheat in the spring, they are uncertain as to what the price of wheat will be when they bring it to market. If they keep no stores of wheat, they will just have to accept whatever the market price happens to be at harvest time. If, however, they have storage facilities, they can put the wheat into store if the price is low and then wait until it goes up. Alter- natively, if the price of wheat is high at harvest time, they can sell it straight away. In other words, they can wait until the price is right.
Purchasing information. One way of reducing uncertainty is to buy information. A firm could commission various forms of market research or purchase the information from spe- cialist organisations. It is similar for consumers. You might take advice on shares from a stockbroker, or buy a copy of a consumer magazine, such as Which?. The buying and selling
KI 8 p 42
People’s actions are influenced by their attitudes towards risk. Many decisions are taken under condi- tions of risk or uncertainty. Generally, the lower the probability of (or the more uncertain) the desired outcome of an action, the less likely will people be to undertake the action.
KEY IDEA
14
Definitions
Risk This is when an outcome may or may not occur, but where its probability of occurring is known.
Uncertainty This is when an outcome may or may not occur and where its probability of occurring is not known.
Pause for thought
The demand for pears is more price elastic than the demand for bread and yet the price of pears fluctuates more than that of bread. Why should this be so? If pears could be stored as long and as cheaply as flour, would this affect the relative price fluctuations? If so, how?
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5 . 5 D E A L I N G W I T H U N C E R T A I N T Y 8 3
of information in this way helps substantially to reduce uncertainty.
Better information can also, under certain circum- stances, help to make any speculation more stabilising. With poor information, people are much more likely to be guided by rumour or fear, which could well make specula- tion destabilising as people ‘jump on the bandwagon’. If people generally are better informed, however, this is likely to make prices go more directly to a long-run stable equi- librium.
Dealing in futures markets Another way of reducing or even eliminating uncertainty is by dealing in futures or forward markets. Let us examine the activities first of sellers and then of buyers.
Sellers Suppose you are a farmer and want to store grain to sell some time in the future, expecting to get a better price then than now. The trouble is that there is a chance that the price will go down. Given this uncertainty, you may be unwilling to take a gamble.
An answer to your problem is provided by the commod- ity futures market. This is a market where prices are agreed between sellers and buyers today for delivery at some spec- ified date in the future.
For example, if it is 20 October today, you could be quoted a price today for delivery in six months’ time (i.e. on 20 April). This is known as the six-month future price. Assume that the six-month future price for wheat is £60 per tonne. If you agree to this price and make a six-month for- ward contract, you are agreeing to sell a specified amount of wheat at £60 on 20 April. No matter what happens to the spot price (i.e. the current market price) in the meantime, your selling price has been agreed. The spot price could have fallen to £30 (or risen to £100) by April, but your sell- ing price when 20 April arrives is fixed at £60. There is thus no risk to you whatsoever of the price going down. You will, of course, lose out if the spot price is more than £60 in April.
Buyers Now suppose that you are a flour miller. In order to plan your expenditures, you would like to know the price you will have to pay for wheat, not just today, but also at various future dates. In other words, if you want to take delivery of wheat at some time in the future, you would like a price quoted now. You would like the risks removed of prices going up.
Let us assume that today (20 October) you want to buy the same amount of wheat on 20 April that a farmer wishes to sell on that same date. If you agree to the £60 future price, a future contract can be made with the farmer. You are then guaranteed that purchase price, no matter what happens to the spot price in the meantime. There is thus no risk to you whatsoever of the price going up. You will, of course, lose out if the spot price is less than £60 in April.
The determination of the future price Prices in the futures market are determined in the same way as in other markets: by demand and supply. For example, the six-month wheat price or the three-month coffee price will be that which equates the demand for those futures with the supply. If the five-month sugar price is currently £200 per tonne and people expect by then, because of an anticipated good beet harvest, that the spot price for sugar will be £150 per tonne, there will be few who will want to buy the futures at £200 (and many who will want to sell). This excess of sup- ply of futures over demand will push the price down.
Speculators Many people operate in the futures market who will never actually handle the commodities themselves. They are nei- ther producers nor users of the commodities. They merely speculate. Such speculators may be individuals, but they are more likely to be financial institutions.
Let us take a simple example. Suppose that the six- month (April) coffee price is £1000 per tonne and that you, as a speculator, believe that the spot price of coffee is likely to rise above that level between now (October) and six months’ time. You thus decide to buy 20 tonnes of April coffee futures now.
But you have no intention of taking delivery. After four months, let us say, true to your prediction, the spot price (February) has risen and as a result the April price (and other future prices) have risen too. You thus decide to sell 20 tonnes of April (two-month) coffee futures, whose price, let us say, is £1200. You are now ‘covered’.
When April comes, what happens? You have agreed to buy 20 tonnes of coffee at £1000 per tonne and to sell 20 tonnes of coffee at £1200 per tonne. All you do is hand the futures contract to buy to the person to whom you agreed to sell. They sort out delivery between them and you make £200 per tonne profit.
If, however, your prediction had been wrong and the price had fallen, you would have made a loss. You would have been forced to sell coffee contracts at a lower price than you had bought them for.
Speculators in the futures market thus incur risks, unlike the sellers and buyers of the commodities, for whom the futures market eliminates risk. Financial institutions offer- ing futures contracts will charge for the service: for taking on the risks.
Definitions
Futures or forward market A market in which contracts are made to buy or sell at some future date at a price agreed today.
Future price A price agreed today at which an item (e.g. commodities) will be exchanged at some set date in the future.
Spot price The current market price.
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8 4 C H A P T E R 5 B U S I N E S S I N A M A R K E T E N V I R O N M E N T
BOX 5.4 DON’T SHOOT THE SPECULATOR
Well not yet, anyway!
production has been maintained at levels well above long term trends… . The second, and ‘speculative’ explanation is that the Fed’s decision to expand liquidity has leaked into all risk assets, including commodities, via financial market demand for these assets… . Paul Krugman and others have argued that the ‘speculative’ explanation can be eliminated on a priori grounds, because financial operators never take delivery of physical commodities. Ultimately they do not increase the real demand for commodities, and therefore they can have no effect on the price. Financial demand can of course alter the prices for futures and options on com- modities, but since the prices of these derivative contracts must eventually home in on the price for the physical, this will eventually be a zero sum game. On this argument, financial speculation is irrelevant. … but it seems to me that for short periods … rising futures prices could lead to the expectation of higher prices for physical commodities, in which case physical players might decide to ‘hoard’ stocks, and reduce the rate of extraction so that they can benefit from the subsequent rise in prices. By changing inventory levels and extraction rates, this type of real activity could tighten the physical market and, at least for a time, raise prices… . So which of these explanations best fits the evidence? … The calculations suggest that while a large part of the rise in oil and other commodity prices may have been caused by fundamentals, nevertheless commodity prices may have overshot their ‘equilibrium’ levels at times in recent months.1
Are speculators largely adjusting their decisions in line with changing circumstances? In other words, are they being efficient? Or are they being inefficient and causing increased price volatility?
How might it be beneficial for the economy if speculators were less efficient?
In February 2008 the Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations stated that the price of cereals had risen 83 per cent over the previous 12 months, with dire conse- quences for developing nations in particular. In July 2008 the price of oil rose to the unprecedented high of $147 per barrel, with devastating consequences for the millions of users of oil and oil-based products. Between early September and late October 2008 the FTSE 100 fell by 35 per cent, from a high of 5646 to a low of 3665 (see Box 4.3), a fall that had not been seen since October 1987, causing misery to millions of ordi- nary investors and those with pensions. Much of the blame for these dramatic changes is placed on speculators who are seen as exacerbating the problem. They are seen as greedy and acting immorally, and affecting the lives of millions of ordinary people through their actions. Thankfully, no one in power has yet adopted Vladimir Lenin’s declaration to a meeting at the Petrograd Soviet in 1918: ‘Speculators who are caught and fully exposed as such shall be shot … on the spot.’ However, religious leaders, poli- ticians and regulators have been calling for, and getting, stricter controls over their operations. This commonly held view of the speculator, however, is not held by everyone. Consider the following taken from The Financial Times in regard to the rapid rise in commodity prices in early 2011.
[W]here are commodity prices headed next? There are many problems in understanding, let alone fore- casting, the behaviour of commodity prices. In the long term, which means decades, the real price of commodities is determined by the supply side costs of extraction, … over shorter term horizons, these factors are incapable of explaining commodity price fluctuations, because they change so slowly. Prices, on the other hand, can change dramatically over short periods. Since demand and supply curves are both very steep (especially for oil), a very small shift in either curve can have very large effects on oil prices, making them very hard to predict. There are two possible explanations for the surge in commodity prices since last August. The first and ‘funda- mental’ explanation is that the growth in global industrial
1Gavyn Davies, ‘Fundamentals and speculation in commodity markets’, The Financial Times, 16 May 2011. © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved.
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S U M M A R Y 8 5
SUMMARY
1a Price elasticity of demand measures the responsiveness of demand to a change in price. It is defined as the pro- portionate (or percentage) change in quantity demanded divided by the proportionate (or percentage) change in price.
1b If quantity demanded changes proportionately more than price, the figure for elasticity will be greater than 1 (ignoring the sign): it is elastic. If the quantity demanded changes proportionately less than price, the figure for elasticity will be less than 1: it is inelastic. If they change by the same proportion, the elasticity has a value of 1: it is unit elastic.
1c Given that demand curves are downward sloping, price elasticity of demand will have a negative value.
1d Demand will be more elastic the greater the number and closeness of substitute goods, the higher the proportion of income spent on the good and the longer the time period that elapses after the change in price.
1e Demand curves normally have different elasticities along their length. We can thus normally refer only to the spe- cific value for elasticity between two points on the curve or at a single point.
2a It is important for firms to know the price elasticity of demand for their product whenever they are considering a price change. The reason is that the effect of the price change on the firm’s sales revenue will depend on the product’s price elasticity.
2b When the demand for a firm’s product is price elastic, a rise in price will lead to a reduction in consumer expend- iture on the good and hence to a reduction in the total revenue of the firm.
2c When demand is price inelastic, however, a rise in price will lead to an increase in total revenue for the firm.
3a Income elasticity of demand measures the responsive- ness of demand to a change in income. For normal goods it has a positive value. Demand will be more income elastic the more luxurious the good and the less rapidly demand is satisfied as consumption increases.
3b Cross-price elasticity of demand measures the respon- siveness of demand for one good to a change in the price of another. For substitute goods the value will be posi- tive; for complements it will be negative. The cross-price elasticity will be greater the closer the two goods are as substitutes or complements.
3c Price elasticity of supply measures the responsiveness of supply to a change in price. It has a positive value. Supply will be more elastic the less costs per unit rise as output rises and the longer the time period.
4a A complete understanding of markets must take into account the time dimension.
4b Given that producers and consumers take a time to respond fully to price changes, we can identify different equilibria after the elapse of different lengths of time. Generally, short-run supply and demand tend to be less price elastic than long-run supply and demand. As a result any shifts in demand or supply curves tend to have a relatively bigger effect on price in the short run and a relatively bigger effect on quantity in the long run.
4c People often anticipate price changes and this will affect the amount they demand or supply. This speculation will tend to stabilise price fluctuations if people believe that the price changes are only temporary. However, specula- tion will tend to destabilise these fluctuations (i.e. make them more severe) if people believe that prices are likely to continue to move in the same direction as at present (at least for some time).
5a Much economic decision making is made under condi- tions of risk or uncertainty.
5b Risk is when the probability of an outcome occurring is known. Uncertainty is when the probability is not known.
5c One way of reducing risks is to hold stocks. If the price of a firm’s product falls unexpectedly, it can build up stocks rather than releasing its product on to the market. If the price later rises, it can then release stocks on to the market. Similarly with inputs: if their price falls unex- pectedly, firms can build up their stocks, only to draw on them later if input prices rise.
5d A way of eliminating risk and uncertainty is to deal in the futures markets. When firms are planning to buy or sell at some point in the future, there is the danger that price could rise or fall unexpectedly in the meantime. By agreeing to buy or sell at some particular point in the future at a price agreed today (a ‘future’ price), this danger can be eliminated. The bank or other institution offering the price (the ‘speculator’) is taking on the risk, and will charge for this service.
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8 6 C H A P T E R 5 B U S I N E S S I N A M A R K E T E N V I R O N M E N T
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Why does price elasticity of demand have a negative value, whereas price elasticity of supply has a positive value?
2 Rank the following in ascending order of elasticity: jeans, black Levi jeans, black jeans, black Levi 501 jeans, trou- sers, outer garments, clothes.
3 Would a firm want demand for its brand to be more or less elastic? How might a firm set about achieving this?
4 Will a general item of expenditure like food or clothing have a price elastic or inelastic demand?
5 Assuming that a firm faces an inelastic demand and wants to increase its total revenue, how much should it raise its price? Is there any limit?
6 Can you think of any examples of goods which have a totally inelastic demand (a) at all prices; (b) over a particular price range?
7 Which of these two pairs are likely to have the highest cross-price elasticity of demand: two brands of coffee, or coffee and tea?
8 Why are both the price elasticity of demand and the price elasticity of supply likely to be greater in the long run?
9 Redraw Figure 5.11, only this time assume that it was an initial shift in supply that caused the price to change in the first place.
10 Give some examples of decisions you have taken recently that were made under conditions of uncertainty. With hind- sight, do you think you made the right decisions? Explain.
11 What methods can a firm use to reduce risk and uncertainty? 12 If speculators believed that the price of cocoa in six
months was going to be below the six-month future price quoted today, how would they act?
ADDITIONAL PART B CASE STUDIES IN THE ECONOMICS FOR BUSINESS MyEconLab (www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman)
B.1 The interdependence of markets. A case study of the operation of markets, examining the effects on a local economy of the discovery of a large shale oil deposit.
B.2 Adam Smith (1723–1790). Smith, the founder of modern economics, argued that markets act like an ‘invisible hand’ guiding production and consumption.
B.3 Shall we put up our price? Some examples of firms charging high prices in markets where demand is relatively inelastic.
B.4 Any more fares? Pricing on the buses: an illustration of the relationship between price and total revenue.
B.5 Elasticities of demand for various foodstuffs. An examination of the evidence about price and income elasticities of demand for food in the UK.
B.6 Adjusting to oil price shocks. An extended version of Box 5.3 showing how demand and supply analysis can be used to examine the price changes in the oil market since 1973.
B.7 Income elasticity of demand and the balance of payments. This examines how a low income elasticity of demand for the exports of many developing countries can help to explain their chronic balance of payments problems.
B.8 The cobweb. An outline of the theory that explains price fluctuations in terms of time lags in supply.
B.9 The role of the speculator. This assesses whether the activities of speculators are beneficial or harmful to the rest of society.
B.10 Rationing. A case study in the use of rationing as an alternative to the price mechanism. In particular, it looks at the use of rationing in the UK during the Second World War.
B.11 Rent control. This shows how setting (low) maximum rents is likely to lead to a shortage of rented accommodation.
B.12 Agriculture and minimum prices. This shows how setting (high) minimum prices is likely to lead to surpluses.
B.13 The fallacy of composition. An illustration from agricultural markets of the fallacy of composition: ‘what applies in one case will not necessarily apply when repeated in all cases’.
B.14 Coffee prices. An examination of the coffee market and the implications of fluctuations in the coffee harvest for growers and coffee drinkers.
B.15 Response to changes in petrol and ethanol prices in Brazil. This case examines how drivers with ‘flex-fuel’ cars responded to changes in the relative prices of two fuels: petrol and ethanol (made from sugar cane).
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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W E B R E F E R E N C E S 8 7
WEBSITES RELEVANT TO PART B
Numbers and sections refer to websites listed in the Web appendix and hotlinked from this text’s website at www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman
■ For news articles relevant to Part B, see the Economics News Articles link from the text’s website.
■ For general news on markets, see websites in section A, and particularly A2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9, 20–25, 35, 36. See also site A43 for links to economics news articles from newspapers worldwide.
■ For links to sites on markets, see the relevant sections of B1, I4, 7, 14, 17.
■ For data on the housing market (Box 4.2), see sites B7–11.
■ For student resources relevant to Part B, see sites C1–7, 9, 10, 19.
■ For sites favouring the free market, see C17 and E34.
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Background to demand
The Financial Times, 11 October 2015
Online Shopping Boom Leads to Record Increase in Vans
© The Financial Times Limited 2015. All Rights Reserved.
By Michael Pooler
The boom in online shopping and revived con- struction activity has led to record levels of investment in vans and trucks, as British busi- nesses enlarge their fleets.
Finance for commercial vehicles on lease and hire-purchase agreements rose 10 per cent to £6.5bn in the year ending in August, according to the Finance and Leasing Association, a trade body.
The figures point to the broader economic recov- ery, as well as a shift in how consumers buy – and receive – goods.
Driving the growth was the buoyant retail sector and an increase in people setting up businesses, said BNP Paribas Leasing Solutions, with some of the strongest demand for vans coming from self-employed workers in the building and associ- ated trades.
‘It’s very easy to get vehicles financed on very competitive rates these days,’ said Brian Templar, of logistics consultancy Davies and Robson.
Following a drop in demand for trucks last year due to changes in legislation, registrations have jumped 36 per cent in 2015. The number of vans on the road has continued to rise thanks to online shopping, with 17 per cent more added this year, according to the Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders.
This reflects how retailers and logistics companies are making fewer large deliveries to stores but more
small deliveries to homes. Online sales account for a fifth of all non-food retail sales in Britain.
‘Logistics is the next big battleground in ecom- merce. [Retailers] have always delivered larger items like furniture but now they will be able to offer it even for smaller items,’ said Anita Bal- chandani, partner at OC&C. The consultancy put the UK ecommerce market size at £42bn last year and forecasts it will rise to £61bn by 2018.
Argos challenged its online and bricks-and-mortar rivals last week as it became the first high-street brand to launch same-day deliveries seven days a week throughout the country. Amazon Prime Now offers shipments within an hour in Coventry and London, and has been introducing a similar service for frozen and chilled foods in parts of the capital.
Meanwhile Ocado, the upmarket online grocer, spent £12.5m on vehicle leases in 2014, against £9m the previous year.
The need for expanded vehicle fleets was under- lined on ‘Black Friday’ in November last year, when a number of companies were caught out by a record-breaking day of online shopping. Deliv- ery delays resulted.
Evidence of the fierce competition in the parcel delivery market was seen when City Link col- lapsed into administration last Christmas Eve making about 2400 staff redundant and laying off 1000 self-employed drivers. ...
The FT Reports . . .
P a
rt C
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If a business is to be successful, it must be able to predict the strength of demand for its products and be able to respond to any changes in consumer tastes, particularly when the economic environment is uncertain. It will also want to know how its custom- ers are likely to react to changes in its price or its competitors’ prices, or to changes in income. In other words, it will want to know the price, cross-price and income elastici- ties of demand for its product. The better the firm’s knowledge of its market, the better will it be able to plan its output to meet demand, and the more able will it be to choose its optimum price, product design, marketing campaigns, etc.
In Chapter 6 we will go behind the demand curve to gain a better understanding of consumer behaviour. We will consider how economists analyse consumer satisfaction and how it varies with the amount consumed. We will then relate this to the shape of the demand curve.
Then, in Chapter 7, we will investigate how data on consumer behaviour can be col- lected and the problems that businesses face in analysing such information and using it to forecast changes in demand.
Chapter 8 explores how firms can expand and develop their markets by the use of var- ious types of non-price competition. It looks at ways in which firms can differentiate their products from those of their rivals. The chapter also considers how a business sets about deriving a marketing strategy, and assesses the role and implications of product advertising. However, as the Financial Times article shows, if businesses are successful in expanding their markets, they must have the means of supplying them.
Consumers, that is, the ‘demand side’, are just as important as the supply side: after all, it is they who ultimately pay for the goods and services provided, while the shape and size of their current and future demand choices is critical to the invest- ment decisions that businesses make.
Philip Collins (2009) Chairman of the Office of Fair Trading, Preserving and Restoring Trust and Confidence in Markets. Keynote address to the British Institute of Interna- tional and Comparative Law at the Ninth Annual Trans-Atlantic Antitrust Dialogue, 30 April, www.oft.gov.uk/shared_oft/ speeches/2009/spe0809.pdf
Key terms
Marginal utility Diminishing marginal
utility Consumer surplus Rational consumer Asymmetric information Adverse selection Moral hazard Product characteristics Indifference curves Efficiency frontier Market surveys Market experiments Demand function Forecasting Non-price competition Product differentiation Product marketing Advertising
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Demand and the consumer
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ What determines the amount of a product that consumers wish to buy at each price? How does consumer satisfaction or ‘utility’ affect purchasing decisions?
■ Why are purchasing decisions sometimes risky for consumers? ■ How do attitudes towards risk vary between consumers? ■ How can insurance help to reduce or remove the level of risk? ■ Why may insurance companies have to beware of high-risk consumers being more likely to take out insurance (‘adverse
selection’) and people behaving less carefully when they have insurance (‘moral hazard’)? ■ How do product characteristics influence consumer choice? ■ How will changing a product’s characteristics and/or its price influence consumers’ choices between products?
Given our limited incomes, we have to make choices about what to buy. You may have to choose between that new economics textbook you feel you ought to buy and going to a rock concert, between a new pair of jeans and a meal out, between saving up for a car and having more money to spend on everyday items, and so on. Business manag- ers are interested in fi nding out what infl uences your decisions to consume, and how they might price or package their product to increase their sales.
In this section it is assumed that as consumers we behave ‘rationally’: that we consider the relative costs and benefi ts of our purchases in order to gain the maximum satisfaction possible from our limited incomes. Sometimes we may act ‘irrationally’. We may purchase goods impetuously with little thought to their price or quality. In gen- eral, however, it is a reasonably accurate assumption that people behave rationally.
This does not mean that you get a calculator out every time you go shopping! When you go round the supermar- ket, you are hardly likely to look at every item on the shelf and weigh up the satisfaction you think you would get from it against the price on the label. Nevertheless, you have probably learned over time the sort of things you like and the prices they cost. You can probably make out a ‘rational’ shopping list quite quickly.
With major items of expenditure such as a house, a car, a carpet or a foreign holiday, we are likely to take much more care. Take the case of a foreign holiday: you will probably spend quite a long time browsing through brochures comparing the relative merits of various holidays against their relative costs, looking for a holiday that gives good value for money. This is rational behaviour.
C h
a p
te r 6
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6 . 1 M A R G I N A L U T I L I T Y T H E O R Y 9 1
Total and marginal utility People buy goods and services because they get satisfaction from them. Economists call this satisfaction ‘utility’.
An important distinction must be made between total utility and marginal utility.
Total utility (TU) is the total satisfaction that a person gains from all those units of a commodity consumed within a given time period. Thus if Tracey drank 10 cups of tea a day, her daily total utility from tea would be the satisfaction derived from those 10 cups.
Marginal utility (MU) is the additional satisfaction gained from consuming one extra unit within a given period of time. Thus we might refer to the marginal utility that Tracey gains from her third cup of tea of the day or her eleventh cup.
Diminishing marginal utility Up to a point, the more of a commodity you consume, the greater will be your total utility. However, as you become more satisfied, each extra unit you consume will probably give you less additional utility than previous units. In other words, your marginal utility falls as you consume more. This is known as the principle of diminishing marginal util- ity. For example, the second cup of tea in the morning gives you less additional satisfaction than the first cup. The third cup gives less satisfaction still.
MARGINAL UTILITY THEORY6.1
The principle of diminishing marginal utility. The more of a product a person consumes over a given period of time, the less will be the additional utility gained from one more unit.
KEY IDEA
15
At some level of consumption, your total utility will be at a maximum. No extra satisfaction can be gained by the consumption of further units within that period of time. Thus marginal utility will be zero. Your desire for tea may be fully satisfied at 12 cups per day. A thirteenth cup will yield no extra utility. It may even give you displeasure (i.e. negative marginal utility).
Pause for Thought
Are there any goods or services where consumers do not experi- ence diminishing marginal utility?
The optimum level of consumption: The simplest case – one commodity Just how much of a good should people consume if they are to make the best use of their limited income? To answer this question we must tackle the problem of how to measure util- ity. The problem is that utility is subjective. There is no way of knowing what another person’s experiences are really like. Just how satisfying does Brian find his first cup of tea in the morning? How does his utility compare with Tracey’s? We do not have utility meters that can answer these questions!
One solution to the problem is to measure utility with money. In this case, total utility becomes the value that people place on their consumption, and marginal utility becomes the maximum amount of money that a person would be prepared to pay to obtain one more unit: in other words, what that extra unit is worth to that person. If Dar- ren is prepared to pay 70p to obtain an extra packet of crisps, then that packet yields him 70p worth of utility: MU = 70p.
So how many packets should he consume if he is to act rationally? To answer this we need to introduce the concept of consumer surplus.
Marginal consumer surplus Marginal consumer surplus (MCS) is the difference between the maximum amount that you are willing to pay for one more unit of a good (i.e. your marginal utility) and what you are actually charged (i.e. the price). If Darren was will- ing to pay 70p for another packet of crisps which in fact cost him only 55p, he would be getting a marginal consumer surplus of 15p.
MCS = MU - P
Definitions
Total utility The total satisfaction a consumer gets from the consumption of all the units of a good consumed within a given time period.
Marginal utility The extra satisfaction gained from consuming one extra unit of a good within a given time period. In money terms, it is what you are willing to pay for one more unit of the good.
Principle of diminishing marginal utility As more units of a good are consumed, additional units will pro- vide less additional satisfaction than previous units.
Consumer surplus The difference between the maximum amount a person would have been prepared to pay for a good (i.e. the utility) and what that person actually paid.
Marginal consumer surplus The excess of utility from the consumption of one more unit of a good (MU) over the price paid: MCS = MU − P.
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9 2 C H A P T E R 6 D E M A N D A N D T H E C O N S U M E R
Total consumer surplus Total consumer surplus (TCS) is the sum of all the marginal consumer surpluses you have obtained from all the units of a good you have consumed. It is the difference between the total utility from all the units and your expenditure on them. If Darren consumes four packets of crisps, and if he would have been prepared to spend £2.60 on them and only had to spend £2.20, then his total consumer surplus is 40p.
TCS = TU - TE
where TE is the total expenditure on a good: i.e. P * Q. (Note that total expenditure (TE) is a similar concept to
total revenue (TR). They are both defined as P * Q. But in the case of total expenditure, Q is the quantity purchased by the consumer(s) in question, whereas in the case of total revenue, Q is the quantity sold by the firm(s) in question.)
Rational consumer behaviour Let us define rational consumer behaviour as the attempt to maximise (total) consumer surplus.
The process of maximising consumer surplus can be shown graphically. Let us take the case of Tina’s annual pur- chases of petrol. Tina has her own car, but as an alternative she can use public transport or walk. To keep the analysis simple, let us assume that Tina’s parents bought her the car and pay the licence duty, and that Tina does not have the option of selling the car. She does, however, have to buy the petrol. The current price is 130p per litre. Figure 6.1 shows her consumer surplus.
KI 4 p 25
Tina’s consumer surplus from petrolFigure 6.1
Definitions
Total consumer surplus The excess of a person’s total utility from the consumption of a good (TU) over the amount that person spends on it (TE): TCS = TU − TE. Rational consumer behaviour The attempt to maxim- ise total consumer surplus.
If she were to use just a few litres per year, she would use them for very important journeys for which no convenient alternative exists. For such trips she may be prepared to pay up to 160p per litre. For the first few litres, then, she is get- ting a marginal utility of around 160p per litre, and hence a marginal consumer surplus of around 30p (i.e. 160p − 130p).
By the time her annual purchase is around 250 litres, she would only be prepared to pay around 150p for additional litres. The additional journeys, although still important, would be less vital. Perhaps these are journeys where she could have taken public transport, albeit at some inconven- ience. Her marginal consumer surplus at 250 litres is 20p (i.e. 150p − 130p).
Gradually additional litres give less and less additional utility as fewer and fewer important journeys are under- taken. The 500th litre yields 141p worth of extra utility. Marginal consumer surplus is now 11p (i.e. 141p − 130p).
By the time she gets to the 900th litre, Tina’s marginal utility has fallen to 130p. There is no additional consumer surplus to be gained. Her total consumer surplus is at a maximum. She thus buys 900 litres, where P = MU.
Her total consumer surplus is the sum of all the mar- ginal consumer surpluses: the sum of all the 900 vertical lines between the price and the MU curve. This is repre- sented by the total area between the dashed P line and the MU curve.
This analysis can be expressed in general terms. In Figure 6.2, if the price of a commodity is P1, the consumer will consume Q1. The person’s total expenditure (TE) is P1Q1, shown by area 1. Total utility (TU) is the area under the marginal utility curve: i.e. areas 1 + 2. Total consumer surplus (TU − TE) is shown by area 2.
We can now state the general rule for maximising total consumer surplus. If MU > P people should buy more. As they do so, however, MU will fall (diminishing marginal utility). People should stop buying more when MU has fallen to equal P. At that point, total consumer surplus is maximised.
KI 15 p 91
Consumer surplusFigure 6.2
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6 . 1 M A R G I N A L U T I L I T Y T H E O R Y 9 3
Marginal utility and the demand curve for a good An individual’s demand curve Individual people’s demand curves for any good will be the same as their marginal utility curve for that good, measured in terms of money.
This is demonstrated in Figure 6.3, which shows the marginal utility curve for a particular person and a particu- lar good. If the price of the good were P1, the person would consume Q1: where MU = P1. Thus point a would be one point on that person’s demand curve. If the price fell to P2, consumption would rise to Q2, since this is where MU = P2. Thus point b is a second point on the demand curve. Like- wise if price fell to P3, Q3 would be consumed. Point c is a third point on the demand curve.
Thus as long as individuals seek to maximise con- sumer surplus and hence consume where P = MU, their demand curve will be along the same line as their mar- ginal utility curve.
An individual person’s demand curveFigure 6.3
The market demand curve The market demand curve will simply be the (horizon- tal) sum of all individuals’ demand curves and hence MU curves. Similarly, total consumer surplus is the sum of the
BOX 6.1 CALCULATING CONSUMER SURPLUS
What can we learn from eBay?
Charlotte will be the highest bidder. The software does not make her bid £20. Instead it makes it just high enough to be larger than Robert’ maximum willingness to pay of £15. Her consumer surplus if she wins the item at this price would be £4.50. Unfortunately for economists who want to calculate consumer surplus, eBay does not release data on maximum bid prices. As eBay is a second price auction all that is observable is a price which is just above the maximum willingness to pay of the consumer who just misses out on winning the auction. Even if the data on maximum bid prices were publicly availa- ble, they might not fully reflect the maximum amount people were willing to pay. To try to overcome these problems Bapna et al.1 set up a website which bid on eBay for customers at the last moment – known as sniping. In order to use the site people had to enter the maximum amount they were willing to pay for the items they were interested in. The authors used the data this software generated on more than 4500 auctions on eBay. They projected that the consumer surplus on eBay auctions was $7 billion in 2003 and $19 billion in 2007.
What are the differences between eBay and other types of auctions? Why might some customers not enter their true willingness to pay when placing their maximum bid on eBay?
The idea of a maximum willingness to pay might sound a little strange to most consumers. If you go into a sandwich shop at lunchtime and buy a tuna baguette for £2.50, it is unlikely that you will consider what you might have been willing to pay if the price had been higher. The only thing we can tell from your decision is that the price must be below the maximum amount you are willing to pay. There is some consumer surplus in the transaction but it is diffi- cult to tell how much. We have one piece of information, the price; but we do not have the other information – the amount you were willing to pay – required to make the calculation. Perhaps one of the only situations where most consumers will be asked about their willingness to pay is when they bid for an item on eBay and are asked for their maximum bid price. This information is not revealed to either the other potential buyers or the seller. Instead, it is used by eBay to make the smallest bid required on behalf of the customer in order for them to become the highest bidder. Take the following simple example. Robert currently has the highest bid for an item of £10. Unknown to the other buyers and the seller, the maximum amount Robert will bid is £15. If Jon sees the item and places a maximum bid of £12 the price will increase to £12.50. Robert would still have the highest bid as his willingness to pay is greater than Jon’s willingness to pay. However, with the bid price increasing, Robert’s potential consumer surplus will have fallen from £5 to £2.50. Assume now that Charlotte sees the item with a current highest bid price of £12.50 and bids with a maximum willing- ness to pay of £20. The price will now adjust to £15.50 and
1 R. Bapna, P. Goes, A. Gupta and G. Karuga, ‘Predicting bidders’ willingness to pay in online multi-unit ascending auctions: Analytical and empirical insights’, INFORMS Journal on Computing 20 (2008), 345–355.
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consumer surplus of each individual consumer: i.e. the sum of all individuals’ area 2 in Figure 6.2.
Market demand and market consumer surplus are shown in Figure 6.4, where it is assumed that market price is Pm.
The shape of the demand curve. The price elasticity of demand, at any given price, will reflect the rate at which MU diminishes. If there are close substitutes for a good, it is likely to have an elastic demand, and its MU will diminish slowly as consump- tion increases. The reason is that increased consumption of this product will be accompanied by decreased consumption of the alternative product(s). Since total consumption of this product plus the alternatives has increased only slightly (if at all), the marginal utility will fall only slowly.
For example, the demand for a given brand of petrol is likely to have a fairly high price elasticity, since other brands are substitutes. If there is a cut in the price of Texaco petrol (assuming the prices of other brands stay constant), consumption of Texaco will increase a lot. The MU of Texaco petrol will fall slowly, since people con- sume less of other brands. Petrol consumption in total may
Market demand and consumer surplusFigure 6.4
Pm PmPm
O Qm Q
DTotalconsumer expenditure
Total consumer surplus
MU, P
be only slightly greater and hence the MU of petrol only slightly lower.
Shifts in the demand curve. How do shifts in demand relate to marginal utility? For example, how would the marginal
BOX 6.2 THE MARGINAL UTILITY REVOLUTION: JEVONS, MENGER, WALRAS
Solving the diamonds–water paradox
much higher marginal utility. There are so few diamonds in the world, and thus people have so few of them, that they are very valuable at the margin. If, however, a new technique were to be discovered of producing diamonds cheaply from coal, their market value would fall rapidly. As people had more of them, so their marginal utility would rapidly diminish. Marginal utility still only gives the demand side of the story. The reason why the marginal utility of water is so low is that supply is so plentiful. Water is very expensive in Saudi Arabia! In other words, the full explanation of value must take into account both demand and supply.
What determines the market value of a good? We already know the answer: demand and supply. So if we find out what determines the position of the demand and supply curves, we will at the same time be finding out what determines a good’s market value. This might seem obvious. Yet for years economists puzzled over just what determines a good’s value. Some economists like Karl Marx and David Ricardo concen- trated on the supply side. For them, value depended on the amount of resources used in producing a good. This could be further reduced to the amount of labour time embodied in the good. Thus, according to the labour theory of value, the more labour that was directly involved in producing the good, or indirectly in producing the capital equipment used to make the good, the more valuable would the good be. Other economists looked at the demand side. But here they came across a paradox. Adam Smith in the 1760s gave the example of water and diamonds. ‘How is it’, he asked, ‘that water which is so essential to human life, and thus has such a high “value-in-use”, has such a low market value (or “value-in-exchange”)? And how is it that diamonds which are relatively so trivial have such a high market value?’ The answer to this paradox had to wait over 100 years until the marginal utility revolution of the 1870s. William Stanley Jevons (1835–82) in England, Carl Menger (1840–1921) in Austria, and Leon Walras (1834–1910) in Switzerland all inde- pendently claimed that the source of the market value of a good was its marginal utility, not its total utility. This was the solution to the diamonds–water paradox. Water, being so essential, has a high total utility: a high ‘value in use’. But for most of us, given that we consume so much already, it has a very low marginal utility. Do you leave the cold tap run- ning when you clean your teeth? If you do, it shows just how trivial water is to you at the margin. Diamonds, on the other hand, although they have a much lower total utility, have a
The diagram illustrates a person’s MU curves of water and dia- monds. Assume that diamonds are more expensive than water. Show how the MU of diamonds will be greater than the MU of water. Show also how the TU of diamonds will be less than the TU of water. (Remember: TU is the area under the MU curve.)
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utility of (and hence demand for) margarine be affected by a rise in the price of butter? The higher price of but- ter would cause less butter to be consumed. This would increase the marginal utility of margarine, since if people are using less butter, their desire for margarine is higher. The MU curve (and hence the demand curve) for margarine thus shifts to the right.
Weaknesses of the one-commodity version of marginal utility theory A change in the consumption of one good will affect the marginal utility of substitute and complementary goods. It
will also affect the amount of income left over to be spent on other goods. Thus a more satisfactory explanation of demand would involve an analysis of choices between goods, rather than looking at one good in isolation. (We examine such choices in section 6.3.)
Nevertheless, the assumptions of diminishing mar- ginal utility and of the consumer making rational choices by considering whether it is ‘worth’ paying the price being charged are quite realistic assumptions about consumer behaviour. It is important for businesses to realise that the demand for their product tends to reflect consumers’ per- ceptions of the marginal utility they expect to gain, rather than the total utility.
DEMAND UNDER CONDITIONS OF RISK AND UNCERTAINTY6.2
The problem of imperfect information So far we have assumed that when people buy goods and services, they know exactly what price they will pay and how much utility they will gain. In many cases this is a rea- sonable assumption. When you buy a bar of chocolate, you clearly do know how much you are paying for it and have a very good idea how much you will like it. But what about a mobile phone, or a tablet, or a car, or a washing machine, or any other consumer durable? In each of these cases you are buying something that will last you a long time, and the further into the future you look, the less certain you will be of its costs and benefits to you.
Take the case of a washing machine costing you £400. If you pay cash, your immediate outlay involves no uncertainty: it is £400. But washing machines can break down. In two years’ time you could find yourself with a repair bill of £100. This cannot be predicted and yet it is a price you will have to pay, just like the original £400. In other words, when you buy the washing machine, you are uncertain as to the full ‘price’ it will entail over its lifetime.
Not only are the costs of the washing machine uncer- t a i n , s o t o o a r e t h e b e n e f i t s . Y o u m i g h t h a v e b e e n attracted to buy it in the first place by the manufactur- er’s glossy brochure, or by the look of it, or by adverts on TV, in magazines, etc. When you have used it for a while, however, you will probably discover things you had not anticipated. The spin dryer does not get your clothes as dry as you had hoped; it is noisy; it leaks; the door sticks; and so on.
Buying consumer durables thus involves uncertainty. So too does the purchase of assets, whether a physical asset such as a house or financial assets such as shares. In the case of assets, the uncertainty is over their future price, which you cannot know for certain.
KI 8 p 42
Attitudes towards risk and uncertainty So how will uncertainty affect people’s behaviour? The answer is that it depends on their attitudes towards taking a gamble. To examine these attitudes let us assume that a per- son does at least know their chances when taking a gamble (i.e. the probabilities involved in doing so). In other words, the person is operating under conditions of risk rather than uncertainty. Consider the following example.
Imagine that as a student you only have £105 left out of your student loan to spend. You are thinking of buying an instant lottery ticket/scratch card. The lottery ticket costs £5 and there is a 1 in 4 or 25 per cent chance that it will be a winning ticket. A winning ticket pays a prize of £20. Would you buy the lottery ticket? This will depend on your atti- tude towards risk.
In order to explain people’s attitude towards risk it is important to understand the concept of expected value. The expected value of a gamble is the amount the person would earn on average if the gamble were repeated many times. To calculate the expected value of a gamble you simply multiply each possible outcome by the probability that it will occur. These values are then added together. In this example the gamble has only two possible outcomes – you purchase a winning ticket or a losing ticket. There is a
KI 14 p 82
Definitions
Consumer durable A consumer good that lasts a period of time, during which the consumer can continue gaining utility from it.
Expected value The average value of a variable after many repetitions: in other words, the sum of the value of a variable on each occasion divided by the number of occasions.
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25 per cent chance it is a winning ticket, which will give you a total of £120 to spend (£100 left out of your loan plus a £20 prize). There is a 75 per cent chance it is a losing ticket, in which case you will only have £100 left to spend out of your student loan. Therefore the expected value of this gamble is:
EV = 0.25(120) + 0.75(100) = 105.
If you do not purchase the ticket then you will have £105 to spend for sure.
EV = 1(105) = 105
There are three possible categories of attitude towards risk.
■ Risk neutral. If people are risk neutral they will always choose the option with the highest expected value. Therefore a student who is risk neutral would be indifferent between buying or not buying the instant lottery ticket, as each outcome has the same expected value of £105.
■ Risk averse. If people are risk averse they will never choose a gamble if it has the same expected value as the pay-off from not taking a gamble. Therefore a student who is risk averse would definitely not buy the instant lottery ticket.
It is too simplistic, however, to say that a risk averse person will never take risks. Such a person may choose a gamble if it has a greater expected value than the pay- off from not taking the gamble. If the probability of purchasing a winning instant lottery ticket in the previ- ous example was 75 per cent instead of 25 per cent, then a risk averse student might nevertheless buy the ticket, as the expected value of the gamble would be greater than the certain pay-off.
Whether or not risk averse people do take a gamble depends on the strength of their aversion to risk, which will vary from one individual to another. The greater people’s level of risk aversion, the greater the expected value of a gamble they are willing to give up in order to have a certain pay-off.
■ Risk loving. If people are risk loving they would always choose a gamble if it had the same expected value as the pay-off from not taking the gamble. Therefore a risk lov- ing student would definitely purchase the instant lottery ticket.
Once again, it is too simplistic to say that risk loving people will always choose a gamble. They may choose a certain pay-off if it has a higher expected value than the gamble. For example, if the probability of purchasing a winning instant lottery ticket in the previous example were 5 per cent instead of 25 per cent, then even a risk loving student might choose not to buy the ticket. It would depend on the extent to which that person enjoyed taking risks. The more risk loving people are, the greater the return from a certain pay-off they are willing to sacrifice in order to take a gamble.
Diminishing marginal utility of income and attitudes towards risk taking Avid gamblers may be risk lovers. People who spend hours in the betting shop or at the race track may enjoy the risks, knowing that there is always the chance that they might win. On average, however, such people will lose. After all, the bookmakers have to take their cut and thus the odds are generally unfavourable.
Most people, however, for most of the time are risk averse. We prefer to avoid insecurity. But why? Is there a simple reason for this? Economists use marginal utility analysis to explain why.
They argue that the gain in utility to people from an extra £1000 is less than the loss of utility from forgoing £1000. Imagine your own position. You have probably adjusted your standard of living to your income (or are trying to!). If you unexpectedly gained £1000, that would be very nice: you could buy some new clothes or have a weekend away. But if you lost £1000, it could be very hard indeed. You might have very serious difficulties in making ends meet. Thus if you were offered the gamble of a 50:50 chance of winning or losing £1000, you would probably decline the gamble.
This risk-averse behaviour accords with the principle of diminishing marginal utility. Up to now in this chapter we have been focusing on the utility from the consump- tion of individual goods: Tracey and her cups of tea; Darren and his packets of crisps. In the case of each indi- vidual good, the more we consume, the less satisfaction we gain from each additional unit: the marginal utility falls. But the same principle applies if we look at our total consumption. The higher our level of total consumption, the less additional satisfaction will be gained from each additional £1 spent.
What we are saying here is that there is a diminishing marginal utility of income. The more you earn, the lower
KI 15 p 91
Pause for thought
1. What is the expected value of the above gamble if the chances of purchasing a winning lottery ticket are 75 per cent? How much of the expected value of the gamble do risk averse people sacrifice if they decide against purchasing a ticket?
2. What is the expected value of the gamble if the chances of purchasing a winning lottery ticket are 5 per cent? How much of a certain pay-off do risk loving people sacrifice if they decide to purchase the lottery ticket?
Definition
Diminishing marginal utility of income Where each additional pound earned yields less additional utility than the previous pound.
Outcome from a losing ticket
Probability it is a winning ticket
Probability it is a losing ticket
Outcome from a winning ticket
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The total utility of income given diminishing marginal utility of incomeFigure 6.5
will be the utility from each extra £1. If people on low incomes earn an extra £1000, they will feel a lot better off: the marginal utility they will get from that income will be very high. If rich people earn an extra £1000, however, their gain in utility will be less.
Why, then, does a diminishing marginal utility of income make us risk averse? The answer is illustrated in Figure 6.5, which shows the total utility you get from your income.
The slope of this curve gives the marginal utility of your income. As the curve gets flatter it is illustrating that the marginal utility of income diminishes. A rise in income from £5000 to £10 000 will cause a movement along the curve from point a to point b. Total utility rises from U1 to U2. A similar rise in income from £10 000 to £15 000, however, will lead to a move from point b to point c, and hence a smaller rise in total utility from U2 to U3.
Now assume that your income is £10 000 and you are offered a chance of gambling £5000 of it. You are offered a 50:50 chance of gaining an extra £5000 (i.e. doubling it) or losing it. Effectively, then, you have an equal chance of your income rising to £15 000 or falling to £5000.The expected value of the gamble is £10 000, the same as the pay-off from not taking the gamble.
The total utility you obtain from an income of £10 000 is U2. If the gamble pays off and as a result your income rises to £15 000, your total utility will rise to U3. If it does not pay off, you will be left with only £5000 and a utility of U1. Given that you have a 50:50 chance of winning, your average or expected utility will be midway between U1 and U3 i.e. = U1 + U32 = U4. But this is the same utility that would be gained from a certain income of £8000. Given that you would prefer U2 to U4 you will choose not to take the gam- ble. Thus risk aversion is part of rational utility-maximising behaviour.
On most occasions we will not know the probabilities of taking a gamble. In other words, we will be operating under conditions of uncertainty. This could make us very cautious
Definition
Spreading risks (for an insurance company) The more policies an insurance company issues and the more inde- pendent the risks of claims from these policies are, the more predictable will be the number of claims.
indeed. The more pessimistic we are, the more cautious we will be.
Insurance: a way of removing risks Insurance is the opposite of gambling. It takes the risk away. If, for example, you risk losing your job if you are injured, you can remove the risk of loss of income by taking out an appropriate insurance policy.
Given that many people are risk averse, they may be pre- pared to pay the premiums even though it will leave them with less than the expected value from taking the gamble. The total premiums paid to insurance companies, and hence the revenue generated, will be more than the amount the insurance companies pay out: that is, after all, how the companies make a profit.
But does this mean that the insurance companies are less risk averse than their customers? Why is it that the insur- ance companies are prepared to shoulder the risks that their customers were not? The answer is that the insurance com- pany is able to spread its risks.
The spreading of risks Take the following simple example. Assume you have £100 000 worth of assets (i.e. savings, car, property, etc.) and there is a 1 in 20 (or 5 per cent) chance that you will be involved in a car accident that results in your car being a write-off. The market value of the car is £20 000. The expected value of taking the gamble and not purchas- ing any car insurance is 0.95(100 000) + 0.05(80 000) = £99 000.
KI 14 p 82
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If you are risk averse you would be willing to pay more than £1000 to purchase a car insurance policy that cov- ers you for a year. For example, you may be willing to pay £1500 a year for a policy that pays out the full £20 000 if you have the accident. Having paid £1500 out of your total assets of £100 000, you would be left with £98 500 for sure. If you are risk averse this may give you a higher level of util- ity than not purchasing the insurance and taking the gam- ble that you do not have the accident.
The insurance company, however, is not just insuring you. It is insuring many others like you at the same time. Assume that it has many customers with exactly the same assets as you and facing the same 5 per cent risk of a car acci- dent. As the number of its customers increases the outcome will become closer to its expected or average value. Therefore the insurance company can predict with increasing confi- dence that, on average, five out of every 100 customers will have an accident and make a claim of £20 000 while 95 out of every 100 will not have an accident and not make a claim.
This means that the insurance company will pay out £100 000 in claims for every 100 customers: i.e. five will each make a claim of £20 000. This works out at £1000 per cus- tomer. If each customer is willing to pay £1500 for the policy, the insurance company will generate more in revenue than it is paying out in claims. Assuming that less than £500 is enough to cover the administrative costs of providing each policy per customer, the insurance company can make a profit.
This is an application of the law of large numbers. What is unpredictable for an individual becomes highly predict- able in the mass. The more people the insurance company insures, the more predictable the final outcome becomes. In other words, an insurance company will be able to con- vert your uncertainty into their risk.
In reality, people taking out insurance will not all have the same level of wealth and the same chances of having an accident. However, using statistical data the insurance com- pany will be able to work out the average chances of an event occurring for people in similar situations. Basing premiums on average chances can, however, create some problems for the insurance supplier, which will be discussed later in the chapter.
The independence of risks. The spreading of risks does not just require that there should be a large number of policies. It also requires that the risks should be independent. This means that if one person makes a claim it does not increase the chances of another person making a claim too. If the risks are independent in the previous example, then if one person has a car accident the risk of another person having a car accident remains unchanged at 5 per cent.
Now imagine a different example. If any insurance com- pany insured 1000 houses all in the same neighbourhood, and there was a major fire in the area, the claims would be enor- mous. The risks of fire would not be independent, as if one house catches fire it increases the chances of the surround- ing houses catching fire. If, however, a company provided
Definitions
Law of large numbers The larger the number of events of a particular type, the more predictable will be their average or expected outcome.
Independent risks Where two risky events are uncon- nected. The occurrence of one will not affect the likeli- hood of the occurrence of the other.
Diversification Where a firm expands into new types of business.
fire insurance for houses scattered all over the country, the risks are independent.
Another way in which insurance companies can spread their risks is by diversification. The more types of insurance a company offers (car, house, life, health, etc.), the greater is likely to be the independence of the risks.
Problems for unwary insurance companies A major issue for insurance companies is that they operate in a market where there is significant asymmetric informa- tion (see page 38). Asymmetric information exists in a mar- ket if one party has some information that is relevant to the value of that transaction that the other party does not have. In the insurance market the buyer often has private infor- mation about themselves that the insurance company does not have access too.
Asymmetric information is often split into two different types – unobservable characteristics and unobservable actions. Each separate type of asymmetric information generates a different problem. Unobservable characteristics generate the problem of adverse selection; unobservable actions generate the problem of moral hazard. We consider each in turn.
Potential problems caused by unobservable characteristics – adverse selection Different potential consumers of insurance will have different characteristics. Take the case of car insurance: some drivers may be very skilful and careful, while others may be less able and enjoy the thrill of speeding. Or take the case of life assur- ance: some people may lead a very healthy lifestyle by eating a well-balanced diet and exercising regularly. Others may eat large quantities of fast food and do little or no exercise.
In each of these cases the customer is likely to know more about their own characteristics than the insurance company. These characteristics will also influence the cost to the firm of providing insurance. For example, less able drivers are more likely to be involved in an accident and make a claim on their insurance than more able drivers. The problems this might cause can best be explained with a simple numerical example.
In the example of car insurance we considered earlier (page 97), we assumed that all the customers had the same characteristics: i.e. they all had a 5 per cent chance per year of being involved in a car accident, where a car accident
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costs, on average, £20 000. In reality, because of their different characteristics, the chances of having a car acci- dent will vary from one customer to another. To keep the example simple, we will assume that an insurance company has only two types of potential customer. One half of them are very skilful drivers and have a 1 per cent chance per year of being involved in a car accident, while the other half are less able drivers who each have a 9 per cent chance per year of being involved in an accident. The problem for the insur- ance company is that when a customer purchases the insur- ance it does not know if they are a skilful or a less able driver.
When faced with this situation the insurance company could set a profit-making risk premium on the assumption that half of its customers will be highly competent driv- ers, while the other half have relatively poor driving skills. Using the law of large numbers, the firm can predict that 1 in 20 (5 per cent) of its customers will make a claim and so the average pay-out would be £1000 per customer (i.e. £20 000/20). Once again, assuming less than £500 of administrative costs, a premium of greater than £1500 per customer would in theory enable the firm to make a profit.
The problem is that the skilful drivers might find this pre- mium very unattractive. For them the expected value of the gamble (i.e. not taking out the insurance) is 0.99(100 000) + 0.01(80 000) = £99 800. Taking out the insurance would leave them with £98,500 i.e. their initial wealth of £100 000 minus the premium. Unless they were very risk averse, the maximum amount they would be willing to pay is likely to be lower than £1500 (assuming they had a choice).
On the other hand, the less skilful drivers might find the offer from the insurance company very attractive. Their expected value from taking the gamble is 0.91(100 000) + 0.09(80 000) = £98 200. Their maximum willingness to pay is likely to be greater than £1500. In fact, if they were all risk averse they might all purchase the policy if it was £1800.
The insurance company could end up with only the less able drivers purchasing the insurance. If this happens then nine out of every 100 customers would make a claim of 20 000 each. The average pay-out per customer would be £1800. Therefore the firm would be paying out far more in claims than they would be generating from the premiums.
Adverse selection. Where information is imperfect, high-risk groups will be attracted to profitable market opportunities, to the disadvantage of the average buyer (or seller). In the context of insurance, it refers to those who are most likely to take out insurance posing the greatest risks to the insurer.
KEY IDEA
16
If, however, the insurer knew a potential customer was a skilful driver then it could offer the insurance policy at a much lower price: one that the risk averse careful driver would be willing to pay. If all the customers purchasing the policy were skilful drivers then only one in 100 would make a claim for £20 000. The average claim per customer would only be £200. All the skilful and risk averse customers would be willing to pay more than £200 for the insurance policy.
But if the insurance company does not know who is care- ful and who is not, this asymmetric information will block mutually beneficial sale of insurance from taking place.
This example has illustrated the problem of adverse selection in insurance markets. This is where customers with the least desirable characteristics from the sellers’ point of view (i.e. those with the greatest chance of making a claim) are more likely to take out the insurance policy at a price based on the average risk of all the potential custom- ers. This can result in the insurance market for low risk indi- viduals collapsing even though mutually beneficial trade would be possible if symmetric information was present.
Definition
Adverse selection A market process whereby either buy- ers, sellers or products with certain unobservable charac- teristics (e.g. high risk or low quality) are more likely to enter the market at the current market price. The process can have a negative impact on economic efficiency and causes some potentially profitable markets to collapse.
Adverse selection in various marketsTable 6.1
Market Hidden characteristic Informed party Uniformed party
The labour market Innate ability of the worker/ preference for working hard
The potential employee: i.e. the seller of labour services
The employer: i.e. the buyer of labour services
The credit market Ability of people to manage their money effectively
The customer applying for credit
The firm lending the money
A street market with haggling How much the person is willing to pay
The customer The seller of the product
The electronic market: e.g. eBay
The quality/condition of the product
The seller of the product The buyer of the product
The potential problem of adverse selection is not unique to the insurance market. Unobservable characteristics are present in many other markets and may relate to the buyer, the seller or the product that is being traded. Table 6.1 provides some examples.
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More generally, adverse selection is a market process whereby either buyers, sellers or products with certain unobservable characteristics (e.g. high risk or low quality) are more likely to enter the market at its current price. This process can have a negative impact on economic efficiency and causes some potentially profitable markets to collapse.
Tackling the problem of adverse selection. Are there any ways that the potential problems caused by adverse selection can be overcome? One way would be for the person or party who is uninformed about the relevant characteristics of the other parties to ask them for information. For example an insurance company may require people to fill out a ques- tionnaire so that the company can assess their own particu- lar risk and set an appropriate premium. There may need to be legal penalties for people caught lying! This process of the uninformed trying to get the information from the informed is called screening.
An alternative would be for the person or party who is informed about the relevant characteristics to take action to reveal it to the uninformed person or party. This is called signalling. For example, a potentially hardworking and intelligent employee could signal this fact to poten- tial employers by obtaining a good grade in an economics degree or to work for a period of time as an unpaid intern.
in premiums based on the risk before the insurance was taken out.
This is called moral hazard and can more generally be defined as where the actions/behaviour of one party to a transaction change in a way that reduces the pay-off to the other party. It is caused by a change in incentives once a deal has been reached. It can only exist if there are unob- servable actions.
Pause for thought
What actions can either the buyers or sellers take in each of the examples in Table 6.1 to help overcome some of the poten- tial problems caused by the unobservable characteristics?
Potential problems caused by unobservable actions – moral hazard Imagine in the previous example if the different character- istics of the drivers were perfectly observable to the insur- ance company: i.e. the insurance company could identify which drivers were more able or careful and could charge them a lower premium than those who were less able or careful. The company might still face problems caused by unobservable actions.
Once drivers have purchased the insurance their driv- ing behaviour may change. All types of driver now have an incentive to take less care when they are driving. If they are now involved in an accident all the costs will be covered by the insurance policy and so the marginal benefit from taking greater care will have fallen. This will result in the chances of a skilful driver having an accident rising above 1 per cent and of the less skilful driver rising above 9 per cent. The problem for the insurer is that these changes in driving behaviour are difficult to observe. The companies may end up in a position where the amount of money claimed by both the skilful and less able driv- ers increases above the revenue that they are collecting
Moral hazard. Following a deal, there is an increased likelihood that one party will engage in problematic (immoral and hazardous) behaviour to the detriment of another. In the context of insurance, it refers to people taking more risks when they have insurance than they would have if they did not have insurance.
KEY IDEA
17
Pause for thought
How will the following reduce the moral hazard problem?
a. A no-claims bonus in an insurance policy. b. Having to pay the first so many pounds of any insurance
claim. c. The use of performance-related pay.
Definition
Moral hazard Following a deal, there is an increased likelihood that one party will engage in problematic (immoral and hazardous) behaviour to the detriment of another.
The problem of moral hazard may occur in many dif- ferent markets and different situations. For example once a person has a permanent contract of employment they might not work as hard as the employer would have expected. Another good example is that of debt. If someone else is willing to pay your debts (e.g. your parents) it is likely to make you less careful in your spending! If the banks knew that the government would pay off their debts then perhaps they would implement more risky lending strate- gies. The argument has been used by some rich countries for not cancelling the debts of poor countries. See Box 6.4 for another example.
Are there any ways that the potential problems caused by moral hazard could be overcome? One approach would be for the uninformed party to devote more resources to monitoring the actions and behaviour of the informed party. However, this may be difficult and expensive. An alternative would be to change the terms of the deal so that the party with the unobservable actions has an incentive to behave in ways which are in the interests of the unin- formed party.
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BOX 6.3 ADVERSE SELECTION IN THE INSURANCE MARKET
Can consumer incompetence save the market?
If the buyers in the insurance market have characteristics that are impossible or very costly for the insurance supplier to observe, then the market may suffer from adverse selection. For example, it may be very difficult for an insurance supplier to observe the driving ability of their potential customers. Some will be more able and less likely to have an accident, while others will be less able and more likely to have an accident. If an insurer cannot tell its customers apart, then it will have to base its premiums on the average ability level of all of its potential customers. However, premiums based on this information tend to be above the maximum amount that the more able drivers are willing to pay and below the maximum amount the less able drivers are willing to pay This results in only the less able drivers purchasing the policy and the insur- ance company paying out more in claims than the revenue they are generating from the premiums (as we saw on page 99). According to standard economic theory the market suffers from adverse selection. However, this argument is based on the assumption that peo- ple can accurately assess their own driving skills. Do less able drivers realise that they are less able drivers and therefore more likely to have an accident? A number of psychologists have argued that people often find it very difficult to judge accurately their own ability and com- petence in a range of activities. In particular, many people tend to be overconfident and think that they are better than average. This is called illusory superiority. For example, in a study by McCormick, Walkey and Green,2 178 participants were asked to judge their driving skill compared to other people; 80 per cent believed that their driving ability was above that of the average driver.
The Dunning–Kruegar effect Although there is a large amount of evidence that many peo- ple are overconfident in their own ability, studies have also found that the level of this overconfidence varies considera- bly between individuals. In a well-known piece of research, the psychologists Dun- ning and Kruegar carried out a number of experiments to try to identify the factors that influence the extent of this overconfidence. The participants in their study had to complete a number of exercises that were designed to test their skills in a number of different areas. These included logical reasoning, grammar and judging how funny a series of jokes were!
After completing each test, the participants were asked to judge how well they thought they had done. The study found that the least able participants in each skill (i.e. those who achieved the lowest scores on the test) were the most over- confident. The most able (i.e. those who achieved the highest scores on the test) tended to be slightly under-confident but much more accurate. The authors concluded that the skills that make a person good at a particular activity tend to be the same skills that enable them to evaluate if they are good at that same activity. This has become known as the Dunning– Kruegar effect. Similar research has been undertaken to assess how accu- rately students can judge the quality of their own academic work on the course they are studying. For example, Guest and Riegler 3 examined how precisely undergraduate students of economics could estimate their mark on an assessed essay. When submitting the essay students were asked to complete a form which asked them the following question: ‘What do you honestly consider would be a fair and appropriate mark for the essay you have written?’ A marks bonus was provided for accurate estimates. The results were very similar to those of Dunning and Kruegar, with the students who achieved the lowest marks being the most overconfident about the quality of the essay they had written. These research findings have interesting implications for the predictions of standard economic theory when analysing the impact of unobservable characteristics on a market.
1. If the least able drivers overestimate their driving skills, what impact will this have on their willingness to pay for an insurance policy?
2. If the most able drivers underestimate their driving skills, what impact will this have on their willingness to pay for an insurance policy?
3. To what extent could the experience of the driver over time have an impact on either their under- or overconfidence?
4. What implications do your answers to question 1 and 2 have on the likelihood of adverse selection occurring in a market with unobservable characteristics?
2 I. A. McCormick, F. H. Walkey and D. E. Green, ‘Comparative perceptions of driver ability – a confirmation and expansion’, Accident Analysis & Prevention 18 (3) (1986), pp. 205–8.
3 J. Guest and R. Riegler, ‘An qnalysis of the factors that determine the self- assessment skills of undergraduate economics students’, Economics Department Working paper, Coventry University, No14.
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BOX 6.4 ROGUE TRADERS
Buyer beware!
Markets are usually an efficient way of letting buyers and sell- ers exchange goods and services. However, this does not stop consumers making complaints about the quality of the goods or services they receive. It is impossible to get a true measure of customer dissatisfac- tion because aggrieved consumers do not always complain and data are collected by a number of separate agencies. However, particular sectors seem to be more vulnerable to ‘rogue traders’ than others.
Complaints resolved by Ombudsman Services in the communications sector 2013/14
Sector Initial queries Complaints resolved
Main reasons for complaint (and percentage for that sector)
Communications 80 476 12 909 Customer service (28%), quality of service (24%), contract issues (18%)
Energy 87 542 15 031 Billing (82%), transfer (13%), sales (3%)
Property 5 350 697 Valuations/surveys (41%), residential managing agent (13%), building and condition survey (10%)
Other 296 3
Total 173 664 28 640
Which other sectors would you expect to have a large number of customer complaints? Why?
Consumer complaints are also of concern to cross-border sales as the growth of buying over the Internet has blossomed in recent times. Data gathered by econsumer.gov covering 30 countries show that the largest proportion of complaints relating to e-commerce transactions concern catalogue sales, Internet auction sites, computers (equipment and software), credit cards, phones, Internet access services, banking, healthcare products, jewellery, travel, business opportuni- ties, timeshare, cars and Internet information services. Inter- estingly, only 767 of the 23 437 complaints were reported by UK consumers, while 1213 complaints were against UK online retailers! The chart shows the types of consumer complaints about e-commerce. The percentages are based on the 23 608 e-consumer law violations during 2014, not the total number of complaints; one complaint may have multiple law violations.
Adverse selection and moral hazard But why does a market, which you would think would respond to consumer wishes, give rise to consumer complaints? Why is it that rogue traders can continue in business? The problems arise because of the presence of asymmetric information in the market. Unobservable characteristics can results in the problem of adverse selection while unobservable action can result in the problem of moral hazard. It is an example of the ‘principal–agent problem’. The buyer (the ‘principal’) has poorer information about the product than the agent (the ‘seller’).
Information asymmetries Complaints by consumers are likely to be few if the product is fairly simple and informa- tion about the exchange process is publicly available. For
KI 17 p 100
example, if I buy apples from a market trader but subsequently return them because some are damaged, they are likely to exchange the apples, or offer a full refund, because failure to do so would lead to the trader’s sales falling as information gets out that they sell poor-quality fruit. Here information asymmetries are minimal.
However, where the product is more complex, perhaps with con- sumers making large outlays, and information is more private, the situation can be very different. The greater the information ‘gap’ between sellers and consumers, the greater the scope for decep- tion and fraud and the more likely are rogue traders to thrive. In these situations the number of consumer complaints increases. Consider the sale of a conservatory, a large extension to a house usually comprising a number of various building products, including double-glazed windows and doors. A product such as this involves an expensive outlay for consumers, but they may have very limited information about the price of materials and labour, as well as the method of building a conservatory. There is asymmetric information about both the quality of the materi- als being used and the skills of the people doing the job. Assume that there is a standard-sized conservatory and that a high-quality seller would be prepared to supply this product at a price of £10 000. Such a price would reflect the quality of their work and would keep them in the business of selling high-quality products. On the other hand, assume that a poor-quality sup- plier, a ‘rogue trader’, could provide this conservatory at £5000. Given information asymmetry, let us assume that consumers are not aware of who is a high-quality or low-quality seller. Assume, however, that they believe that 80 per cent of traders sell the high-quality product and 20 per cent are ‘rogue traders’. This means that the ‘risk-neutral’ consumer will be willing to pay £9000, i.e. (£10 000 * 0.8) + (£5000 * 0.2), for a standard-sized conservatory.
KI 7 p 38
Ombudsman Services is an organisation that provides independ- ent dispute resolution for the communications, energy, property, copyright licensing and glazing industries. They deal with more than a quarter of a million queries and resolve around 28 000 formal complaints each year. In 2013/14 Ombudsman Services resolved 28 640 complaints out of 173 664 initial contacts. The table summarises the number of initial contacts, the number of cases resolved and the main types of queries in each of the three sectors.
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ROGUE TRADERS
Buyer beware!
Adverse selection This price of £9000, however, is not enough to cover the costs of high-quality sellers, and so they will not want to offer their services to build high-quality conservatories. On the other hand, ‘rogue traders’ will find this price very profitable and it will attract a higher than normal number of such sellers into the market. Of course, if consumers know that the only sellers in the market are likely to be ‘rogue traders’, they will not buy conservatories and the market will collapse.
The problem just described is an example of adverse selection. In this case a group of sellers (‘rogue traders’) have been attracted to the market by prices considerably greater than their costs even before any transactions have taken place.
Moral hazard Of course, the market in conservatories is thriving. Consumers do try to find out about sellers before they buy and most consumers get a good product. However, ‘rogue traders’ also make sales.
Once a contract has been signed, the problem of moral hazard may occur. In our example, the rogue trader might initially agree to supply and install the conservatory to meet particu- lar high standards of quality for a particular price. However, unless the buyer has full information about the construction of conservatories or can keep a constant watch over the work, defective materials or poor-quality workmanship may be sup- plied. But the buyer will not know this until a later date when problems start to appear with the conservatory! Moral hazard results because the seller has an incentive to behave in ways which are difficult to observe and to the
KI 16 p 99
KI 17 p 100
Other misrepresentation
10.9%
Merchandise or service never
received 17.8%
Failure to honour refund policy
13.2%
Cannot contact merchant
10.0%
Defective/poor quality 7.8%
Unauthorised use of identity/account
information 5.5%
Product not in conformity with order
3.3%
Others 21.7%
Product received late 2.3%
Billed for unordered product 4.1%
Failure to honour warranty
3.4%
E-consumer complaints by types of complaint, 2014
Source: www.econsumer.gov
detriment of the buyer. The ‘hazard’ arises because of asym- metric information: the consumer has poorer information than the supplier. Rogue traders are tempted to supply an inferior product and exert little effort on the job, believing that they can get away with it. Usually, the process of law would work in favour of the buyer because a contract had been established, but in many cases involving ‘rogue traders’ the business has been declared bankrupt or the costs to buyers of pursuing a legal case are too great.
Consider the customer complaints in the communications sector (telephones, Internet, etc.) received by Ombudsman Services (see table). Use the concepts of adverse selection and moral hazard to explain why this sector may be predisposed to a high number of complaints.
Solutions So how can sellers signal to buyers that they offer high- quality products? And how can consumers trust this informa- tion? A number of methods exist.
Establishing a reputation A single firm can establish a reputation for selling high-quality goods, usually over a num- ber of years, or perhaps it has created a valued brand name through advertising. Alternatively, firms can offer guarantees and warranties on their products, although a 10-year guaran- tee on the building work associated with a conservatory is of no use if the firm has gone bankrupt!
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Trade associations and other third parties Firms can also band together collectively and establish a trade association. Examples include the Federation of Master Builders and the Association of British Travel Agents (ABTA). Firms that belong to a trade association have benefits that can extend beyond that of acting alone. For example, if one firm provides a poor-quality product, then consumers may get compensation via the association. ABTA, for example, guarantees to make sure customers will complete their holiday, or obtain a refund, if they have purchased it from a member that has gone bankrupt.
Trade associations are a means by which firms can demon- strate that they regulate themselves rather than have govern- ments impose rules on them. Sometimes third parties can help firms to signal high quality. The online auction site eBay, for example, has provided a feed- back system for buyers and sellers so they can register their happiness or otherwise with sales. Likewise, the Competition and Markets Authority (CMA), under the auspices of the Enter- prise Act (2002), has created an Approved Codes of Practice scheme whereby trade associations and their members will guarantee that customers will receive high-quality service. Suc- cessful associations can display a CMA Approved Codes logo.
Government intervention On the whole, recent UK govern- ments have not liked to intervene in particular industries,
preferring a sector to regulate itself. However, in the case of the financial services industry, the government has directly intervened because the impact of the industry on consumers in recent times has been widespread and financially devas- tating. Following a number of financial scandals, including the mis-selling of pensions and mortgages, the government replaced ineffective self-regulation in 2000 with the Financial Services Authority (FSA), an independent industry regulator with statutory powers, whose board was appointed by and accountable to the Treasury. In this instance the level of product complexity and information asymmetry between buyer and seller was viewed to be too great for the industry to control itself.
However the FSA was widely criticised for failing to do any- thing about the lending boom which led to the financial crisis in 2007. The FSA was abolished in April 2013 and replaced by the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA), which has greater powers. (See section 21.1 for a more general discussion of competition policy and regulation.)
What are the disadvantages of trade associations?
THE CHARACTERISTICS APPROACH TO ANALYSING CONSUMER DEMAND6.3
This section is optional. You may skip straight to the next chapter if you prefer.
To get a better understanding of consumer demand, we need to analyse how consumers choose between products (as we concluded in section 6.1). In other words, we must look at products not in isolation, but in relation to other prod- ucts. Any firm wanting to understand the basis on which consumers demand its products will want to know why they might choose its product rather than those of its rivals. A car manufacturer will want to know why consumers might choose one of its models rather than those of its competitors.
Such choices depend not only on price but also on the characteristics of the products. If you were buying a car, in addition to its price you would consider features such as style, performance, comfort, reliability, durability, fuel economy, safety and various added features (such as air conditioning, stereo system, air bags, electric windows, etc.). Car manufac- turers will thus design their cars to make them as attractive as possible to consumers, relative to the cost of manufacture. In fact, most firms will constantly try to find ways of improving their products to make them more appealing to consumers.
What we are saying here is that consumers derive utility from the various characteristics that a product possesses. To understand choices, then, we need to look at the attributes of different products and how these influence consumer choices between them. Characteristics theory (sometimes called ‘attributes theory’) was developed by the economist
KI 8 p 42
KI 4 p 25
Kelvin Lancaster 4 in the mid-1960s to analyse such choices and to relate them to the demand for a product.
Characteristics theory is based on four key assumptions:
■ All products possess various characteristics. ■ Different brands possess them in different proportions. ■ The characteristics are measurable: they are ‘objective’. ■ The characteristics, along with price and consumers’
incomes, determine consumer choice.
Identifying and plotting products’ characteristics Let us take a simple case of a product where consumers base their choice between brands on price and just two char- acteristics. For example, assume that consumers choose between different brands of breakfast cereal on the basis of
4 K. Lancaster, ‘A new approach to consumer theory’, Journal of Political Econo- my, 74 (April 1966), pp. 132–57.
Definition
Characteristics (or attributes) theory The theory that demonstrates how consumer choice between different varieties of a product depends on the characteristics of these varieties, along with prices of the different varieties, the consumer’s budget and the consumer’s tastes.
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product. Assume that, given the current price of Health- bran, Jane’s budget for breakfast cereals allows her to buy at h1 per month: in other words, the amount of Health- bran that gives f1 of fibre and s1 of sugar. (This assumes t h a t s h e o n l y b u y s H e a l t h b r a n a n d n o t s o m e o t h e r brand too.)
A change in the budget. If she allocates more of her income to buying breakfast cereal, and sticks with Healthbran, she would move up the ray: say, to h2. In other words, by buying more Healthbran, she would be buying more fibre and more sugar. Similarly, a reduction in expenditure on a product would be represented by a movement down its ray.
A change in price. If a product rises in price and the budget allocated to it remains the same, less will be purchased. There will be a movement down its ray.
The efficiency frontier In practice, many consumers will buy a mixture of brands. Some days you may prefer one type of breakfast cereal, some days you may prefer another type. People get fed up with consuming too much of one brand or variety: they experi- ence diminishing marginal utility from that particular mix of characteristics. You may allocate a certain amount of money for a summer holiday each year, but you may well want to go to a different place each year, since each place has a different mix of characteristics.
Assume that, given her current budget for breakfast cereals, the prices of Healthbran and Tastyflakes allow Jane to buy at either point a or point b in Figure 6.7. By switch- ing completely from Healthbran to Tastyflakes, her con- sumption of fibre would go down from f1 to f2, and her consumption of sugar would go up from s1 to s2. She could, however, spend part of her budget on Healthbran and part on Tastyflakes. In fact, she could consume anywhere along the straight line joining points a and b. This line is known as
The characteristics of two brands of breakfast cereal
Figure 6.6
taste and health-giving properties. To keep the analysis sim- ple, let us assume that taste is related to the amount of sugar in the cereal and that health-giving properties are related to the amount of fibre.
Plotting the characteristics of different brands The combinations of these two characteristics, sugar and fibre, can be measured on a diagram. In Figure 6.6, the quantity of sugar is measured on the horizontal axis and the quantity of fibre on the vertical axis. One brand, Health- bran, contains a lot of fibre, but only a little sugar. Another, Tastyflakes, contains a lot of sugar, but only a little fibre.
The ratio of the two attributes, fibre and sugar, in each of the two brands is given by the slope of the two rays out from the origin. Thus by consuming a certain amount of Healthbran, given by point h1 on the Healthbran ray, the consumer is getting f1 of fibre and s1 of sugar. The consump- tion of more Healthbran is shown by a movement up the ray, say to h2. At this point the consumer gets f2 of fibre and s2 of sugar. Notice that the ratio of fibre to sugar is the same in both cases. The ratio is given by f1/s1 (= f2/s2), which is simply the slope of the Healthbran ray.
The consumer of Tastyflakes can get relatively more sugar, but less fibre. Thus consumption at point t1 gives s3 of sugar, but only f3 of fibre. The ratio of fibre to sugar for Tastyflakes is given by the slope of its ray, which is f3/s3.
Any number of rays can be put on the diagram, each one representing a particular brand. In each case, the ratio of fibre to sugar is given by the slope of the ray.
Changes in a product’s characteristics. If a firm decides to change the mix of characteristics of a product, the slope of the ray will change. Thus if Healthbran were made sweeter, its ray would become shallower.
The budget constraint The amount that a consumer buys of a brand will depend in part on the consumer’s budget and on the price of the
The efficiency frontierFigure 6.7
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Consuming a mixture of two productsFigure 6.8
the efficiency frontier. For example, by buying some of each brand, she could consume at point c, giving her f3 of fibre and s3 of sugar.
If she did consume at point c, how much of the two char- acteristics would she get from each of the two brands? This is shown in Figure 6.8 by drawing two lines from point c, each one parallel to one of the two rays. Consumption of the two brands takes place at points d and e respectively, giving her fh units of fibre and sh units of sugar from Health- bran, and ft units of fibre and st units of sugar from Tasty- flakes. The total amount of fibre and sugar from the two brands will be f3 (= fh + ft) and s3 (= sh + st).
5
It is easily possible to show an efficiency frontier between several brands, each with their own particular blend of characteristics. This is illustrated in Figure 6.9, which shows the case of four breakfast cereals, each with different combi- nations of fibre and sugar.
Any of the four points through which the efficiency fron- tier passes can change if the price of that brand changes. So if Oatybix went up in price, point b would move down the Oaty- bix ray, thereby altering the shape of the efficiency frontier.
If any of the brands changed their mix of characteris- tics, then the respective ray would pivot. If the consumer’s budget changed, then the whole efficiency frontier would move parallel up or down all the rays.
The optimum level of consumption Indifference curves We have seen that by switching between brands, consum- ers can obtain different mixtures of characteristics. But what, for any given consumer, is the optimum mixture? This can be shown by examining a consumer’s preferences, and the way we do this is to construct indifference curves.
This is illustrated in Figure 6.10, which shows five indiffer- ence curves, labelled I1 to I5.
An indifference curve shows all the different com- binations of the two characteristics that yield an equal amount of satisfaction or utility. Thus any combination of characteristics along curve I1 represents the same given level of utility. The consumer is, therefore, ‘indifferent’ between all points along curve I1. Although the actual level of utility is not measured in the diagram, the further out the curve, the higher the level of utility. Thus all points on curve I5 are preferred to all points along curve I4, and all points along curve I4 are preferred to all points along curve I3, and so on. In fact, indifference curves are rather like contours on a map. Each contour represents all points on the ground that are a particular height above sea level. You can have as many contours as you like on the map, depending at what interval you draw them: 100 metres, 25 metres, 10 metres, or whatever. Similarly you could have as many indifference curves as you like on an indifference map. In Figure 6.10, we have drawn just five such curves, as that is all that is necessary to illustrate consumer choice, in this example.
5 This follows because of the shape of the parallelogram Odce. Being a paral- lelogram makes the distance f3−fh equal to ft−O. Thus adding fh and ft gives f3, which must correspond to point c. Similarly the distance s3–st must equal sh−O. Thus adding sh and st gives s3, which also must correspond to point c.
The efficiency frontier: four brandsFigure 6.9
Definitions
Efficiency frontier A line showing the maximum attainable combinations of two characteristics for a given budget. These characteristics can be obtained by con- suming one or a mixture of two brands or varieties of a product.
Indifference curve A line showing all those combina- tions of two characteristics of a good between which a consumer is indifferent: i.e. those combinations that give a particular level of utility.
Indifference map A diagram showing a whole set of indifference curves. The further away a particular curve is from the origin, the higher the level of utility it represents.
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The shape of indifference curves. Indifference curves are drawn as downward sloping. The reason is that if consum- ers get less of one characteristic, they would need more of the other to compensate, if their total level of utility was to stay the same. Take the case of washing powder. For any given expenditure, you would only be prepared to give up a certain amount of one characteristic, say whiteness, if you got more of another characteristic, such as softness.
Notice that the indifference curves are not drawn as straight lines. They are bowed in towards the origin. The reason is that people generally are willing to give up less and less of one characteristic for each additional unit of another. For example, if you were buying a new PC, you might be prepared to give up some RAM to get extra hard disk space, but for each extra GB of disk space you would probably be prepared to give up less and less RAM. We call this a diminishing marginal rate of substitution between the two characteristics. The reason is that you get dimin- ishing marginal utility from any characteristic the more of it you consume, and are thus prepared to give up less and less of another characteristic (whose marginal utility rises as you have less of it).
Indifference curves for different consumers. Different consum- ers will have different indifference maps. The indifference map in Figure 6.10 is drawn for a particular consumer, say
KI 15 p91
Choosing between brandsFigure 6.10 James. If another consumer, Henry, gets relatively more satisfaction from characteristic B than does James, Henry’s indifference curves would be steeper. In other words, he would be prepared to give up more units of A to get a certain amount of B than would James.
The optimum combination of characteristics We are now in a position to see how a ‘rational’ consumer would choose between brands. Figure 6.10 shows the rays for three brands of a product, with, at given prices, the effi- ciency frontier passing through points a, b and c. The con- sumer would choose to consume Brand 2, since point b is on a higher indifference curve than point a (Brand 1), which in turn is on a higher indifference curve than point c (Brand 3).
Sometimes the consumer will choose to purchase a mix- ture of brands. This is shown in Figure 6.11, which takes the simple case of just two brands in the market. By consuming at point a (i.e. a combination of point b on the Brand 1 ray and point c on the Brand 2 ray), the consumer is on a higher indifference curve than by consuming only Brand 1 (point d) or Brand 2 (point e).
Response to changes We can now show how consumers would respond to changes in price, income, product characteristics and tastes.
Changes in price Referring back to Figure 6.10, if the price of a brand changes, there is a shift in the efficiency frontier, so that it crosses the ray for that brand at a different point. For example, if the price of Brand 1 fell, there would be a movement of the efficiency frontier up the Brand 1 ray from point a. If the price fell far enough that the efficiency frontier now passed through point d, the consumer would switch from consum- ing just Brand 2 to just Brand 1. If the price fell less than this, so that the efficiency frontier passed through point e, then the consumer would buy a mixture of both brands. The optimum consumption point would lie on an indiffer- ence curve a little above I4.
KI 4 p 25
Pause for thought
Can you think of any instances where the indifference curve will not be bowed in towards the origin?
Definition
Diminishing marginal rate of substitution of charac- teristics The more a consumer gets of characteristic A and the less of characteristic B, the less and less of B the con- sumer will be willing to give up to get an extra unit of A.
Choosing a mixture of brandsFigure 6.11
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We can relate this analysis to the concept of cross-price elasticity of demand (see page 75). If two products are very close substitutes, they will have a high cross-price elasticity of demand. But what makes them close substitutes? The answer is that they are likely to have similar characteristics; their rays will have a similar slope. Even a slight rise in the price of one of them (i.e. a small movement along its ray) can lead the consumer to switch to the other. This will occur when the rays are close together: when they have a similar slope.
Changes in income If there is a change in consumer incomes, so that peo- ple allocate a bigger budget to the product in question, then there will be a parallel movement outwards of the efficiency frontier. Whether this will involve consumers switching between brands depends on the shape of the indifference map.
Changes in the characteristics of a product (real or perceived) If consumers believe that a brand now yields relatively more of characteristic B than A, the ray will become less steep. How far out will the efficiency point be on this new ray? This depends on the total perceived amount of the two characteristics that is obtained from the given budget spent on this brand.
To illustrate this, consider Figure 6.12. The firm produc- ing Brand 1 changes its specifications, so that for a given budget a lot more characteristic B can be obtained and a little more characteristic A. The result is that the brand’s ray shifts inwards and the efficiency frontier which origi- nally connected points a and b now connects points c and b. In this case the consumer represented by the indifference curves shown switches consumption from Brand 2 at point b to Brand 1 at point c.
If there is a proportionate increase in both characteristics (i.e. the brand has generally improved), the slope of the ray will not change. Instead, there will be a movement of the effi- ciency frontier outward along the ray. Graphically the effect
is the same as a fall in the price of the product: more of both characteristics can be obtained for a given budget.
Changes in tastes If consumers’ tastes change, their whole indifference map will change. If characteristic B now gives more utility rela- tive to A than before, the curves will become steeper, and the consumer is likely to choose a product which yields relatively more of characteristic B (i.e. one with a relatively shallow ray).
Clearly firms will attempt to predict such changes in tastes and will try, through product design, advertising and mar- keting, to shift the ray for their brand in the desired direction (downwards in the above case). They will also try to persuade consumers that the product is generally better (i.e. has more of all characteristics) and thereby move outward the point where the efficiency frontier crosses the brand’s ray.
Business and the characteristics approach Characteristics analysis can help us understand the nature of consumer choice. When we go shopping and compare one product with another, it is the differences in the fea- tures of the various brands, along with price, that determine which products we end up buying. If firms, therefore, want to compete effectively with their rivals, it is not enough to compete solely in terms of price; it is important to focus on the specifications of their product and how these compare with those of their rivals’ products.
Characteristics analysis can help firms study the impli- cations of changing their product’s specifications (and of their rivals changing theirs). It also allows firms to analyse the effects of changes in their price, or their rivals’ prices; the effects of changes in the budgets of various types of con- sumer; the effects of changes in consumer tastes; and the effects of repositioning themselves in the market.
Take the producer of Brand 1 in Figure 6.13. Clearly the firm would like to persuade consumers like the one illus-
KI 8 p 42
A change in the characteristics of Brand 1Figure 6.12 Options open to the firm producing Brand 1
Figure 6.13
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trated to switch away from Brand 2 to Brand 1. It could do this by lowering its price. But a small reduction in price will have no effect on this consumer. Only when the price has fallen far enough for the efficiency frontier to rise nearly to point d will the consumer start switching; and only when the price has fallen further still, so that the efficiency fron- tier passes through a point a little above point d, will the consumer switch completely.
An alternative would be for the firm to reposition its product. It could introduce more of characteristic B into its product, thereby swinging the Brand 1 ray clockwise towards the Brand 2 ray. Clearly, it would have to be careful about its price too. The closer its brand became in quality to Brand 2, the more elastic would demand become, since Brand 1 would now be a closer substitute for Brand 2. In the extreme case of its ray becoming the same as that for Brand 2, its price would have to be low enough for the con- sumer to buy at or above point b. Depending on consumer tastes (and hence the shape of the indifference curves), it may choose to reposition its brand between the Brand 2 and Brand 3 rays. Again, a careful mix of product character- istics and price may enable it to capture a larger share of the market.
Another alternative would be for the firm to attempt to influence consumer tastes. In Figure 6.13, if it could per- suade consumers to attach more value to characteristic A, the indifference curves would become shallower (i.e. less characteristic A would now be needed to give consumers a given level of utility). If the curves swung downwards enough, point a could be now on a higher indifference curve than point b. The consumer concerned would switch from Brand 2 to Brand 1. Clearly, the more con- sumers are influenced in this way, the more sales of Brand 1 will rise.
If a firm is thinking of launching a new product, again it will need to see how the characteristics of its product compare with those of the existing firms in the market. It will need to see where its ray would be compared with those of other firms, and whether the price it is thinking of charging would enable it to take sales away from its rivals.
■ It is sometimes difficult to identify and measure charac- teristics in a clear and unambiguous way. Take the look or design of a product, whether it be furniture, clothing, a painting or a car. What makes it visually appealing depends on the personal tastes of the consumer, and such tastes are virtually impossible to quantify.
■ Most products have several characteristics. The analysis we have been examining, however, is limited to just two characteristics: one on each axis. By using mathematical analysis it is possible to extend the number of character- istics, but the more characteristics that are included in the analysis, the more complex it becomes.
■ Indifference curves, while being a good means of under- standing consumer choice in theory, have practical limitations. To draw an indifference map for just one consumer would be very difficult, given that consum- ers would often find it hard to imagine a series of com- binations of characteristics between which they were indifferent. To draw indifference curves for millions of consumers would be virtually impossible. At best, there- fore, they can provide a rough guide to consumer choice.
■ Consumer tastes change. In what ways consumer tastes will change and how these changes will influence the shape of the indifference curves are very difficult to predict.
Despite these problems, there are many useful insights that firms can gain from the analysis. Firms, through their market research, could gain considerable information about consumer attitudes towards their products’ charac- teristics and thus the general shape, if not precise position, of indifference curves.
What is more, many markets divide into different market segments with consumers in each segment having similar tastes (and hence similar sets of indifference curves). For example, different models of car fall into different groups (such as medium-sized saloons, high-performance small cars, people carriers and small ‘tall’ cars), as do differ- ent types of restaurant and different types of holiday. Thus a tour operator will first identify the particular segment of the market it is aiming for (e.g. a young person’s package holiday with the characteristics of guaranteed sunshine and plenty of nightlife) and then position itself in that particu- lar market relative to its rival tour operators.
What is clear is that firms need good information about the demand for their products and to develop a careful mar- keting strategy. In Chapter 7 we look at how firms attempt to get information about demand, and in Chapter 8 we examine how firms set about developing, marketing and advertising their products.
Pause for thought
Before you read on, what do you think are the limitations of characteristics analysis?
Definition
Market segment A part of a market for a product where the demand is for a particular variety of that product.
Limitations of characteristics analysis Characteristics analysis, as we have seen, can help firms to understand their position in the market and the effects of changing their strategy. Nevertheless it cannot provide firms with a complete analysis of demand. There are four key limitations of the approach:
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SUMMARY
1a Economists call consumer satisfaction ‘utility’. Marginal utility diminishes as consumption increases. This means that total utility will rise less and less rapidly as people consume more. At a certain point, total utility will reach a maximum, at which point marginal utility will be zero. Beyond this point, total utility will fall; marginal utility will be negative.
1b Consumers will attempt to maximise their total utility. They will do this by consuming more of a good as long as its marginal utility to them (measured in terms of the price they are prepared to pay for it) exceeds its price. They will stop buying additional amounts once MU has fallen to equal the price. At this point, the consumer’s surplus will be maximised.
1c An individual’s demand curve lies along the same line as the individual’s marginal utility curve. The market demand curve is the sum of all individuals’ marginal utility curves.
2a When people buy consumer durables they may be uncer- tain of their benefits and any additional repair and maintenance costs. When they buy financial assets they may be uncertain of what will happen to their price in the future. Buying under these conditions of imperfect knowledge is therefore a form of gambling. When we take such gambles, if we know the probabilities, we are said to be operating under conditions of risk. If we do not know the probabilities, we are said to be operating under con- ditions of uncertainty.
2b People can be divided into risk lovers, risk averters and those who are risk neutral. Because of the diminishing marginal utility of income it is rational for people to be risk averters (unless gambling is itself pleasurable).
2c Insurance is a way of eliminating risks for policy-holders. Being risk averters, people are prepared to pay premi- ums in order to obtain insurance. Insurance companies, on the other hand, are prepared to take on these risks because they can spread them over a large number of policies. According to the law of large numbers, what is unpredictable for a single policy-holder becomes highly predictable for a large number of them provided that their risks are independent of each other.
2d When there is asymmetric information buyers and/or sellers can experience the problems of adverse selection and moral hazard. For example, insurance companies that offer health insurance without taking into account the health of their potential policy-holders will attract those individuals who are most likely to benefit from
a health policy, i.e. those prone to illness and injury. This is the problem of adverse selection. Further, once individuals have taken out an insurance policy, they may engage in more risky behaviour. This is the problem of moral hazard.
3a Consumers buy products for their characteristics. Char- acteristics can be plotted on a diagram and a ray drawn out from the origin for each product. The slope of the ray gives the amount of the characteristic measured on the vertical axis relative to the amount measured on the horizontal axis.
3b The amount purchased will depend on the consumer’s budget. An efficiency frontier can be drawn showing the maximum quantity of various alternative brands (or combinations of them) that can be purchased for that budget.
3c An indifference map can be drawn on the same diagram. The map shows a series of indifference curves, each one measuring all the alternative combinations of two char- acteristics that give the consumer a given level of utility. The consumer is thus indifferent between all combina- tions along an indifference curve. Indifference curves further out to the right represent higher levels of utility and thus preferred combinations. Indifference curves are bowed in to the origin. This reflects a diminishing mar- ginal rate of substitution between characteristics.
3d The optimum combination of characteristics is where the efficiency frontier is tangential to (i.e. just touches) the highest indifference curve. The ‘rational’ consumer will thus purchase at this point.
3e A change in a product’s price, or a change in the con- sumer’s budget, is represented by a movement along the product’s ray. A change in the mix of characteristics of a product is represented by a swing in the ray (i.e. a change in its slope). A change in consumer tastes is rep- resented by a shift in the indifference curves. They will become steeper if tastes shift towards the characteristic measured on the horizontal axis.
3f Although (a) some characteristics are difficult or impos- sible to measure, (b) only two characteristics can be measured on a simple two-dimensional diagram and (c) the position of indifference curves is difficult to identify in practice, characteristics theory gives useful insights into the process of consumer choice. It can help firms analyse the implications of changing their or their rivals’ product specifications, changes in consumer tastes and changes in their or their rivals’ prices.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Do you ever purchase things irrationally? If so, what are they and why is your behaviour irrational?
2 If you buy something in the shop on the corner when you know that the same item could have been bought more cheaply two miles up the road in the supermarket, is your behaviour irrational? Explain.
3 How would marginal utility and market demand be affected by a rise in the price of a complementary good?
4 Why do we get less consumer surplus from goods where our demand is relatively price elastic?
5 Explain why the price of a good is no reflection of the total value that consumers put on it.
6 Give some numerical examples of risk taking where the expected value of the gamble (a) is greater than the pay- off from the certain outcome; (b) equal to the pay-off from the certain outcome; (c) lower than the pay-off from the certain outcome.
7 If people are generally risk averse, why do so many peo- ple around the world take part in national lotteries?
8 Why are insurance companies unwilling to provide insurance against losses arising from war or ‘civil insur- rection’? Name some other events where it would be impossible to obtain insurance.
9 Assume that the insurance company is able to observe whether or not a potential customer is a skilful driver. If drivers do not take out the insurance there is a 1 per cent chance they will be involved in an accident that results in the car being written off. Based on this risk, the insur- ance company charges a premium of £250 per customer. Assume also that having taken out the insurance drivers take less care when driving. Using a numerical example, explain how this might cause problems for the insurance company.
10 In March 2011 the European Court of Justice banned insurance companies from charging different premiums to men and women solely because of their gender. This change in the law came into effect in December 2012. What impact might this ruling be having on the market for car insurance? What actions might an insurance company or a driver take in response to the change in the law?
11 Euro NCAP carries out crash tests on new cars in order to assess the extent to which they are safer than the mini- mum required standard. The cars are given a percentage score in four different categories, including adult occu- pant protection and child occupant protection. An overall safety rating is then awarded. Based on the test results in November 2014, the Volvo V40 hatchback was judged
to be the safest car on the market. If you observed that these cars were more likely to be involved in traffic acci- dents, could this be an example of adverse selection or moral hazard? Explain.
12 The UK Government and the Association of British insur- ers have agreed to the ‘Concordat and Moratorium on Genetics and Insurance’. As part of this agreement the providers of income protection insurance and critical illness insurance cannot ask potential customers for the results from predictive genetic tests: i.e. tests that pre- dict the likelihood of you becoming ill at some point in the future as a result of a genetic condition. What impact might this agreement have on the market for these insur- ance policies?
13 Make a list of characteristics of shoes. Which of these could be easily measured and which are more ‘subjec- tive’?
14 If two houses had identical characteristics, except that one was near a noisy airport and the other was in a quiet location, and if the market price of the first house was £300 000 and the second was £400 000, how would that help us to put a value on the characteristic of peace and quiet?
15 Assume that Rachel is attending university and likes to eat a meal at lunchtime. Assume that she has three options of where to eat: the university refectory, a nearby pub or a nearby restaurant. Apart from price, she takes into account the quality of the food and the pleasantness of the surroundings when choosing where to eat.
Sketch her indifference map for the two characteris- tics: food quality and pleasantness of surroundings. Now, making your own assumptions about which loca- tions provide which characteristics, the prices they charge and Rachel’s weekly budget for lunches, sketch the rays for the three locations and draw a weekly effi- ciency frontier. Mark Rachel’s optimum consumption point.
Now illustrate the following (you might need to draw separate diagrams): a) A rise in the price of meals at the local pub, but no
change in the price of meals at the other two locations.
b) A shift in Rachel’s tastes in favour of food quality relative to pleasantness of surroundings.
c) The refectory is refurbished and is now a much more attractive place to eat.
16 Why would consumption at a point inside the efficiency frontier not be ‘rational’?
WEB APPENDIX IN THE CASE STUDIES SECTION OF MyEconLab
Indifference analysis. This examines the choices consumers make between products and shows how these choices are affected by the prices of the products. It is the traditional analysis on which Characteristics Theory (examined in section 6.3) is based.
W E B R E F E R E N C E S 1 1 1
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Demand and the firm
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How can businesses set about estimating the strength of demand for their products? ■ How do businesses set about gathering information on consumer attitudes and behaviour? ■ How do businesses calculate the importance of various factors (such as tastes, consumer incomes and rivals’ prices) in
determining the level of demand? ■ What methods can they use to forecast the demand for their products? ■ How useful are past trends in predicting future ones?
Given our analysis in Chapter 6 , how might a business set about discovering the wants of consumers and hence the intensity of demand? The more eff ectively a business can identify such wants, the more likely it is to increase its sales and be successful. The clearer idea it can gain of the rate at which the typical consumer’s utility will decline as consumption increases, the better estimate it can make of the product’s price elasticity.
Also the more accurately it can assess the relative utility to the consumer of its product compared with those of its rivals, the more eff ectively it will be able to compete by diff erentiating its product from theirs. In this chapter we shall consider the alternative strategies open to business for collecting data on consumer behaviour, and how it can help business managers to estimate and forecast patterns of demand.
ESTIMATING DEMAND FUNCTIONS 7.1
If a business is to make sound strategic decisions, it must have a good understanding of its market. It must be able to predict things such as the impact of an advertising cam- paign, or the consequences of changing a brand’s price or specifications. It must also be able to predict the likely growth (or decline) in consumer demand, both in the near future and over the longer term.
The problem is that information on consumer behaviour can be costly and time-consuming to acquire, and there is
no guarantee as to its accuracy. As a result, business manag- ers are frequently making strategic decisions with imperfect knowledge, never fully knowing whether the decision they have made is the ‘best’ one: i.e. the one which yields the most profit or sales, or best meets some other more specific strategic objective (such as driving a competitor from a seg- ment of a market).
But despite the fact that the information which a firm acquires is bound to be imperfect, it is still usually better
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than relying on hunches or ‘instinct’. Once the firm has obtained information on consumer behaviour, there are two main uses to which it can be put:
■ Estimating demand functions. Here the information is used to show the relationship between the quantity demanded and the various determinants of demand, such as price, consumers’ incomes, advertising, the price of substitute and complementary goods, etc. Once this relationship (known as a demand function) has been established, it can be used to predict what would happen to demand if one of its determinants changed.
■ Forecasting future demand. Here the information is used to project future sales potential. This can then be used as the basis for output and investment plans.
In this section we concentrate on the first of these two uses. We examine methods for gathering data on consumer behav- iour and then see how these data can be used to estimate a demand function. (Forecasting is considered in section 7.2.)
Methods of collecting data on consumer behaviour There are three general approaches to gathering informa- tion about consumers. These are: observations of market behaviour, market surveys and market experiments.
Market observations The firm can gather data on how demand for its product has changed over time. Virtually all firms will have detailed infor- mation of their sales broken down by week, and/or month, and/or year. They will probably also have information on how sales have varied from one part of the market to another.
In addition, the firm will need to obtain data on how the various determinants of demand (such as price, adver- tising and the price of competitors’ products) have them- selves changed over time. Firms are likely to have much of this information already: for example, the amount spent on advertising and the prices of competitors’ products. Other information might be relatively easy to obtain by paying an agency to do the research.
Having obtained this information, the firm can then use it to estimate how changes in the various determinants
have affected demand in the past, and hence what effect they will be likely to have in the future (we examine this estimation process later in this section).
Even the most sophisticated analysis based on market observations, however, will suffer from one major draw- back. Relationships that held in the past will not necessar- ily hold in the future. Consumers are human, and humans change their minds. Their perceptions of products change (something that the advertising industry relies on!) and their tastes change. It is for this reason that many firms turn to market surveys or market experiments to gain more information about the future.
Market surveys It is not uncommon to be stopped in a city centre, or to have a knock at the door, and be asked whether you would kindly answer the questions of some market researcher. If the research interviewer misses you, then a postal questionnaire m a y w e l l s e e k o u t t h e s a m e t y p e o f i n f o r m a t i o n . A vast quantity of information can be collected in this way. It is a relatively quick and cheap method of data collection. Questions concerning all aspects of consumer behaviour might be asked, such as those relating to present and future patterns of expenditure, or how a buyer might respond to changing product specifications or price, both of the firm in question and of its rivals.
A key feature of the market survey is that it can be tar- geted at distinct consumer groups, thereby reflecting the specific information requirements of a business. For exam- ple, businesses selling luxury goods will be interested only in consumers falling within higher income brackets. Other samples might be drawn from a particular age group or gender, or from those with a particular lifestyle, such as eat- ing habits.
The major drawback with this technique concerns the accuracy of the information acquired. Accurate informa- tion requires various conditions to be met.
A random sample. If the sample is not randomly selected, it may fail to represent a cross-section of the population being surveyed. As a result, it may be subject to various forms of research bias. For example, the sample might not contain the correct gender and racial balance. The information might then over-emphasise the views of a particular group (e.g. white men).
Clarity of the questions. It is important for the questions to be phrased in an unambiguous way, so as not to mislead the respondent.
Avoidance of leading questions. It is very easy for the respond- ent to be led into giving the answer the firm wants to hear. For example, when asking whether the person would buy a new product that the firm is thinking of launching, the questionnaire might make the product sound really desira- ble. The respondents might, as a result, say that they would buy the product, but later, when they see the product in the shops, they might realise that they do not want it.
Definitions
Observations of market behaviour Information gath- ered about consumers from the day-to-day activities of the business within the market.
Market surveys Information gathered about consumers, usually via a questionnaire, that attempts to enhance the business’s understanding of consumer behaviour.
Market experiments Information gathered about consumers under artificial or simulated conditions. A method used widely in assessing the effects of advertising on consumers.
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Willingness of respondents. People might refuse to answer particular questions, possibly due to their personal nature. This may then lead to partial or distorted information.
Truthful response. It is very tempting for respondents who are ‘keen to please’ to give the answer that they think the questioner wants, or for other somewhat reluctant respond- ents to give ‘mischievous’ answers. In other words, people may lie!
Stability of demand. By the time the product is launched, or the changes to an existing product are made, time will have elapsed. The information may then be out of date. Con- sumer demand may have changed, as tastes and fashions have shifted, or as a result of the actions of competitors. The essence of the problem of market surveys is that they ask consumers what they are likely to do. People can and do change their mind.
As well as surveying consumers, businesses might survey other businesses, or panels of experts within a particular market. Both could yield potentially valuable information to the business.
Market experiments Rather than asking consumers questions and getting them to imagine how they would behave, the market experiment involves observing consumer behaviour under simulated conditions. It can be used to observe consumer reactions to a new product or to changes in an existing product.
A simple experiment might involve consumers being asked to conduct a blind taste test for a new brand of tooth- paste. The experimenter will ensure that the same amount of paste is applied to the brush, and that the subjects swill their mouths prior to tasting a further brand. Once the experiment is over, the ‘consumers’ are quizzed about their perceptions of the product.
More sophisticated experiments could be conducted. For example, a laboratory shop might be set up to simulate a real shopping experience. People could be given a certain amount of money to spend in the ‘shop’ and their reactions to changes in prices, packaging, display, etc. could be monitored.
The major drawback with such ‘laboratories’ is that con- sumers might behave differently because they are being observed. For example, they might spend more time com- paring prices than they otherwise would, simply because they think that this is what a good, rational consumer should do. With real shopping, however, it might simply be habit, or something ‘irrational’ such as the colour of the packaging, that determines which product they select.
Another type of market experiment involves confining a marketing campaign to a particular town or region. The campaign could involve advertising, or giving out free sam- ples, or discounting the price, or introducing an improved version of the product, but each confined to that particular locality. Sales in that area are then compared with sales in
other areas in order to assess the effectiveness of the various campaigns.
Using the data to estimate demand functions Once the business has undertaken its market analysis, what will it do with the information? How can it use its new knowledge to aid its decision making?
One way the information might be used is for the busi- ness to attempt to estimate the relationship between the quantity demanded and the various factors that influence demand. This would then enable the firm to predict how the demand for the product would be likely to change if one or more of the determinants of demand changed.
We can represent the relationship between the demand for a product and the determinants of demand in the form of an equation. This is called a demand function. It can be expressed in general terms or with specific values attached to the determinants.
General form of a demand function In its general form the demand function is effectively a list of the various determinants of demand.
Qd = f1Pg;T;Ps1,Ps2 . . . PSn;Pc1,Pc2; . . . Pcm;Y;Pegt + 1;U ) This is merely saying in symbols that the quantity
demanded (Qd) is a ‘function of’ (f ) – i.e. depends on – the price of the good itself (Pg), tastes (T), the price of a number of substitute goods ( Ps1,Ps2cPSn; ) , the price of a number of complementary goods ( Pc1,Pc2,cPcm ) total consumer incomes (Y ), the expected price of the good ( Peg ) at some future time (t + 1) and other factors (U ) such as the distribu- tion of income, the demographic profile of the population, etc. The equation is thus just a form of shorthand.
Note that this function could be extended by dividing determinants into sub-categories. For example, income could be broken down by household type, age, gender or any other characteristic. Similarly, instead of having one term labelled ‘tastes’, we could identify various character- istics of the product or its marketing that determine tastes.
In this general form, there are no numerical values attached to each of the determinants. As such, the function has no predictive value for the firm.
Pause for thought
Before you read on, try to identify some other drawbacks in using market experiments to gather data on consumer behaviour.
Definition
Demand function An equation showing the relation- ship between the demand for a product and its principal determinants.
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Estimating demand equations To make predictions, the firm must use its survey or exper- imental data to assign values to each of the determinants. These values show just how much demand will change if any one of the determinants changes (while the rest are held constant). For example, suppose that an electricity distributor believes that there are three main determinants of demand (Qd) for the electricity it supplies: its price (P), total consumer incomes (Y) and the price of gas (Pg). It will wish to assign values to the terms a, b, c and d (known as coefficients) in the following equation:
Qd = a + bP + cY + dPg
But how are the values of the coefficients to be esti- mated? This is done using a statistical technique called regression analysis. To conduct regression analysis, a num- ber of observations must be used. For example, the elec- tricity company could use its market observations (or the results from various surveys or experiments).
Using simple regression analysis. To show how these observa- tions are used, let us consider the very simplest case: that of the effects of changes in just one determinant – for exam- ple, price. In this case the demand equation for the regres- sion analysis would simply be of the form:
Qd = a + bP + e
where ‘a’ is a constant which provides an estimate of the quantity demanded if the price is zero; the coefficient ‘b’ indicates the strength of the impact of a price change and should be negative because of the law of demand; and e is an error term, which captures the combined impact of other factors that influence the demand for electricity but have not been included in the regression.1
The observations might be like those illustrated in Figure 7.1. The red points show the amounts of electric- ity per time period actually consumed at different prices. (Note that the axes are labelled the other way round from the demand curve diagrams in Chapter 4 as it is conven- tional to put the dependent variable, in this case quantity consumed, on the horizontal axis.)
We could visually try to construct an approximate line of best fit through these points. Alternatively, we could do this much more accurately by using regression analysis. The goal is to find the values of a and b in the equation:
Qd = a + bP
If we did, then we could use the equation to draw the line of best fit. This is shown as the blue line in Figure 7.1. It illustrates the estimated values of the demand for electric- ity at each price. For example, at a price of P1 the estimated
1 To be precise, the error term only captures the combined impact of other factors if a number of assumptions are met. These can be found in most introductory statistics textbooks.
Consumption of electricity at different prices
Figure 7.1
Q1
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O
C on
su m
pt io
n of
e le
ct ric
it y
(u ni
ts )
Price of electricity (pence per unit)
The residual at price P1
Q1
a
b
P1
consumption is Q̂1, given on the line of best fit at point b. Actual demand for electricity, however, is Q1, at point a. The difference between the estimated and the actual value of demand at each price is known as the ‘residual’, which is also illustrated in Figure 7.1 for P1.
Simple linear regression analysis produces an equation (i.e. the values of the a and b terms) that minimises the sum of the squares of the residuals. (We do not explain regres- sion analysis in detail in this text, but most business statis- tics textbooks cover the topic.)
Multiple regression analysis. Of course, in reality, there are many determinants of the demand for electricity. If we can obtain data on these variables it is better to include them in the regression equation, otherwise our model might suf- fer from a problem called ‘omitted variable bias’ – this is discussed in more detail in Box 7.1. Omitting variables can cause the estimated coefficients to be unreliable.
Regression analysis can also be used to determine these more complex relationships: to derive the equa- tion that best fits the data on changes in a number of var- iables. Unlike a curve on a diagram, which simply shows the relationship between two variables, an equation can show the relationship between several variables. Multiple regression analysis can be used to find the ‘best fit’ equation from data on changes in a number of variables.
For example, regression analysis could be applied to data showing the quantity of electricity consumed at various l evels of price (P), consumer incomes (Y) and the price of
Definition
Regression analysis A statistical technique which shows how one variable is related to one or more other variables.
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BOX 7.1 THE DEMAND FOR LAMB
A real-world demand function
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010
G ra
m s
pe r
pe rs
on p
er w
ee k
UK consumption of lamb: 1974–2010
Source: Based on Family Food datasets (defra)
The diagram shows what happened to the consumption of lamb in the UK over the period 1974–2013. How can we explain this dramatic fall in consumption? One way of exploring this issue is to make use of a regression model, which should help us to see which variables are relevant and how they are likely to affect demand. The following is an initial model fitted (using Gretl, a free, open source, statistical software package) to annual data for the years 1974–2010.
This model makes it possible to predict what would happen to the demand for lamb if any one of the four explanatory variables changed, assuming that the other variables remained constant. We will assume that the estimated coefficients used throughout this box are all statistically significant.
Using equation (1), calculate what would happen – ceteris paribus – to the demand for lamb if:
a) the real price of lamb went up by 10p per kg; b) the real price of beef went up by 10p per kg; c) the real price of pork fell by 10p per kg; d) real disposable income per head rose by £100
per annum. Are the results as you would expect?
There is a serious problem with estimated demand functions like these if there are unobserved factors that change over time and have an impact on the demand for lamb. By omitting explanatory variables, we can say that the model is mis- specified and this introduces a bias into the estimated coeffi- cients. For example the estimated coefficient on Y is negative
QL = 144.0 - 0.137PL - 0.034PB + 0.214PP - 0.00513Y + e (1)
where: Q
L is the quantity of lamb sold in grams per person per week;
P L
is the ‘real’ price of lamb (in pence per kg, 2000 prices); P
B is the ‘real’ price of beef (in pence per kg, 2000 prices);
P P
is the ‘real’ price of pork (in pence per kg, 2000 prices); Y
is households’ real disposable income per head (£ per year, 2000 prices);
is the error term that attempts to capture the impact of any other variables that have an impact on the demand for lamb.
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THE DEMAND FOR LAMB
and quite close to zero. This suggests that household income has little effect on demand. Is this what we would expect? Also the coefficient on P
B is negative which suggests that
lamb and beef are complements in consumption. Once again this appears to be a counterintuitive result. One factor that did change over time was tastes. During the 37-year period covered by the data there was a shift in demand away from lamb and other meats, partly for health reasons, and partly because of an expansion in the availabil- ity of and demand for vegetarian and low-meat alternatives. On the assumption that this shift in tastes took place steadily over time, a new demand equation was estimated for the same years:
QL = 121.4 - 0.151PL - 0.0213PB + 0.180PP - 0.000391Y - 1.728TIME (2)
where TIME = 1 in 1974, 2 in 1975, 3 in 1976, etc.
1. How does the introduction of the variable TIME affect the relationship between the demand for lamb and (a) its real price; (b) real disposable income per head?
2. Does lamb appear to be a normal good or an inferior good?
3. What does the negative coefficient of P B indicate?
It can be argued that model (2) is a better model than model (1) because it appears to have a better ‘goodness of fit’. This is indicated by something called the ‘R-squared’ statistic. If R2 = 1 this suggests the model can explain all of the varia- tion in the data on the demand for lamb, whereas if R2 = 0 it indicates that the model cannot explain any of the variation in the data. In model (2), the adjusted R2 = 0.9133 compared with 0.908 for model (1). This means that model (2) can explain 91.3 per cent of the variation in the consumption of lamb during the period 1974 to 2010, whereas model (1) can explain 90.8 per cent. While model (2) appears to be a small improvement on model (1),4 it still has problems. The estimated coefficient of Y remains negative and is still very close to zero while the coefficient on P
B remains negative. The model might still
be mis-specified because of other omitted variables. For example, consumers’ purchases of lamb in a given year might be influenced by what they were consuming the previous year. The model also includes the real prices of two substi- tutes for lamb, but does not include the real prices of any complements. To take the above points into account, the following third model was estimated, using data for 1975 to 2010.
QL = - 37.520 - 0.128PL + 0.0757PB + 0.122PP + 0.00415Y - 1.529TIME + 0.679LQL - 0.0519PC + e (3)
where LQ L is the lagged consumption of lamb (i.e. consump-
tion in the previous year) and P C is the real price of a com-
plement (potatoes). R2 = 0.958 and the coefficients are all significant.
1. To what extent is model (3) an improvement on model (2)? (Hint: is lamb now a normal or inferior good?)
2. Use the three equations and also the data given in the table below to estimate the demand for lamb in 2000 and 2010. Which model works the best in each case? Why? Explain why the models are all subject to error in their predictions.
3. Use model (3) and the data given in the table to explain why the demand for lamb fell so dramatically between 1980 and 2010.
4. The formula for the elasticity of demand (price elasticity, income elasticity or cross elasticity) can be written as dQ/ dX ÷ Q/X, where dQ/dX represents the coefficient for a given variable, X. For example, in equation (3), 0.0757 gives the value of the term dQ
L /dP
B when working out the
cross-price elasticity of demand for lamb with respect to changes in the price of beef. Using equation (3) and the table below, work out the following for 2010: a) the price elasticity of demand for lamb; b) the income elasticity of demand for lamb; c) the cross-price elasticity of demand for lamb with
respect to (i) beef, (ii) pork, (iii) potatoes.
QL LQL PL PB PP Y TIME PC
1980 128 121 421.7 546.0 414.6 10 498 7 26.7
2000 54 56 467.0 480.5 381.1 17 797 27 44.9
2010 44 46 506.2 470.1 381.1 19 776 37 53.5
Sources: Nominal food prices were calculated by dividing expenditure by consumption. These nominal prices in pence per kg were then adjusted to ‘real’ prices by dividing by the RPI (retail price index) for total food (2000 = 100) and multiplying by 100. www.defra.gov.uk/statistics/foodfarm/food/familyfood/datasets/ (expenditure and consumption); www.ons.gov.uk/ (income and RPI food)
3 The R2 must be adjusted for the number of variables because simply adding more variables will always cause the unadjusted R2 figure to increase.
4 Care must be taken not to judge a model by simply looking at the R2 figure. It had been referred to as ‘the most over-used and abused of all statistics’.
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gas (Pg). An equation similar to the following might be esti- mated:
Qd = 2000 - 500P + 0.4Y + 200Pg + e
where Qd is measured in millions of gigawatts per annum, P in pence per kilowatt hour, Y in £ millions, Pg in pence per kilowatt hour and e is the error term. Once again an error term must be included because, although data have been included on Y and Pg, there may still be other factors that we are unable to observe or measure that influence the demand for electricity.
The equation shows that if, say, the price of electricity were 5p per kilowatt hour, consumer incomes were £20 billion and the price of gas were 2p per kilowatt hour, then the demand for electricity would be 7900 million gigawatts per annum. This is calculated by substituting these values into the equation as follows:
Q d = 2000 - (500 * 5) + (0.4 * 20 000) + (200 * 2) = 2000 - 2500 + 8000 + 400 = 7900
Testing the equation. It is important to test to see if each of the coefficients that have been estimated is significant. This is typically done by completing a ‘t’ test.2
What happens if the ‘t’ test indicates that the coeffi- cient is not significant? This means that we cannot be sure that the true value of the coefficient is not in fact zero instead of the value that has been estimated. In other words the variable may have no impact on the demand for electricity.
Interpreting the equation. If the estimated coefficients on each of the variables in the regression equation are statis- tically significant, the equation tells us the impact on the demand for electricity of a marginal or one unit change
2A ‘t’ statistic is calculated by dividing the estimated coefficient by its stand- ard error. More detail can be found in most business statistics textbooks.
Determinant Change Effect on demand
for electricity
Price of electricity (P) 1p per kilowatt rise
Fall by 500 gigawatts
Consumer incomes (Y) £1 million rise Rise by 0.4 gigawatts
Price of gas (Pg) 1p per kilowatt rise
Rise by 200 gigawatts
Effect on the demand for electricity of a 1 unit rise in each determinant
Table 7.1
in each determinant, while holding each of the other determinants constant. In the equation above, this would give the effects on the demand for electricity shown in Table 7.1.
The branch of economics that applies statistical tech- niques to economic data is known as econometrics. The problem with using such techniques, however, is that they cannot produce equations and graphs that allow totally reliable predictions to be made. The data on which the equations are based are often incomplete or unreliable, and the underlying relationships on which they are based (often ones of human behaviour) may well change over time. Therefore these techniques do not provide an exact quan- tification of the strength of any relationships between vari- ables. They simply provide an estimate. Thus econometrics cannot provide a business manager with ‘the answer’, but when properly applied it is more reliable than relying on ‘hunches’ and instinct.
Definition
Econometrics The branch of economics which applies statistical techniques to economic data.
Demand functions are useful in that they show what will happen to demand if one of the determinants changes. But businesses will want to know more than the answer to an ‘If . . . then’ question. They will want to know what will actually happen to the determinants and, more impor- tantly, what will happen to demand itself as the determi- nants change. In other words, they will want forecasts of future demand. After all, if demand is going to increase, they may well want to invest now so that they have the extra capacity to meet the extra demand. But it will be a
KI 1 p10
FORECASTING DEMAND7.2
costly mistake to invest in extra capacity if demand is not going to increase.
We now, therefore, turn to examine some of the fore- casting techniques used by business.
Simple time-series analysis Simple time-series analysis involves directly projecting from past sales data into the future. Thus if it is observed that sales of a firm’s product have been growing steadily by
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7 . 2 F O R E C A S T I N G D E M A N D 1 1 9
3 per cent per annum for the past few years, the firm can use this to predict that sales will continue to grow at approxi- mately the same rate in the future. Similarly, if it is observed that there are clear seasonal fluctuations in demand, as in the case of the demand for holidays or ice cream or winter coats, then again it can be assumed that fluctua- tions of a similar magnitude will continue into the future. In other words, using simple time-series analysis assumes that demand in the future will continue to behave in the same way as in the past.
Using simple time-series analysis in this way can be described as ‘black box’ forecasting. No explanation is offered as to why demand is behaving in this way: any underlying model of demand is ‘hidden in a black box’. In a highly stable market environment, where the various factors affecting demand change very little or, if they do, change very steadily or regularly, such time-series analysis can supply reasonably accurate forecasts. The problem is that, without closer examination of the market, the firm cannot know whether changes in demand of the same magnitude as in the past will continue into the future. Just because demand has followed a clear pattern in the past, it does not follow that it will continue to exhibit the same pattern in the future. After all, the determinants of demand may well change.
Successful forecasting, therefore, will usually involve a more sophisticated analysis of trends.
The decomposition of time paths One way in which the analysis of past data can be made more sophisticated is to identify different elements in the time path of sales. Figure 7.2 illustrates one such time path: the (imaginary) sales of woollen jumpers by firm X. It is shown by the continuous red line, labelled ‘Actual sales’.
Four different sets of factors normally determine the shape of a time path like this.
Trends. These are increases or decreases in demand over a number of years. In our example, there is a long-term decrease in demand for this firm’s woollen jumpers up to year 7 and then a slight recovery in demand thereafter.
Trends may reflect longer-term factors such as changes in population structure, or technological innovation or longer-term changes in fashion. Thus if wool were to become more expensive over time compared with other fibres, or if there were a gradual shift in tastes away from woollen jumpers and towards acrylic or cotton jumpers, or towards sweatshirts, this could explain the long-term decline in demand up to year 7. A gradual shift in tastes back towards natural fibres, and to wool in particular, or a gradual reduction in the price of wool, could then explain the subsequent recovery in demand.
Alternatively, trends may reflect changes over time in the structure of an industry. For example, an industry might become more and more competitive with new firms joining. This would tend to reduce sales for existing firms (unless the market were expanding very rapidly).
Cyclical fluctuations. In practice, the level of actual sales will not follow the trend line precisely. One reason for this is the cyclical upswings and downswings in business activity in the economy as a whole. In some years, incomes are ris- ing rapidly and thus demand is buoyant. In other years, the economy will be in recession, with incomes falling. In these years, demand may well also fall. In our example, in boom years people may spend much more on clothes (including woollen jumpers), whereas in a recession, people may make do with their old clothes. The cyclical variations line thus rises above the trend line in boom years and falls below the trend line during a recession.
(Imaginary) sales of woollen jumpersFigure 7.2
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Seasonal fluctuations. The demand for many products also depends on the time of year. In the case of woollen jump- ers, the peak demand is likely to be as winter approaches or just before Christmas. Thus the seasonal variations line is above the cyclical variations line in winter and below it in summer.
Short-term shifts in demand or supply. Finally, the actual sales line will also reflect various short-term shifts in demand or supply, causing it to diverge from the smooth seasonal var- iations line.
There are many reasons why the demand curve might shift. A competitor might increase its price, or there may be a sudden change in fashion, caused, say, by a pop group deciding to wear woollen jumpers for their new video: what was once seen as unfashionable by many people now suddenly becomes fashionable! Alternatively, there may be an unusually cold or hot, or wet or dry spell of weather.
Likewise there are various reasons for sudden shifts in supply conditions. For example, there may be a sheep dis- ease which ruins the wool of infected sheep. As a result, the price of wool goes up, and sales of woollen jumpers fall.
These sudden shifts in demand or supply conditions are often referred to as ‘random shocks’ because they are usu- ally unpredictable and temporarily move sales away from the trend. (Note that long-term shifts in demand and supply will be shown by a change in the trend line itself.)
Even with sophisticated time-series analysis, which breaks time paths into their constituent elements, there is still one major weakness: time-series analysis is merely a projection of the past. Most businesses will want to anticipate changes to sales trends – to forecast any deviations from the current time path. One method for doing this is barometric forecasting.
Barometric forecasting Assume that you are a manager of a furniture business and are wondering whether to invest in new capital equipment. You would only want to do this if the demand for your prod- uct was likely to rise. You will probably, therefore, look for some indication of this. A good barometer of future demand for furniture would be the number of new houses being built. People will tend to buy new furniture some months after the building of their new house has commenced.
It is common for businesses to use leading indicators such as ‘housing starts’ (the number of houses built measured at the time when building starts rather than when it is com- pleted) when attempting to predict the future. In fact some leading indicators, such as increased activity in the construc- tion industry, rises in Stock Exchange prices, a depreciation of the rate of exchange and a rise in industrial confidence, are good indicators of a general upturn in the economy.
Barometric forecasting is a technique whereby forecasts of demand in industry A are based on an analysis of time-se- ries data for industry (or sector, or indicator) B, where changes in B normally precede changes in the demand for A.
If B rises by x per cent, it can be assumed (other things being equal) that the demand for A will change by y per cent.
Barometric forecasting is widely used to predict cyclical changes: the effects of the upswings and downswings in the economy. It is thus useful not only for individual firms, but also for governments, which need to plan their policies to counteract the effects of the business cycle: the unemploy- ment associated with recessions, or the inflation associated with booms in the economy.
Barometric forecasting suffers from two major weaknesses. The first is that it only allows forecasting a few months ahead – as far ahead as is the time lag between the change in the leading indicator and the variable being forecast. The sec- ond is that it can only give a general indication of changes in demand. It is simply another form of time- series analysis. Just because a relationship existed in the past between a leading indicator and the variable being forecast, it cannot be assumed that exactly the same relationship will exist in the future.
Normally, then, firms use barometric forecasting merely to give them a rough guide as to likely changes in demand for their product: i.e. whether it is likely to expand or con- tract, and by ‘a lot’ or by ‘a little’. Nevertheless information on leading indicators is readily available in government or trade statistics.
To get a more precise forecast, firms must turn to their demand function, and estimate the effects of predicted changes in the determinants of the demand for their product.
Using demand functions in forecasts We have seen (section 7.1) how demand functions can be used to show the effects of changes in the determinants of demand. For example, in the following model:
Qd = a + bP + cPs + dY + eA
where the demand for the product (Qd) is determined by its price (P), the price of a substitute product (P s), consumer incomes (Y) and advertising (A), the parame- ters (b, c, d and e) show the effects on Qd of changes in the determinants.
In order to forecast the demand for its product (the dependent variable), the firm will need to obtain values for P, Ps, Y and A (the independent variables). The firm itself
Definitions
Leading indicators Indicators that help predict future trends in the economy.
Barometric forecasting A technique used to predict future economic trends based upon analysing patterns of time-series data.
Dependent variable That variable whose outcome is determined by other variables within an equation.
Independent variables Those variables that determine the dependent variable, but are themselves determined independently of the equation they are in.
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S u m m a r y 1 2 1
chooses what price to charge and how much to advertise, and thus will decide the values of P and A. Forecasts of consumer incomes are readily available from a number of sources, such as the Bank of England, the Office for Budget Responsibility, HM Treasury and various private forecasting agencies, such as Ernst & Young’s ITEM club. As far as Ps is concerned, here the firm will have to make an informed guess. Most firms will have a pretty good idea of the likely policies of their competitors.
Obviously, the accuracy of the forecasts will depend on the accuracy of the model as a description of the past relationship between demand and its determinants. For- tunately, this can be tested using various econometric techniques, and the reliability of the model can be deter- mined. What is more, once the forecast is made, it can be compared with the actual outcome and the new data can be used to refine the model and improve its predictive power for next time.
The major strength of these econometric models is that they attempt to show how the many determinants affect demand. They also allow firms to feed in different assump- tions to see how they will affect the outcome. Thus one forecast might be based on the assumption that the major competitor raises its price by x per cent, another that it raises its price by y per cent, and another that it leaves its price unchanged. The firm can then see how sensitive its sales will be to these possible changes. This is called sensitivity analysis and its use allows the firm to assess just how critical its assumptions are: would a rise in its rival’s price by x per cent rather than y per cent make all the difference between a profit and a loss, or would it make little difference?
Econometric models can be highly complex, involving several equations and many variables. For example, there might be a separate variable for each of the prices and spec-
ifications of all the various products in competition with this one.
Problems with econometric forecasting But despite the apparent sophistication of some of the econometric models used by firms or by forecasting agen- cies, the forecasts are often wrong.
One reason for this is that the variables specified in the model cannot explain all the variation in the demand for the product. As we explained earlier in the chapter, it is nor- mal to include an error term (e) in order to take some account of these missing independent variables. But this error term will probably cover a number of unspecified determinants which are unlikely to move together over time. It does not therefore represent a stable or predictable ‘determinant’. The larger the error term, the less confident we can be about using the equation to predict future demand.
Another reason for the inaccuracy of forecasts is that certain key determinants are difficult, if not impossible, to measure with any accuracy. This is a particular problem with subjective variables like taste and fashion. How can taste be modelled?
Perhaps the biggest weakness of using demand functions for forecasting is that the forecasts are themselves based on forecasts of what will happen to the various determinants. Take the cases of just two determinants: the specifications of competitors’ products and consumer tastes. Just what changes will competitors make to their products? Just how will tastes change in the future? Consider the problems a clothing manufacturer might have in forecasting demand for a range of clothing! Income, advertising and the prices of the clothing will all be significant factors determining demand, but so too will be the range offered by other man- ufacturers and also people’s perception of what is and what is not fashionable. But predicting changes in competitors’ products and changes in fashion is notoriously difficult.
This is not to say that firms should give up in their attempt to forecast demand. Rather it suggests that they might need to conduct more sophisticated market research, and even then to accept that forecasts can only give an approximate indication of likely changes to demand.
Definition
Sensitivity analysis Assesses how sensitive an outcome is to different variables within an equation.
SUMMARY
1a Businesses seek information on consumer behaviour so as to predict market trends and improve strategic deci- sion making.
1b One source of data is the firm’s own information on how its sales have varied in the past with changes in the vari- ous determinants of demand, such as consumer incomes and the prices of competitors’ products.
1c Another source of data is market surveys. These can gen- erate a large quantity of cheap information. Care should be taken, however, to ensure that the sample of consum- ers investigated reflects the target consumer group.
1d Market experiments involve investigating consumer behaviour within a controlled environment. This method
is particularly useful when considering new products where information is scarce.
1e Armed with data drawn from one or more of these sources, the business manager can attempt to estimate consumer demand using various statistical techniques, such as regression analysis.
1f The estimation of the effects on demand of a change in a particular variable, such as price, depends upon the assumption that all other factors that influence demand remain constant. However, factors that influence the demand for a product are constantly changing, hence there will always be the possibility of error when estimating the impact of change. ▲
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2a It is not enough to know what will happen to demand if a determinant changes. Businesses will want to forecast what will actually happen to demand. To do this they can use a variety of methods: time-series analysis, barometric forecasting and econometric modelling.
2b Time-series analysis bases future trends on past events. Time-series data can be decomposed into different elements: trends, seasonal fluctuations, cyclical fluctua- tions and random shocks.
2c Barometric forecasting involves making predictions based upon changes in key leading indicators.
2d If a firm has estimated its demand function (using econo- metric techniques), it can then feed into this model fore- casts of changes in the various determinants of demand and use the model to predict the effect on demand. The two main problems with this approach are: the reliability of the demand function (although this can be tested using econometric techniques), and the reliability of forecasts of changes in the various determinants of demand.
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 What are the relative strengths and weaknesses of using (a) market observations, (b) market surveys and (c) market experiments as means of gathering evidence on consumer demand?
2 You are working for a record company which is thinking of signing up some new bands. What market observations, market surveys and market experiments could you con- duct to help you decide which bands to sign?
3 You are about to launch a new range of cosmetics, but you are still to decide upon the content and structure of your advertising campaign. Consider how market surveys and market experiments might be used to help you assess consumer perceptions of the product. What limitations might each of the research methods have in helping you gather data?
4 The following is an estimate of an historical UK market demand curve for instant coffee. It has been derived
(using a computer regression package) from actual data for the years 1973–85.
Q c = 0.042 + 0.068P
c + 0.136P
T + 0.0067Y
where: Q
C is the quantity of instant coffee purchased in
ounces per person per week; P
C and P
T are respectively the ‘real’ prices of instant
coffee and tea, calculated by dividing their market prices in pence per lb by the retail price index for all food (RPI) (1980 = 100);
Y is an index of real personal disposable income (1980 = 100): i.e. household income after tax.
The following table gives the prices of coffee and tea and real disposable income for three years (1973, 1985 and 1990).
Year
Market price of coffee (MPc) (pence per lb)
RPI of all food (1980 = 100)
Real price of coffee (Pc = MPc /RPI × 100)
Market price of tea (MPT) (pence per lb)
Real price of tea (PT = MPT/RPI × 100)
Index of real disposable income (Y) (1980 = 100)
1973 111.33 35.20 35.53 89.30
1985 511.65 131.40 184.39 106.10
1990 585.19 165.89 212.77 128.62
a) Fill in the columns for the real price of coffee (P c )
and the real price of tea (P T ).
b) Use the above equation to estimate the demand for instant coffee in 1973.
c) Calculate the percentage growth in the market over the 13-year sample period (1973–85).
d) The equation was used to forecast the demand for instant coffee in 1990. Purchases were estimated at 0.7543 ounces per person per week.
(i) Verify this from the equation.
(ii) The actual level of purchases is recorded as 0.48 ounces per week. Suggest reasons why the equation seriously over-estimates the level of demand for 1990.
5 Outline the alternative methods a business might use to fore- cast demand. How reliable do you think such methods are?
6 Imagine that you are an airline attempting to forecast demand for seats over the next two or three years. What, do you think, could be used as leading indicators?
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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Products, marketing and advertising
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ In what ways can firms differentiate their products from those of their rivals? ■ What strategies can firms adopt for gaining market share, developing their products and marketing them? ■ What elements are likely to be contained in a marketing strategy? ■ How extensive is advertising in the UK and how does it vary from product to product? ■ What are the effects of advertising and what makes a successful advertising campaign?
For most firms, selling their product is not simply a question of estimating demand and then choosing an appro- priate price and level of production. In other words, they do not simply take their market as given. Instead they will seek to influence demand. They will do this by developing their product and differentiating it from those of their rivals, and then marketing it by advertising and other forms of product promotion.
What firms are engaging in here is non-price competition . In such situations the job of the manager can be quite complex. It is likely to involve making a series of strategic decisions, not just concerning price, but also concerning each product’s design and quality, its marketing and advertising, and the provision of various forms of after-sales service.
Central to non-price competition is product differentiation . Most firms’ products differ in various ways from those of their rivals. Take the case of washing machines. Although all washing machines wash clothes, and as such are close substitutes for each other, there are many differences between brands. They differ not only in price, but also in their capacity, their styling, their range of programmes, their economy in the use of electricity, hot water and detergent, their reliability, their noise, their after-sales service, etc. Firms will attempt to design their product so that they can stress its advantages (real or imaginary) over the competitor brands. Just think of the specific features of particular models of car, hi-fi equipment or brands of cosmetic, and then consider the ways in which these features are stressed by advertisements. In fact, think of virtually any advertisement and consider how it stresses the features of that particular brand.
KI 1 p 10
Definitions
Non-price competition Competition in terms of product pro- motion (advertising, packaging, etc.) or product development.
Product differentiation Where a firm’s product is in some way distinct from its rivals’ products.
C h
a p
te r8
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Features of a product A product has many dimensions, and a strategy to dif- ferentiate a product may focus on one or more of these dimensions.
■ Technical standards. These relate to the product’s level of technical sophistication: how advanced it is in relation to the current state of technology. This would be a very important product dimension if, for example, you were purchasing a PC.
■ Quality standards. These relate to aspects such as the quality of the materials used in the product’s construc- tion and the care taken in assembly. These will affect the product’s durability and reliability. The purchase of con- sumer durables, such as televisions, tablets and toys, will be strongly influenced by quality standards.
■ Design characteristics. These relate to the product’s direct appeal to the consumer in terms of appearance or oper- ating features. Examples of design characteristics are colour, style and even packaging. A major reason for the success of Apple’s iPhone has been its design and appear- ance. This is a characteristic its leading rival Samsung has focused on with the launch of the Galaxy 6 Edge. The demand for fashion products such as clothing will also be strongly influenced by design characteristics.
■ Service characteristics. This aspect is not directly con- cerned with the product itself, but with the support and back-up given to the customer after the product has been sold. Servicing, product maintenance and guarantees would be included under this heading. When purchas- ing a new car, the quality of after-sales service might strongly influence the choice you make.
Any given product will possess a ‘bundle’ of the above attributes. Within any product category, each brand is likely to have a different mix of technical and quality stand- ards and design and service characteristics. Consumers will select the bundle of attributes or characteristics they most prefer (see section 6.3). The fact that these different dimen- sions exist means that producers can focus the marketing of their product on factors other than price – they can engage in non-price competition.
Vertical and horizontal product differentiation When firms are seeking to differentiate their product from those of their rivals (product differentiation), one impor- tant distinction they must consider is that between vertical and horizontal differentiation.
Vertical product differentiation. This is where products dif- fer in quality, with some being perceived as superior and
PRODUCT DIFFERENTIATION8.1
Pause for thought
Identify two other products that are vertically differentiated, two that are horizontally differentiated and two that are both.
others as inferior. In general, the better the quality, the more expensive will the product be. Take the case of a mobile phone handset. The cheaper (inferior) models will just have basic functions. More expensive models will have more and better functions, such as higher screen resolution, cameras with more megapixels, louder speakers, better video quality and faster charging times.
Vertical product differentiation will usually be in terms of the quantity and quality of functions and/or the dura- bility of the product (often a reflection of the quality of the materials used and the care spent in making the product). Thus a garment will normally be regarded as superior if it is better made and uses high-quality cloth. In general, the vertical quality differences between products will tend to reflect differences in production costs.
Horizontal product differentiation. This refers to differ- ences between products that are not generally regarded as superior or inferior, but merely reflections of the different tastes of different consumers. One person may prefer black shoes and another brown. One may prefer milk chocolate, another plain. Within any product range there may be vari- eties which differ in respect to style, design, flavour, colour, etc. Such attributes are neither better, nor worse, but are simply different.
Horizontal differences within a range do not signifi- cantly alter the costs of production, and it is common for the different varieties to have the same price. A pot of red paint is likely to be the same price as a pot of blue (of the same brand). The point is that the products, although hori- zontally different, are of comparable quality.
In practice, most product ranges will have a mixture of horizontal and vertical differentiation. For example, some of the differences between different makes and models of motor car will be vertical (e.g. luxury or basic internal fit- tings, acceleration and fuel consumption); some will be horizontal (e.g. hatchback or saloon, colour and style).
Definitions
Vertical product differentiation Where a firm’s prod- uct differs from its rivals’ products with respect to quality.
Horizontal product differentiation Where a firm’s product differs from its rivals’ products, although the products are seen to be of a similar quality.
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Market segmentation Different features of a product will appeal to different consumers. This applies both to vertically differentiated features and to horizontally differentiated ones. Where features are quite distinct, and where particular features or groups of features can be seen to appeal to a particular cate- gory of consumers, it might be useful for producers to divide the market into segments. Taking the example of cars again,
the market could be divided into luxury cars, large, medium and small family cars, sports cars, multi-terrain vehicles, six-seater people carriers, etc. Each type of car occupies a distinct market segment, and within each segment the indi- vidual models are likely to be both horizontally and verti- cally differentiated from competitor models.
When consumer tastes change over time, or where exist- ing models do not cater for every taste, a firm may be able to
BOX 8.1 THE BATTLE OF THE BRANDS
The rise, fall and rise of own-label brands
From fairly humble beginnings, supermarket own-label brands really took off in the late 1980s and early 1990s. By 1995 they accounted for over half of supermarket sales in the UK. However, by the mid-2000s own-label brands’ share of super- market sales had fallen to around one-third. They became popular again in the late 2000s and the growth in sales con- tinued into the early years of this decade. UK retail sales of own-label food and non-alcoholic drink were estimated to be £46.8 billion in 2013.1 This represented a market share of 48 per cent. The sales of these goods are much higher in some product cat- egories than they are in others. For example, market shares vary from close to 100 per cent for fresh fruit to below 10 per cent for products such as baby food and chocolate. So, how do own-label brands compete? Why have they been far more successful in some categories than others? Why have their fortunes fluctuated over time?
They don’t have significant differences in costs of production . . . Branded manufacturers were always thought to be able to take advantage of large economies of scale in sourcing and production. However, new technologies and close working relationships between retailers and suppliers have allowed supermarkets to provide own-label products in smaller batches but at lower costs, thus offsetting any advantage that brand manufacturers may have. Technology has also helped to improve the quality of products, making it possible for own-label producers to imitate the ideas of brand manufac- turers and engage in their own innovations.
. . . but they do offer different product characteristics Own-label products are not a homogenous group all with the same characteristics. Instead they can be placed into three broad categories – value/economy, standard and premium. As the name suggests, the value/economy own-label products are the cheapest. Research by Mintel, illustrated in Table (a), shows that relatively more consumers believe that these prod- ucts offer value for money and are not overpriced. However, only 8 per cent of people associate them with high quality, whereas for branded goods the figure is 52 per cent. Examples of economy own-label products include Tesco ‘Everyday Value’, Sainsbury’s ‘Basics’ and Aldi’s ‘Everyday Essentials’.
The widest variety of own-label products is the standard range. Their prices fall somewhere between those of the premium and economy products. Slightly more consumers perceive them as being of higher quality than the value range, whereas slightly fewer consumers think they are value for money. Standard own-label products usually just display the name of the supermarket such as Tesco or Sainsbury’s, although Asda uses the label ‘Chosen by you’. Premium own-label products are positioned in the higher end of the market and are much more associated with quality than the other own-label products. Compared with branded goods, they are still less likely to be associated with high quality and other positive characteristics, such as being trustworthy and authentic. However, they do score better on value for money. Examples of premium own-label products include Sainsbury’s ‘Taste the Difference’, Tesco’s ‘Finest’ and Morrison’s ‘M Signature’. Interestingly there appears to be very little differ- ence between any of the own-label and branded products on consumer perceptions such as ethically responsible or caring about my health. The balance between quality and price remains a difficult combination for supermarkets to get right. A low price on its own is not enough as the sales of standard own-label products are still significantly greater than value own-label products.
(a) Perceived characteristics of branded and own-label products, 2013
Percentage of respondents Branded product Own-label product
Characteristic Value/ econ Standard Premium
High quality 52 8 13 36
Trustworthy 42 16 22 20
Overpriced 30 1 2 25
Authentic 29 6 7 10
Worth paying for 25 3 3 15
Ethically responsible 6 4 6 5
Value for money 10 68 63 24
Cares about my health 5 4 6 5
Source: From Mintel Reports (2014), Mintel Group Ltd
1Mintel, The private label food consumer, 2014. ▲
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market for washing-up liquid. The Fairy brand is said to last twice as long as its own-label competitors. Branded products may also target a particular group (defined by gender, age or socioeconomic status), or reflect a certain style of living (e.g. healthy eating). People are also more likely to choose a branded item when it is being purchased as a treat or a present. In these types of market, brands do not have to compete strictly on price as success- ful differentiation enables them to charge premium prices. Research by Mintel indicated that 54 per cent of people were willing to pay a higher price for branded chocolate, while 40 per cent were willing to pay a higher price for branded breakfast cereals.
(b) Market penetration of own-label products in selected UK markets, 2014
Market segment Market share (%)
Fresh fruit and vegetables 95.1 Ready meals 87.2 Milk 66.0 Pasta 62.5 Cakes 48.7 Ice cream 25.6 Breakfast cereals 20.8 Biscuits 18.4 Sugar confectionery 14.4 Carbonated soft drinks 8.4 Chocolate confectionery 4.9 Baby food and drink 0.8
Source: From Mintel Reports (2014), Mintel Group Ltd
One disadvantage for own-label products is that the adver- tising expenditure by supermarkets is largely concerned with branding the store rather than a particular product. This makes their promotional expenditures rather diluted. Brand manufacturers, on the other hand, are specialists in target- ing their advertising and promotional expenditures towards particular markets. They achieve economies from marketing the brand, with the result that their sales per pound of pro- motional expenditure are higher. Economies of scale in mar- keting provide a powerful competitive advantage for brand manufacturers.
. . . but brand manufacturers still have to be responsive to competitive pressures from low-cost own-label rivals
The suppliers of branded goods could respond to the increase in competition from own-label products in a number of dif- ferent ways – innovation intensity, advertising and cutting prices. Greater product innovation by the suppliers of branded goods might be an effective way of reducing the sales of own-label products. There is evidence that some suppliers have responded in this way. For example, 61 per cent of new product launches in food and non-alcoholic drink from Jan- uary to September 2014 were by the suppliers of branded products whereas 39 per cent were from own-labels. An alternative response might be to increase expenditure on advertising in an attempt to differentiate the product further
They take advantage of changing economic prosperity
The decline in market share of own-brands from the early 1990s to 2007 was partly due to a period of prolonged eco- nomic growth. The rise in disposable income during this period led to increased conspicuous consumption, and many branded goods are associated with affluence and increased quality of lifestyle. The recessions of the early 1990s and 2008–9, by contrast, saw a growth in the market share of own-label brands as con- sumers sought to economise. Supermarkets were able to tap into the price sensitivity of consumers with a range of value- for-money own-label products. Research carried out by Mintel found that 27.4 per cent of survey respondents stated that in the 12 months prior to January 2011 they had switched from buying branded to cheaper own-label groceries. Even with sustained economic growth since the beginning of 2013, the sales of own-label products has continued to grow. With very moderate increases in their real income, consumers have remained very price sensitive. Nevertheless, customers still value brands. Brand manufac- turers rely on consumers developing a loyal attachment to a product over a number of years. This is strengthened by sub- stantial investments in advertising and marketing. Branding is concerned with conveying an image and a style of living, as well as showing the product’s function, its convenience and its value. All this takes time to develop, and successful brands, such as Kellogg’s and Hovis, have been popular for over 100 years.
Brands dominate many market segments . . .
While the trend in recent times has been for customers to switch back to own-label brands, it is important to recognise that there is still substantial variability in own-label penetra- tion across products. As Table (b) illustrates, in some product segments, the penetration of supermarkets’ own-brands is considerable (e.g. fresh fruit and vegetables, ready meals, milk and pasta). In others, however, branded products domi- nate (e.g. baby food, chocolate and carbonated soft drinks). Where products are viewed by the customer as fairly homo- geneous, or require limited technological input, product differentiation or unique selling points (USP) are difficult for brands to achieve. Fruit, vegetables, milk and pasta are clear examples of this. For example, 4 in 10 consumers believe that own-label dry pasta is tastier than branded varieties whereas only 28 per cent believe that the branded products are tast- ier. For these types of products supermarket own-labels can compete effectively on price. The example of ready meals is perhaps more interesting as differentiation is more likely. However, when ready meals were first introduced they were predominately own-label products and branded versions may have found it difficult to enter the market because of the lim- ited chilled cabinet space in supermarkets. For other goods that can be more easily differentiated, con- sumers may identify the quality of a product with a particular brand. Carbonated soft drinks (CSDs) are a good example, with famous names such as Coca-Cola and Pepsi. When sur- veyed, two-thirds of consumers agreed that they preferred the taste of a branded CSD to an own-label product. This has made it difficult for own-label products to compete and they have only managed to obtain a market share of 8.4 per cent. Another example of perceived quality differences is in the
▲
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8 . 2 M A R K E T I N G T H E P R O D U C T 1 2 7
identify a new segment of the market – a market niche. Hav- ing identified the appropriate market niche for its product, the marketing division within the firm will then set about targeting the relevant consumer group(s) and developing an appropriate strategy for promoting the product. (In the next section we will explore more closely those factors which are likely to influence a business’s marketing strategy.)
Definition
Market niche A part of a market (or new market) that has not been filled by an existing brand or business.
What is marketing? There is no single accepted definition of marketing. It is gen- erally agreed, however, that marketing covers the following activities: establishing the strength of consumer demand in existing parts of the market, and potential demand in new niches; developing an attractive and distinct image for the product; informing potential consumers of various features of the product; fostering a desire by consumers for the prod- uct; and, in the light of all these, persuading consumers to buy the product.
Clearly, marketing must be seen within the overall goals of the firm. There would be little point in spending vast sums of money in promoting a product if it led to only a modest increase in sales and sales revenue.
Product/market strategy Once the nature and strength of consumer demand (both cur- rent and potential) have been identified, the business will set about meeting and influencing this demand. In most cases it will be hoping to achieve a growth in sales. To do this, one of the first things the firm must decide is its product/ market strat- egy. This will involve addressing two major questions:
■ Should it focus on promoting its existing product, or should it develop new products?
■ Should it focus on gaining a bigger share of its existing market, or should it seek to break into new markets?
KI 23 p 197
price cuts might have a negative impact on the consumers’ perception of the brand. It will also reduce profitability if the supplier is unable to reduce its costs sufficiently.
1. How has the improvement in the quality of own-brands affected the price elasticity of demand for branded products? What implications does this have for the pricing strategy of brand manufacturers?
2. Why don’t brand manufacturers readily engage in the production of supermarket own-label products?
3. How might brand manufacturers respond to the development of a new product line?
in the minds of consumers. Interesting recent examples have occurred in the market for food and drink that people buy as treats, such as biscuits, chocolate and CSDs. Rather than focus- ing on the attributes or functionality of the product, a number of recent advertising campaigns have focused on emotional cues such as how consuming the product makes people feel. For example, McVitie’s launched a £12 million media campaign in 2014 that centred on how eating its biscuits would ‘sweeten’ the day. Cadbury’s recent advertising has also stressed the ‘Feel the joy’ factor of eating its chocolate products. A final response might be for the supplier of branded products to cut prices. However, this is likely to be only a temporary option, such as a ‘special offer’. The impact of sustained
MARKETING THE PRODUCT8.2
Growth vector componentsFigure 8.1
Source: I. Ansoff, Corporate Strategy (McGraw-Hill, 1965); ‘Strategies for diversification’, Harvard Business Review, (September–October 1957)
In 1957 Igor Ansoff illustrated these choices in what he called a growth vector matrix. This is illustrated in Figure 8.1.
Definition
Growth vector matrix A means by which a business might assess its product/market strategy.
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The four boxes show the possible combinations of answers to the above questions: Box A – market penetration (current product, current market); Box B – product develop- ment (new product, current market); Box C – market develop- ment (current product, new market); Box D – diversification (new product, new market).
■ Market penetration. In the market penetration strategy, the business will seek not only to retain existing customers, but also to expand its customer base with current products in current markets. Of the four strategies, this is generally the least risky: the business will be able to play to its prod- uct strengths and draw on its knowledge of the market. The business’s marketing strategy will tend to focus upon aggressive product promotion and distribution. Such a strategy, however, is likely to lead to fierce competition from current business rivals, especially if the overall mar- ket is not expanding and if the firm can therefore gain an increase in sales only by taking market share from its rivals.
■ Product development. Product development strategies will involve introducing new models and designs in current markets. This may involve either vertical differ- entiation (e.g. the introduction of an upgraded model) or horizontal differentiation (e.g. the introduction of a new style).
■ Market development. With a market development strat- egy the business will seek increased sales of current products by expanding into new markets. These may be in a different geographical location (e.g. overseas), or new market segments. Alternatively, the strategy may involve finding new uses and applications for the product.
■ Diversification. A diversification strategy will involve the business expanding into new markets with new products. Of all the strategies, this is the most risky given the unknown factors that the business is likely to face.
Once the product/market strategy has been decided upon, the business will then attempt to devise a suitable marketing strategy. This will involve looking at the market- ing mix.
Pause for thought
What unknown factors is the business likely to face following a diversification strategy?
■ place (distribution); ■ promotion.
The particular combination of these variables, known as ‘the four Ps’, represents the business’s marketing mix, and it is around a manipulation of them that the business will devise its marketing strategy.
Figure 8.2 illustrates the various considerations that might be taken into account when looking at product, price, place and promotion.
■ Product considerations. These involve issues such as qual- ity and reliability, as well as branding, packaging and after-sales service.
■ Pricing considerations. These involve not only the prod- uct’s basic price in relation to those of competitors’ products, but also opportunities for practising price discrimination (the practice of charging different prices in different parts of the market: see Chapter 17), offer- ing discounts to particular customers, and adjusting the terms of payment for the product.
■ Place considerations. These focus on the product’s distri- bution network, and involve issues such as where the business’s retail outlets should be located, what ware- house facilities the business might require, and how the product should be transported to the market.
■ Promotion considerations. These focus primarily upon the amount and type of advertising the business should use. In addition, promotion issues might also include selling techniques, special offers, trial discounts and various other public relations ‘gimmicks’.
Every product is likely to have a distinct marketing mix of these four variables. Thus we cannot talk about an ideal value for one (e.g. the best price), without consider- ing the other three. What is more, the most appropriate mix will vary from product to product and from market to market. If you wanted to sell a Rolls-Royce, you would be unlikely to sell any more by offering free promotional gifts or expanding the number of retail outlets. You might sell more Rolls-Royces, however, if you were to improve their specifications or offer more favourable methods of payment.
What the firm must seek to do is to estimate how sen- sitive demand is to the various aspects of marketing. The greater the sensitivity (elasticity) in each case, the more the firms should focus on that particular aspect. It must be care- ful, however, that changing one aspect of marketing does not conflict with another. For example, there would be lit-
Definition
Marketing mix The mix of product, price, place (distri- bution) and promotion that will determine a business’s marketing strategy.
The marketing mix In order to differentiate the firm’s product from those of its rivals, there are four variables that can be adjusted. These are as follows:
■ product; ■ price;
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Model of the customer market offering dimensions of the marketing mixFigure 8.2
Source: From H.A. Lipson and J.R. Darling, Introduction to Marketing: An Administrative Approach (John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1971). Reproduced with permission
tle point in improving the product’s quality if, at the same time, the product was promoted by the use of marketing gimmicks that led consumers to believe they were buying an inferior, ‘mass consumption’ product.
A n o t h e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n t h a t m u s t b e t a k e n i n t o account is the stage in the product’s life cycle (see section
17.6). The most appropriate marketing mix for a new and hence unfamiliar product, and one which may be fac- ing little in the way of competition, may well be totally inappropriate for a product that is long established and may be struggling against competitors to maintain its market share.
ADVERTISING8.3
One of the most important aspects of marketing is advertis- ing. The major aim of advertising is to sell more products, and businesses spend a vast quantity of money on adver- tising to achieve this goal. By advertising, the business will not only be informing the consumer of the product’s exist- ence and availability, but also deliberately attempting to persuade and entice the consumer to purchase the good. In doing so, it will tend to stress the specific and unique quali- ties of this firm’s product over those of its rivals. This will be discussed in more detail below.
Advertising facts and figures Advertising and the state of the economy Advertising expenditure, like other business expenditures, is subject to the cyclical movement of the national econ- omy. Indeed, advertising is particularly sensitive to the ups and downs in the economy. In times of rising demand and growing profitability of business, expenditure on adver- tising tends to rise substantially. Thus between 1984 and 1989, when UK GDP in real terms (i.e. after accounting for
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inflation) increased by 22 per cent, advertising expenditure increased by 48 per cent in real terms. Similarly, in the long period of economic growth from 1992 to 2000, advertis- ing expenditure in real terms grew faster, accounting for a higher and higher proportion of household expenditure (see Table 8.1).
Conversely, in times of recession or very low economic growth, advertising budgets tend to be cut. Thus there was a 15 per cent fall in advertising expenditure in real terms between 1989 (the peak of the 1980s boom) and 1991 (a year of recession). During the most recent recession there was a fall in real terms of 6.3 per cent in 2008 and 14.4 per cent in 2009.
W i t h t h e r e t u r n t o e c o n o m i c g r o w t h a d v e r t i s i n g expenditure has started to increase once again, with a 2.2 per cent increase in real terms in 2014. However, it is still some way below the peak of the mid-2000s.
Advertising media When considering advertising expenditure by the main categories of media, there has been a long historical trend over which total press advertising (national, local and mag- azine) has fallen as a proportion of total advertising. It fell from a peak of nearly 90 per cent in 1953 to 18.7 per cent in 2014, although there was some growth in expenditure
on digital adverts, which partly offset the fall in printed adverts.
Advertising on television (which only started in the UK in the mid-1950s with the birth of ITV) now accounts for some 25.4 per cent of total advertising expenditure. The majority of this expenditure (91 per cent) is on sports advertising.
The most dramatic growth in advertising expenditure, however, is on the Internet, which increased from virtually nothing in 1998 to 26.1 per cent in 2012 and 37.2 per cent in 2014.
Figure 8.3 compares the proportions in 2014 with 2005.
Product sectors The distribution of advertising expenditure by prod- uct sectors shows that some 23 per cent of advertising expenditure is for consumables: i.e. food, drink, cosmet- ics, etc. A further 17 per cent is for consumer durables such as household appliances and equipment, and 11 per cent for retailers, such as supermarkets. Both these sectors tend to be dominated by just a few firms producing each type of product. This type of market is known as an ‘oli- gopoly’, which is Greek for ‘few sellers’. Oligopolists often compete heavily in terms of product differentiation and advertising. (Oligopoly is examined in Chapter 12.)
UK total advertising expenditureTable 8.1
At current prices (£bn)
At constant (2014) prices (£bn)
As percentage of GDP*
As percentage of household
expenditure
1988 6.95 14.01 1.36 2.37
1990 8.17 14.64 1.33 2.34
1992 8.05 12.86 1.20 2.04
1994 9.21 14.07 1.24 2.09
1996 10.95 15.91 1.31 2.20
1998 13.10 18.41 1.42 2.31
2000 15.37 21.13 1.50 2.41
2002 15.24 20.45 1.36 2.20
2004 16.81 21.96 1.34 2.18
2006 16.33 20.43 1.16 1.92
2007 17.08 20.88 1.15 1.90
2008 16.59 19.57 1.09 1.79
2009 14.50 16.75 0.98 1.60
2010 15.68 17.53 1.01 1.64
2011 16.10 17.23 1.00 1.63
2012 17.17 17.87 1.04 1.68
2013 17.88 18.15 1.04 1.69
2014 18.58 18.58 1.04 1.68
Note: *Based on nominal values Source: Based on data from Advertising Association/WARC, Expenditure Report, AA/WARC UK Expenditure (various years), reproduced with permission
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Distribution of UK advertising expenditure by sectorFigure 8.3
Internet
Magazines
Television
Outdoor
Newspapers
Radio
Direct mail
Cinema
2005 2014
5.5% 8.4%
25.3%
30.3%
14.6%
11.7%
3.2% 1.0%
9.5%
13.6%
25.4%
37.2%
5.1%
5.3% 3.0% 1.0%
Source: Based on UK advertising expenditure, by sector (WARC/Advertising Association, 2015)
Pause for thought
Try to use the ideas of the growth vector matrix and marketing mix to explain the reasons for the high advertising expendi- tures of a few of the companies in Table 8.3.
The wide variation in advertising intensity can be put down to two factors: market structure and product char- acteristics. As mentioned above, oligopolistic markets are
1986 1990 1995 2000 2005 2008 2014
Retail 14 12 18 14 15 14 11
Industrial 9 7 8 17 13 12 15
Financial 10 11 10 12 14 13 12
Government 3 3 3 2 5 6 5
Services 9 11 11 11 16 17 17
Durables 21 20 20 21 17 17 17
Consumables 35 36 31 24 20 21 23
Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
UK advertising expenditure by product sector (percentage of total advertising expenditure)
Table 8.2
Source: Based on data from Advertising Association/WARC, Expenditure Report, AA/ WARC UK Expenditure (2014), reproduced with permission
Details of the allocation of advertising expenditure between the different product sectors are given in Table 8.2.
If we take the 20 companies with the highest advertising expenditure, most are within the consumables, consumer durables and retail sectors. The same applies to the 20 most valuable brands (see Table 8.3).
Definition
Advertising/sales ratio A ratio that reflects the intensity of advertising within a market.
The advertising/sales ratio If we wished to consider the intensity of advertising within a given product sector, we could construct an advertising/ sales ratio. This relates the total expenditure on advertising for a particular product to the total value of product sales. A selection of products and their advertising/sales ratios in the USA can be seen in Table 8.4.
Transportation services have the highest advertising/ sales ratio at 26.7 per cent. This tells us that 26.7 per cent of all earnings by firms supplying transportation services (rail, air, taxis, etc.) goes on advertising their product. At the other extreme, companies producing and/or selling com- puter storage devices spend only 0.3 per cent of their sales revenue on advertising their products.
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(a) The top 20 advertisers by expenditure in the UK (2013)
Advertiser Total spending on advertising (£m)
Advertiser Total spending on advertising (£m)
1. BSkyB 264.3 11. Vodafone 74.5
2. Procter & Gamble 117.2 12. McDonald’s 72.1
3. BT 149.7 13. Reckitt Benckiser 68.9
4. Unilever UK 119.1 14. L’Oréal Paris 63.5
5. Tesco 116.2 15. Nestlé 63.1
6. Asda 97.0 16. Lloyds Bank 62.2
7. TalkTalk Group 92.5 17. Sainsbury’s 60.4
8. Virgin Media 88.3 18. Microsoft 60.2
9. Morrison’s 81.5 19. British Gas 60.1
10. DFS 75.6 20. Aldi 56.5
(b) The top 20 brands in the UK (2015)
Brand Market value ($m) Brand Market value ($m)
1. Shell 30 716 11. Tesco 11 052
2. Vodafone 27 287 12. EY 10 994
3. HSBC 27 280 13. Sky 8 699
4. Orange 19 867 14. O 2
8 359
5. PwC 17 330 15. Asda 8 031
6. BT 16 175 16. Prudential 7 877
7. BP 14 743 17. Lloyds Banking 6 995
8. Deloitte 14 694 18. Sainsbury’s 6 694
9. Barclays 14 179 19. Land Rover 6 521
10. KPMG 12 332 20. Aviva 6 194
The top advertisers and advertising brands in the UKTable 8.3
Source: Nielsen and Brand Finance. Available from www.rankingthebrands.com, reproduced with permission
Product category Advertising/ sales ratio (%)
Product category Advertising/ sales ratio (%)
Transportation services 26.7 Paints, varnishes, lacquers 2.3
Perfumes, cosmetics, etc. 21.1 Dairy products 2.1
Soap, detergent, toilet preparations 12.3 Household appliances 1.8
Educational services 11.1 Personal credit institutions 1.7
Motion picture, videotape production 8.7 Hotels and motels 1.3
Household furniture 6.8 Accident and health insurance 1.0
Amusement parks 6.1 Industrial organic chemicals 0.9
Food and kindred products 5.5 Farm machinery and equipment 0.6
Sugar and confectionery products 4.6 Management consulting services 0.6
Department stores 4.4 Computer and office equipment 0.6
Beverages 3.9 Hospital and medical svc plans 0.4
Investment advice 3.1 Computer storage devices 0.3
Motor vehicles and car bodies 2.6
US Advertising/sales ratio: 2014Table 8.4
Source: Based on data from Advertising Association/WARC, 2014 Advertising Ratios and Budgets, Schonfeld and Associates, Inc. (2015), reproduced with permission
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8 . 3 A D V E R T I S I N G 1 3 3
likely to see high advertising outlays. But what types of product will be the most heavily advertised? There are three main categories here.
The first category is goods that represent a large outlay for consumers (e.g. furniture, electrical goods and other con- sumer durables). Consumers will not want to make a wrong decision: it would be an expensive mistake. They will thus tend to be cautious in their purchasing decision and will be likely to search for information before selecting a particular product. Advertisers will seek to provide information (but, of course, only information relating to their particular product).
The second category is new products which producers are attempting to establish on the market. The third cate- gory is goods, such as educational services, which experi- ence constant changes in their customer base.
Products with the lowest advertising/sales ratio will, by contrast, tend to be those goods whose specifications change very little, or where competition is minimal, or where they are selling to just a few large companies that will be familiar with the equipment or other inputs they are buying. This helps to explain why the figure for product categories such as computer storage devices and hospital and medical plans is so low.
The intended effects of advertising We have argued that the main aim of advertising is to sell more of the product. But when we are told that brand X will make us more beautiful, enrich our lives, wash our clothes whiter, give us get-up-and-go, give us a new taste sensation or make us the envy of our friends, just what are the adver- tisers up to? Are they merely trying to persuade consumers to buy more?
In fact, there is a bit more to it than this. Advertisers are trying to do two things:
■ shift the product’s demand curve to the right; ■ make it less price elastic.
This is illustrated in Figure 8.4. D1 shows the original demand curve with price at P1 and sales at Q1. D2 shows the curve after an advertising campaign. The rightward shift allows an increased quantity (Q2) to be sold at the original price. If, at the same time, the demand is made less elas- tic, the firm can also raise its price and still experience an increase in sales. Thus in the diagram, price can be raised to P2 and sales will be Q3 – still substantially above Q1. The total gain in revenue is shown by the shaded area.
How can advertising bring about this new demand curve?
Shifting the demand curve to the right. This will occur if the advertising brings the product to more people’s attention and if it increases people’s desire for the product.
Making the demand curve less elastic. This will occur if the advertising creates greater brand loyalty (i.e. lowering the
KI 12 p 68
product’s cross-elasticity of demand). People must be led to believe (rightly or wrongly) that competitors’ brands are inferior. This will allow the firm to raise its price above that of its rivals with no significant fall in sales. There will be only a small substitution effect of this price rise because consumers have been led to believe that there are no close substitutes.
The more successful an advertising campaign is, the more it will shift the demand curve to the right and the more it will reduce the price elasticity of demand.
Assessing the effects of advertising The supporters of advertising claim that not only is it an important freedom for firms, but it also provides specific benefits for the consumer. By contrast, critics of advertising suggest that it can impose serious costs on the consumer and on society in general. In this section we will assess the basis of this difference.
The effect of advertising on the demand curve
Figure 8.4
Pause for thought
Before considering the points listed below, see if you can identify the main arguments both for and against the use of advertising.
The arguments put forward in favour of advertising include the following:
■ Advertising provides information to consumers on what products are available.
■ Advertising may be necessary in order to introduce new products. Without it, firms would find it difficult to break into markets in which there were established brands. In other words, it is a means of breaking down barriers to the entry of new firms and products.
KI 8 p 42
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1 3 4 C H A P T E R 8 P R O D U C T S , M A R K E T I N G A N D A D V E R T I S I N G
BOX 8.2 ADVERTISING AND THE LONG RUN
Promoting quality
when the dog-food market was dominated by tinned meat and Bakers was one of a small number of dry dog-food brands. Working with a small advertising agency, Purina developed an advertising campaign around the idea that ‘dogs would choose Bakers’. This campaign was awarded a gold medal by the Institute of Practitioners in Advertising, the UK trade body and professional institute, which noted:
10 years on, this powerful campaign is still running. Bakers achieved both its short-term objective of becoming the market leader and long-term objective of increasing the size of the market. The length of the campaign is testament to the strong sales response, having so far delivered an estimated £58.3 million for the brand.2
PG Tips. Launched in 1930, PG Tips is another brand that continues to be a leader in its respective market. Mintel esti- mated that it had a market share of 23 per cent of the UK tea market in 2013–14. The ‘chimp’ adverts, then the Aardman T-Birds and more recently Johnny Vegas and Monkey, have established a clear brand image, enabling PG Tips to hold its ground in a highly competitive market and charge a price premium. (Blind tests have revealed that consumers cannot distinguish between any of the leading tea brands!) Market analysis shows that PG Tips has a price elasticity of demand of -0.4 compared with its nearest rival, Tetley, which has an elasticity of -1.4. It was estimated that between 1980 and 2000 advertising the PG Tips brand cost £100 million but generated in the region of £2 billion in extra sales. However, consumer tastes are changing and this may pres- ent a real challenge to the brand in the future. The sales of standard black tea have declined, while the market for herbal tea has increased rapidly. Leading rivals Tetley, Typhoo and
It is relatively straightforward to measure the short-term impact of an advertising campaign; a simple before and after assessment of sales will normally give a good indication of the advertising’s effectiveness. But what about the medium- and longer-term effects of an advertising campaign? How will sales and profits be affected over, say, a five-year period? The typical impact of advertising on a product’s sales is shown in Figure (a). Assume that there is an advertising campaign for the product between time T
1 and T
2 . There is a direct effect on sales
while the advertising lasts and shortly afterwards. Sales rise from S
1 to S
2 . After a while (beyond time T
3 ), the direct effect of the
advertising begins to wear off, and wears off completely by time T
4 . This is illustrated by the dashed line. But the higher level of
sales declines much more slowly, given that many of the new customers continue to buy the product out of habit. Sales will eventually level off (at point T
5 ). It is likely, however, that sales
will not return to the original level of S 1 ; there will be some new
customers who will stick with the product over the long term. This long-term effect is shown by the increase in sales from S
1 to S
3 .
But just what is this long-term effect? One way to explore the impact of advertising over the long run is to evaluate how advertising and profitability in general are linked. In Figure (b) the argument is made that advertising shapes the key element of profitability, namely relative customer value. Customer value is determined by the product’s per- ceived quality (and hence utility) relative to price. The more that advertising can enhance the perceived quality of a prod- uct, the more it will increase the product’s profitability. How this benefits the business over the longer term is best seen through examples.
Examples of successful long-term marketing strategies Purina Petcare. Purina Petcare is the world’s leading pet care company. It produces a range of pet-food brands, including Felix, Winalot, Go Cat, Bonio and Bakers. Bakers is a success story of a long-term advertising campaign that began in 1994, 2www.ipaeffectivenessawards.co.uk/pdfs/Embargoed_2005_winners_release.pdf
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8 . 3 A D V E R T I S I N G 1 3 5
Twinings have all moved successfully into this segment of the market.
Audi. Another example of a successful long-term campaign is Audi, which was one of the winners of the 2011 Institute of Practitioners in Advertising (IPA) Effectiveness Awards. Prais- ing the advertising campaign’s focus on design, performance and innovation, the IPA acknowledged that Audi went from being the understated alternative to Mercedes and BMW, to the fastest growing prestige car brand of the last eight years. In 1999, against ambitious growth targets, the communica- tions strategy was overhauled to position Audi as the leader in the prestige sector. ‘Vorsprung durch Technik’ – the relent- less desire to challenge and evolve – became the focus of the campaign which generated an incremental 50 000 car sales and payback of £7.50 for every £1 spent.3
In 2000, Audi had a 1.5 per cent share of the UK market. By 2010, this had grown to 5.3 per cent.
Marketing and advertising in recessions An alternative way to illustrate the impact of advertising on longer-term profitability is to assess how companies approach advertising in a recession. What happens when advertising expenditure is cut, and how does profitability return once the recession is over and advertising expenditure once again begins to rise? Recessions place many firms under significant pressures due to declining consumer demand. A study4 published in 2011 examined the impact of marketing, in recessionary peri- ods, upon long-term profitability. It reviewed 18 previous academic articles and reports. Firm-wide pressures to cut costs often result in large declines in advertising expendi- ture. However, the study found that these cutbacks may be short-sighted. The long-term prospects of some firms can be improved during economic downturns. Firms that are able to engage in marketing activities during recessions are asso-
ciated with superior shareholder value, customer loyalty and long-term profitability. Those which rein in expenditures put future profits, and perhaps ultimately their survival, at risk.
Use of social media: a case study Companies have increasingly made use of social media to sup- port their advertising activity on the television and support long-running campaigns. One of the clearest examples of this new integrated approach was implemented by the price comparison website Compare the Market. In January 2009, the company launched its ‘Com- pare the Meerkat’ advert on the television. This centred on a CGI animated Russian Meerkat, Alexandr Orlov, complaining about the confusion between the ‘Compare the Meerkat’ and the Compare the Market websites. The company launched a real ‘Compare the Meerkat’ website in order to promote its brand further. The impact of the campaign was immediate. In the week fol- lowing its first broadcast, the number of Internet searches containing the word ‘meerkat’ increased by 817 per cent. Within nine weeks the requested number of insurance quotes via the Compare the Market website increased by 80 per cent. The company quickly created a Facebook page for the Alexandr Orlov character, which as of December 2014 had over half a million fans. A Twitter account was also established which by May 2015 had 67 000 followers! A series of television adverts continues to follow the story of Alexandr and has introduced new characters including friends and family members. The ‘Meerkat Movies’ promotion has recently been introduced which gives customers two-for-one tickets to cinemas. The on-line promotion has also continued to expand. Wallpapers, ringtones, text alerts and voicemail messages can be downloaded from the ‘Compare the Meerkat’ website. There is even an iPhone app that provides ‘meerkat’ pronunciations of various English phrases.
Conclusions The message is that advertising should continually seek to promote a product’s quality. This is the key to long-term sales and profits. What is also apparent is that successful brands have adver- tising campaigns which have been consistent over time. They have also increasingly made use of social media. A brand image of quality is not created overnight, and once it is established, it requires continued investment if it is to endure and yield prof- its over the longer term.
1. How are long-run profits and advertising linked? 2. Why does quality ‘win out’ in the end?
(b)
3www.ipaeffectivenessawards.co.uk/IPA-Brand-Films 4L. O’Malley, V. Story and V. O’Sullivan, ‘Marketing in a recession: retrench or invest’, Journal of Strategic Marketing, 19(3) (2011) 285-310.
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■ It can aid product development by helping the firm emphasise the special features of its product.
■ It may encourage price competition, if prices feature sig- nificantly in the advertisement.
■ By increasing sales, it may allow the firm to gain econo- mies of scale (see section 9.4), which in turn will help to keep prices down.
On the other side, the following arguments are put for- ward against advertising:
■ Advertising is designed to persuade people to buy the product. Consumers do not have perfect information and may thus be misled into purchasing goods whose qualities may be inferior to those goods which are not advertised.
■ Scarcity is defined as the excess of human wants over the means of fulfilling them. Advertising is used to create wants. It could thus be argued to increase scarcity.
■ It increases materialism. ■ Advertising costs money: it uses resources. These
resources could be put to alternative uses in producing more goods.
■ If there are no reductions in costs to be gained from pro- ducing on a larger scale, the costs of advertising will tend to raise the price paid by the consumer. Even if the firm has potential economies of scale, it may be prevented from expanding its sales by retaliatory advertising from its rivals.
■ Advertising can create a barrier to the entry of new firms by promoting brand loyalty to existing firms’ products. New firms may not be able to afford the
KI 2 p 18
large amount of advertising necessary to create a new brand image, whereas existing firms can spread the cost of their advertising over their already large num- ber of sales. In other words, there are economies of scale in advertising which act as a barrier to entry (see page 182–3).
This barrier is strengthened if existing firms sell many brands each (for example, in the washing powder indus- try many brands are produced by just two firms). This makes it even harder for new firms to introduce a new brand successfully, since the consumer already has so many to choose from.
The fewer the competitors, the less elastic will be the demand for each individual firm, and the higher will be the profit-maximising price (see Chapter 12).
■ People are constantly subjected to advertisements, whether on television, in magazines, on bill-boards, etc., and often find them annoying, tasteless or unsightly. Thus advertising imposes costs on society in general. These costs are external to the firm: that is, they do not cost the firm money, and hence are normally ignored by the firm.
The effects of advertising on competition, costs and prices are largely an empirical issue (an issue of fact), and clearly these effects will differ from one product to another. However, many of the arguments presented here involve judgements as to whether the effects are s o c i a l l y d e s i r a b l e o r u n d e s i r a b l e . S u c h j u d g e m e n t s involve questions of taste and morality: things that are questions of opinion and cannot be resolved by a simple appeal to the facts.
KI 1 p 10
SUMMARY
1a When firms seek to differentiate their product from those of their competitors, they can adjust one or more of four dimensions of the product: its technical standards, its quality, its design characteristics, and the level of cus- tomer service.
1b Products can be vertically and horizontally differentiated from one another. Vertical differentiation is where prod- ucts are superior or inferior to others. Horizontal differen- tiation is where products differ, but are of a similar quality.
2a Marketing involves developing a product image and then persuading consumers to purchase it.
2b A business must choose an appropriate product/market strategy. Four such strategies can be identified: market penetration (focusing on current product and market); product development (new product in current market); market development (current product in new markets); diversification (new products in new markets).
2c The marketing strategy of a product involves the manip- ulation of four key variables: product, price, place and promotion. Every product has a distinct marketing mix. The marketing mix is likely to change over the product’s life cycle.
3a Advertising expenditure is cyclical, expanding and con- tracting with the upswings and downswings of the economy.
3b Most advertising expenditure goes on consumables and durable goods.
3c The advertising intensity within a given product sector can be estimated by considering the advertising/sales ratio. The advertising/sales ratio is likely to be higher the more oligopolistic the market, the more expensive the product, the newer the product, and the more that the customer base for a product is subject to change.
3d The aims of advertising are to increase demand and make the product less price elastic.
3e Supporters of advertising claim that it: provides consum- ers with information; brings new products to consumers’ attention; aids product development; encourages price competition; and generates economies of scale through increasing sales.
3f Critics of advertising claim that it: distorts consumption decisions; creates wants; pushes up prices; creates barri- ers to entry; and produces unwanted side effects, such as being unsightly.
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REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 How might we account for the growth in non-price com- petition within the modern developed economy?
2 Distinguish between vertical and horizontal product differen- tiation. Give examples of goods that fall into each category.
3 Consider how the selection of the product/market strat- egy (market penetration, market development, product development and diversification) will influence the business’s marketing mix. Identify which elements in the marketing mix would be most significant in developing a successful marketing strategy.
4 Why might the advertising/sales ratio be a poor guide to the degree of exposure of the consumer to advertise- ments for a particular category of product?
5 Imagine that ‘Sunshine’ sunflower margarine, a well- known brand, is advertised with the slogan, ‘It helps you live longer’ (the implication being that butter and mar- garines high in saturates shorten your life). What do you think would happen to the demand curve for a supermar- ket’s own brand of sunflower margarine? Consider both the direction of shift and the effect on elasticity. Will the elasticity differ markedly at different prices? How will this affect the pricing policy and sales of the supermarket’s own brand? Could the supermarket respond other than by adjusting the price of its margarine?
6 On balance, does advertising benefit (a) the consumer; (b) society in general?
ADDITIONAL PART C CASE STUDIES IN THE ECONOMICS FOR BUSINESS MyEconLab (www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman)
C.1 Bentham and the philosophy of utilitarianism. This looks at the historical and philosophical underpinning of the ideas of utility maximisation.
C.2 Choices within the household. Is what is best for the individual best for the family?
C.3 Taking account of time. The importance of the time dimension in consumption decisions.
C.4 The demand for butter. An examination of a real-world demand function.
C.5 What we pay to watch sport. Consideration of the demand function for season tickets to watch spectator sports such as football.
WEBSITES RELEVANT TO PART C
Numbers and sections refer to websites listed in the Web appendix and hotlinked from this book’s website at www.pearsoned .co.uk/sloman
■ For news articles relevant to Part C, see the Economics News Articles link from the book’s website.
■ For general news on demand, consumers and marketing, see websites in section A, and particularly A2, 3, 4, 8, 9, 11, 12, 23, 24, 25, 36. See also site A41 for links to economics news articles and to search particular topics (e.g. advertising).
■ For data, information and sites on products and marketing, see sites B1, 3, 14, 27.
■ For student resources relevant to Part C, see sites C1–7, 19.
■ For data on advertising, see site E37.
■ For links to sites on various aspects of advertising and marketing, see section Industry and Commerce > Consumer Protection > Advertising in sites I7 and 11.
W E B R E F E R E N C E S 1 3 7
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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D Part
Background to supply
The Financial Times, 20 August 2015
Qantas turnround gains altitude with swing to profit
© The Financial Times Limited 2015. All Rights Reserved.
By Jamie Smyth
Qantas Airways’ recovery gained altitude as the airline soared back into the black and outlined bullish plans to buy new aircraft, return cash to its shareholders and reduce debt.
Buoyed by deep cost-cutting, lower fuel prices and a truce in a bruising capacity war with its domestic ri- val Virgin Australia, the Australian flag carrier on Thursday posted a A$975m (US$716m) underlying pre-tax profit for the year ended June 2015. This was a marked turnround from a A$646m underlying loss and record A$2.8bn net annual loss a year earlier.
However, the carrier’s 2014-15 underlying profit marginally undershot analysts’ consensus fore- casts of A$982m, and Qantas shares – which have trebled over the past 18 months – closed down 6.1 per cent at A$3.53 on Thursday.
“We are delivering one of the biggest turnrounds in Australia’s corporate history,” said Alan Joyce, Qantas chief executive. “This is the best first-half [financial] result in four years and the best sec- ond-half result in the company’s history.”
The “Flying Kangaroo” has faced difficulty in recent years due to increasing competition from Virgin Australia at home, tough competition from Middle Eastern and Asian carriers on interna- tional routes, high fuel prices and a strong Aus- tralian dollar.
It lost its investment-grade credit rating in 2013 and its shares fell to a record low of A$0.96, which prompted rumours the airline would need a gov- ernment bailout to survive.
Mr Joyce is in the midst of a four-year A$2bn cost-cutting plan that involves axing 5,000 jobs, early retirement of aircraft and wage freezes. The company said it has implemented $1.1bn in cost and revenue benefits so far and expects to realise a further A$450m in benefits during 2015–16.
On Thursday, Qantas said lower fuel costs provided annual cost reduction of A$597m, while the trans- formation programme provided A$894m in cost benefits. Qantas is proposing to return capital to shareholders equivalent to A$0.23 per share, while also reducing the number of shares on issue. …
Qantas also said it would exercise options to buy eight Boeing 787-9 Dreamliners for its interna- tional fleet. The new aircraft would enable Qantas to operate more efficiently, retiring older aircraft and opening up new routes…
All the airline’s divisions were profitable in 2015, with Qantas International and Jetstar, its budget offshoot, returning to an underlying full-year profit. The statutory pre-tax profit of A$789m in the year to end June 2015 compared with a statu- tory loss of A$3.98bn a year earlier.
The FT Reports …
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In Part D we turn to supply. In other words, we will focus on the amount that firms produce. In Parts E and F we shall see how the supply decision is affected by the envi- ronment in which a firm operates, and in particular by the amount of competition it faces. In this part of the text, however, we take a more general look at supply and its relationship to profit.
Profit is made by firms earning more from the sale of goods than the goods cost to pro- duce. A firm’s total profit (TΠ) is thus the difference between its total sales revenue (TR) and its total costs of production (TC):
TΠ = TR - TC
(Note that we use the Greek Π (pi) for ‘profit’.)
Businesses can increase their profitability either by increasing their revenue (by selling more of their product or adjusting their price) or by reducing their costs of production. As the Financial Times article opposite shows, both policies can be vital in helping a struggling company, such as the airline Qantas to return to profit. Some- times, however, as the quote above illustrates, a combination of falling demand, low prices and rising costs may make losses inevitable.
In order, then, to discover how a firm can maximise its profit, or even get a sufficient level of profit, we must first consider what determines costs and revenue. Chapter 9 examines production, productivity and costs. Chapter 10 considers revenue, and then puts costs and revenue together to examine profit. We will discover the output at which profits are maximised and how much profit is made at that output.
[Steelworks across Europe] have been hit by falling prices, weak demand and a flood of cheap imports as the slowdown in China stifles the appetite of the world’s biggest steel con- sumer. These have combined with high oper- ating costs to weigh heavily on their finances, raising questions about the sustainability of the UK’s domestic industry. While such factors have squeezed the steelmakers across Europe, their British counterparts say they face addi- tional burdens of higher business rates and energy costs, as well as the impact of a strong pound.
‘UK steel hit by perfect storm of falling prices and high costs’, Financial Times, 29 September 2015
Key terms
Opportunity cost Explicit and implicit costs Short and long run Law of diminishing
(marginal) returns Returns to scale
(increasing, constant and decreasing)
Economies of scale (internal)
External economies of scale
Diseconomies of scale Specialisation and division
of labour Fixed and variable factors Fixed and variable costs Total average and marginal
costs and revenue Price takers and price
makers/choosers Profit maximisation Normal profit Supernormal profit
M09_SLOM2103_07_SE_C09.indd 139 4/25/16 11:40 AM
Costs of production
C h
a p
te r 9
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ What do profits consist of? ■ How are costs of production measured? ■ What is the relationship between inputs and outputs in both the short and long run? ■ How do costs vary with output in both the short and long run? ■ What are meant by ‘economies of scale’ and what are the reasons for such economies? ■ How can a business combine its inputs in the most efficient way?
THE MEANING OF COSTS 9.1
Opportunity cost When measuring costs, economists always use the concept of opportunity cost . Opportunity cost is the cost of any activity measured in terms of the sacrifice made in doing it: in other words, the cost measured in terms of the oppor- tunities forgone (see Chapter 2 ) . If a car manufacturer can produce ten small saloon cars with the same amount of inputs as it takes to produce six large saloon cars, then the opportunity cost of producing one small car is 0.6 of a large car. If a taxi and car hire firm uses its cars as taxis, then the opportunity cost includes not only the cost of employing taxi drivers and buying fuel, but also the sacrifice of rental income from hiring its vehicles out.
Measuring a firm’s opportunity costs To measure a firm’s opportunity cost, we must first discover what factors of production it has used. Then we must meas- ure the sacrifice involved in using them. To do this it is nec- essary to put factors into two categories.
Factors not owned by the firm: explicit costs The opportunity cost of those factors not already owned by the firm is simply the price that the firm has to pay for them. Thus if the firm uses £100 worth of electricity, the opportunity cost is £100. The firm has sacrificed £100 which could have been spent on something else.
These costs are called explicit costs because they involve direct payment of money by firms.
Factors already owned by the firm: implicit costs When the firm already owns factors (e.g. machinery), it does not as a rule have to pay out money to use them. Their
KI 3 p 23
Definitions
Opportunity cost Cost measured in terms of the next best alternative forgone.
Explicit costs The payments to outside suppliers of inputs.
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9 . 1 T H E M E A N I N G O F C O S T S 1 4 1
opportunity costs are thus implicit costs. They are equal to what the factors could earn for the firm in some alternative use, either within the firm or hired out to some other firm.
Here are some examples of implicit costs:
■ A firm owns some buildings. The opportunity cost of using them is the rent it could have received by letting them out to another firm.
■ A firm draws £100 000 from the bank out of its savings in order to invest in new plant and equipment. The oppor- tunity cost of this investment is not just the £100 000 (an explicit cost), but also the interest it thereby forgoes (an implicit cost).
■ The owner of the firm could have earned £15 000 per annum by working for someone else. This £15 000 is the opportunity cost of the owner’s time.
Pause for thought
Assume that a farmer decides to grow wheat on land that could be used for growing barley. Barley sells for £100 per tonne. Wheat sells for £150 per tonne. Seed, fertiliser, labour and other costs of growing crops are £80 per tonne for both wheat and barley. What are the farmer’s costs and profit per tonne of growing wheat?
The ‘bygones’ principle states that sunk (fixed) costs should be ignored when deciding whether to produce or sell more or less of a product. Only variable costs should be taken into account.
KEY IDEA
18
Definitions
Implicit costs Costs which do not involve a direct pay- ment of money to a third party, but which nevertheless involve a sacrifice of some alternative.
Historic costs The original amount the firm paid for fac- tors it now owns.
Sunk costs Costs that cannot be recouped (e.g. by trans- ferring assets to other uses).
Replacement costs What the firm would have to pay to replace factors it currently owns.
BOX 9.1 THE FALLACY OF USING HISTORIC COSTS
Or there’s no point crying over spilt milk
At the time of purchase this represents an opportunity cost of £10 each, since the £10 could have been spent on something else. The shopkeeper estimates that there is enough local demand to sell all 100 trees at £20 each, thereby making a reasonable profit (even after allowing for handling costs). But the estimate turns out to be wrong. On 23 December there are still 50 trees unsold. What should be done? At this stage the £10 that was paid for the trees is irrelevant. It is a historic cost. It cannot be recouped: the trees cannot be sold back to the wholesaler! In fact the opportunity cost is now zero. It might even be negative if the shopkeeper has to pay to dispose of any unsold trees. It might, therefore, be worth selling the trees at £10, £5 or even £1. Last thing on Christmas Eve it might even be worth giving away any unsold trees.
Why is the correct price to charge (for the unsold trees) the one at which the price elasticity of demand equals −1? (Assume no disposal costs.)
KI 3 p 23
‘What’s done is done.’ ‘Write it off to experience.’ ‘You might as well make the best of a bad job.’ These familiar sayings are all everyday examples of a simple fact of life: once something has happened, you cannot change the past. You have to take things as they are now. If you fall over and break your leg, there is little point in saying: ‘If only I hadn’t done that I could have gone on that skiing holiday; I could have taken part in that race; I could have done so many other things (sigh).’ Wishing things were different won’t change history. You have to manage as well as you can with your broken leg. It is the same for a firm. Once it has purchased some inputs, it is no good then wishing it hadn’t. It has to accept that it has now got them, and make the best decisions about what to do with them. Take a simple example. The local convenience store in early December decides to buy 100 Christmas trees for £10 each.
Likewise, the replacement cost is irrelevant. That should be taken into account only when the firm is considering replacing the machine.
If there is no alternative use for a factor of production, as in the case of a machine designed to produce a specific product, and if it has no scrap value, the opportunity cost of using it is zero. In such a case, if the output from the machine is worth more than the cost of all the other inputs involved, the firm might as well use the machine rather than let it stand idle.
What the firm paid for the machine – its historic cost – is irrelevant. Not using the machine will not bring that money back. It has been spent. These are sometimes referred to as sunk costs.
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1 4 2 C H A P T E R 9 C O S T S O F P R O D U C T I O N
The cost of producing any level of output will depend on the amount of inputs used and the price that the firm must pay for them. Let us first focus on the quantity of inputs used.
PRODUCTION IN THE SHORT RUN9.2
Output depends on the amount of resources and how they are used. Different amounts and combinations of inputs will lead to different amounts of output. If out- put is to be produced efficiently, then inputs should be combined in the optimum proportions.
KEY IDEA
19
Short-run and long-run changes in production If a firm wants to increase production, it will take time to acquire a greater quantity of certain inputs. For example, a manufacturer can use more electricity by turning on switches, but it might take a long time to obtain and install more machines, and longer still to build a second or third factory.
If, then, the firm wants to increase output in a hurry, it will only be able to increase the quantity of certain inputs. It can use more raw materials, more fuel, more tools and possibly more labour (by hiring extra workers or offering overtime to its existing workforce). But it will have to make do with its existing buildings and most of its machinery.
The distinction we are making here is between fixed factors and variable factors. A fixed factor is an input that cannot be increased within a given time period (e.g. build- ings). A variable factor is one that can.
The distinction between fixed and variable factors allows us to distinguish between the short run and the long run.
The short run is a time period during which at least one factor of production is fixed. This means that in the short run output can be increased only by using more variable factors. For example, if a shipping line wanted to carry more passengers in response to a rise in demand, it could accom- modate more passengers on existing sailings if there was space. It could increase the number of sailings with its exist- ing fleet, by hiring more crew and using more fuel. But in the short run it could not buy more ships: there would not be time for them to be built.
The long run is a time period long enough for all of a firm’s inputs to be varied. Thus in the long run, the ship- ping company could have a new ship built to cater for the increase in demand.
The actual length of the short run will differ from firm to firm. It is not a fixed period of time. Thus if it takes a farmer a year to obtain new land, buildings and equipment, the short run is any time period up to a year and the long run is any time period longer than a year. But if it takes a ship- ping company three years to obtain an extra ship, the short run is any period up to three years and the long run is any period longer than three years.
For this and the next section we will concentrate on short-run production and costs. We will look at the long run in sections 9.4 and 9.5.
Pause for thought
How will the length of the short run for the shipping company depend on the state of the shipbuilding industry?
Production in the short run: the law of diminishing returns Production in the short run is subject to diminishing returns, which we first alluded to in section 4.3. You may well have heard of ‘the law of diminishing returns’: it is one of the most famous of all ‘laws’ of economics. To illustrate how this law underlies short-run production, let us take the simplest possible case where there are just two factors: one fixed and one variable.
Take the case of a farm. Assume the fixed factor is land and the variable factor is labour. Since the land is fixed in supply, output per period of time can be increased only by increasing the number of workers employed. But imagine what would happen as more and more workers crowded on to a fixed area of land. The land cannot go on yielding more and more output indefinitely. After a point the additions to output from each extra worker will begin to diminish.
We can now state the law of diminishing (marginal) returns.
The law of diminishing marginal returns. When increasing amounts of a variable factor are used with a given amount of a fixed factor, there will come a point when each extra unit of the variable factor will pro- duce less additional output than the previous unit.
KEY IDEA
20
Definitions
Fixed factor An input that cannot be increased in supply within a given time period.
Variable factor An input that can be increased in supply within a given time period.
Short run The period of time over which at least one factor is fixed.
Long run The period of time long enough for all factors to be varied.
Law of diminishing (marginal) returns When one or more factors are held fixed, there will come a point beyond which the extra output from additional units of the variable factor will diminish.
A good example of the law of diminishing returns is given in Case D.3 in MyEconLab. The case looks at dimin- ishing returns to the application of nitrogen fertiliser on farmland. There is also an article on the Sloman News Site, ‘Tackling diminishing returns in food production’, which provides another good application of this core concept.
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9 . 2 P R O D U C T I O N I N T H E S H O R T R U N 1 4 3
The short-run production function: total product Let us now see how the law of diminishing returns affects total output or total physical product (TPP).
The relationship between inputs and output is shown in a production function. In the simple case of the farm with only two factors – namely, a fixed supply of land L n and a variable supply of farm workers (Lb) – the production func- tion would be:
KI 19 p 142
TPP = f( Ln,Lb )
Definitions
Total physical product The total output of a product per period of time that is obtained from a given amount of inputs.
Production function The mathematical relationship between the output of a good and the inputs used to pro- duce it. It shows how output will be affected by changes in the quantity of one or more of the inputs.
Number of workers(Lb)
TPP APP (= TPP/Lb)
MPP ( = ∆TPP/
∆Lb)
a 0 0 - 3
1 3 3 7
2 10 5 b 14
3 24 8 12
c 4 36 9 4
5 40 8 2
6 42 7 d 0
7 42 6 - 2
8 40 5
Wheat production per year from a particular farm (tonnes)
Table 9.1
Wheat production per year (tonnes) from a particular farmFigure 9.1
The production function can also be expressed in the form of a table or a graph. Table 9.1 and Figure 9.1 show a hypothetical production function for a farm producing wheat. The first two columns of Table 9.1 and the top
40
30
20
10
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
–2
DTPP = 7
DLb = 1
g a
h b
b
TPP
MPP
APP
d
d
c
c
0 1 2 3 5 6 7 8 Lb
A P
P , M
P P
TP P
1 2 3 4 5 6 8 Lb
4
7
This states that total physical product (i.e. the output of the farm) over a given period of time is a function of (i.e. depends on) the quantity of land and labour employed.
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1 4 4 C H A P T E R 9 C O S T S O F P R O D U C T I O N
diagram in Figure 9.1 show how wheat output per year varies as extra workers are employed on a fixed amount of land.
With nobody working on the land, output will be zero (point a). As the first farm workers are taken on, wheat out- put initially rises more and more rapidly. The assumption behind this is that with only one or two workers efficiency is low, since the workers are spread thinly across multiple tasks. With more workers, however, they can work as a team – each, perhaps, doing some specialist job and becom- ing more productive at it – and thus they can use the land more efficiently. In the top diagram of Figure 9.1, output rises more and more rapidly up to the employment of the second worker.
After point b, however, diminishing marginal returns set in: output rises less and less rapidly, and the TPP curve cor- respondingly becomes less steeply sloped.
When point d is reached, wheat output is at a maximum: the land is yielding as much as it can. Any more workers employed after that are likely to get in each other’s way. Thus beyond point d, output is likely to fall again: eight workers produce less than seven workers.
The short-run production function: average and marginal product In addition to total physical product, two other important concepts are illustrated by a production function: namely, average physical product (APP) and marginal physical product (MPP).
Average physical product This is output (TPP) per unit of the variable factor (Qv). In the case of the farm, it is the output of wheat per worker.
APP = TPP/Qv
Thus in Table 9.1 the average physical product of labour when four workers are employed is 36/4 = 9 tonnes per year.
Marginal physical product This is the extra output (∆TPP) produced by employing one more unit of the variable factor, (where the symbol ∆ denotes ‘a change in’).
Thus in Table 9.1 the marginal physical product of the fourth worker is 12 tonnes. The reason is that, by employ- ing the fourth worker, wheat output has risen from 24 tonnes to 36 tonnes: a rise of 12 tonnes.
In symbols, marginal physical product is given by:
MPP = ∆TPP/∆Qv
Thus in our example:
MPP = 12/1 = 12
The reason why we divide the increase in output (∆TPP) by the increase in the quantity of the variable factor (∆Qv)
KI 20 p 142
is that some variable factors can be increased only in multiple units. For example, if we wanted to know the MPP of fertiliser and we found out how much extra wheat was produced by using an extra 20 kg bag, we would have to divide this output by 20 (∆Qv) to find the MPP of one more kilogram.
Note that in Table 9.1 the figures for MPP are entered in the spaces between the other figures. The reason is that MPP is the difference in output between one level of input and another. Thus in the table the differences in output between five and six workers is 2 tonnes.
The figures for APP and MPP are plotted in the lower dia- gram of Figure 9.1. We can draw a number of conclusions from these two diagrams.
■ The MPP between two points is equal to the slope of the TPP curve between those two points. For example, when the number of workers increases from 1 to 2 (∆Lb = 1), TPP rises from 3 to 10 tonnes (∆TPP = 7). MPP is thus 7: the slope of the line between points g and h.
■ MPP rises at first: the slope of the TPP curve gets steeper. ■ MPP reaches a maximum at point b. At that point the
slope of the TPP curve is at its steepest. ■ After point b, diminishing returns set in. MPP falls. TPP
becomes less steep. ■ APP rises at first. It continues rising as long as the addi-
tion to output from the last worker (MPP) is greater than the average output (APP): the MPP pulls the APP up. This continues beyond point b. Even though MPP is now falling, the APP goes on rising as long as the MPP is still above the APP. Thus APP goes on rising to point c.
■ Beyond point c, MPP is below APP. New workers add less to output than the average. This pulls the average down: APP falls.
■ As long as MPP is greater than zero, TPP will go on rising: new workers add to total output.
■ At point d, TPP is at a maximum (its slope is zero). An additional worker will add nothing to output: MPP is zero.
■ Beyond point d, TPP falls. MPP is negative.
KI 20 p 142
Pause for thought
What is the significance of the slope of the line ac in the top part of Figure 9.1?
Definitions
Average physical product (APP) Total output (TPP) per unit of the variable factor (Qv) in question: APP = TPP/Qv.
Marginal physical product (MPP) The extra output gained by the employment of one more unit of the varia- ble factor: MPP = ∆ TPP/ ∆Qv.
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9 . 3 C O S T S I N T H E S H O R T R U N 1 4 5
Having looked at the background to costs in the short run, we now turn to examine short-run costs themselves. We will be examining how costs change as a firm changes the amount it produces and hence responds to short-run mar- ket conditions. Obviously, if it is to decide how much to produce, it will need to know just what the level of costs will be at each level of output.
Costs and inputs A firm’s costs of production will depend on the factors of production it uses. The more factors it uses, the greater will its costs be. More precisely, this relationship depends on two elements.
The productivity of the factors. The greater their physical pro- ductivity, the smaller will be the quantity of them that is needed to produce a given level of output, and hence the lower will be the cost of that output. In other words, there is a direct link between TPP, APP and MPP and the costs of production.
The price of the factors. The higher their price, the higher will be the costs of production. In the short run, some factors are fixed in supply. Therefore, the total costs (TC) of these inputs are fixed and thus do not vary with output. Consider a piece of land that a firm rents: the rent it pays will be a fixed cost. Whether the firm produces a lot or a little, it will not change.
The cost of variable factors, however, does vary with out- put. The cost of raw materials is a variable cost. The more that is produced, the more raw materials are used and there- fore the higher is their total cost.
KI 19 p 142
COSTS IN THE SHORT RUN9.3
Total cost The total cost (TC) of production is the sum of the total vari- able costs (TVC) and the total fixed costs (TFC) of production.
TC = TVC + TFC
Consider Table 9.2 and Figure 9.2. They show the total costs for an imaginary firm for producing different levels of output (Q). Let us examine each of the three cost curves in turn.
Output (Q) TFC (£) TVC (£) TC (£)
0 12 0 12
1 12 10 22
2 12 16 28
3 12 21 33
4 12 28 40
5 12 40 52
6 12 60 72
7 12 91 103
Total costs for firm X Table 9.2
Definitions
Fixed costs Total costs that do not vary with the amount of output produced.
Variable costs Total costs that do vary with the amount of output produced.
Total cost (TC) the sum of total fixed costs (TFC) and total variable costs (TVC): TC = TFC + TVC.
Total costs for firm XFigure 9.2
100
80
60
40
20
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
TC
TVC
m TFC
Output (Q)
C os
ts (£
)
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1 4 6 C H A P T E R 9 C O S T S O F P R O D U C T I O N
BOX 9.2 HOW VULNERABLE ARE YOU?
The importance of costs
The business environment is uncertain and we see some firms grow and succeed, while others fail. What is it that makes some firms more vulnerable to the economic environment, while other firms are much more insulated? In this box, we look at one aspect of the answer to this question by focusing on the shape of a firm’s cost curves and the impact this has on its economic vulnerability.
Type 1 vulnerability A typical firm will have a U-shaped average cost curve. It falls at first, reflecting rapidly falling average fixed costs, as they are spread over a greater output, plus a more efficient deploy- ment of variable factors of production. Then, as diminishing marginal returns become relatively more important than fall- ing average fixed costs, average costs will rise. The question is how quickly do average costs first fall and then rise as output changes. This is an important determinant of how vulnerable a firm is. Consider two firms, A and B. Each firm’s average cost curve is shown in Figure (a). Assume, for simplicity, that each firm achieves minimum average cost at point x, namely at the same output Q
0 and at the same average cost, AC
0 . But now consider
what would happen if there was a recession, as we saw across the world following the financial crisis of 2007–8. Assume that both firms experience a fall in demand and, as a result, cut output to Q
1 .
With a U-shaped AC curve, both firms see per unit costs begin to rise, but firm A’s costs rise significantly faster than firm B’s, because firm A has a very steep AC curve. The same fall in quantity pushes firm A’s average costs up from AC
0 to AC
1
(point a) but only causes firm B’s costs to increase to AC 2
(point b) as firm B’s AC curve is very flat – sometimes called flute-shaped. Returning to point x, now assume that, instead of a recession, there is an expansion in demand. Both firms consequently increase output. Again, firm A’s costs rise more rapidly than firm B’s. Therefore, firm A is much more susceptible to any change in demand than firm B. Any small decrease (or increase) in output will have a significant effect on firm A’s costs and hence on its profit margin and profits, making it a much more vulnerable firm. What are the factors that affect the steepness of the AC curve and hence make one firm more vulnerable than another?
■ If a firm has high ratio of fixed factors to variable factors then it is likely to face a steep AC curve. Total fixed costs do not change with output and hence, if output falls, it implies that its high fixed costs are being spread over fewer and fewer units of output and this causes average costs to rise rapidly.
■ If a firm is relatively inflexible in its use of inputs, it may find that a cut in production means that efficiency goes down and average cost rises rapidly. Similarly if it wishes to expand output beyond Q
0 , it may find it difficult to do
so without incurring considerable extra costs, for example by employing expensive agency staff or hiring expensive machinery.
Conduct some research on a firm of your choice, looking into its data on costs, and decide whether or not you think this firm would suffer from type 1 vulnerability.
Type 2 vulnerability Most firms purchase inputs to the production process from other companies, but their reliance on other firms and, in some cases on materials where there is a volatile global mar- ket, can vary significantly. The second type of economic vul- nerability concerns a firm’s reliance on external or bought-in factors of production (inputs).
AC1
AC2 AC0
ACfirm A
ACfirm B
a
A ve
ra ge
c os
ts
Output Q1 Q0
b x
(a) Average cost for firms A and B: change in output
Total fixed cost (TFC) In our example, total fixed cost is assumed to be £12. Since this does not vary with output, it is shown by a horizontal straight line.
Total variable cost (TVC) With a zero output, no variable factors will be used. Thus TVC = 0. The TVC curve, therefore, starts from the origin.
The shape of the TVC curve follows from the law of diminishing returns. Initially, before diminishing returns set in, TVC rises less and less rapidly as more variable factors
KI 20 p 142
are added. For example, in the case of a factory with a fixed supply of machinery, initially as more workers are taken on the workers can do increasingly specialist tasks and make a fuller use of the capital equipment. This corresponds to the portion of the TPP curve that rises more rapidly (up to point b in the top diagram of Figure 9.1).
T h e n , a s o u t p u t i s i n c r e a s e d b e y o n d p o i n t m i n Figure 9.2, diminishing returns set in. Extra workers (the extra variable factors) produce less and less additional output, so the additional output they do produce costs more and more in terms of wage costs. Thus TVC rises more
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9 . 3 C O S T S I N T H E S H O R T R U N 1 4 7
HOW VULNERABLE ARE YOU?
The importance of costs
For example, some firms may be heavily dependent on oil or another raw material and, as such, if the price of oil changes, it can have a very big effect on the firm’s costs of production, its profit margins and its profit. During an economic boom or period of high growth, production tends to increase and so demand for oil often rises as well. As the demand for oil increases, its price will rise. A firm that is very dependent on oil to produce will see a significant effect on its costs of production and its AC curve will shift vertically upwards, possibly by a considerable extent. How- ever, for a firm that does not use much oil during produc- tion, or has alternative inputs, changes in the global price of oil or another input may cause only a very small shift in the AC curve. In Figure (b), both firms X and Y have the same shaped AC curve, which we will assume is initially the same (i.e. AC
1 ).
But let us also assume that firm X is very dependent on oil, whereas firm Y is not. Assume that oil prices now rise. This will lead to a large upward shift in firm X’s AC curve from AC
1 to AC
2 , but a
smaller upward shift in firm Y’s AC curve from AC 1 to AC
3 .
There is a much larger cost penalty imposed on firm X than on firm Y, due to the reliance on oil as a factor of production. In 2010, oil prices rose significantly, so firms which were big users of oil, either directly into the production process
or for transporting their inputs and produce, saw their costs rise and their profits eroded. However, in late 2014 and early 2015, oil prices fell considerably and so those firms which were heavily dependent on oil saw their AC curves shift downwards significantly, thereby helping to increase their profits. Other firms which were less reliant on oil, however, did not benefit so much from low global prices for oil.
Now look at some data on a firm of your choice and decide whether or not you think this firm would suffer from type 2 vulnerability. Is it the same firm as you discussed in question 1? If your data suggest the firms would be vulnerable in both ways, what might this mean for the firm?
Nippon Steel & Sumitomo Metal Corporation (NSSMC) One final thing to consider is a firm that is vulnerable in both ways. That is, a firm that is heavily dependent on external or bought-in costs and at the same time has a high proportion of fixed costs. This might mean that as econ- omies move from economic boom to economic recession, these firms are always vulnerable to changes in costs of production. A good example is the Japanese steel producer, NSSMC. Its fixed costs as a percentage of internal costs are very high, suggesting a steep AC curve and vulnerability to a fall in output. However, this firm’s external costs also account for a high percentage of its total costs, suggesting heavy reli- ance on costs that are beyond its control. Therefore, during an economic downturn, as we saw in 2009, NSSMC reduced its output to just above 50 per cent of its maximum capacity. This fall in output made the firm very vulnerable to rising short-run average costs. And just the previous year the company had been in trouble again, but this time because costs of production had been rising due to increases in the prices of oil and various raw materials. These types of vulnerability create uncertainty in the busi- ness environment. They can help to explain why some firms are successful and can survive periods of falling output, while others have little chance of survival.
(b) Average cost for firms C and D: change in costs
and more rapidly. The TVC curve gets steeper. This corre- sponds to the portion of the TPP curve that rises less rapidly (between points b and d in Figure 9.1).
Total cost (TC) Since TC = TVC + TFC, the TC curve is simply the TVC curve shifted vertically upwards by £12.
Average and marginal cost Average cost (AC) is cost per unit of production.
AC = TC/Q
Thus if it costs a firm £2000 to produce 100 units of a product, the average cost would be £20 for each unit (£2000/100).
Like total cost, average cost can be divided into the two components, fixed and variable. In other words, average
Definition
Average (total) cost (AC) Total cost (fixed plus variable) per unit of output: AC = TC/Q = AFC + AVC.
AC2 (firm X)
Output
AC3 (firm Y)
A ve
ra ge
c os
ts
AC1 (firms X and Y)
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1 4 8 C H A P T E R 9 C O S T S O F P R O D U C T I O N
Definitions
Average fixed cost (AFC) Total fixed cost per unit of output: AFC = TFC/Q. Average variable cost (AVC) Total variable cost per unit of output: AVC = TVC/Q. Marginal cost (MC) The cost of producing one more unit of output: MC = ∆TC/∆Q.
Output (Q) (units)
TFC (£)
AFC (TFC/Q) (£)
TVC (£)
AVC (TVC/Q) (£)
TC (TFC + TVC) (£)
AC (TC/Q) (£)
MC (∆TC/ ∆Q) (£)
0 12 – 0 – 12 – 10
1 12 12 10 10 22 22 6
2 12 6 16 8 28 14 5
3 12 4 21 7 33 11 7
4 12 3 28 7 40 10 12
5 12 2.4 40 8 52 10.4 20
6 12 2 60 10 72 12 31
7 12 1.7 91 13 103 14.7
CostsTable 9.3
Pause for thought
Before you read on, can you explain why the marginal cost curve will always cut the average cost curve at its lowest point?
cost equals average fixed cost (AFC = TFC/Q) plus average variable cost (AVC = TVC/Q).
AC = AFC + AVC
Marginal cost (MC) is the extra cost of producing one more unit: that is, the rise in total cost per one unit rise in output.
MC = ∆TC ∆Q
where ∆ means ‘a change in’. For example, assume that a firm is currently produc-
ing 1 000 000 boxes of matches a month. It now increases output by 1000 boxes (another batch): ∆Q = 1000. As a result its total costs rise by £30: ∆TC = £30. What is the cost of producing one more box of matches? It is:
MC = ∆TC ∆Q
= #30
1000 = 3p
(Note that all marginal costs are variable, since, by defi- nition, there can be no extra fixed costs as output rises.)
Given the TFC, TVC and TC for each output, it is pos- sible to derive the AFC, AVC, AC and MC for each output using the above definitions. For example, using the data in Table 9.2, Table 9.3 can be constructed.
What will be the shapes of the MC, AFC, AVC and AC curves? These follow from the nature of the MPP and APP curves (which we looked at in section 9.2).
Marginal cost (MC) The shape of the MC curve follows directly from the law of diminishing returns. Initially, in Figure 9.3, as more of the variable factor is used, extra units of output cost less than pre- vious units. This means that MC falls. This corresponds to the portion of the TVC curve in Figure 9.2 to the left of point m.
Beyond a certain level of output, diminishing returns set in. This is shown as point x in Figure 9.3 and corresponds to point m in Figure 9.2. Thereafter MC rises. Additional units
KI 20 p 142
of output cost more and more to produce, since they require ever-increasing amounts of the variable factor.
Average fixed cost (AFC) This falls continuously as output rises, since total fixed costs are being spread over a greater and greater output.
Average variable cost (AVC) The shape of the AVC curve depends on the shape of the APP curve. As the average product of workers rises, the aver- age labour cost per unit of output (the AVC) falls: up to point y in Figure 9.3. Thereafter, as APP falls, AVC must rise.
Average (total) cost (AC) This is simply the vertical sum of the AFC and AVC curves. Note that, as AFC falls, the gap between AVC and AC nar- rows. Although AVC and MC curves are usually drawn as a U-shape, they are not always shaped like this. Case study D.7 in MyEconLab considers alternative shapes for these curves.
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The relationship between average cost and marginal cost This is simply another illustration of the relationship that applies between all averages and marginals.
As long as the cost of additional units of output is less than the average, their production must pull the average cost down. That is, if MC is less than AC, AC must be fall- ing. Likewise, if additional units cost more than the aver- age, their production must drive the average up. That is, if MC is greater than AC, AC must be rising. Therefore, the MC crosses the AC, and also the AVC, at their minimum points (point z and y respectively in Figure 9.3).
Average and marginal costsFigure 9.3
C os
ts (£
)
0
5
15
10
20
2 4 6 8
MC
AC AVC
AFC
z
y x
Output (Q)
In the long run all factors of production are variable. There is time for the firm to build a new factory (maybe in a differ- ent part of the country), to install new machines, to use dif- ferent techniques of production, and in general to combine its inputs in whatever proportion and in whatever quanti- ties it chooses.
Therefore, when planning for the long run a firm will have to make a number of decisions: about the scale of its operations, the location of its operations and the tech- niques of production it will use. These decisions will affect the firm’s costs of production and can be completely irre- versible, so it is important to get them right.
The scale of production If a firm were to double all of its inputs – something it could do only in the long run – would it double its output? Or would output more than double or less than double? We can distinguish three possible situations.
■ Constant returns to scale. This is where a given percentage increase in inputs will lead to the same percentage increase in output.
■ Increasing returns to scale. This is where a given percent- age increase in inputs will lead to a larger percentage increase in output.
■ Decreasing returns to scale. This is where a given percent- age increase in inputs will lead to a smaller percentage increase in output.
Notice the terminology here. The words ‘to scale’ mean that all inputs increase by the same proportion. Decreasing returns to scale are therefore quite different from diminishing marginal returns (where only the variable factor increases). The differences between marginal returns to a variable fac- tor and returns to scale are illustrated in Table 9.4.
PRODUCTION IN THE LONG RUN9.4
In the short run, input 1 is assumed to be fixed in supply (at 3 units). Output can be increased only by using more of the variable factor (input 2). In the long run, however, both inputs are variable.
In the short-run situation, diminishing returns can be seen from the fact that output increases at a decreasing rate (25 to 45 to 60 to 70 to 75) as input 2 is increased. In the long-run situation, the table illustrates increasing returns to scale. Output increases at an increasing rate (15 to 35 to 60 to 90 to 125) as both inputs are increased.
Economies of scale The concept of increasing returns to scale is closely linked to that of economies of scale. A firm experiences economies of scale if costs per unit of output fall as the scale of roduction increases. Clearly, if a firm is getting
KI 19 p 142
Short run Long run
Input 1 Input 2 Output Input 1 Input 2 Output
3 1 25 1 1 15 3 2 45 2 2 35 3 3 60 3 3 60 3 4 70 4 4 90 3 5 75 5 5 125
Short-run and long-run increases in output
Table 9.4
Definition
Economies of scale When increasing the scale of production leads to a lower cost per unit of output.
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increasing returns to scale from its factors of produc- tion, then as it produces more, it will be using smaller and smaller amounts of factors per unit of output. Other things being equal, this means that it will be producing at a lower unit cost.
There are a number of reasons why firms are likely to experience economies of scale. Some are due to increasing returns to scale; some are not.
Specialisation and division of labour. In large-scale plants, workers can do more simple, repetitive jobs. With this specialisation and division of labour, less training is needed; workers can become highly efficient in their par- ticular job, especially with long production runs; there is less time lost in workers switching from one operation to another; supervision is easier. Workers and managers who have specific skills in specific areas can be employed.
Indivisibilities. Some inputs are of a minimum size. They are indivisible. The most obvious example is machinery. Take the case of a combine harvester. A small-scale farmer could not make full use of one. They only become economical to use, therefore, on farms above a certain size. The problem of indivisibilities is made worse when different machines, each of which is part of the production process, are of a dif- ferent size. Consider a firm that uses two different machines at different stages of the production process: one produces a maximum of 6 units a day; the other can package a max- imum of 4 units a day. Therefore if all machines are to be fully utilised, a minimum of 12 units per day will have to be produced, involving two production machines and three packaging machines.
The ‘container principle’. Any capital equipment that contains things (blast furnaces, oil tankers, pipes, vats, etc.) will tend to cost less per unit of output, the larger its size. This is due to the relationship between a container’s volume and its sur- face area. A container’s cost will depend largely on the mate- rials used to build it and hence roughly on its surface area. Its output will depend largely on its volume. Large containers have a bigger volume relative to surface area than do small containers. For example, a container with a bottom, top and four sides, with each side measuring 1 metre, has a volume of 1 cubic metre and a surface area of 6 square metres (6 sur- faces of 1 square metre each). If each side were now to be doubled in length to 2 metres, the volume would be 8 cubic metres and the surface area 24 square metres (6 surfaces of 4 square metres each). Therefore a fourfold increase in the container’s surface area and thus an approximate fourfold increase in costs has led to an eightfold increase in capacity.
Greater efficiency of large machines. Large machines may be more efficient, in the sense that more output can be gained for a given amount of inputs. For example, whether a machine is large or small, only one worker may be required to operate it. Also, a large machine may make more efficient use of raw materials.
By-products. With production on a large scale, there may be suf- ficient waste products to enable them to make some by-prod- uct. For example, a wood mill may produce sufficient sawdust to make products such as charcoal briquettes or paper.
Multistage production. A large factory may be able to take a product through several stages in its manufacture. This saves time and cost moving the semi-finished product from one firm or factory to another. For example, a large card- board-manufacturing firm may be able to convert trees or waste paper into cardboard and then into cardboard boxes in a continuous sequence.
All the above are examples of plant economies of scale. They are due to an individual factory or workplace or machine being large. There are other economies of scale that are associated with the firm being large – perhaps with many factories.
Organisational. With a large firm, individual plants can spe- cialise in particular functions. There can also be centralised administration of the firms. Often, after a merger between two firms, savings can be made by rationalising their activ- ities in this way.
Spreading overheads. Some expenditures are economic only when the firm is large, such as research and development: only a large firm can afford to set up a research laboratory. This is another example of indivisibilities, only this time at the level of the firm rather than the plant. The greater the firm’s output, the more these overhead costs are spread.
Financial economies. Large firms may be able to obtain finance at lower interest rates than small firms, as they are perceived as having lower default risks or have more power to negotiate a better deal. Additionally larger firms may be able to obtain certain inputs more cheaply by purchasing in bulk. This fol- lows from the concept of opportunity cost, as the larger a firm’s order, the more likely it is that the supplier will offer a discount, as the opportunity cost of losing the business is getting higher. This helps to reduce the cost per unit.
Definitions
Specialisation and division of labour Where produc- tion is broken down into a number of simpler, more specialised tasks, thus allowing workers to acquire a high degree of efficiency.
Indivisibilities The impossibility of dividing a factor of production into smaller units.
Plant economies of scale Economies of scale that arise because of the large size of the factory.
Rationalisation The reorganising of production (often after a merger) so as to cut out waste and duplication and generally to reduce costs.
Overheads Costs arising from the general running of an organisation, and only indirectly related to the level of output.
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Economies of scope. Often a firm is large because it produces a range of products. This can result in each individual prod- uct being produced more cheaply than if it was produced in a single-product firm. The reason for these economies of scope is that various overhead costs and financial and organisational economies can be shared between the prod- ucts. For example, a firm that produces a whole range of CD players, DVD players and recorders, games consoles, TVs and so on can benefit from shared marketing and distribu- tion costs and the bulk purchase of electronic components.
Many companies will experience a variety of economies of scale and you can find examples in practice from a variety of sources. On the Sloman News Site, you will find blogs that discuss economies of scale, such as those experienced by companies using cloud computing (Operating in a cloud), the possibility of achieving economies of scale through takeovers (Take over?) and whether big supermarkets can use economies of scale to their advantage (Supermarket wars: a pricing race to the bottom). The economies of scale for large cloud providers is also discussed in numerous arti- cles, including an article by Randy Bias1 and another that considers the case of Microsoft.2
Diseconomies of scale When firms get beyond a certain size, costs per unit of out- put may start to increase. There are several reasons for such diseconomies of scale:
■ Management problems of co-ordination may increase as the firm becomes larger and more complex, and as lines of communication get longer. There may be a lack of personal involvement and oversight by management.
■ Workers may feel ‘alienated’ if their jobs are boring and repetitive, and if they feel an insignificant, and under- valued, small part of a large organisation. Poor motiva- tion may lead to shoddy work.
■ Industrial relations may deteriorate as a result of these factors and also as a result of the more complex interrela- tionships between different categories of worker.
■ Production-line processes and the complex interdepen- dencies of mass production can lead to great disruption if there are hold-ups in any one part of the firm.
Whether firms experience economies or diseconomies of scale will depend on the conditions applying in each individual firm.
Location In the long run, a firm can move to a different location. The location will affect the cost of production, since loca- tions differ in terms of the availability and cost of raw
1Randy Bias, ‘Understanding cloud datacenter economies of scale’, cloud- scaling, 4 October 2010, www.cloudscaling.com/blog/cloud-computing/ understanding-cloud-datacenter-economies-of-scale/ 2Charles Babcock, ‘Microsoft: “incredible economies of scale” await cloud users’, InformationWeek, 5 November 2011, www.informationweek.com/cloud/ software-as-a-service/microsoft-incredible-economies-of-scale- await-cloud- users/d/d-id/1097690?
materials, suitable land and power supply, the qualifica- tions, skills and experience of the labour force, wage rates, transport and communications networks, the cost of local services, and banking and financial facilities. In short, loca- tions differ in terms of the availability, suitability and cost of the factors of production.
Transport costs will be an important influence on a firm’s location. Ideally, a firm will wish to be as near as possible to both its raw materials and the market for its finished prod- uct. When market and raw materials are in different loca- tions, the firm will minimise its transport costs by locating somewhere between the two. In general, if the raw materials are more expensive to transport than the finished product, the firm should locate as near as possible to the raw materi- als. This will normally apply to firms whose raw materials are heavier or more bulky than the finished product. Thus heavy industry, which uses large quantities of coal and var- ious ores, tends to be concentrated near the coal fields or near the ports. If, on the other hand, the finished product is more expensive to transport (e.g. bread or beer), the firm will probably be located as near as possible to its market.
When raw materials or markets are in many different locations, transport costs will be minimised at the ‘centre of gravity’. This location will be nearer to those raw materials and markets whose transport costs are greater per mile.
The size of the whole industry As an industry grows in size, this can lead to external econ- omies of scale for its member firms. This is where a firm, whatever its own individual size, benefits from the whole industry being large. For example, the firm may benefit from having access to specialist raw material or compo- nent suppliers, labour with specific skills, firms that spe- cialise in marketing the finished product, and banks and other financial institutions with experience of the indus- try’s requirements. What we are referring to here is the industry’s infrastructure: the facilities, support services, skills and experience that can be shared by its members. As you will see in Box 9.3, this is one reason why we see industrial clusters emerging.
Definitions
Economies of scope When increasing the range of prod- ucts produced by a firm reduces the cost of producing each one.
Diseconomies of scale Where costs per unit of output increase as the scale of production increases.
External economies of scale Where a firm’s costs per unit of output decrease as the size of the whole industry grows.
Industry’s infrastructure The network of supply agents, communications, skills, training facilities, distribution channels, specialised financial services, etc. that support a particular industry.
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The member firms of a particular industry might expe- rience external diseconomies of scale. For example, as an industry grows larger, this may create a growing shortage of specific raw materials or skilled labour. This will push up their prices, and hence the firms’ costs.
The optimum combination of factors In the long run, all factors can be varied. The firm can thus choose what techniques of production to use: what design of factory to build, what types of machine to buy, how to organise the factory, and whether to use highly automated processes or more labour-intensive techniques. It must be very careful in making these decisions. Once it has built its factory and installed the machinery, these then become fixed factors of production, maybe for many years: the sub- sequent ‘short-run’ time period may in practice last a very long time!
For any given scale, how should the firm decide what technique to use? How should it decide the optimum ‘mix’ of factors of production?
The profit-maximising firm will obviously want to use the least costly combination of factors to produce any given output. It will therefore substitute factors, one for another, if by so doing it can reduce the cost of a given output. What, then, is the optimum combination of factors?
The simple two-factor case Take first the simplest case where a firm uses just two fac- tors: labour (L) and capital (K). The least-cost combination of the two will be where:
MPPL PL
= MPPK
PK
In other words, it is where the extra product (MPP) from the last pound spent on each factor is equal. But why should this be so? The easiest way to answer this is to consider what would happen if they were not equal.
If they were not equal, it would be possible to reduce cost per unit of output, by using a different combination of labour and capital. For example, if:
MPPL PL
7 MPPK
PK
more labour should be used relative to capital, since the firm is getting a greater physical return for its money from extra workers than from extra capital. As more labour is used per unit of capital, however, diminishing returns to labour set in. Thus MPPL will fall. Likewise, as less capital is used per unit of labour, the MPPK will rise. This will continue until:
MPPL PL
= MPPK
PK At this point, the firm will stop substituting labour for capital.
Since no further gain can be made by substituting one factor for another, this combination of factors or ‘choice of techniques’ can be said to be the most efficient. It is the least-cost way of combining factors for any given output. Efficiency in this sense of using the optimum factor propor- tions is known as technical or productive efficiency.
The multifactor case Where a firm uses many different factors, the least-cost combination of factors will be where:
MPPa Pa
= MPPb
Pb =
MPPc Pc
= MPPn
Pn where a … n are different factors of production.
The reasons are the same as in the two-factor case. If any inequality exists between the MPP/P ratios, a firm will be able to reduce its costs by using more of those factors with a high MPP/P ratio and less of those with a low MPP/P ratio until the ratios all become equal. A major problem for a firm in choosing the least-cost technique is in predicting future factor price changes.
If the price of a factor were to change, the MPP/P ratios would cease to be equal. The firm, to minimise costs, would then like to alter its factor combinations until the MPP/P ratios once more become equal. The trouble is that, once it has committed itself to a particular technique, it may be several years before it can switch to an alternative one. Thus if a firm invests in labour-intensive methods of pro- duction and is then faced with an unexpected wage rise, it may regret not having chosen a more capital-intensive technique.
Postscript: decision making in different time periods We have distinguished between the short run and the long run. Let us introduce two more time periods to complete the picture. The complete list then reads as follows.
Very short run (immediate run). All factors are fixed. Output is fixed. The supply curve is vertical. On a day-to-day basis, a firm may not be able to vary output at all. For example, a flower seller, once the day’s flowers have been purchased from the wholesaler, cannot alter the amount of flowers
KI 4 p 25
Pause for thought
Would you expect external economies of scale to be associated with the concentration of an industry in a particular region? Explain.
Definitions
External diseconomies of scale Where a firm’s costs per unit of output increase as the size of the whole industry increases.
Technical or productive efficiency The least-cost com- bination of factors for a given output.
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BOX 9.3 UK COMPETITIVENESS: MOVING TO THE NEXT STAGE
The importance of location
Given that national economies tend to specialise in certain industrial clusters, we can identify where clusters occur, and their importance, by considering their share of national output and export earnings. Export earnings in particular are a good indicator of how globally competitive a cluster might be. The UK’s industrial clusters were seen by Porter as being relatively weak, and in fact many traditional clusters, such as steel and car manufacturing, had thinned to the point where they now lacked critical mass and failed to benefit from the clustering effect. The UK had strengths in the areas of services, such as financial services and media, defence, products for personal use, health care and tele- communications. Porter and Katels concluded that, to improve its competitive- ness, the UK must not only support what clusters it has but also ‘mount a sustained programme of cluster development to create a more conducive environment for productivity growth and innovation through the collective action of companies and other institutions’.5
The UK government responded to this report and currently supports cluster development in a number of ways, includ- ing through the creation of Enterprise Zones. These zones aim to create jobs and boost business in 24 areas across England, including the Humber Estuary Renewable Energy Cluster and the Modern Manufacturing and Technology Growth area in Sheffield. Eligible companies within these zones receive benefits such as reductions in business rates and simplified planning regulations. Cluster development has become an integral part of the remit of other policy areas, including science and innovation, export and for- eign investment promotion and small and medium-sized enterprise policies.
Recent evidence The performance of UK clusters has not changed greatly since the earlier report by Porter and Katels, but more information is coming to light. You can access data on a number of countries, including the UK, from the European Cluster Observatory. This is an EU project, which has identified loca- tions where employment is highly concentrated in particular industrial clusters across Europe.6
The table shows the UK position. Information from the Obser- vatory also shows that the UK leads the rest of Europe in clus- ter developments in areas such as Education and Knowledge Creation, Business Services, Finance and Transportation and Logistical Services, with most of these clusters occurring in London and the South East.
In May 2003 Professor Michael Porter and Christian Ketels of Harvard Business School published a review of the UK’s competitiveness on behalf of the UK government. The authors declared that since 1980 the UK had done remarkably well in halting its economic decline on world markets, and had in fact matched and even bettered its main rivals in many industrial sectors. However, they were quick to sound a note of caution.
The UK currently faces a transition to a new phase of economic development. The old approach to economic development is reaching the limits of its effectiveness, and government, companies, and other institutions need to rethink their policy priorities. This rethinking is not a sign of the past strategy’s failure; it is a necessary part of graduating to the new stage.3
Porter’s view is that economic development is achieved through a series of stages. The factor-driven stage identifies factors of production as the basis of competitive advantage: you have an advantage in those industries where you have a plentiful supply of the relevant factors of production. The investment-driven stage of development focuses upon efficiency and productivity as the key to competitive suc- cess. The third stage, into which Porter believes the UK is shifting, is innovation-driven. Here competitive advantage is achieved through the production of innovative products and services.
The importance of industrial clusters One of the key characteristics of a successful innovation-led development strategy is the existence of industrial clusters.
Clusters are geographically proximate groups of interconnected companies, suppliers, service providers, and associated institutions in a particular field, linked by commonalties and complementarities.4
Porter suggests that clusters are vital for competitiveness in three crucial respects:
■ Clusters improve productivity. The close proximity of suppliers and other ser vice providers enhances flexibility.
■ Clusters aid innovation. Interaction among businesses within a cluster stimulates new ideas and aids their dissemination.
■ Clusters contribute to new business formation. Clusters are self-reinforcing, in so far as specialist factors such as dedicated venture capital, and labour skills, help reduce costs and lower the risks of new business start-up.
3 M.E. Porter and C.H.M. Ketels, ‘UK competitiveness: moving to the next stage’ (DTI and ESRC, May 2003), p. 5.
4 Ibid., p. 46.
5 Ibid., p. 27. 6 See www.clusterobservatory.eu
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available for sale on that day. In the very short run, all that may remain for a producer to do is to sell an already-pro- duced good.
Short run. At least one factor is fixed in supply. More can be produced by increasing the quantity of the variable factor, but the firm will come up against the law of diminishing returns as it tries to do so.
Long run. All factors are variable. The firm may experience constant, increasing or decreasing returns to scale. But although all factors can be increased or decreased, they are of a fixed quality.
Very long run. All factors are variable, and their quality and hence productivity can change. Labour productivity can increase as a result of education, training, experience and
KI 20 p 142
The top UK industry clusters ranked by employment, 2011
Region Cluster category Employees Size (%) Specialisation
(quotient) Focus (%)
Inner London Financial services 233 734 4.31 3.01 9.82
Inner London Business services 219 044 3.13 2.19 9.21
Outer London Business services 122 757 1.76 1.75 7.33
Outer London Transportation and logistics 100 707 2.10 2.09 6.02
Berks, Bucks and Oxon Business services 95 295 1.36 2.06 8.66
Inner London Education and knowledge creation 89 444 3.03 2.12 3.76
Surrey, E and W Sussex Business services 81 724 1.17 1.71 7.18
Inner London Media and publishing 76 111 4.08 2.85 3.20
Inner London Transportation and logistics 69 632 1.45 1.02 2.93
Greater Manchester Business services 65 071 0.93 1.34 5.61
W Midlands Business services 64 883 0.93 1.30 5.45
Hants and Isle of Wight Business services 62 199 0.89 1.78 7.47
Beds and Herts Business services 60 947 0.87 2.31 8.20
Gloucs, Wilts and N Som Business services 60 111 0.86 1.36 5.72
E Scotland Financial services 59 747 1.10 2.03 6.62
Berks, Bucks and Oxon Education and knowledge creation 58 363 1.97 2.99 5.30
Inner London Tourism and hospitality 53 701 1.83 1.28 2.26
SW Scotland Business services 48 878 0.70 1.14 4.78
W Yorks Financial services 47 764 0.88 1.49 4.85
W Yorks Business services 46 675 0.67 1.13 4.74
Berks, Bucks and Oxon IT 30 184 1.96 3.01 2.74
NE Scotland Oil and gas 11 792 3.98 25.22 4.45
Source: Based on EU Cluster Observatory, www.clusterobservatory.eu
Notes: The European Cluster Observatory uses three measures to define a cluster, all based on employment. The three measures are size, specialisation and focus. If, for each measure, a loca- tion meets a specific criterion it is awarded a star. Only industries that achieved three stars are included in the above table.
The criteria for awarding a star are as follows: Size: This gives employment in the cluster as a percentage of European employment in that industry. If a cluster is in the top 10 per cent of similar clusters in Europe in terms of employees, it receives a star (Europe is defined as the EU-27, Iceland, Israel, Norway, Switzerland and Turkey). Specialisation: If a specialisation quotient of 2 or more is achieved, it is awarded a star. The specialisation quotient is given by
UK employment in a region in a cluster category/total UK employment European employment in a cluster category/total European employment
Focus: This shows the extent to which the regional economy is focused upon the industries comprising the cluster category. This measure shows employment in the cluster as a percent- age of total employment in the region. The top 10 per cent of clusters which account for the largest proportion of their region’s total employment receive a star.
The UK has been very successful relative to the rest of Europe in developing clusters in the provision of Education and Knowledge Creation, notably in Oxford, Cambridge and East Scotland. Outside of these sectors the UK advantage rela- tive to the rest of Europe is very limited, although there are pockets of success. For example, the UK has achieved some success in IT (around Oxford and the south coast of England), oil and gas (around Aberdeen in Scotland) and the automo-
tive industry (in the West Midlands). These locations have achieved the size, specialisation and focus that have enabled them to develop positive spillovers and linkages which create local prosperity. Much more, though, has to be done.
What policies or initiatives might a ‘programme of cluster development’ involve? Distinguish between policies that gov- ernment and business might initiate.
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suppliers. It launches a recruitment drive for new labour so as to avoid paying overtime longer than is necessary.
■ (Long run) It starts proceedings to build a new factory. The first step may be to discuss requirements with a firm of consultants.
■ (Very long run) It institutes a programme of research and development and/or training in an attempt to increase productivity.
Although we distinguish these four time periods, it is the middle two we are primarily concerned with. The reason for this is that there is very little that the firm can do in the very short run. And in the very long run, although the firm will obviously want to increase the productivity of its inputs, it will not be in a position to make precise calculations of how to do it. It will not know precisely what inventions will be made, or just what will be the results of its own research and development.
When it comes to making long-run production decisions, the firm has much more flexibility. It does not have to oper- ate with plant and equipment of a fixed size. It can expand the whole scale of its operations. All its inputs are variable, and thus the law of diminishing returns does not apply. The firm may experience economies of scale or diseconomies of scale, or its average costs may stay constant as it expands the scale of its operations.
Since there are no fixed factors in the long run, there are no long-run fixed costs. For example, the firm may rent more land in order to expand its operations. Its rent bill therefore goes up as it expands its output. All costs, then, in the long run are variable costs.
Long-run average costs Although it is possible to draw long-run total, marginal and average cost curves, we will concentrate on long-run average cost (LRAC) curves. These curves can take various shapes, but a typical one is shown in Figure 9.4.
It is often assumed that, as a firm expands, it will ini- tially experience economies of scale and thus face a down- ward-sloping LRAC curve. While it is possible for a firm
Pause for thought
1. What will the long-run market supply curve for a product look like? How will the shape of the long-run curve depend on returns to scale?
2. Why would it be difficult to construct a very long-run supply curve?
COSTS IN THE LONG RUN9.5
Definition
Long-run average cost (LRAC) curve A curve that shows how average cost varies with output on the assumption that all factors are variable. (It is assumed that the least- cost method of production will be chosen for each output.)
social factors. The productivity of capital can increase as a result of new inventions (new discoveries) and innovation (putting inventions into practice).
Improvements in factor quality will increase the output they produce: TPP, APP and MPP will rise. These curves will shift vertically upward.
Just how long the ‘very long run’ is will vary from firm to firm. It will depend on how long it takes to develop new techniques, new skills or new work practices.
It is important to realise that decisions for all four time peri- ods can be made at the same time. Firms do not make short- run decisions in the short run and long-run decisions in the long run. They can make both short-run and long-run decisions today. For example, assume that a firm experi- ences an increase in consumer demand and anticipates that it will continue into the foreseeable future. It thus wants to increase output. Consequently, it makes the following four decisions today:
■ (Very short run) It accepts that for a few days it will not be able to increase output. It informs its customers that they will have to wait. It may temporarily raise prices to choke off some of the demand.
■ (Short run) It negotiates with labour to introduce over- time working as soon as possible, to tide it over the next few weeks. It orders extra raw materials from its
A typical long-run average cost curveFigure 9.4
Economies of scale
Constant costs
Diseconomies of scale
C os
ts
O Q1 Output (Q)
Q2
LRAC
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BOX 9.4 MINIMUM EFFICIENT SCALE
The extent of economies of scale in practice
Two of the most important studies of economies of scale have been those made by C.F. Pratten7 in the late 1980s and by a group advising the European Commission8 in 1997. Both studies found strong evidence that many firms, espe- cially in manufacturing, experienced substantial economies of scale. In a few cases long-run average costs fell continuously as output increased. For most firms, however, they fell up to a certain level of output and then remained constant. The extent of economies of scale can be measured by looking at a firm’s minimum efficient scale (MES). The MES is the size beyond which no significant additional economies of scale can be achieved: in other words, the point where the LRAC curve flattens off. In Pratten’s studies he defined this level as the minimum scale above which any possible doubling in scale would reduce average costs by less than 5 per cent (i.e. virtually the bottom of the LRAC curve). In the diagram MES is shown at point a.
Table (a)
Product MES as % of production
% additional cost at 1/2 MES
UK EU
Individual plants
Cellulose fibres 125 16 3
Rolled aluminium semi-manufactures
114 15 15
Refrigerators 85 11 4
Steel 72 10 6
Electric motors 60 6 15
TV sets 40 9 9
Cigarettes 24 6 1.4
Ball-bearings 20 2 6
Beer 12 3 7
Nylon 4 1 12
Bricks 1 0.2 25
Tufted carpets 0.3 0.04 10
Shoes 0.3 0.03 1
Firms
Cars 200 20 9
Lorries 104 21 7.5
Mainframe computers >100 n.a. 5
Aircraft 100 n.a. 5
Tractors 98 19 6
Sources: Based on C. F. Pratten, and M. Emerson, The Economics of 1992 (Oxford University Press, 1988, data from tables on pp. 126–40, Section 6.1 ‘Size phenomena: economies of scale’
The MES can be expressed in terms either of an individual factory or of the whole firm. Where it refers to the minimum efficient scale of an individual factory, the MES is known as the minimum efficient plant size (MEPS).
7 C. F. Pratten, ‘A survey of the economies of scale’, in Research on the ‘Costs of Non-Europe’, vol. 2 (Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1988).
8 European Commission/Economists Advisory Group Ltd, ‘Economies of scale’, The Single Market Review, subseries V, vol. 4 (Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1997).
C os
ts
O 1/3 MES 1/2 MES MES
LRAC
c
b
a
Output
to experience a continuously decreasing LRAC curve, in most cases, after a certain point (Q1 in Figure 9.4), all such economies will have been achieved and thus the curve will flatten out.
T h e n , p o s s i b l y a f t e r a p e r i o d o f c o n s t a n t L R A C (between Q1 and Q2), the firm will get so large that it will start experiencing diseconomies of scale and thus a rising LRAC. At this stage, production and financial economies begin to be offset by the managerial problems of running a giant organisation. Evidence does indeed show disecon- omies of scale in many businesses arising from managerial
problems and industrial relations, especially in growing businesses, but there is little evidence to suggest technical diseconomies.
The effect of these factors is to give an L-shaped or sau- cer-shaped curve.
Assumptions behind the long-run average cost curve We make three key assumptions when constructing long- run average cost curves.
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MINIMUM EFFICIENT SCALE
In such industries there is no possibility of competition. In fact, as long as the MES exceeds 50 per cent there will not be room for more than one firm large enough to gain full econo- mies of scale. In this case the industry is said to be a natural monopoly. As we shall see in the next few chapters, when competition is lacking, consumers may suffer by firms charg- ing prices considerably above costs. A second way of measuring the extent of economies of scale is to see how much costs would increase if produc- tion were reduced to a certain fraction of MES. The normal fractions used are ½ or 1⁄3 MES. This is illustrated in the diagram. Point b corresponds to ½ MES; point c to 1⁄3 MES. The greater the percentage by which LRAC at point b or c is higher than at point a, the greater will be the economies of scale to be gained by producing at MES rather than at ½ MES or 1⁄3 MES. For example, in the table there are greater economies of scale to be gained from moving from ½ MES to MES in the production of electric motors than in cigarettes. The main purpose of the studies was to determine whether the single EU market is big enough to allow both economies of scale and competition. The tables suggest that in all cases, other things being equal, the EU market is large enough for firms to gain the full economies of scale and for there to be enough firms for the market to be competitive. The second study also found that 47 of the 53 manufacturing sectors analysed had scope for further exploitation of econo- mies of scale. In the 2007–13 Research Framework, the European Com- mission agreed to fund a number of research projects. These will conduct further investigations of MES across dif- ferent industries and consider the impact of the expansion of the EU.
1. Why might a firm operating with one plant achieve MEPS and yet not be large enough to achieve MES? (Clue: are all economies of scale achieved at plant level?) 2. Why might a firm producing bricks have an MES
which is only 0.2 per cent of total EU production and yet face little effective competition from other EU countries?
The MES can then be expressed as a percentage of the total size of the market or of total domestic production. Table (a), based on the Pratten study, shows MES for plants and firms in various industries. The first column shows MES as a percent- age of total UK production. The second column shows MES as a percentage of total EU production. Table (b), based on the 1997 study, shows MES for various plants as a percentage of total EU production. Expressing MES as a percentage of total output gives an indication of how competitive the industry could be. In some industries (such as footwear and carpets), economies of scale were exhausted (i.e. MES was reached) with plants or firms that were still small relative to total UK production and even smaller relative to total EU production. In such industries there would be room for many firms and thus scope for con- siderable competition. In other industries, however, even if a single plant or firm were large enough to produce the whole output of the industry in the UK, it would still not be large enough to experience the full potential economies of scale: the MES is greater than 100 per cent. Examples from Table (a) include factories producing cellulose fibres, and car manufacturers.
Table (b)
Plants MES as % of total EU
production
Aerospace 12.19
Tractors and agricultural machinery 6.57
Electric lighting 3.76
Steel tubes 2.42
Shipbuilding 1.63
Rubber 1.06
Radio and TV 0.69
Footwear 0.08
Carpets 0.03
Source: European Commission/Economists Advisory Group Ltd, ‘Economies of scale’, The Single Market Review, subseries V, vol. 4 (Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1997)
Factor prices are given. At each level of output, a firm will be faced with a given set of factor prices. If factor prices change, therefore, both short- and long-run cost curves will shift. For example, an increase in wages would shift the curves vertically upwards.
However, factor prices might be different at different lev- els of output. For example, one of the economies of scale that many firms enjoy is the ability to obtain bulk discount on raw materials and other supplies. In such cases the curve does not shift. The different factor prices are merely experi- enced at different points along the curve, and are reflected
in the shape of the curve. Factor prices are still given for any particular level of output.
The state of technology and factor quality are given. These are assumed to change only in the very long run. If a firm gains economies of scale, it is because it is able to exploit existing technologies and make better use of the existing factors of production. As technology improves the curves will shift downwards.
Firms choose the least-cost combination of factors for each out- put. The assumption here is that firms operate efficiently:
KI 4 p 25
9 . 5 C O S T S I N T H E L O N G R U N 1 5 7
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1 5 8 C H A P T E R 9 C O S T S O F P R O D U C T I O N
BOX 9.5 FASHION CYCLES
Costs and prices in the clothing industry
For many products, style is a key component of their success. A good example is clothing. If manufacturers can successfully predict or even drive a new fashion, then sales growth can be substantial. With any new fashion, growth is likely to be slow at first. Then, as the fashion ‘catches on’ and people want to be seen wearing this fashionable item, sales grow until a peak is eventually reached. In the case of clothing, if it is ‘this year’s fashion’ then the peak will be reached within a couple of months. Then, as the market becomes saturated and people await the next season’s fashions, so sales will fall. This rise and fall is known as the ‘fashion cycle’ and is illus- trated in the following diagram, which shows five stages: introduction of a style; growth in popularity; peak in popular- ity; decline in popularity; obsolescence.
The variation of costs and prices over the fashion cycle Costs and prices tend to vary with the stages of the fashion cycle. At the introductory stage of a new fashion item, average costs are likely to be high. Within that stage, the fixed costs of design, setting up production lines, etc. are being spread over a relatively small output; average fixed costs are high. Also, there is a risk to producers that the fashion will not catch on and thus they are likely to factor in this risk when estimating costs. Finally, those consumers who want to be ahead in fash- ion and wearing the very latest thing will be willing to pay a high price to obtain such items. The result of all these factors is that price is likely to be high in the introductory stage. Assuming the fashion catches on and more units are produced to cater for this higher demand, average costs will begin to fall. This will allow prices to fall and, as a result, the fashion is likely to be taken up by cheaper High Street chains, further driving demand. Beyond the peak, costs are unlikely to fall much further, but intense competition between retailers is likely to continue driving prices down. The garments may end up on sales rails. (Note that with fashions that do not catch on, the price may fall rapidly quite early on as producers seek to cut their losses.) Then, with the new season’s fashions, the cycle begins again.
1. If consumers are aware that fashion clothing will fall in price as the season progresses, why do they buy when prices are set high at the start of the season? What does this tell us about the shape of the demand curve for a
S al
es
Time
G
3
42
1 5
1. Introduction of a style 2. Growth in popularity 3. Peak in popularity 4. Decline in popularity 5. Obsolescence
given fashion product (a) at the start, and (b) at the end of the season?
The greater the importance of fashion for a particular type of garment, the greater is likely to be the seasonable price vari- ability. The taller the ‘bell’ in the diagram, i.e. the greater the rise and fall in sales, the greater is likely to be the difference in price between the different stages.
Technology and the fashion cycle We have seen that costs are an important element in the fashion cycle and in prices and sales through the different phases of the cycle. Fixed costs are highly dependent on technology. Advances in the textile industry have included more easily adaptable machines which are relatively easily programmed and design software which allows designers to change fashion parameters on the screen rather than with physical materials. These advances have meant that the fixed costs of introducing new fashions have come down. With lower fixed costs, average costs will tend to decline less steeply as output rises.
2. How might we account for the changing magnitudes of the fashion price cycles of clothing? What role do fixed costs play in the explanation?
3. Despite new technology in the car industry, changing the design and shape of cars has increased as a share of the total production costs. How is this likely to have affected the fashion cycle in the car industry?
Definition
Envelope curve A long-run average cost curve drawn as the tangency points of a series of short-run average cost curves.
that they choose the cheapest possible way of producing any level of output. In other words, at every point along the LRAC curve the firm will adhere to the cost-minimising for- mula:
MPPa Pa
= MPPb
Pb =
MPPc Pc
. . . = MPPn
Pn
where a … n are the various factors that the firm uses. If the firm did not choose the optimum factor combina-
tion, it would be producing at a point above the LRAC curve.
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Constructing long-run average cost curves from short-run average cost curves
Figure 9.5
LRAC
Output
C os
ts
O
SRAC1 SRAC2 SRAC3 SRAC4
Pause for thought
Will the envelope curve be tangential to the bottom of each of the short-run average cost curves? Explain why it should or should not be.
The relationship between long-run and short-run average cost curves Take the case of a firm which has just one factory and faces a short-run average cost curve illustrated by SRAC1 in Figure 9.5.
SUMMARY
1a When measuring costs of production, we should be care- ful to use the concept of opportunity cost.
1b In the case of factors not owned by the firm, the oppor- tunity cost is simply the explicit cost of purchasing or hiring them. It is the price paid for them.
1c In the case of factors already owned by the firm, it is the implicit cost of what the factor could have earned for the firm in its next best alternative use.
2a A production function shows the relationship between the amount of inputs used and the amount of output pro- duced from them (per period of time).
2b In the short run it is assumed that one or more factors (inputs) are fixed in supply. The actual length of the short run will vary from industry to industry.
2c Production in the short run is subject to diminishing returns. As greater quantities of the variable factor(s) are used, so each additional unit of the variable factor will add less to output than previous units: total physical product will rise less and less rapidly.
2d As long as marginal physical product is above average physical product, average physical product will rise. Once MPP has fallen below APP, however, APP will fall.
3a With some factors fixed in supply in the short run, their total costs will be fixed with respect to output. In the case of variable factors, their total cost will increase as more output is produced and hence as more of them are used.
3b Total cost can be divided into total fixed and total var- iable cost. Total variable cost will tend to increase less rapidly at first as more is produced, but then, when diminishing returns set in, it will increase more and more rapidly.
3c Marginal cost is the cost of producing one more unit of output. It will probably fall at first (corresponding to the part of the TVC curve where the slope is getting shallower), but will start to rise as soon as diminishing returns set in.
3d Average cost, like total cost, can be divided into fixed and variable costs. Average fixed cost will decline as more output is produced, as the total fixed cost is spread over a greater and greater number of units of output. Average variable cost will tend to decline at first, but once the marginal cost has risen above it, it must then rise.
4a In the long run, a firm is able to vary the quantity it uses of all factors of production. There are no fixed factors.
4b If a firm increases all factors by the same proportion, it may experience constant, increasing or decreasing returns to scale.
4c Economies of scale occur when costs per unit of output fall as the scale of production increases. This can be due to a number of factors, some of which are directly caused by increasing (physical) returns to scale, such as specialisation and division of labour. Other economies of scale arise from the financial and administrative benefits of large-scale organisations having a range of products (economies of scope).
4d Long-run costs are also influenced by a firm’s location. The firm will have to balance the need to be as near as possible both to the supply of its raw materials and to its market. The optimum balance will depend on the relative costs of transporting the inputs and the finished product.
4e To minimise costs per unit of output, a firm should choose that combination of factors which gives an equal marginal product for each factor relative to its price: i.e. MPP
a /P
a = MPP
b /P
b = MPP
c /P
c , etc. (where a, b and c ▲
S U M M A R Y 1 5 9
In the long run, it can build more factories or expand its existing facilities. If it thereby experiences economies of scale (due, say, to savings on administration), each succes- sive factory will allow it to produce with a new lower SRAC curve. Thus with two factories it will face curve SRAC2; with three factories curve SRAC3, and so on. Each SRAC curve cor- responds to a particular amount of the factor that is fixed in the short run: in this case, the factory. (There are many more SRAC curves that could be drawn between the ones shown, since factories of different sizes could be built or existing ones could be expanded.)
From this succession of short-run average cost curves we can construct a long-run average cost curve. This is shown in Figure 9.5 and is known as the envelope curve, since it envelops the short-run curves.
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1 6 0 C H A P T E R 9 C O S T S O F P R O D U C T I O N
are different factors). If the MPP/P ratio for any factor is greater than that for another, more of the first should be used relative to the second.
5a In the long run, all factors are variable. There are thus no long-run fixed costs.
5b When constructing long-run cost curves, it is assumed that factor prices are given, that the state of technology is given and that firms will choose the least-cost combi- nation of factors for each given output.
5c The LRAC curve can be downward sloping, upward slop- ing or horizontal, depending in turn on whether there
are economies of scale, diseconomies of scale or nei- ther. Typically, LRAC curves are drawn as saucer-shaped or L-shaped. As output expands, initially there are economies of scale. When these are exhausted, the curve will become flat. When the firm becomes very large, it may begin to experience diseconomies of scale. If this happens, the LRAC curve will begin to slope upward again.
5d An envelope curve can be drawn which shows the rela- tionship between short-run and long-run average cost curves. The LRAC curve envelops the short-run AC curves: it is tangential to them.
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Are all explicit costs variable costs? Are all variable costs explicit costs?
2 Roughly how long would you expect the short run to be in the following cases? a) A mobile disco firm. b) Electricity power generation. c) A small grocery retailing business. d) ‘Superstore Hypermarkets plc’.
In each case, specify your assumptions. 3 Given that there is a fixed supply of land in the world,
what implications can you draw from Figure 9.1 about the effects of an increase in world population for food output per head?
4 The following are some costs incurred by a shoe manufac- turer. Decide whether each one is a fixed cost or a varia- ble cost or has some element of both. a) The cost of leather. b) The fee paid to an advertising agency. c) Wear and tear on machinery. d) Business rates on the factory. e) Electricity for heating and lighting. f) Electricity for running the machines. g) Basic minimum wages agreed with the union. h) Overtime pay. i) Depreciation of machines as a result purely of their
age (irrespective of their condition). 5 Assume that you are required to draw a TVC curve corre-
sponding to Figure 9.1. What will happen to this TVC curve beyond point d?
6 Why is the minimum point of the AVC curve at a lower level of output than the minimum point of the AC curve?
7 Which economies of scale are due to increasing returns to scale and which are due to other factors?
8 What economies of scale is a large department store likely to experience?
9 Why are many firms likely to experience economies of scale up to a certain size and then diseconomies of scale after some point beyond that?
10 Why are bread and beer more expensive to transport per mile than the raw materials used in their manufac- ture?
11 Name some industries where external economies of scale are gained. What are the specific external economies in each case?
12 How is the opening up of trade and investment between eastern and western Europe likely to affect the location of industries within Europe that have (a) sub- stantial economies of scale; (b) little or no economies of scale?
13 If factor X costs twice as much as factor Y (P X /P
Y = 2),
what can be said about the relationship between the MPPs of the two factors if the optimum combination of factors is used?
14 Could the long run and the very long run ever be the same length of time?
15 Examine Figure 9.4. What would (a) the firm’s long-run total cost curve and (b) its long-run marginal cost curve look like?
16 Under what circumstances is a firm likely to experience a flat-bottomed LRAC curve?
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, Which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
M09_SLOM2103_07_SE_C09.indd 160 4/25/16 11:41 AM
Revenue and profit
C h
a p
te r10
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How does a business’s sales revenue vary with output? ■ How does the relationship between output and sales revenue depend on the type of market in which a business
is operating? ■ How do we measure profits? ■ At what output will a firm maximise its profits? How much profit will it make at this output? ■ At what point should a business call it a day and shut down?
In this chapter we will identify the output and price at which a firm will maximise its profits, and how much profit will be made at that level. Remember that we defined a firm’s total profit ( TΠ ) as its total revenue minus its total costs of production.
TΠ = TR - TC
In the previous chapter we looked at costs in some detail. We must now turn to the revenue side of the equa- tion. As with costs, we distinguish between three revenue concepts: total revenue ( TR ), average revenue ( AR ) and marginal revenue ( MR ).
REVENUE 10.1
Total, average and marginal revenue Total revenue (TR) Total revenue is the firm’s total earnings per period of time from the sale of a particular amount of output ( Q ).
For example, if a firm sells 1000 units ( Q ) per month at a price of £5 each ( P ), then its monthly total revenue will be £5000: in other words, £5 × 1000 ( P * Q ). Thus:
TR = P * Q
Average revenue (AR) Average revenue is the average amount the firm earns per unit sold. Thus:
AR = TR/Q
Definition
Total revenue A firm’s total earnings from a specified level of sales within a specified period: TR = P * Q .
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1 6 2 C H A P T E R 1 0 R E V E N U E A N D P R O F I T
So if the firm earns £5000 (TR) from selling 1000 units (Q), it will earn £5 per unit. But this is simply the price! Thus:
AR = P
The only exception to this is when the firm is selling its products at different prices to different consumers. In this case AR is simply the (weighted) average price.
Marginal revenue (MR) Marginal revenue is the extra total revenue gained by sell- ing one more unit per time period. So if a firm sells an extra 20 units this month compared with what it expected to sell, and in the process earns an extra £100, then it is getting an extra £5 for each extra unit sold: MR = £5. Thus:
MR = ∆TR/∆Q
We now need to see how each of these three revenue con- cepts (TR, AR and MR) varies with output. We can show this relationship graphically in the same way as we did with costs.
The relationship will depend on the market conditions under which a firm operates. A firm which is too small to be able to affect market price will have differently shaped revenue curves from a firm which has some choice in set- ting its price. Let us examine each of these two situations in turn.
Revenue curves when price is not affected by the firm’s output Average revenue If a firm is very small relative to the whole market, it is likely to be a price taker. That is, it has to accept the price given by the intersection of demand and supply in the whole market. At this price, the firm can sell as much as it is capable of pro- ducing, but if it increases the price it would lose all its sales to competitors. Charging a lower price would not be rational
Definitions
Average revenue Total revenue per unit of output. When all output is sold at the same price, average reve- nue will be the same as price: AR = TR/Q = P. Marginal revenue The extra revenue gained by selling one or more unit per time period: MR = ∆TR/∆Q. Price taker A firm that is too small to be able to influ- ence the market price.
as the firm can sell as much as it is capable of producing at the prevailing price. This is illustrated in Figure 10.1.
Diagram (a) shows market demand and supply. Equi- librium price is £5. Diagram (b) looks at the demand for an individual firm which is tiny relative to the whole market. (Look at the difference in the scale of the horizontal axes in the two diagrams.)
Being so small, any change in the firm’s output will be too insignificant to affect the market price. The firm thus faces a horizontal demand ‘curve’ at this price. It can sell any output up to its maximum capacity, without affecting this £5 price.
Average revenue is thus constant at £5. The firm’s aver- age revenue curve must therefore lie along exactly the same line as its demand curve.
Marginal revenue In the case of a horizontal demand curve, the marginal rev- enue curve will be the same as the average revenue curve, since selling one more unit at a constant price (AR) merely adds that amount to total revenue. If an extra unit is sold at a constant price of £5, an extra £5 is earned.
Total revenue Table 10.1 shows the effect on total revenue of different lev- els of sales with a constant price of £5 per unit.
Deriving a firm’s AR and MR: price-taking firmFigure 10.1
10
5
0 1m 2m 3m Q
D
(a) The market (b) The firm
10
5
0 200 400 600 800 1000 1200 Q
D AR = MR
P ric
e (£
)
S
A R
, M R
(£ )
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1 0 . 1 R E V E N U E 1 6 3
As price is constant, total revenue will rise at a con- stant rate as more is sold. The TR ‘curve’ will therefore be a straight line through the origin, as in Figure 10.2.
Quantity (units) Price = AR = MR (£) TR (£)
0 5 0
200 5 1000
400 5 2000
600 5 3000
800 5 4000
1000 5 5000
1200 5 6000
. . .
Deriving total revenueTable 10.1
Revenue curves when price varies with output Rather than accepting (or taking) the market price, firms would generally prefer to be a price maker. This means that if a firm wants to sell more, it must lower its price. Alterna- tively, it could raise its price, if it was willing to accept a fall in demand. As such, a firm that is a price maker will face a downward-sloping demand curve. Firms will tend to be benefit from being price makers, as is discussed in an article from Harvard Business School.1
Pause for thought
What would happen to the TR curve if the market price rose to £10? Try drawing it.
Q (units) P = AR (£) TR (£) MR (£)
1 8 8 6
2 7 14 4
3 6 18 2
4 5 20 0
5 4 20 −2
6 3 18 −4
7 2 14
Revenues for a firm facing a downward- sloping demand curve
Table 10.2
The three curves (TR, AR and MR) will look quite differ- ent when price does vary with the firm’s output.
Average revenue Remember that average revenue equals price. If, therefore, the price has to be reduced to sell more output, average rev- enue will fall as output increases.
Table 10.2 gives an example of a firm facing a downward- sloping demand curve. The demand curve (which shows how much is sold at each price) is given by the first two columns.
Note that, as in the case of a price-taking firm, the demand curve and the AR curve lie along exactly the same line. The reason for this is simple: AR = P, and thus the curve relating price to quantity (the demand curve) must be the same as that relating average revenue to quantity (the AR curve).
1Benson P. Shapiro, ‘Commodity busters: be a price maker not a price taker’, Working Knowledge, Harvard University, 10 February 2003.
Pause for thought
Consider the items you have recently purchased. Classify them into products purchased from markets where sellers were price takers and those where the sellers were price makers.
Definition
Price maker A firm that has the ability to influence the price charged for its good or service.
Marginal revenue When a firm faces a downward-sloping demand curve, mar- ginal revenue will be less than average revenue, and may even be negative. But why?
Total revenue curve for a price-taking firmFigure 10.2
TR 5000
4000
3000
2000
1000
0 200 400 600 800 1000 1200 Q
TR (£
)
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If a firm is to sell more per time period, it must lower its price (assuming it does not advertise). This will mean lower- ing the price not just for the extra units it hopes to sell, but also for those units it would have sold had it not lowered the price.
Thus the marginal revenue is the price at which it sells the last unit, minus the loss in revenue it has incurred by reducing the price on those units it could otherwise have sold at the higher price. This can be illustrated with Table 10.2.
Assume that price is currently £7. Two units are thus sold. If the firm wishes to sell an extra unit, it must lower the price, say to £6. It thus gains £6 from the sale of the third unit, but loses £2 by having to reduce the price by £1 on the two units previously sold at £7. Its net gain is there- fore £6 - £2 = £4. This is the marginal revenue: it is the extra revenue gained by the firm from selling one more unit. Try using this method to check out the remaining figures for MR in Table 10.2. (Note that in the table the figures for MR are entered in the spaces between the figures for the other three columns.)
There is a simple relationship between marginal revenue and price elasticity of demand. Remember from Chapter 5 (see pages 71–2) that if demand is price elastic, a decrease in price will lead to a proportionately larger increase in the quantity demanded and hence an increase in revenue. Mar- ginal revenue will thus be positive. If, however, demand is inelastic, a decrease in price will lead to a proportionately smaller increase in sales. In this case the price reduction will more than offset the increase in sales and as a result revenue will fall. Marginal revenue will be negative.
If, then, marginal revenue is a positive figure (i.e. if sales per time period are four units or fewer in Figure 10.3), the demand curve will be elastic at that point, since a rise in quantity sold (as a result of a reduction in price) would lead to a rise in total revenue. If, on the other hand, marginal
KI 12 p 68
revenue is negative (i.e. at a level of sales of five or more units in Figure 10.3), the demand curve will be inelastic at that point, since a rise in quantity sold would lead to a fall in total revenue.
Thus, even though we have a straight-line demand (AR) curve in Figure 10.3, the price elasticity of demand is not constant along it. The curve is elastic to the left of point r and inelastic to the right.
Total revenue Total revenue equals price times quantity. This is illustrated in Table 10.2. The TR column from Table 10.2 is plotted in Figure 10.4.
Unlike in the case of a price-taking firm, the TR curve is not a straight line. It is a curve that rises at first and then falls. But why? As long as marginal revenue is positive (and hence demand is price elastic), a rise in output will raise total revenue. However, once marginal revenue becomes negative (and hence demand is inelastic), total revenue will fall. The peak of the TR curve will be where MR = 0. At this point, the price elasticity of demand will be equal to -1.
Shifts in revenue curves We saw (Chapter 4) that a change in price will cause a movement along a demand curve. It is similar with rev- enue curves, except that here the causal connection is in the other direction. Here we ask what happens to revenue when there is a change in the firm’s output. Again the effect is shown by a movement along the curves.
A change in any other determinant of demand, such as tastes, income or the price of other goods, will shift the demand curve. By affecting the price at which each level of output can be sold, it will cause a shift in all three revenue curves. An increase in revenue is shown by a vertical shift upwards; a decrease by a shift downwards.
AR and MR curves for a firm facing a downward-sloping demand curve
Figure 10.3
A R
, M R
(£ )
8
6
4
2
0
–2
–4
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Q
AR, D
Elastic
Inelastic
MR
r
Total revenue for a firm facing a downward-sloping demand curve
Figure 10.4
20
16
12
8
4
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Q
TR (£
)
> 1
= 1 < 1
TR
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1 0 . 2 P R O F I T M A X I M I S A T I O N 1 6 5
BOX 10.1 COSTS, REVENUE AND PROFITS
Strategies to increase total revenue
falls, the quantity demanded will rise. The key question is by how much will quantity demanded rise? When demand is price inelastic, any decrease in price leads to a proportionately smaller increase in demand and so total rev- enue would fall (as we saw in Chapter 5). But if the firm were to increase the price of such a product, total revenue would rise.
1. How will total revenue be affected by (a) a price rise and (b) a price fall if the product was relatively elastic?
Therefore, if a firm knows its product’s price elasticity of demand, it can use this to help it increase total revenue. But what about the impact on profits? Let us consider a product with an elastic demand and think about the impact of a price cut on both revenue and costs. The cut in price will boost revenue, as the quantity demanded rises proportion- ately more than price falls. But with an increased demand, the firm may have to increase production, which means its total variable costs will rise, and possibly its average var- iable costs too (although average fixed costs will fall). If, however, the firm has sufficient stocks to satisfy the higher demand, then the impact on costs may be less severe. With an elastic demand, the impact on profit depends on whether total revenue increases by more or less than total costs. But what about the situation where a product has an inelastic demand? This time it is an increase in price that will boost total revenue, as the resulting fall in quantity will be proportion- ately smaller than the rise in price. If production is reduced even by a small amount, it will reduce the firm’s demand for raw materials and in doing so cut its total variable costs. In this case, the impact on profit is somewhat more predictable, as total revenue is increasing, while total costs are falling.
There are many factors that can influence profitability and whenever a firm considers a change in strategy, it is important to consider the impact on both costs and revenue and the tim- ing of such changes. This may make the difference between a company’s success and failure.
2. Consider a firm that introduced a new policy of using only environmentally friendly inputs and locally sourced prod- ucts in its production process. Analyse the impact of this strategy on the firm’s costs and revenue. How do you think profits will be affected?
A firm’s profit depends on two key factors: costs and revenue. If a firm’s costs increase, while its revenue remains constant, then profits will fall. Whereas if a firm can increase its total revenue, without incurring a rise in costs, then profits will rise. If both total revenue and total costs change in the same direction, then we are unable to determine the impact on profits, unless we know the amount by which they each changed. In this box, we consider some strategies to increase revenue, while also considering the potential effect of such strategies on costs and, in turn, profits. Total revenue is determined by price and quantity, so a change in either factor will affect total revenue. How might a firm go about boosting sales at the current price? Firms may look to find new markets for their products, as we have seen with companies such as Apple, which have expanded into Asian markets. Another strategy used by firms is product differentiation. This aims to distinguish their product from others and encourage consumers to switch to it. Alternatively, a firm may engage in advertising to try to persuade consumers to buy the product. With successful implementation of these strategies, at any given price, quantity should now rise and hence so will total revenue. But, does this mean that profits increase? Advertising, product innovation and market research require time, resources and money and so can be very expensive. While the outcome of such investment might be an increase in total rev- enue, the means of achieving it will be an increase in total costs. This means that unless we know the relative increase in total rev- enue and total costs, the impact on profits will be unknown. Furthermore, the increase in costs will occur as soon as work starts on the process of product differentiation or market research, or at the beginning of an advertising campaign. The increase in revenue may not be felt for some time, as advertising campaigns, entrance into a new market and a differentiated product can take many months before having their anticipated effect. Any firm engaging in such a strategy may therefore experience a time period in which its costs are rising while revenue is remaining fairly constant. In other words, profits decline, until the sales figures respond to the firm’s strategy. In 2013, Starbucks implemented a strategy to boost profits, as is discussed in an article by Tucker Dawson.2
Pricing, elasticity and profits Another option for the firm could be to look at its pricing strategy. The Law of Demand tells us that if the price of a good 2 Tucker Dawson, ‘How Starbucks uses pricing strategy for profit maximization’,
Price Intelligently, 30 June 2013.
PROFIT MAXIMISATION10.2
We are now in a position to put costs and revenue together to find the output at which profit is maximised, and also to find out how much that profit will be. At this point, you may find an article by Renee O’Farrell3 interesting: it con- siders the advantages and disadvantages of pursuing a strat- egy of profit maximisation.
There are two ways of determining the level of output at which a firm will maximise profits. The first and simpler method is to use total cost and total revenue curves. The second method is to use marginal and average cost and mar- ginal and average revenue curves. Although this method is a little more complicated, it makes things easier when we
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come to compare profit maximising under different market conditions (see Chapters 11 and 12).
We will look at each method in turn. In both cases we will concentrate on the short run: namely that period in which one or more factors are fixed in supply. In both cases we take the case of a firm facing a downward-sloping demand curve: i.e. a price maker.
Short-run profit maximisation: using total curves Table 10.3 shows the total revenue figures from Table 10.2. It also shows figures for total cost. These figures have been chosen so as to produce a TC curve of a typical shape.
Total profit (TP) is found by subtracting TC from TR. This can be seen in Table 10.3. Where (TP) is negative, the firm is making a loss. Total profit is maximised at an out- put of three units: where there is the greatest gap between total revenue and total costs. At this output, total profit is £4 (£18 − £14).
The TR, TC and TP curves are plotted in Figure 10.5. The size of the maximum profit is shown by the arrows.
Short-run profit maximisation: using average and marginal curves Finding the maximum profit that a firm can make is a two- stage process. The first stage is to find the profit- maximising output. To do this we use the MC and MR curves. The second stage is to find out just how much profit is at this output. To do this we use the AR and AC curves.
Stage 1: Using marginal curves to arrive at the profit-maximising output There is a very simple profit-maximising rule: if profits are to be maximised, MR must equal MC. From Table 10.4 it can be seen that MR = MC at an output of 3 (Table 10.4 is based on the figures in Table 10.3). This is shown as point e in Figure 10.6.
But why are profits maximised when MR = MC? The simplest way of answering this is to see what the position would be if MR did not equal MC.
Referring to Figure 10.6, at a level of output below 3, MR exceeds MC. This means that by producing more units there will be a bigger addition to revenue (MR) than to cost (MC). Total profit will increase. As long as MR exceeds MC, profit can be increased by increasing production.
At a level of output above 3, MC exceeds MR. All levels of output above 3 thus add more to cost than to revenue and
KI 4 p 25
3Renee O’Farrell, ‘Advantages and disadvantages of profit maximization’, Small Business*Chron.com, Houston Chronicle, 24 June 2011.
Q (units) TR (£) TC (£) T Π (£)
0 0 6 −6
1 8 10 −2 2 14 12 2 3 18 14 4 4 20 18 2 5 20 25 −5 6 18 36 −18 7 14 56 −42
. . . .
Total revenue, costs and profitTable 10.3
Finding maximum profit using totals curves
Figure 10.5
20 18
14
10
4
0
–10
2 3 4 5 6 7 Q
TC
TR
T
TR , T
C (£
)
1
Finding the profit-maximising output using the marginal curves
Figure 10.6
M R
, M C
(£ )
15
10
5
0
–5
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Q
MC
MR
e
Definition
Profit-maximising rule Profit is maximised where mar- ginal revenue equals marginal cost.
Pause for thought
Why are the figures for MR and MC entered in the spaces between the lines in Table 10.4?
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Revenue, costs and profitTable 10.4
Q(units) P = AR (£) TR (£) MR (£) TC (£) AC (£) MC (£) T Π (£) AΠ (£)
0 9 0 6 - -6 - 8 4
1 8 8 10 10 -2 -2 6 2
2 7 14 12 6 2 1 4 2
3 6 18 14 4.67 4 -1.33 2 4
4 5 20 18 4.5 2 -0.5 0 7
5 4 20 25 5 -5 -1 −2 11
6 3 18 36 6 -18 -3 −4 20
7 2 14 56 8 -42 -6
hence reduce profit. As long as MC exceeds MR, profit can be increased by cutting back on production.
Profits are thus maximised where MC = MR: at an output of 3. This can be confirmed by examining the TP column in Table 10.4.
Students worry sometimes about the argument that profits are maximised when MR = MC. Surely, they say, if the last unit is making no profit, how can profit be at a max- imum? The answer is very simple. If you cannot add any- thing more to a total, the total must be at the maximum. Take the simple analogy of going up a hill. When you can- not go any higher, you must be at the top.
Stage 2: Using average curves to measure the size of the profit Once the profit-maximising output has been discovered, we now use the average curves to measure the amount of profit at the maximum. Both marginal and average curves corre- sponding to the data in Table 10.4 are plotted in Figure 10.7.
First, average profit (AP) is found. This is simply AR - AC. At the profit-maximising output of 3, this gives a figure for AP of £6 - £42/3 = £1
1>3. Then total profit is obtained by multiplying average profit by output:
TP = AP * Q
This is shown as the shaded area. It equals £11>3 * 3 = £4. This can again be confirmed by reference to the TP column in Table 10.4.
Some qualifications Long-run profit maximisation Assuming that the AR and MR curves are the same in the long run as in the short run, long-run profits will be
maximised at the output where MR equals the long-run MC. The reasoning is the same as with the short-run case.
The meaning of ‘profit’ One element of cost is the opportunity cost to the owners of the firm incurred by being in business. This is the minimum return that the owners must make on their capital in order to prevent them from eventually deciding to close down and perhaps move into some alternative business. It is a cost since, just as with wages, rent, etc., it has to be covered if the firm is to continue producing. This opportunity cost to the owners is sometimes known as normal profit, and is included in the cost curves.
What determines this normal rate of profit? It has two components. First, someone setting up in business invests capital in it. There is thus an opportunity cost of capital. This is the interest that could have been earned by lend-
KI 3 p 23
Pause for thought
What will be the effect on a firm’s profit-maximising output of a rise in fixed costs?
Measuring the maximum profit using average curves
Figure 10.7
C os
ts , r
ev en
ue (£
)
AC
AR
AR = 6 AC = 42/3
15
10
0
–5
1 2 3 4 6 7 Q
MC
MR
5
Definition
Normal profit The opportunity cost of being in busi- ness. It consists of the interest that could be earned on a riskless asset, plus a return for risk-taking in this particu- lar industry. It is counted as a cost of production.
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ing it in some riskless form (e.g. by putting it in a savings account in a bank). Nobody would set up a business unless they expected to earn at least this rate of profit. Running a business is far from riskless, however, and hence a second element is a return to compensate for risk. Thus:
normal profit (%) = rate of interest on a riskless loan + a risk premium
The risk premium varies according to the line of busi- ness. In those with fairly predictable patterns, such as food retailing, it is relatively low. Where outcomes are very uncertain, such as mineral exploration or the manufacture of fashion garments, it is relatively high.
Thus if owners of a business earn normal profit, they will (just) be content to remain in that industry. If they earn more than normal profit, they will (obviously) prefer to stay in this business. If they earn less than normal profit, then after a time they will consider leaving and using their capi- tal for some other purpose.
Given that normal profits are included in costs, any profit that is shown diagrammatically (e.g. the shaded area in Fig- ure 10.7) must therefore be over and above normal profit. It is known by several alternative names: supernormal profit, pure profit, economic profit, abnormal profit or sometimes simply profit. They all mean the same thing: the excess of profit over normal profit, or where AR is greater than AC. The article ‘Milk prices: who gets the cream?’, from the Sloman News Site, considers profitability in the milk industry.
Loss minimising It may be that there is no output at which the firm can make a profit. Such a situation is illustrated in Figure 10.8: the AC curve is above the AR curve at all levels of output.
In this case, the output where MR = MC will be the loss-minimising output. The amount of loss at the point where MR = MC is shown by the shaded area in Figure 10.8.
Whether or not to produce at all The short run. Fixed costs have to be paid even if the firm is producing nothing at all. Rent has to be paid, business rates
KI 18 p 141
Loss-minimising outputFigure 10.8
£
O
AC
AR
MR AR
MC AC
LOSS
Pause for thought
Why might it make sense for a firm which cannot sell its output at a profit to continue in production for the time being?
The short-run shut-down pointFigure 10.9
£
O
P = AVC
AC AVC
AR = D
Q Q
have to be paid, etc. Providing, therefore, that the firm is more than covering its variable costs, it can go some way to paying off these fixed costs and therefore will continue to produce.
Therefore, the firm will shut down if the loss it would make from doing so (i.e. the fixed costs that must still be paid) is less than the loss it makes from continuing to pro- duce. That is, a firm will shut down if it cannot cover its var- iable costs. In Figure 10.9, this will be where the price (AR) is below the AVC curve: i.e. if it is below the short-run shut- down point, where AR = AVC.
The long run. All costs are variable in the long run. If, there- fore, the firm cannot cover its long-run average costs (which include normal profit), it will close down. The long-run shut-down point will be where the AR curve is tangential to the LRAC curve.
Definitions
Supernormal profit (also known as pure profit, eco- nomic profit, abnormal profit or simply profit) The excess of total profit above normal profit.
Short-run shut-down point This is where the AR curve is tangential to the AVC curve. The firm can only just cover its variable costs. Any fall in revenue below this level will cause a profit-maximising firm to shut down immediately.
Long-run shut-down point This is where the AR curve is tangential to the LRAC curve. The firm can just make normal profits. Any fall in revenue below this level will cause a profit-maximising firm to shut down once all costs have become variable.
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BOX 10.2 OPPORTUNITY COST OF CAPITAL IN PRACTICE
Opportunity costs of capital and company structures
big six energy suppliers push up prices since then. On the supply side, more powerful emissions regulations were to be introduced from 2013 and this, together with rising distribu- tion costs, would exert additional upward pressure on costs. Finally, the decision as to whether to sell the company would also have taken into account the prospects for the rest of the RWE Group. Were the prospects of the other constituent parts better or worse than npower’s?
The decision and subsequent events Npower did remain part of RWE and perhaps a key determinant of this outcome was the future prospects of the company and a new Chief Executive Officer for RWE, in the form of Peter Terium, from 1 July 2012. In November 2012, npower raised its energy prices by 9 per cent and in the same year lost 70 000 customers. Despite this, its profits rose by nearly 25 per cent (£77 million) to £390 million, as its remaining customers increased their energy usage. Its revenues increased to £1.9 billion after the price rise. It also saw an increase in its electricity generation as new power station infrastructure came online.5
However, at the start of 2014 its fortunes were reversed, as profits plummeted by 38 per cent – not dissimilar to the 40 per cent decline in operating profits for RWE itself. Various factors contributed to this decline, including warm weather and falling oil prices. Both of these factors are very variable and key drivers of profits and revenues for companies such as npower. As long as they remain uncertain, it is likely that company performance will also remain volatile.
1. Explain why, even though npower generated €277 million in profit in 2010 and saw profits rise by £77 million in 2012, it still might have made sense for RWE to sell the company.
2. Under what circumstances would another company consider buying npower?
Opportunity costs of capital play an important role in deter- mining the structure of large corporations. The RWE Group is one of Europe’s largest electricity and gas companies. Its core operations are in Germany, the Netherlands and the UK. In the UK it operates through its npower subsidiary, which it purchased in 2002.
Should npower be sold? By 2011 Jürgen Grossmann, RWE’s chief executive, was con- sidering if npower should remain part of the RWE portfolio. According to the Financial Times:
RWE has been reviewing its strategic options, advised by Goldman Sachs, as it grapples with net debt of €27.5bn (£24.7bn).
To reduce this burden, Mr Grossmann has pledged asset disposals of up to €8bn a year between 2011 and 2013. Selling npower, which generates about 9 per cent of the UK’s electricity, will go a long way towards hitting this target ….
Analysts point out that npower has significantly underperformed its counterparts in RWE. Last year, npower’s return on capital employed was 5.3 per cent, making Britain the worst performing geographical area in the RWE group.
Last year, RWE’s annual report showed that npower’s return fell below the group’s cost of capital of 9 per cent before tax, … [However] npower remains a cash- generating business, achieving an operating profit of €277m last year.4
At the time when Mr Grossmann was making his decision, he was not only looking at past performance, but would also have assessed npower’s prospects for the future. On the demand side, there was (and still is) a consumer perception that gas and electricity companies are charging ‘unfair’ prices. This can make producers reluctant to raise prices, fearing the effects of negative publicity – though we have seen all of the
4David Blair, Gerrit Wiesmann and Ausha Sakoui, ‘RWE considers pulling plug on Npower’, Financial Times, 5 July 2011. © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved.
5‘npower profits soar, despite loss of 70,000 customers’, The Telegraph, 5 March 2013, www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/personalfinance/household-bills/ 9911104/npower-profits-soar-despite-loss-of-70000-customers.html
BOX 10.3 SELLING ICE CREAM WHEN I WAS A STUDENT
John’s experience of competition
sellers from five different ice-cream companies. Most tried to get to the beginning of the queue, to get ahead of their rivals. Imagine the scene. A family driving to the coast rounds a bend and is suddenly met by a traffic jam and several ice-cream sellers all jostling to sell them an ice cream. It was quite surreal. Not surprisingly, many of the potential customers refused to buy, feeling somewhat intimidated by the spectacle. It was not long before most of us realised that it was best to disperse and find a section of the road where there were no other sellers.
When I was a student, my parents lived in Exeter in Devon, and at that time the city’s bypass became completely jammed on a summer Saturday as holidaymakers made their way to the coast. Traffic queues were several miles long. For a summer job, I drove a small ice-cream van. Early on, I had the idea of selling ice cream from a tray to the people queuing in their cars. I made more money on a Saturday than the rest of the week put together. I thought I was on to a good thing. But news of this lucrative market soon spread, and each week new ice-cream sellers appeared – each one reducing my earn- ings! By the middle of August there were over 30 ice-cream ▲
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SUMMARY
1a Just as we could identify total, average and marginal costs, so too we can identify total, average and marginal revenue.
1b Total revenue (TR) is the total amount a firm earns from its sales in a given time period. It is simply price times quantity: TR = P * Q.
1c Average revenue (AR) is total revenue per unit: AR = TR/Q. In other words, AR = P.
1d Marginal revenue is the extra revenue earned from the sale of one more unit per time period.
1e The AR curve will be the same as the demand curve for the firm’s product. In the case of a price taker, the demand curve and hence the AR curve will be a horizontal straight line and will also be the same as the MR curve. The TR curve is an upward-sloping straight line from the origin.
1f A firm that faces a downward-sloping demand curve must also face the same downward-sloping AR curve. The MR curve will also slope downwards, but will be below the AR curve and steeper than it. The TR curve will be an arch shape starting from the origin.
1g When demand is price elastic, marginal revenue will be positive and the TR curve will be upward sloping. When demand is price inelastic, marginal revenue will be nega- tive and the TR curve will be downward sloping.
1h A change in output is represented by a movement along the revenue curves. A change in any other determinant of revenue will shift the curves up or down.
2a Total profit equals total revenue minus total cost. By definition, then, a firm’s profits will be maximised at the point where there is the greatest gap between total reve- nue and total cost.
2b Another way of finding the maximum-profit point is to find the output where marginal revenue equals mar- ginal cost. Having found this output, the level of max- imum profit can be found by finding the average profit (AR - AC) and then multiplying it by the level of output.
2c Normal profit is the minimum profit that must be made to persuade a firm to stay in business in the long run. It is counted as part of the firm’s cost. Supernormal profit is any profit over and above normal profit.
2d For a firm that cannot make a profit at any level of out- put, the point where MR = MC represents the loss- minimising output.
2e In the short run, a firm will close down if it cannot cover its variable costs. In the long run, it will close down if it cannot make normal profits.
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Draw a downward-sloping demand curve. Now put in scales of your own choosing for both axes. Read off various points on the demand curve and use them to con- struct a table showing price and quantity. Use this table to work out the figures for a marginal revenue column. Now use these figures to draw an MR curve. Explain the position of your MR curve in relation to demand.
2 Copy Figures 10.3 and 10.4 (which are based on Table 10.2). Now assume that incomes have risen and that, as a
result, two more units per time period can be sold at each price. Draw a new table and plot the resulting new AR, MR and TR curves on your diagrams. Are the new curves paral- lel to the old ones? Explain.
3 What can we say about the slope of the TR and TC curves at the maximum-profit point? What does this tell us about marginal revenue and marginal cost?
▲ But with so many ice-cream sellers, no one made much money. My supernormal earnings had been reduced to a normal level. I made about the same on Saturday selling to people stuck in queues as I would have done if I had driven my van around the streets.
Imagine that you live in a popular and sunny seaside town and that the local council awarded you the only licence to sell ice cream in the town. Would you be earning normal or super- normal profit? Explain your answer.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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W E B R E F E R E N C E S 1 7 1
4 Using the following information, construct a table like Table 10.3.
Q 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
P 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5
TC 2 6 9 12 16 21 28 38
Use your table to draw diagrams like Figures 10.5 and 10.7. Use these two diagrams to show the profit-maximis- ing output and the level of maximum profit. Confirm your findings by reference to the table you have constructed.
5 The following table shows the average cost and average revenue (price) for a firm at each level of output. a) Construct a table to show TC, MC, TR and MR at each
level of output (put the figures for MC and MR midway between the output figures).
b) Using MC and MR figures, find the profit-maximising output.
c) Using TC and TR figures, check your answer to (b). d) Plot the AC, MC, AR and MR figures on a graph. e) Mark the profit-maximising output and the AR and AC
at this output. f) Shade in an area to represent the level of profits at
this output.
Output 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
AC (£) 7.00 5.00 4.00 3.30 3.00 3.10 3.50 4.20 5.00 6.00
AR (£) 10.00 9.50 9.00 8.50 8.00 7.50 7.00 6.50 6.00 5.50
6 Normal profits are regarded as a cost (and are included in the cost curves). Explain why.
7 What determines the size of normal profit? Will it vary with the general state of the economy?
8 A firm will continue producing in the short run even if it is making a loss, providing it can cover its variable costs. Explain why. Just how long will it be willing to continue making such a loss?
9 Would there ever be a point in a firm attempting to con- tinue in production if it could not cover its long-run aver- age (total) costs?
10 The price of pocket calculators and digital watches fell significantly in the years after they were first introduced and at the same time demand for them increased substan- tially. Use cost and revenue diagrams to illustrate these events. Explain the reasoning behind the diagram(s) you have drawn.
11 In February 2000, Unilever, the giant consumer products company, announced that it was to cut 25 000 jobs, close 100 plants and rely more on the Internet to purchase its supplies. It would use part of the money saved to increase promotion of its leading brands, such as Dove skincare products, Lipton tea, Omo detergents and Calvin Klein cosmetics. The hope was to boost sales and increase profits. If it meets these targets, what is likely to have happened to its total costs, total revenue, average costs and average revenue? Give reasons for your answer.
ADDITIONAL PART D CASE STUDIES IN THE ECONOMICS FOR BUSINESS MyEconLab (www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman)
D.1 Malthus and the dismal science of economics. A gloomy warning, made over 200 years ago by Robert Malthus, that diminishing returns to labour would lead to famine for much of the world’s population.
D.2 Division of labour in a pin factory. This is the famous example of division of labour given by Adam Smith in his Wealth of Nations (1776).
D.3 Diminishing returns to nitrogen fertiliser. This case study provides a good illustration of diminishing returns
in practice by showing the effects on grass yields of the application of increasing amounts of nitrogen fertiliser.
D.4 Diminishing returns in the bread shop. An illustration of the law of diminishing returns.
D.5 The relationship between averages and marginals. An examination of the rules showing how an average curve relates to a marginal curve.
D.6 Deriving cost curves from total physical product information. This shows how total, average and marginal costs can be derived from a total product information and the price of inputs.
WEBSITES RELEVANT TO PART D
Numbers and sections refer to websites listed in the Web appendix and hotlinked from this text’s website at www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman
■ For news articles relevant to Part D, see the Economics News Articles link from the text’s website.
■ For student resources relevant to Part D, see sites C1–7, 9, 10, 14, 19, 20.
■ For a case study examining costs, see site D2.
■ For sites that look at companies, their scale of operation and market share, see E4, 10; G7, 8.
■ For links to sites on various aspects of production and costs, see section Microeconomics > Industrial Organization in site I 11.
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P a
rt E Supply: short-run profit maximisation The FT Reports . . .
The Financial Times, 25 October 2015 FT
Taxi groups unite to fight Uber with $250m start-up By Murad Ahmed
An unexpected new combatant is set to join the taxi app wars: a 10-month-old start-up has raised $250m, with plans to raise more than $1bn, in an ambitious attempt to take on Uber.
Karhoo, a little-known group founded by a British entrepreneur and based in New York, said it will launch its taxi comparison app in January next year with the support of several high-profile part- nerships and backers.
The service will open in London, New York and Singapore after securing a network of 200,000 cars by striking deals with local taxi and minicab fleet owners.
This includes partnerships with Addison Lee, the UK’s largest minicab group Comcab, the London black cab operator; New York private hire firms Carmel and Dial 7; and 10,000 yellow and green cab drivers in the city. Karhoo is working on fur- ther deals to expand into more cities in the coming months.
The newcomer is the latest challenger in a fiercely competitive market, with rival taxi app groups also building formidable war chests to fund their expansion plans.
Sources familiar with the matter said Karhoo has raised about $250m so far. The company said it is in talks with “several parties to raise in excess of
$300m and we expect this to rise to more than $1bn in around 18 months time”....
Uber’s main US competitor, San Francisco-based Lyft, has raised $1bn. Hailo, a UK group that has raised $100m, pulled out of North America last year, saying it could not be profitable due to pric- ing squeeze created by Uber and Lyft.
In Europe, Israeli group Gett has raised around $220m and has made inroads into key cities in- cluding London and Moscow. Earlier this month, Madrid-based Cabify secured $12m in investment from Rakuten, Japan’s largest ecommerce com- pany by sales, to fuel a push into Latin America. The dominant Chinese player, Didi Kuaidi, has raised almost $4.5bn, while India’s Ola has raised close to $1bn.
But Karhoo’s chief executive and founder Daniel Ishag said: “[Uber] can’t subsidise prices forever; they have to be profitable, especially if they want to IPO. We can go in and we can level the playing field.”
He added that by working with licensed taxi com- panies, Karhoo will avoid the regulatory troubles that have hampered other groups such as Uber.
“We’re able to work in markets where the peer- to-peer networks aren’t allowed to work, simply because we empowered the incumbents,” he said.
© The Financial Times 2015. All Rights Reserved.
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As we saw in Chapter 10, a firm’s profits are maximised where its marginal cost equals its marginal revenue. But we will want to know more than this.
■ What determines the amount of profit that a firm will make? Will profits be large, or just enough for the firm to survive, or so low that it will be forced out of busi- ness?
■ Will the firm produce a high level of output or a low level? ■ Will it be producing efficiently? ■ Will the price charged to the consumer be high or low? ■ And, more generally, will the consumer benefit from the decisions that a firm
makes?
The answers to all these questions depend on the amount of competition that a firm faces. A firm in a highly competitive environment will behave quite differently from a firm facing little or no competition.
In Part E we will look at different types of market structure: from highly competitive markets (‘perfect competition’), to ones with no competition at all (‘monopoly’). We will also look at the intermediate cases of ‘imperfect competition’: monopolistic competition (where there are quite a lot of firms competing against each other) and oligopoly (where there are just a few).
As the article from the Financial Times opposite shows, changes in technology, such as the development of apps, can have a fundamental effect on the nature of competi- tion in an industry (in this case taxis). Also the development of new types of product can even affect firms that, up to now, have had a monopoly of a particular product. However, it is also the case that firms may collude to restrict competition and the development of new technology, as we will see in this Part and Chapter 21. Consumers may then end up with less choice and paying higher prices.
Key terms
Market structures Perfect competition Monopoly Natural monopoly Competition for corporate
control Barriers to entry Contestable markets Sunk costs Monopolistic competition Product differentiation Oligopoly Interdependence Collusive and non-
collusive oligopoly Open and tacit collusion Price leadership Benchmark pricing Game theory Dominant and non-domi-
nant strategy games Prisoners’ dilemma Nash equilibrium Credible threat First-mover advantage Decision tree Countervailing power
Some analysts believe that more upmarket food and drink retailers – from Waitrose to Majestic Wines – are coming under pressure as Aldi and Lidl push into more upmarket products – from fine wines to pulled pork – and their move into more affluent areas. …Not only is the vicious supermarket price war hurting the big four supermarkets – Tesco, Asda, J Sainsbury and Wm Morrison – but the collateral damage is spreading upmarket. …“There is not a retail market that I know of anywhere that is insulated, including the people right at the top,” says Richard Hyman, the independent retail analyst. “I have seen shoppers in Harvey Nichols with Lidl bags … People are much more value-conscious right across the piece.”
‘Supermarket price war moves upmarket’ The Financial Times, 25 June 2015. © The Financial Times Limited. All Rights Reserved
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Profit maximisation under perfect competition and monopoly
C h
a p
te r 11
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ What determines the degree of market power of a firm? ■ Why does operating under conditions of perfect competition make being in business a constant battle for survival? ■ How do firms get to become monopolies and remain so? ■ At what price and output will a monopolist maximise profits and how much profit will it make? ■ How well or badly do monopolies serve the consumer compared with competitive firms? ■ Why will the size of entry barriers to an industry (the degree of ‘contestability’ of a market) affect the amount of profit a
monopolist can make?
ALTERNATIVE MARKET STRUCTURES 11.1
In this section, we are beginning to think about firms’ behaviour and the factors that determine this. What we are particularly concerned with is the degree of competi- tion that exists within a market and which factors make an industry more or less competitive.
There are various reasons as to why we are interested in analysing the competitiveness of an industry. It can affect the prices charged to consumers and paid to sup- pliers, how much profit firms make, and the incentives to invest and innovate. In particular, it affects firms’ behav- iour and sometimes that may be against the public inter- est. In such cases governments or regulators may wish to intervene.
Factors affecting the degree of competition So what influences the degree of competition in an indus- try? There are four key determinants:
■ The number of firms. ■ The freedom of entry and exit of firms into the industry. ■ The nature of the product. ■ The shape of the demand curve.
We will consider each factor to determine exactly what impact it has on the degree of competition within a mar- ket and then look at how these features vary between different market structures. We should then be able to
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place different industries into one of four key market structures.
The number of firms. The more firms there are competing against each other, the more competitive any market is likely to be, with each firm trying to steal customers from its rivals. Though there are many ways by which this can be done, one strategy will be to keep prices low. This will gen- erally be in the consumer’s interest.
If, however, there are only a few firms in the market, there may be less intense price competition, though, as we shall see, this is not always the case.
The freedom of entry and exit of firms into the industry. A key factor that will affect the number of firms in an industry is how easy it is for a new firm to set up in competition. In some markets, there may be barriers to entry which prevent new firms from entering and this then acts to restrict the number of competing firms in the market. A key question here is, just how great are the barriers to the entry of new firms?
The nature of the product. If firms produce an identical product – in other words, if there is no product differentia- tion within the industry – there is little a firm can do to gain an advantage over its rivals. If, however, firms produce their own particular brand or model or variety, this may enable them to charge a higher price and/or gain a larger market share from their rivals.
The shape of the demand curve. Finally, the degree of compe- tition is affected by the degree of control the firm has over its price. Is the firm a price taker, with no control over price? Or can it choose its price? And if it can, how will changing its price affect its profits? The degree of control is clearly affected by the three factors above, but it has important implications for the shape of the firm’s demand curve. How elastic is it? If it puts up its price, will it lose (a) all its sales (a horizontal demand curve), or (b) a large pro- portion of its sales (a relatively elastic demand curve), or (c) just a small proportion of its sales (a relatively inelastic demand curve)?
KI 12 p 68
Market power benefits the powerful at the expense of others. When firms have market power over prices, they can use this to raise prices and profits above the perfectly competitive level. Other things being equal, the firm will gain at the expense of the consumer. Similarly, if consumers or workers have market power, they can use this to their own benefit.
KEY IDEA
21
Pause for thought
1. Consider a situation where you have set up a business sell- ing a brand new product, which is not available anywhere else. As the only seller of this product, what could you do in terms of price?
2. Why could the ease with which a firm can leave an industry be a factor that determines the degree of competition within that industry?
Definitions
Perfect competition A market structure in which there are many firms; where there is freedom of entry to the industry; where all firms produce an identical product; and where all firms are price takers.
Monopoly A market structure where there is only one firm in the industry.
Monopolistic competition A market structure where, like perfect competition, there are many firms and free- dom of entry into the industry, but where each firm pro- duces a differentiated product and thus has some control over its price.
Oligopoly A market structure where there are few enough firms to enable barriers to be erected against the entry of new firms.
Market structures Traditionally, we divide industries into categories based on the factors above, which determine the degree of competi- tion that exists between the firms. There are four such cat- egories.
At the most competitive extreme is a market structure referred to as perfect competition. This is a situation where there are a large number of firms competing. Each firm is so small relative to the whole industry that it has no power to influence market price. It is a price taker.
At the least competitive extreme is monopoly, where there is just one firm in the industry, and hence no compe- tition from within the industry, often due to very high bar- riers to entry.
In the middle there are two forms of imperfect competi- tion. Monopolistic competition is the more competitive, which involves quite a lot of firms competing and freedom for new firms to enter the industry. Examples of monopolistic compe- tition can be found by flicking through the Yellow Pages! The other type of imperfect competition is oligopoly, where there are only a few firms and where the entry of new firms is diffi- cult. Some or all of the existing firms will be dominant – that is, they will tend to have a relatively high market share and can influence prices, advertising, product design, etc.
Table 11.1 shows the differences between the four categories.
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Structure, conduct and performance The market structure under which a firm operates will determine its behaviour. Firms under perfect competition behave quite differently from firms that are monopolists, which behave differently again from firms under oligopoly or monopolistic competition.
This behaviour, or ‘conduct’, will in turn affect the firm’s performance: its prices, profits, efficiency, etc. In many cases it will also affect other firms’ performance: their prices, profits, efficiency, etc. The collective conduct of all the firms in the industry will affect the whole industry’s performance.
Some economists thus see a causal chain running from market structure, through conduct, to the performance of that industry.
Structure S Conduct S Performance
This does not mean, however, that all firms operating in a particular market structure will behave in exactly the same way. For example, some firms under oligopoly may be highly competitive, whereas others may collude with each other to keep prices high. This conduct may then, in turn, influence the development of the market structure. For example, the interaction between firms may influence the development of new products or new production methods, and may encourage or discourage the entrance of new firms into the industry.
It is also important to remember that some firms with different divisions and products may operate in more than market structure. As an example, consider the case
KI 1 p 10
Pause for thought
Based on the characteristics outlined above for each market structure, can you think of a few examples that fit into each of the four market structures?
Type of market Number of firms
Freedom of entry Nature of product Examples
Implication for demand curve for firm
Perfect competition
Very many Unrestricted Homogeneous (undifferentiated)
Cabbages, foreign exchange (these approximate to perfect competition)
Horizontal. The firm is a price taker
Monopolistic competition
Many/ several
Unrestricted Differentiated Builders, restaurants, hairdressers
Downward sloping, but rela- tively elastic. The firm has some control over price
Oligopoly Few Restricted 1. Undifferentiated or
2. Differentiated
1. Cement 2. Cars, electrical
appliances, supermarkets
Downward sloping, relatively inelastic but depends on reac- tions of rivals to a price change
Monopoly One Restricted or completely blocked
Unique Local water company, many prescription drugs
Downward sloping, more inelastic than oligopoly. Firm has considerable control over price
Features of the four market structuresTable 11.1
of Microsoft. Its Internet Explorer competes with more successful rivals, such as Chrome and Firefox and, as a result, has little market power in the browser market. Its Office products, by contrast, have a much bigger market share and dominate the word processor, presentation and spreadsheet markets.
Also, some firms under oligopoly are highly competitive and may engage in fierce price cutting, while others may collude with their rivals to charge higher prices. It is for this reason that government policy towards firms – known as ‘competition policy’ – prefers to focus on the conduct of individual firms, rather than simply on the market struc- ture within which they operate. Regulators focus on aspects of conduct such as price fixing and other forms of collusion. Indeed, competition policy in most countries accepts that market structures evolve naturally (e.g. because of econo- mies of scale or changing consumer preferences) and do not necessarily give rise to competition problems.
Nevertheless, market structure still influences firms’ behaviour and the performance of the industry, even though it does not, in the case of oligopoly and monop- oly, rigidly determine it. We look at these influences in this chapter and the next.
First, we look at the two extreme market structures: per- fect competition and monopoly (this chapter). Then we turn to look at the two intermediate cases of monopolistic competition and oligopoly (Chapter 12).
As we have seen, these two intermediate cases are some- times referred to collectively as imperfect competition. The vast majority of firms in the real world operate under imper- fect competition. It is still worth studying the two extreme
Definition
Imperfect competition The collective name for monop- olistic competition and oligopoly.
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cases, however, because they provide a framework within which to understand the real world. They provide impor- tant benchmarks for comparison. For example, regulators would find it difficult to identify anti-competitive behav- iour if they could not show how outcomes would differ in a more competitive environment.
Some industries tend more to the competitive extreme, and thus their performance corresponds to some extent to perfect competition. Other industries tend more to the other extreme: for example, when there is one dominant firm and a few much smaller firms. In such cases, their per- formance corresponds more to monopoly.
BOX 11.1 CONCENTRATION RATIOS
Measuring the degree of competition
are exhausted (see Box 9.4). If this occurs at a low level of output, there will be room for several firms in the industry which are all benefiting from the maximum economies of scale. If it occurs at a much higher level of output, then it may only be possible for a small number of firms to benefit from maximum economies of scale and so these firms will dominate the market. The degree of concentration will also depend on the barriers to entry of other firms into the industry (see pages 182–4) and on various factors such as transport costs and historical accident. It will also depend on how varied the products are within any one industrial category. For example, in categories as large as furniture and construction there is room for many firms, each producing a specialised range of products. So is the degree of concentration a good guide to the degree of competitiveness of the industry? The answer is that it is some guide, but on its own it can be misleading. In particular, it ignores the degree of competition from abroad, and from other industries within the country.
1. What are the advantages and disadvantages of using a 5-firm concentration ratio rather than a 10-firm, 3-firm or even a 1-firm ratio?
2. Why are some industries like bread baking and brewing relatively concentrated, in that a few firms produce a large proportion of total output (see case studies E.8 and E.9 in MyEconLab), and yet there are also many small producers?
We can get some indication of how competitive a market is by observing the number of firms: the more firms, the more com- petitive the market would seem to be. However, this does not tell us anything about how concentrated the market might be. There may be many firms (suggesting a situation of perfect competition or monopolistic competition), but the largest two firms might produce 95 per cent of total output. This would make these two firms more like oligopolists. Thus even though a large number of producers may make the market seem highly competitive, this could be deceiving. Another approach, therefore, to measuring the degree of competition is to focus on the level of concentration of firms. The simplest measure of industrial concentration involves adding together the market share of the largest so many firms: e.g. the largest three, five or fifteen. This gives the ‘3-firm’, ‘5-firm’ or ‘15-firm concentration ratios’. The result- ing figures can be used to assess whether or not the largest firms in an industry dominate the market. There are different ways of estimating market share: by revenue, by output, by profit, etc. The table, based on the latest data from the Office for National Statistics, shows the 5-firm concentration ratios of selected industries in the UK by output in 2004. As you can see, there was an enormous variation in the degree of concen- tration from one industry to another. One of the main reasons for this is differences in the per- centage of total industry output at which economies of scale
Concentration ratios for business by industry (2004)
Industry 5-firm ratio 15-firm ratio Industry 5-firm ratio 15-firm ratio
Sugar 99 99 Alcoholic beverages 50 78
Tobacco products 99 99 Soap and toiletries 40 64
Oils and fats 88 95 Accountancy services 36 47
Confectionary 81 91 Motor vehicles 34 54
Gas distribution 82 87 Glass and glass products 26 49
Soft drinks, mineral water 75 93 Fishing 16 19
Postal/courier services 65 75 Advertising 10 20
Telecommunications 61 75 Wholesale distribution 6 11
Inorganic chemicals 57 80 Furniture 5 13
Source: based on data in Table 8.31 of United Kingdom Input–Output Analyses (National Statistics, 2006)
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The theory of perfect competition illustrates an extreme form of capitalism. Firms have no power whatsoever to affect the price of the product. The price they face is that determined by the interaction of demand and supply in the whole market.
Assumptions T h e m o d e l o f p e r f e c t c o m p e t i t i o n i s b u i l t o n f o u r assumptions:
1. Firms are price takers. There are so many firms in the industry that each one produces an insignificantly small proportion of total industry supply, and therefore has no power whatsoever to affect the price of the product. Hence it faces a horizontal (perfectly elastic) demand ‘curve’ at the market price: the price determined by the interac- tion of demand and supply in the whole market.
2. There is complete freedom of entry into the industry for new firms. Existing firms are unable to stop new firms setting up in business. Setting up a business takes time, however. Freedom of entry therefore applies in the long run.
3. All firms produce an identical product. The product is ‘homogeneous’: i.e. all products in the market are iden- tical and are perfect substitutes for each other. There is therefore no branding or advertising.
4. Producers and consumers have perfect knowledge of the market. That is, producers are fully aware of prices, costs, technology and market opportunities. Consumers are fully aware of price, quality and availability of the product.
These assumptions are very strict. Few, if any, industries in the real world meet these conditions. Certain agricultural markets perhaps are closest to perfect competition. The market for fresh vegetables is an example.
The short-run equilibrium of the firm In the short run, we assume that the number of firms in the industry cannot be increased; there is simply no time for new firms to enter the market.
Figure 11.1 shows a short-run equilibrium for both industry and a firm under perfect competition. Both parts of the diagram have the same scale for the vertical axis. The horizontal axes have totally different scales, however. For example, if the horizontal axis for the firm were meas- ured in, say, thousands of units, the horizontal axis for the whole industry might be measured in millions or tens of millions of units, depending on the number of firms in the industry.
Let us examine the determination of price, output and profit in turn.
PERFECT COMPETITION11.2
Pause for thought
1. It is sometimes claimed that the market for various stocks and shares is perfectly competitive, or nearly so. Take the case of the market for shares in a large company, such as BP. Go through each of the four assumptions above and see if they apply in this case. (Don’t be misled by the first assumption. The ‘firm’ in this case is not BP itself, but rather the owners of the shares.)
2. Is the market for gold or silver perfectly competitive?
Definition
The short run under perfect competition The period during which there is too little time for new firms to enter the industry.
Short-run equilibrium of industry and firm under perfect competitionFigure 11.1
P
Pe
O
£
O
AR AC
S
D
Q (millions) (a) Industry
Q (thousands) (b) Firm
MC AC
Qe
D AR = MR
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Price The price is determined in the industry by the intersection of market demand and supply. The firm faces a horizontal demand (or average revenue) ‘curve’ at this price. It can sell all it can produce at the market price (Pe). It would sell noth- ing at a price above Pe, however, since competitors would be selling identical products at a lower price.
Output The firm will maximise profit where marginal cost equals marginal revenue (MR = MC), at an output of Qe. Note that, since the price is not affected by the firm’s output, marginal revenue will equal price (see pages 161–2 and Figure 10.1). Thus the firm’s MR ‘curve’ and AR ‘curve’ (= demand ‘curve’) are the same horizontal straight line.
Profit If the average cost (AC) curve (which includes normal profit) dips below the average revenue (AR) ‘curve’, the firm will earn supernormal profit. Supernormal profit per unit at Qe is the vertical difference between AR and AC at Qe. Total supernormal profit is the shaded rectangle in Figure 11.1 (i.e. profit per unit times quantity sold).
What happens if the firm cannot make a profit at any level of output? This situation would occur if the AC curve were above the AR curve at all points. This is illustrated in Figure 11.2 where the market price is P1. In this case, the point where MC = MR represents the loss-minimising point (where loss is defined as anything less than normal profit). This amount of the loss is represented by the shaded rectangle.
Whether the firm is prepared to continue making a loss in the short run or whether it will close down immediately
depends on whether it can cover its variable costs (as we saw in Chapter 10). Provided price is above average variable cost (AVC), the firm will continue producing in the short run: it can pay its variable costs and go some way to paying its fixed costs. It will shut down in the short run only if the market price falls below P2 in Figure 11.2: i.e. when variable costs of production cannot be covered.
The long-run equilibrium of the firm In the long run, if typical firms are making supernormal profits, new firms will be attracted into the industry. Like- wise, if existing firms can make supernormal profits by increasing the scale of their operations, they will do so, since all factors of production are variable in the long run.
The effect of the entry of new firms and/or the expan- sion of existing firms is to increase industry supply, mean- ing that at every price level the quantity produced would be higher. This is illustrated in Figure 11.3.
The industry supply curve shifts to the right. This in turn leads to a fall in price. Supply will go on increasing, and price falling, until firms are making only normal prof- its. This will be when price has fallen to the point where the demand ‘curve’ for the firm just touches the bottom
KI 4 p 25
KI 18 p 141
KI 10 p 52
Loss minimising under perfect competitionFigure 11.2
P
P2
P1
O
£
O
AR1
AR2
AC1
S
D1D2
Q (millions) Q (thousands)
D2 AR2 = MR2
D1 AR1 = MR1
MC AC
AVC
Qe QQ
(a) (b)
Pause for thought
If the industry under perfect competition faces a down- ward-sloping demand curve, why does an individual firm face a horizontal demand curve?
Pause for thought
Before you read on, can you explain why perfect competition and substantial economies of scale are likely to be incompatible?
Definition
The long run under perfect competition The period of time which is long enough for new firms to enter the industry.
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of its long-run average cost curve. QL is thus the long-run equilibrium output of the firm, with PL the long-run equi- librium price.
Since the LRAC curve is tangential to all possible short- run AC curves (see section 9.5), the full long-run equilib- rium will be as shown in Figure 11.4 where:
LRAC = AC = MC = MR = AR
The incompatibility of perfect competition and substantial economies of scale Why is perfect competition so rare in the real world – if it even exists at all? One important reason for this has to do with economies of scale.
In many industries, firms may have to be quite large if they are to experience the full potential economies of scale. But perfect competition requires there to be many firms. Firms must therefore be small under perfect competition: too small in most cases for them to achieve economies of scale.
Once a firm expands sufficiently to achieve economies of scale, it will usually gain market power. It will be able to undercut the prices of smaller firms, which will thus be driven out of business. Perfect competition is destroyed. Perfect competition could only exist in any industry, there- fore, if there were no (or virtually no) economies of scale.
Does the firm benefit from operating under perfect competition? Under perfect competition the firm faces a constant battle for survival. If it becomes less efficient than other firms, it will make less than normal profits and be driven out of business. If it becomes more efficient, it will earn supernor- mal profits. But these supernormal profits will not last for long. Soon other firms, in order to survive themselves, will be forced to copy the more efficient methods of the new firm. They are able to do this because the perfect knowledge assumption implies that new methods can be copied by all producers.
KI 11 p 59
Long-run equilibrium under perfect competitionFigure 11.3
P
P1 PL
O
£
O
Se S1
(a) Industry (b) Firm
AR1 ARL
D1 DL
LRAC
Q L QQ
D
Long-run equilibrium of the firm under perfect competitionFigure 11.4
£
D AR = MR
(SR)MC
(SR)AC
LRAC
QO
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It is the same with the development of new products. If a firm is able to produce a new product that is popular with consumers, it will be able to gain a temporary advantage over its rivals. But again, any supernormal profits will last only as long as it takes other firms to respond. Soon the increase in supply of the new product will drive the price down and elim- inate these supernormal profits. Similarly, the firm must be quick to copy new products developed by its rivals. If it does not, it will soon make a loss and be driven out of the market.
Thus being in perfect competition is a constant battle for survival. Most firms in such a highly competitive environ- ment would love to be able to gain some market power: power to be able to restrict competition and to retain supernormal profits into the long run. We look at the extreme case of mar- ket power, where the firm has a monopoly, in section 11.3.
Does the consumer benefit from perfect competition? Generally it is argued that competition benefits the consumer, and that the more perfect an industry becomes the better it is for consumers. The argument centres around the question of efficiency. There are three elements to the argument.
■ Price equals marginal cost. Why is this desirable? To answer this, consider what would happen if they were not equal. If price were greater than marginal cost, this would mean that consumers were putting a higher value (P) on the production of extra units than they cost to produce (MC). Therefore more ought to be produced. If price were less than marginal cost, consumers would be putting a lower value on extra units than they cost to produce. Therefore less ought to be produced. When they
are equal, therefore, production levels are just right. But, as we shall see later, it is only under perfect competition that MC = P. This idea of producing just the right amount of the product is referred to as allocative efficiency.
■ The combination of (long-run) production being at min- imum average cost and the firm making only normal profit keeps prices at a minimum.
■ As we have seen, perfect competition is a case of ‘survival of the fittest’. Inefficient firms will be driven out of busi- ness, since they will not be able to make even normal profits. This encourages firms to be as efficient as possible and, where possible, to invest in new improved technol- ogy. This idea of production at minimum cost and of costs being driven down is known as productive efficiency.
However, perfect competition is not always best for the consumer, any more than it is for the firm. We develop the arguments in the next section and in Chapter 12.
Economic efficiency is achieved when each good is produced at the minimum cost and where consumers get maximum benefit from their income.
KEY IDEA
22
Definitions
Allocative efficiency A situation where the current combination of goods produced and sold gives the max- imum satisfaction for each consumer at their current levels of income.
Productive efficiency A situation where firms are producing the maximum output for a given amount of inputs, or producing a given output at the least cost.
What is a monopoly? This may seem a strange question because the answer seems obvious. A monopoly exists when there is only one firm in the industry.
But whether an industry can be classed as a monopoly is not always clear. It depends on how narrowly the indus- try is defined. For example, a textile company may have a monopoly on certain types of fabric, but it does not have a monopoly on fabrics in general. The consumer can buy fab- rics other than those supplied by the company. A rail com- pany may have a monopoly over rail services between two cities, but it does not have a monopoly over public trans- port between these two cities. People can travel by coach or air. They could also use private transport. Consider the blog on the Sloman News Site, which asks Is Amazon a monopolist?1
MONOPOLY11.3
1http://pearsonblog.campaignserver.co.uk/?p=14509 2http://postandparcel.info/62638/news/companies/royal-mails-challenger-tnt- post-uk-to-rebrand-as-whistl/
To some extent, the boundaries of an industry are arbi- trary. What is more important for a firm is the amount of monopoly power it has, and that depends on the close- ness of substitutes produced by rival industries. The Post Office, before 2006, had a monopoly over the delivery of letters, but it still faced competition in communications from telephone, faxes and e-mail. Now, with the ending of the monopoly over the delivery of letters, the Post Office criticises the ‘unfair’ competition it faces from other firms, such as whistl, which delivers mail, packets and parcels, but only in more profitable urban areas. An article from Post and Parcel2 considers this competition to the Royal Mail.
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Definition
Natural monopoly A situation where long-run average costs would be lower if an industry were under monopoly than if it were shared between two or more competitors.
BOX 11.2 E-COMMERCE
A modern form of perfect competition?
The relentless drive towards big business in recent decades has seen many markets become more concentrated and increas- ingly dominated by large producers. However, forces are at work that are undermining this dominance and bringing more competition to markets. One of these forces is e-commerce. In this case study, we will consider just how far e-commerce is returning ‘power to the people’.
Moving markets back towards perfect competition? Let us reconsider three of the assumptions of perfect compe- tition and the impact of e-commerce on them: a large number of firms; freedom of entry; and perfect knowledge.
A large number of firms. With the global reach of the Inter- net, the number of firms in any market has increased. Firms must now compete with others across the world, as consum- ers have access to the global marketplace. They must keep an eye on the prices and products of competitors worldwide and be aware of the continual emergence of new smaller businesses.
Freedom of entry. The Internet has had a key role to play here, reducing the costs of business start-ups. The traditional idea of rented office space, large start-up and fixed costs is no longer the only way to run a business. Small online companies have been created from home, with little more than a com- puter, and many companies are transferring their purchases to the Internet, finding that prices can be significantly cheaper. Marketing costs for small Internet-based companies can be relatively low, especially with powerful search engines, and many of these new online companies are more specialist, relying on interest ‘outsourcing’ (buying parts, equipment and other supplies through the Internet) rather than making everything themselves. They are also more likely to use deliv- ery firms rather than having their own transport fleet. Not only do all the above factors make markets more price competitive, they also bring other benefits. Costs are driven down, as firms economise on stock holding, rely more on outsourcing and develop more efficient relationships with suppliers. ‘Procurement hubs’, online exchanges and trading communities are now well established in many industries. All of these factors have made it relatively cheap for new firms to set up and begin trading over the Internet. Many of these firms are involved in ‘B2C’ (business-to-consumers) e-commerce, where they are selling directly to us as consum- ers. However, many have begun to sell to other firms, known as ‘B2B’ (business-to-business).
One particularly interesting example is eBay and the way in which it has caused a blurring between firms and consumers. Setting up a small business from home is now incredibly easy and, via eBay, consumers can become businesses with just one click. With around 130 million active users worldwide and hundreds of thousands of users running a business via eBay in the UK, buying and selling ‘junk’ has become a viable source of income. Estimates suggest that at any one time, there are over 800 million ‘listings’ on eBay. eBay itself is an example of a business that expanded with the growth of the Internet. Founded in 1995, eBay grew rapidly, reaching half a million users and revenues of $4.7 billion in the USA within three years. In 2014, eBay’s revenue was $17.9 billion, up from $8.7 billion five years earlier. In more recent years it has experienced some difficul- ties from increased competition, as there are many other sites offering similar services. However, eBay’s global reach and volume of customers, courtesy of the Internet, has enabled rapid growth to continue. Although it is just one company, the fact that it has millions of users, acting as businesses, means that it has provided a highly competitive environment. The increase in competition from the rise of e-commerce, in whatever form, has led to firms’ demand curves becom- ing more price elastic. This is especially the case for goods which are cheap to transport or for services, such as travel agents, insurance and banking. While some large firms, such as Amazon, do provide competition for the more traditional firms, the greater freedom of entry for new firms that has been created by the Internet is providing an ever-increasing degree of competition, as more and more small businesses are set up every day. This has also created a more innovative environment, where the quality and range of products is also growing daily.
Perfect knowledge. The Internet has also added to consumer knowledge. There are some obvious ways, such as facts, and figures through sites such as Wikipedia, where to eat, what to read, etc. However, it has also improved consumer knowl- edge through greater transparency. Online shopping agents such as Kelkoo and Google and online comparison sites such as GoCompare and MoneySupermarket can quickly locate a list of alternative suppliers and their prices. There is greater information on product availability, quality and consumer feedback. Virtual shopping malls, full of e-retailers, place the high street retailer under intense competitive pressure. We have seen evidence of this online competition, with the downfall of some well-known high street retailers, such as HMV, Comet, Peacocks and Borders. Although the weak
Barriers to entry For a firm to maintain its monopoly position, there must be barriers to the entry of new firms. Barriers also exist under oligopoly, but in the case of monopoly they must be high enough to block the entry of new firms. Barriers can take various forms.
Economies of scale. If the monopolist’s average costs go on falling significantly up to the output that satisfies the whole
market, the industry may not be able to support more than one producer. This case is known as natural monopoly. This is more likely if the market is small. For example, two
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3http://pearsonblog.campaignserver.co.uk/?p=2573
E-COMMERCE
A modern form of perfect competition?
trading conditions following the economic downturn after 2007 were partly to blame, it has also been the sheer volume of competition these companies face from the Internet. HMV faces steep competition from companies like Amazon, as DVDs, BluRay and CDs can be sold much more cheaply online. LoveFilm and Netflix also provide a new way of watching films. Google shopping allows consumers to compare prices on larger consumer durables such as fridges, cookers and wash- ing machines, and with the large supermarkets offering such items online and price comparisons being so easy, consum- ers are finding bargains on the Internet. These competitive pressures from online retailing certainly added to the woes of Comet and other companies. It is not just the traditional consumer that has benefited from greater knowledge. Many firms are also consumers, purchas- ing inputs from other firms. It is now commonplace for firms to use the Internet to search for cheaper sources of supply. This is even more relevant now that many firms operate in a worldwide marketplace and can source their supplies from across the globe.
1. Give three examples of products that are particularly suitable for selling over the Internet and three that are not. Explain your answer.
2. Before reading ahead, consider your own shopping and buying habits – how much shopping do you do online? What do you think are the limits to e-commerce? Compare your answers with a friend and try to determine the key factors that explain any dif- ferences and what, then, are the limits to e-commerce.
What are the limits to e-commerce? In 20 years, will we be doing all our shopping on the Inter- net? Will the only shopping malls be virtual ones? Although e-commerce is revolutionising some markets, it is unlikely that things will go anything like that far. The benefits of ‘shop shopping’ are that you get to see the good, touch it and use it. You can buy the good there and then, and take instant possession of it: you don’t have to wait. Although you can order things online and get next day delivery, it’s still not quite instant possession. Further- more, shopping is an enjoyable experience. Many people like wandering round the shops, meeting friends, seeing what takes their fancy, trying on clothes, browsing through DVDs, and so on. ‘Retail therapy’ for many is a leisure activity. Many consumers are willing to pay a ‘premium’ for these advantages.
Online shopping is limited by current technology and infra- structure. The quality of Internet access has improved signifi- cantly as broadband has become widely available, but online purchases can still be hampered by busy sites or slow connec- tions. And what if deliveries are late or fail completely? (See Box 6.4.) The busiest time for Internet shopping is in the run-up to Christmas. In 2011 Yodel, the UK’s second largest house- hold delivery company (after the Royal Mail), failed to deliver around 15 000 parcels per day as Christmas approached. 1 Similar problems occurred in 2014, when 10 days before Christmas, Yodel announced that it was no longer collect- ing parcels for delivery due to a backlog (see articles in The Guardian2 and the Mail Online3). Their delivery infrastructure simply could not cope with the increase in demand from online shopping and, clearly, over three years, it had not found a solution. Additionally, online shopping requires access to a credit or debit card, which might not be available to everyone, particu- larly younger consumers and those on low incomes. Also costs might not always be as low as expected. How efficient is it to have many small deliveries of goods? How significant are the lost cost savings from economies of scale that larger producers or retailers are likely to generate? Nevertheless, e-commerce has made many markets, both retail and B2B, more competitive. This is especially so for ser- vices and for goods whose quality is easy to identify online. Many firms are being forced to face up to having their prices determined by the market.
1. Why may the Internet work better for replacement buys than for new purchases?
2. In 2008 eBay sellers called for a boycott of the site, following changes in the fees being charged and the removal of their ability to leave feedback on buyers. Explain how eBay can both increase competition across the economy and simultaneously acquire very substantial monopoly power.
1 ‘Surge in online orders hits deliveries’, Financial Times, 23 December 2011. 2 ‘Yodel warns of parcel backlog as Christmas deliveries face delay’, The Guardian, 12 December 2014. 3 Ben Wilkinson, ‘Delivery firm Yodel’s boss forced into apology after delays mean thousands of customers may not receive parcels in time for Christmas’, Mail Online, 24 December 2014.
bus companies might find it unprofitable to serve the same routes, each running with perhaps only half-full buses, whereas one company with a monopoly of the routes could make a profit. The blog post Fair Fares?3 on the Slo- man News Site considers the bus industry. Electricity trans- mission via a national grid is another example of a natural monopoly.
Even if a market could support more than one firm, a new entrant is unlikely to be able to start up on a very large scale. Thus the monopolist which is already experiencing economies of scale can charge a price below the cost of the new entrant and drive it out of business. If, however, the new entrant is a firm already established in another indus- try, it may be able to survive this competition.
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Economies of scope. These are the benefits in terms of lower average costs of production, because a firm produces a range of products. For example, a large pharmaceutical company producing a range of drugs and toiletries can use shared research, marketing, storage and transport facilities across its range of products. These lower costs make it difficult for a new single-product entrant to the market, since the large firm will be able to undercut its price and drive it out of the market.
Product differentiation and brand loyalty. If a firm produces a clearly differentiated product, where the consumer associ- ates the product with the brand, it will be very difficult for a new firm to break into that market. Rank Xerox invented, and patented, the plain paper photocopier. After this legal monopoly (see below) ran out, people still associated pho- tocopiers with Rank Xerox. It is still not unusual to hear someone say that they are going to ‘Xerox the article’ or, for that matter, ‘Hoover their carpet’. Other examples of strong brand image include Guinness, Kelloggs Cornflakes, Coca- Cola, Nescafé and Sellotape.
Lower costs for an established firm. An established monopoly is likely to have developed specialised production and mar- keting skills. It is more likely to be aware of the most efficient production and marketing techniques and the most relia- ble and/or cheapest suppliers. It is also likely to have access to cheaper finance, as we saw with larger companies in sec- tion 3.3 (see page 40). For these reasons it is likely to be oper- ating on a lower average total cost curve. New firms would therefore find it hard to compete on price, given their higher average costs and would be likely to lose any price war.
Ownership of, or control over, key inputs or outlets. If a firm gov- erns the supply of vital inputs (say, by owning the sole sup- plier of some component part), it can deny access to these inputs to potential rivals. On a world scale, the de Beers company has a monopoly in fine diamonds because all dia- mond producers market their diamonds through de Beers.
Similarly, if a firm controls the outlets through which the product must be sold, it can prevent potential rivals from gaining access to consumers. For example, Wall’s (a division of Unilever) used to supply freezers free to shops on the condition that they stocked only Wall’s ice cream in them. On the Sloman News Site, two blog posts, Making UK energy supply more productive4 and The Big Six: for how much longer?5 show how vertical and horizontal integra- tion act as a barrier to entry in the energy market.
Pause for thought
Illustrate the situation described above using AC curves for both a new entrant and an established firm.
4http://pearsonblog.campaignserver.co.uk/?p=12358 5http://pearsonblog.campaignserver.co.uk/?p=12350
Legal protection. The firm’s monopoly position may be pro- tected by patents on essential processes, by copyright, by various forms of licensing (allowing, say, only one firm to operate in a particular area) and by tariffs (i.e. customs duties) and other trade restrictions to keep out foreign competitors. Examples of monopolies, or near monopolies, protected by patents include most new medicines devel- oped by pharmaceutical companies (e.g. anti-AIDS drugs), Microsoft’s Windows operating systems and agro-chemi- cal companies, such as Monsanto, with various genetically modified plant varieties and pesticides.
While patents do help monopolists to maintain their market power, they are also essential in encouraging new product innovation, as R&D is very expensive. Patents allow firms that engage in R&D to reap the rewards of that investment.
Mergers and takeovers. The monopolist can put in a takeover bid for any new entrant. The sheer threat of takeovers may discourage new entrants.
Retained profits and aggressive tactics. An established monop- olist is likely to have some retained profits behind it. If a new firm enters the market, the established firm could start a price war, mount a massive advertising campaign, offer attractive after-sales service and introduce new brands to compete with the new entrant. Using its retained profits, it can probably sustain losses until the new entrant leaves the market, returning its monopoly status.
Equilibrium price and output Since there is, by definition, only one firm in the industry, the firm’s demand curve is also the industry demand curve.
Compared with other market structures, demand under monopoly will be relatively inelastic at each price. The monopolist can raise its price and consumers have no alternative firm to turn to within the industry. They either pay the higher price, or go without the good altogether.
Unlike the firm under perfect competition, the monop- olist is thus a ‘price maker’. It can choose what price to charge. Nevertheless, it is still constrained by its demand curve. A rise in price will reduce the quantity demanded.
As with firms in other market structures, a monopolist will maximise profit where MR = MC. In Figure 11.5 profit is maximised by producing a quantity of Qm. The supernor- mal profit obtained is shown by the shaded area.
These profits will tend to be larger, the less elastic is the demand curve (and hence the steeper is the MR curve), and thus the bigger is the gap between MR and price (AR). The actual elasticity will depend on whether reasonably close substitutes are available in other industries.
The demand for a rail service will be much less elastic (and the potential for profit greater) if there is no bus service between the same destinations.
Since there are barriers to the entry of new firms, a monopolist’s supernormal profits will not be competed
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away in the long run. The only difference, therefore, between short-run and long-run equilibrium is that in the long run the firm will produce where MR = long-run MC.
Comparing monopoly with perfect competition Because it faces a different type of market environment, the monopolist will produce a quite different output and at a quite different price from a perfectly competitive industry. Let us compare the two.
The monopolist will produce a lower output at a higher price in the short run. Figure 11.6 compares the profit-maxim- ising position for an industry under monopoly with that under perfect competition. Note that we are comparing the monopoly with the whole industry under perfect com- petition. That way we can assume, for the sake of compar- ison, that they both face the same demand curve. We also assume for the moment that they both face the same cost curves.
The monopolist will produce Q1 at a price of P1. This is where MC = MR.
If the same industry were under perfect competition, however, it would produce at Q2 and P2 – a higher output and a lower price. But why? The reason for this is that for each of the firms in the industry – and it is at this level that the decisions are made – marginal revenue is the same as price. Remember that the firm under perfect competition faces a perfectly elastic demand (AR) curve, which also equals MR (see Figure 11.1). Thus producing where MC = MR also means producing where MC = P. When all firms under perfect competition do this, price and quantity in the industry will be given by P2 and Q2 in Figure 11.6.
The monopolist may also produce a lower output at a higher price in the long run. Under perfect competition, freedom of entry
eliminates supernormal profit and forces firms to produce at the bottom of their LRAC curve, keeping long-run prices down. A monopolist, however, because of barriers to entry can continue to earn supernormal profits in the long run and is not forced to operate at the bottom of the AC curve. Thus, other things being equal, long-run prices will tend to be higher, and hence output lower, under monopoly. (In sec- tion 20.2 we examine this in more detail by considering the impact of monopoly on consumer and producer surplus. You might wish to take a preliminary look at pages 343–4 now.)
Costs under monopoly. The sheer survival of a firm in the long run under perfect competition requires that it uses the most efficient known technique, and develops new tech- niques wherever possible. The monopolist, however, shel- tered by barriers to entry, can still make large profits even if it is not using the most efficient technique. It has less incen- tive, therefore, to be efficient.
On the other hand, the monopoly may be able to achieve substantial economies of scale due to larger plant, cen- tralised administration and the avoidance of unnecessary duplication (e.g. a monopoly water company would elimi- nate the need for several sets of rival water mains under each street). If this results in an MC curve substantially below that of the same industry under perfect competition, the monopoly may even produce a higher output at a lower price.
Another reason why a monopolist may operate with lower costs is that it can use part of its supernormal profits for research and development and investment. It may not
KI 21 p 175
Profit maximising under monopolyFigure 11.5
£
MR Q O
AR
AR
AC
AC
Qm
MC
Equilibrium of the industry under perfect competition and monopoly with the same MC curve
Figure 11.6
£
MR
QO
AR = D
Q1 Q2
P1 P2
MC
Pause for thought
If the shares in a monopoly (such as a water company) were very widely distributed among the population, would the shareholders necessarily want the firm to use its monopoly power to make larger profits?
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BOX 11.3 WINDOWS CLEANING
Challenging Microsoft’s monopoly power
America Online. Here Microsoft would promote America Online via Windows. In return, America Online would not promote Netscape’s browsers.
One solution, posed by Federal Judge Thomas Penfield Jack- son in 2000, was that Microsoft be split into two companies to prevent it operating as a monopoly. One would produce and market the Windows operating system; the other would pro- duce and market the applications software, such as Microsoft Office and the web browser, Internet Explorer. This was overturned on appeal in June 2001 and Microsoft agreed to provide technical information about Windows to other companies so that potential rivals could write software that would compete with Microsoft’s own software. Also Microsoft would not be allowed to retaliate against computer manufacturers that installed rival products or removed icons for Microsoft applications.
Microsoft and the European Commission findings It is not only in the US where Microsoft has faced legal action and accusations of abuse of a dominant position. In March 2004 the European Commission fined Microsoft €497 million for an Abuse of a Dominant Position in the operating system market. It found that Microsoft had harmed competition in the media player market by bundling Windows Media Player with its operating system. Further, Microsoft had refused to supply information about its secret software code to suppliers of alternative network software at reasonable rates. Such code was needed to allow non-Win- dows network software to be interoperable with (‘talk’ to) Windows network software. Without it, firms that had purchased Windows Network servers would be solely tied in to Microsoft server software. This, in turn, would discourage the develop- ment of application software products by Microsoft’s rivals. In April 2006, Microsoft launched an appeal against the judg- ment claiming that the EU’s ruling violated international law by forcing the company to share information with rivals. However, the Court of First Instance found in the Commission’s favour. Microsoft complied with the first ruling and unbundled Windows Media Player from its operating systems, much to the annoy- ance of computer suppliers who argued that their customers could easily upload alternative media players from the Web. However, until October 2007 Microsoft continued to charge high royalty rates and fees for interoperability information that would allow competitors to access secret source codes on the Windows Network System. As a result, in February 2008 the Commission penalised Microsoft a further €899 million for non-compliance with its 2004 decision and Microsoft became the first company in 50 years of EU competition policy to be fined for non-compliance with a Commission decision (see
Network effects Microsoft is a vertically integrated firm (see pages 245–8), with a dominant position in the operating system market (i.e. Windows) and in certain application software (Office and Win- dows Media Player) markets. It has built this position by creat- ing networks of users. These networks bring both benefits and costs to society. Network economies arise when consumers of a product benefit from it being used by other consumers. In the case of Micro- soft’s products, firms benefit from lower training costs because individuals who have learnt to use Microsoft products else- where can be readily absorbed into the firm. Individuals ben- efit too because they do not have to learn to use new software when they move to another organisation and the learning costs are fairly low as a new version of the software is introduced. The negative aspect of developing strong networks is that users can get ‘locked in’ to using the software and they become reluctant to switch to alternative systems. Protecting the network is vital to Microsoft’s competitive edge.
An operating system attracts software developed around that operating system, thereby discouraging new competition, since any alternative faces not only the challenge of creating a better operating system but competing against a whole array of already existing software applications. . . . These so-called ‘network effects’ give an incredible anti-competitive edge to companies like Microsoft that control so many different parts of the network.6
It is these negative network effects that have led to Microsoft being under seemingly constant investigation by competition authorities for over two decades. By controlling the Windows operating software, Microsoft attempted to force its own Internet browser, Internet Explorer, on to consumers and com- puter manufacturers and this led to Microsoft being accused of abusing its market power and seeking to crush its rivals.
Microsoft and the US court findings Interest in Microsoft’s practices began in 1991, with a Federal Trade Commission inquiry into its monopoly abuse of the PC operating system market. However, perhaps the most famous investigation began on 18 May 1998, when the US Justice Department alleged that Microsoft had committed the follow- ing anti-competitive actions:
■ In May 1995 Microsoft attempted to collude with Netscape Communications to divide the Internet browser market. Netscape Communications refused.
■ Microsoft had forced personal computer manufacturers to install Internet Explorer in order to obtain a Windows operating licence.
■ Microsoft insisted that PC manufacturers conformed to a Microsoft front screen for Windows. This included specified icons, one of which was Microsoft’s Internet Explorer.
■ It had set up reciprocal advertising arrangements with America’s largest Internet service providers, such as
Definition
Network economies The benefits to consumers of having a network of other people using the same prod- uct or service.6 N. Newman, from ‘MS Word to MS world: how Microsoft is building a global
monopoly’ (1997), www.netaction.org/msoft/world
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WINDOWS CLEANING
Challenging Microsoft’s monopoly power
Further, in an environment where technology is changing rapidly, Microsoft’s control over standards gives the user a measure of stability, knowing that any new products and applications will be compatible with existing ones. In other words, new software can be incorporated into existing sys- tems. In this respect Microsoft can be viewed as operating in society’s interest. Microsoft would argue that it has a right to protect its in-house software code from competitors and receive a fair price for it. Indeed, it is a natural response for a firm to protect its intellectual property rights. Failure to do so could lead to the firm’s demise.
Challenges to Microsoft monopoly Microsoft is facing increasing competitive pressure. The recent challenges from competition authorities (referred to above) have opened up the browser market, for example. Microsoft’s Internet Explorer is no longer the dominant browser; since the mid-2000s its market share has fallen significantly as other browsers have become widely used. In July 2003, it had an 82.7 per cent share of the global browser market; by Quarter 4, 2015, this had fallen to 10.3 per cent for all browsers – third behind Google’s Chrome (52.8 per cent) and Apple’s Safari (12.4 per cent) and only just ahead of Firefox (9.3 per cent) (although Firefox’s share had been as high as 32 per cent in 2009).10
There is also a growing challenge from new Internet firms, such as Google and Facebook. Both Google and Facebook have created enormous networks of users, who are then targeted with tailored adverts paid for by firms who want to reach these vast audiences. This is a very different business model from that of Microsoft and, as part of the desire to create large networks of users, free products are being released that will compete with those of Microsoft. For example, Google’s Google Docs and Apache’s Open Office compete with Microsoft’s Office. These are becom- ing increasingly well known and have growing market shares. Microsoft’s dominance has certainly been tested in many parts of the industry, but its market leading position for its various operating systems is still intact. NetMarketShare and Stat- Counter put Window’s market share (all versions) of the desk- top and laptop markets at just below 90 per cent, with Apple’s operating system making some gains. However, with the rise of tablet computers and smart phones, we are seeing a growing number of competitors, such as Google’s Linux open- source operating system, Android. With the rise of tablets with detachable keyboards that double as a laptop, this sector is likely to see many changes over the coming years.
You might want to follow subsequent events as the news unfolds (see section A of the Hotlinks section of Sloman Economics News site for links to newspaper sites).
1. In what respects might Microsoft’s behaviour be deemed to have been: (a) against the public interest; (b) in the public interest?
2. Being locked in to a product or technology is only a problem if such a product can be clearly shown to be inferior to an alternative. What difficulties might there be in establishing such a case?
the European Commission Press Release).7 Microsoft took the Commission to court in an attempt to overturn the fine, losing its case in 2012, though the fine was reduced to €860 million, following a ‘miscalculation’. This was not the end of Microsoft’s dealings with the European Commission. In 2009 the Commission announced an investi- gation into the bundling of Internet Explorer with Windows. The bundling was thought to be restricting competition in the mar- ket for web browsers.8 Microsoft took the Commission seriously and agreed to remove Explorer from the European versions of Windows 7. To promote competition it offered users an option of downloading one browser from a list of 12, including Mozilla Firefox, Google’s Chrome, Apple’s Safari and Opera. However, it was found that between May 2011 and July 2012, thousands of customers in Europe did not have this choice available and, as such, the European Commission imposed a €561 million fine on Microsoft (see the European Commission Press Release).9
Microsoft has been warned by the Commission about anti-competitive behaviour with its Windows 8 product and has been told that severe penalties will be imposed if it breaks the 2009 bundling agreement. Is Microsoft playing a ‘game’ with the competition authorities – maximising profits by pushing as hard as possible against the legal framework?
Microsoft and the public interest These lawsuits raise an important issue: is Microsoft acting for or against the public interest? The classic case against monopoly suppliers is that they charge higher prices and offer lower quantities to consumers than would be the case under perfect competition. In addi- tion, the supernormal profit that monopolies earn may be detrimental to society if it is used to continue to support the monopoly position, say by lobbying or bribing government officials. Further, if no competition prevails then monopoly suppliers may become more inefficient. However, the competition authorities have never penalised Microsoft simply for possessing monopoly power. It has been fined when it has abused its market power. That is, it is not the monopoly market structure that matters per se to compe- tition authorities; rather, it is the behaviour of the firm when it has monopoly power. Through its actions, Microsoft had raised barriers to entry by restricting the opportunities for potential rival firms to offer alternative products to custom- ers. Choice was thereby restricted. In its defence, Microsoft has argued that it has continually sought to reinvest its profits in new product development and offered a number of innovative solutions over the past 30 years for indi- viduals and businesses alike. (Can you think of all the versions of Windows and the ‘free updates’ there have been?)
7 European Commission, ‘Antitrust: Commission imposes €899 million penalty on Microsoft for non-compliance with March 2004 Decision’, European Commission Press Release IP/08/318, 27 February 2008.
8 See European Commission, ‘Antitrust: Commission confirms sending of a Statement of Objections to Microsoft on the tying of Internet Explorer to Windows Reference’, European Commission Press Release MEMO/09/15, 17 January 2009.
9 European Commission, ‘Commission fines Microsoft for non-compliance with browser choice commitments’, European Commission Press Release IP/13/196, 6 March 2013.
10 For figures on browser usage, see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Usage_share_ of_web_browsers
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Potential competition In recent years, economists have developed the theory of contestable markets. This theory argues that what is crucial in determining price and output is not whether an industry is actually a monopoly or competitive, but whether there is the real threat of competition.
If a monopoly is protected by high barriers to entry – say that it owns all the raw materials – then it will be able to make supernormal profits with no fear of competition.
If, however, another firm could take over from it with lit- tle difficulty, it will behave much more like a competitive firm. The threat of competition has a similar effect to actual competition.
As an example, consider a catering company that is given permission by a factory to run its canteen. The cater- ing company has a monopoly over the supply of food to the workers in that factory. However, if it starts charging high prices or providing a poor service, the factory could
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POTENTIAL COMPETITION OR POTENTIAL MONOPOLY? THE THEORY OF CONTESTABLE MARKETS
11.4
have the same incentive to become efficient as the perfectly competitive firm which is fighting for survival, but it may have a much greater ability to become efficient than a small firm with limited funds.
Although a monopoly faces no competition in the goods market, it may face an alternative form of competition in financial markets. A monopoly, with potentially low costs, which is currently run inefficiently, is likely to be subject to a takeover bid from another company. This competition for corporate control may thus force the monopoly to be effi- cient in order to prevent being taken over.
Innovation and new products. The promise of supernormal prof- its, protected perhaps by patents, may encourage the develop- ment of new (monopoly) industries producing new products. It is this chance of making monopoly profits that encourages many people to take the risk of going into business.
BOX 11.4 ‘IT COULD BE YOU’
Bidding for the UK National Lottery
saw the highest annual sales total since 1994, recorded at £6.98 billion, though Camelot said it was boosted by the Olympics. Sales in the 2013/14 financial year were just behind the previous year at £6.7 billion, making it the second highest annual sales total since 1994. Initially sales were looking weak in the 2013/14 financial year, but they were turned around with a controversial decision to double Loto ticket price to £2 in autumn 2013. This created a £245 million boost to sales, as discussed in a Telegraph article.11
The institutional framework There are a number of institutions involved in providing the lottery. The Department of Culture, Media and Sport oversees the lottery as directed by the National Lottery Act and dictates its strategic direction. It appoints the National Lottery Commission (NLC), which ensures that bids for the lottery licence and the running of the lottery games maxim- ise the returns for ‘Good Causes’. There are also a number of distribution bodies that provide lottery funds to thousands of local projects. The main point of contact for lottery buyers is Camelot, which runs the lotto and scratchcard games via retail out- lets, mobile phones, digital television and the Internet.
Since its launch in November 1994, the UK National Lottery has struck at the heart of the British psyche because it offers the opportunity to win a fortune and support worthwhile ven- tures. By the start of 2015, the lottery had created over 3700 millionaires and multi-millionaires, with £53 billion paid out as prizes. However, research by VoucherCodesPro estimated that weekly National Lottery players will lose on average almost £150 over the year. The UK National Lottery also gener- ates an estimated £33 million weekly for ‘Good Causes’, bring- ing the total to £33 billion since 1994 and contributed £2.2 billion to the 2012 London Olympic and Paralympic Games. Around 70 per cent of UK adults play the lottery, spending on average about £3 per week. For the year ending 31 March 2014, for every pound spent on the lottery, approximately 52p was paid in prizes, 26p went to the National Lottery Distribu- tion Fund, which is distributed to arts (20 per cent), sports (20 per cent), health, education, environment and charitable causes (40 per cent) and heritage (20 per cent). A further 12p goes to the government in the form of Lottery Tax, 5p goes to the retailer and 5p goes to Camelot, the operator, and its Canadian parent company, Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan. Sales of lottery tickets grew dramatically in the early years of operation but waned around the turn of the century. In 2002, a second lottery was launched and this did lead to a recovery in sales and, with the growth of EuroMillions, more people are being encouraged to participate in all lotteries. Sales grew by 12 per cent in the five years to 2012. The 2012/13 financial year
11 Nathalie Thomas, ‘National Lottery sales boosted by £2 ticket price’, The Telegraph, 20 May 2014. ▲
Definitions
Competition for corporate control The competition for the control of companies through takeovers.
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1 1 . 4 P O T E N T I A L C O M P E T I T I O N O R P O T E N T I A L M O N O P O L Y ? T H E T H E O R Y O F C O N T E S T A B L E M A R K E T S 1 8 9
The NLC is responsible for evaluating the bids and awarding the licence. There were seven bidders for the first licence but for the second licence there were only two tabled ‘bids’, one from Camelot and other from Sir Richard Branson’s The People’s Lottery (and initially the NLC rejected both before settling on the incumbent). For the third licence, the NLC tried to encourage as many bids as possible to come forward. Only one other bidder, Sugal and Dumani UK Ltd, submitted a bid. Camelot won because the NLC believed that, at a similar level of sales, they would be slightly more generous to ‘Good Causes’ and that ‘there was a higher probability that they would achieve higher sales over the length of the licence’.13
Clearly, incumbent firms like Camelot have considerable advantages over potential rivals when contracts have to be renewed and thus the number of new bidders is likely to be low. Two problems, in particular, stand out for rivals.
The ‘Winner’s Curse’ If a potential entrant outbids the incumbent in an auction to run (say) a local bus service, then it could be that winner has paid too much. After all, the incumbent has more knowl- edge about running the bus service and the likely revenues that may prevail. This situation is known as the ‘Winner’s Curse’ and a similar scenario may occur in respect of the lot- tery. Potential bidders may be put off bidding because they don’t have the same knowledge about the UK lottery market. Arguably, the lottery market might be considered a mature market and more is now known about lottery sales and the gaming market in general. However, there are strong incen- tives for risk-averse regulators to continue with accepting bids from incumbent firms because they are known to provide a certain level of sales and service.
The handover problem If Camelot were to lose the lottery licence, there would be some large risks in transferring to the new bidder. Arguably, Camelot could sell its infrastructure to the new lottery pro- vider, but there is a valuation dilemma. In terms of oppor- tunity cost, Camelot would value the infrastructure at scrap value (if it has no alternative use for it), whereas a winner with no alternative source for such infrastructure would value Camelot’s assets at close to their replacement value. This could lead to some difficult negotiations. Because of this difficulty, the NLC did require bidders for the third lottery licence to provide new infrastructure, but recog- nised that this would take time to have in place (imagine trying to replace 30 000 retail terminals as well as to make online, tel- evision and mobile games work well). Given this difficulty, it is not surprising that there was only one rival bidder to Camelot.
Camelot managed to achieve a first-mover advantage (see page 209) by winning the initial lottery licence in 1994. It is now to continue providing the UK National Lottery until 2023 and so will have been sole monopoly provider for 29 years. Removing Camelot after that date could prove to be difficult.
1. If Camelot is maximising revenue, what is the price elasticity of demand for lottery tickets?
2. To what extent is the National Lottery market a contestable market?
Camelot won the first, second and third licences for the right to run the UK National Lottery from 1994, 2002 and 2009 respectively. Camelot’s extended third-term licence will expire in 2023.
The rationale for a monopoly supplier Camelot is a monopoly supplier of the UK National Lottery, although it need not be so. The legislation currently allows for two licences, one to operate the infrastructure and another to run the games. It is possible for other companies to run games on the computer network owned by Camelot, much in the same way that Network Rail owns the railway tracks, tun- nels, etc. and allows competition between firms on particular routes on the network. Indeed, this option was briefly under- taken by Camelot in 1998, when Vernons Pools sold its ‘Easy Play’ game using the National Lottery retailer network. Its sales, though, were poor and it was scrapped in May 1999. However, the government has a strong preference for a single owner of the infrastructure and a single supplier of National Lottery games. The rationale for having a single owner of the infrastructure is fairly standard; this is a natural monopoly and it would be pointless having two lottery computer net- works, just as it would be having two separately owned rail lines from Edinburgh to London. With one firm controlling the infrastructure, economies of scale can be reaped. One of the arguments for having a single supplier of games is known, rather bizarrely, as ‘peculiar economies of scale’.12 This is a situation in which a company that offered a portfolio of innovative lottery games would be more likely to induce addi- tional players to participate in games because they can raise the size of the prize to be won. In other words, good game design can lead to more and bigger jackpots and thus more people buying lottery tickets. This reduces the average costs of supplying tickets and increases the money for ‘Good Causes’. Arguably, more than one firm may be able to supply an innovative portfolio of games if the market is large enough. However, the government is concerned about the risks involved in regulating relationships between network owners and network users (a problem that has occurred in regulating the railways – see Box 22.4). For example, there might be a lengthy legal dispute if a supplier of games is accused of unacceptable performance but it, in turn, accuses the network owner of poor service. This would then have a detrimental effect on the money raised for ‘Good Causes’. Thus the gov- ernment has always preferred a single-firm framework for running the National Lottery.
Bidding for the National Lottery monopoly Unlike auctions to run national rail franchises or a local bus route, bidding for the lottery does not involve any payment on the part of the successful bidder. The bid is purely a detailed business plan outlining all aspects of running the lottery, but its main emphasis is on providing likely revenue scenarios from games that would maximise money for ‘Good Causes’ and safeguard players. It was the uncertainty over future revenue flows that led the government in 1994 to require a paper-based bidding scheme for the first lottery licence. This view did not change when subsequent licences came up for renewal.
13 NLC press release, ‘Preferred bidder announced for the third National Lottery licence’, 7 August 2007.
12See, for example, P. Daffern, ‘Assessment of the effects of competition on the National Lottery’, Technical Paper No. 6, Department of Culture, Media and Sport, 2006.
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1 9 0 C H A P T E R 1 1 P R O F I T M A X I M I S A T I O N U N D E R P E R F E C T C O M P E T I T I O N A N D M O N O P O L Y
offer the running of the canteen to an alternative catering company. This threat may force the original catering com- pany to charge ‘reasonable’ prices and offer a good service.
Perfectly contestable markets A market is perfectly contestable when the costs of entry and exit by potential rivals are zero, and when such entry can be made very rapidly. In such cases, the moment the possibility of earning supernormal profits occurs, new firms will enter, thus driving profits down to a normal level. The sheer threat of this happening, so the theory goes, will ensure that the firm already in the market will (a) keep its prices down, so that it just makes normal profits, and (b) produce as efficiently as possible, taking advantage of any economies of scale and any new technology. If the existing firm did not do this, entry would take place and potential competition would become actual competition.
Contestable markets and natural monopolies So why in such cases are the markets not actually perfectly competitive? Why do they remain monopolies?
The most likely reason has to do with economies of scale and the size of the market. To operate at the minimum efficient scale, the firm may have to be so large relative to the market that there is only room for one such firm in the industry. If a new firm does come into the market, then one firm will not survive the competition. The market is simply not big enough for both of them.
If, however, there are no entry or exit costs, new firms will be perfectly willing to enter even though there is only room for one firm, provided they believe that they are more efficient than the existing firm. The existing firm, knowing this, will be forced to produce as efficiently as possible and with only normal profit.
The importance of costless exit Setting up in a new business usually involves large expendi- tures on plant and machinery. Once this money has been spent, it becomes part of the fixed costs. If these fixed costs are no higher than those of the existing firm, then the new firm could win the battle. But, of course, there is always the risk that it might lose.
But does losing the battle really matter? Can the firm not simply move to another market?
It does matter if there are substantial costs of exit. This will be the case if the capital equipment cannot be trans- ferred to other uses. In this case these fixed costs are known as sunk costs. The losing firm will exit the industry, but is left with capital equipment that it cannot use and this may deter the firm from entering in the first place. The market is not perfectly contestable, and the established firm can make supernormal profit.
If, however, the capital equipment can be transferred, the exit costs are zero (or at least very low), and new firms will be
more willing to risk entering the market. For example, a rival coach company may open up a service on a route previously operated by only one company, and where there is still only room for one operator. If the new firm loses the resulting bat- tle, it can still use the coaches it has purchased. It simply uses them for a different route or sells them for a fair price on the second-hand market. The cost of the coaches is not a sunk cost.
Costless exit, therefore, encourages firms to enter an industry, knowing that, if unsuccessful, they can always transfer their capital elsewhere.
The lower the exit costs, the more contestable the mar- ket. This implies that firms already established in other similar markets may provide more effective competition against monopolists, since they can simply transfer capital from one market to another. For example, studies of air- lines in the USA show that entry to a particular route may be much easier for an established airline, which can simply transfer planes from one route to another.
Assessment of the theory Simple monopoly theory merely focuses on the exist- ing structure of the industry and makes no allowance for potential competition. The theory of contestable markets, however, goes much further and examines the size of entry barriers and exit costs. The bigger these are, the less con- testable the market and therefore the greater the monop- oly power of the existing firm. Various attempts have been made to measure monopoly power in this way.
One criticism of the theory, however, is that it does not take sufficient account of the possible reactions of the estab- lished firm. Entry and exist may be costless (i.e. a perfectly contestable market), but the established firm may let it be known that any firm that dares to enter will face all-out war, thus deterring new entrants! In the meantime, the established firm may charge high prices and make supernormal profits.
If a monopoly operates in a perfectly contestable market, it might bring the ‘best of both worlds’ for the consumer. Not only will it be able to achieve low costs through econ- omies of scale, but also the potential competition will keep profits and hence prices down.
KI 18 p 141
Pause for thought
Think of two examples of highly contestable monopolies (or oligopolies). How well is the consumer’s interest served?
Definitions
Perfectly contestable market A market where there is free and costless entry and exit.
Sunk costs Costs that cannot be recouped (e.g. by trans- ferring assets to other uses).
SUMMARY
1a There are four alternative market structures under which firms operate. In ascending order of firms’ market power, they are: perfect competition, monopolistic competition, oligopoly and monopoly.
1b The market structure under which a firm operates will affect its conduct and its performance.
2a The assumptions of perfect competition are: a very large number of firms, complete freedom of entry, a ▲
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R E V I E W Q U E S T I O N S 1 9 1
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Why do economists treat normal profit as a cost of pro- duction? What determines (a) the level and (b) the rate of normal profit for a particular firm?
2 Why is perfect competition so rare? 3 Why does the market for fresh vegetables approximate
to perfect competition, whereas that for frozen or tinned ones does not?
4 Illustrate on a diagram similar to Figure 11.3 what would happen in the long run if price were initially below P
L .
5 We discussed e-commerce in Box 11.2, but are there any other examples of the impact of technological develop- ment on the competitiveness of markets or on meeting specific assumptions of perfect competition?
6 As an illustration of the difficulty in identifying monopo- lies, try to decide which of the following are monopolies: a train-operating company; your local evening newspa- per; British Gas; the village post office; the Royal Mail; Interflora; the London Underground; ice creams in the cinema; Guinness; food on trains; TippEx; the board game ‘Monopoly’.
7 Try this brain teaser. A monopoly would be expected to face an inelastic demand. After all, there are no direct substitutes. And yet if it produces where MR = MC, MR must be positive, demand must therefore be elastic. Therefore the monopolist must face an elastic demand! Can you solve this conundrum?
8 For what reasons would you expect a monopoly to charge (a) a higher price and (b) a lower price than if the indus- try were operating under perfect competition?
9 ‘The outcomes of perfect competition are always good, whereas monopolies are always bad.’ Discuss this statement.
10 In which of the following industries are exit costs likely to be low: (a) steel production; (b) market gardening; (c) nuclear power generation; (d) specialist financial advisory services; (e) production of fashion dolls; (f) production of a new drug; (g) contract catering; (h) mobile discos; (i) car ferry operators? Are these exit costs dependent on how narrowly the industry is defined?
11 Think of three examples of monopolies (local or national) and consider how contestable their markets are.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
homogeneous product and perfect knowledge of the good and its market by both producers and consumers.
2b In the short run of perfect competition, there is not time for new firms to enter the market, and thus supernormal profits can persist. In the long run, however, any super- normal profits will be competed away by the entry of new firms.
2c The short-run equilibrium for the firm under perfect competition will be where the price, as determined by demand and supply in the market, is equal to marginal cost. At this output the firm will be maximising profit.
2d The long-run equilibrium in a perfectly competitive mar- ket will be where the market price is just equal to firms’ long-run average cost.
2e There are no substantial economies of scale to be gained in a perfectly competitive industry. If there were, the industry would cease to be perfectly competitive as the large, low- cost firms drove the small, high-cost ones out of business.
3a A monopoly is where there is only one firm in an industry. In practice, it is difficult to determine where a monopoly exists because it depends on how narrowly an industry is defined.
3b Barriers to the entry of new firms will normally be neces- sary to protect a monopoly from competition. Such barri- ers include economies of scale (making the firm a natural monopoly or at least giving it a cost advantage over new
(small) competitors), control over supplies of inputs or over outlets, patents or copyright, and tactics to eliminate competition (such as takeovers or aggressive advertising).
3c Profits for the monopolist (as for other firms) will be maximised where MC = MR.
3d If demand and cost curves are the same in a monopoly and a perfectly competitive industry, the monopoly will produce a lower output and at a higher price than the perfectly competitive industry.
3e On the other hand, any economies of scale will in part be passed on to consumers in lower prices, and the monop- olist’s high profits may be used for research and devel- opment and investment, which in turn may lead to better products at possibly lower prices.
4a Potential competition may be as important as actual com- petition in determining a firm’s price and output strategy.
4b The greater the threat of this competition, the lower are the entry and exit costs to and from the industry. If the entry and exit costs are zero, the market is said to be per- fectly contestable. Under such circumstances, an existing monopolist will be forced to keep its profits down to the normal level if it is to resist entry of new firms. The lower the exit costs, the lower are the sunk costs of the firm.
4c The theory of contestable markets provides a more real- istic analysis of firms’ behaviour than theories based simply on the existing number of firms in the industry.
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Profit maximisation under imperfect competition
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How will firms behave under monopolistic competition (i.e. where there are many firms competing, but where they produce differentiated products)?
■ Why will firms under monopolistic competition make only normal profits in the long run? ■ How are firms likely to behave when there are just a few of them competing (‘oligopolies’)? ■ What determines whether oligopolies will engage in all-out competition or instead collude with each other? ■ What strategic ‘games’ are oligopolists likely to play in their attempt to out-do their rivals? ■ Why might such games lead to an outcome where all the players are worse off than if they had colluded? ■ Does oligopoly serve the consumer’s interests?
Very few markets in practice can be classified as perfectly competitive or as a pure monopoly. The vast majority of firms do compete with other firms, often quite aggressively, and yet they are not price takers: they do have some degree of market power. Most markets, therefore, lie between the two extremes of monopoly and perfect competi- tion, in the realm of ‘imperfect competition’. There are two types of imperfect competition: namely, monopolistic competition and oligopoly (see section 11.1).
MONOPOLISTIC COMPETITION 12.1
Monopolistic competition is towards the competitive end of the spectrum (as we saw in section 11.1). It can best be understood as a situation where there are a lot of firms competing, but where each firm does nevertheless have some degree of market power (hence the term ‘monopolis- tic’ competition): each firm has some discretion as to what price to charge for its products because they are differenti- ated from those of other firms.
Assumptions of monopolistic competition ■ There is quite a large number of firms . As a result, each firm has
only a small share of the market and, therefore, its actions are unlikely to affect its rivals to any great extent. This means that when a firm makes its decisions, it will not have to worry about how its rivals will react. It assumes that what its rivals choose to do will not be influenced by what it does.
12
C h
a p
te r
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This is known as the assumption of independence. As we shall see later, this is not the case under oligopoly.
■ There is freedom of entry of new firms into the industry. If any firm wants to set up in business in this market, it is free to do so.
In these two respects, therefore, monopolistic competi- tion is like perfect competition.
■ Unlike perfect competition, however, each firm produces a product or provides a service that is in some way differ- ent from its rivals. As a result, it can raise its price without losing all its customers. Thus its demand curve is down- ward sloping, albeit relatively elastic given the large num- ber of competitors to which customers can turn. This is known as the assumption of product differentiation.
Petrol stations, restaurants, hairdressers and builders are all examples of monopolistic competition – as is the case of busking, which is discussed on the Freakonomics blog.1
When considering monopolistic competition it is impor- tant to take account of the distance consumers are willing to travel to buy a product. In other words, the geographical size of the market matters. For example, McDonald’s is a major global and national fast-food restaurant. However, in any one location it experiences intense competition in the ‘informal eating-out’ market from Indian, Chinese, Italian and other res- taurants (see Box 12.1). So in any one local area, there is com- petition between firms each offering differentiated products.
Equilibrium of the firm under monopolistic competition: (a) short run; (b) long runFigure 12.1
£
Ps
ACs
Qs MR
(a)
AR D
O
MC AC
£
PL
QL MRL (b)
ARL DL
O
LRMC LRAC
Quantity Quantity
1http://freakonomics.com/2012/05/21/the-economics-of-busking/
Definitions
Independence (of firms in a market) When the deci- sions of one firm in a market will not have any significant effect on the demand curves of its rivals.
Product differentiation When one firm’s product is suf- ficiently different from its rivals’, it can raise the price of the product without customers all switching to the rivals’ prod- ucts. This gives a firm a downward-sloping demand curve.
Equilibrium of the firm Short run As with other market structures, profits are maximised at the output where MC = MR. The diagram will be the same as for the monopolist, except that the AR and MR curves will be more elastic. This is illustrated in Figure 12.1(a). As with perfect competition, it is possible for the monopolis- tically competitive firm to make supernormal profit in the short run. This is shown as the shaded area.
Just how much profit the firm will make in the short run depends on the strength of demand: the position and elasticity of the demand curve. The further to the right the demand curve is relative to the average cost curve, and the less elastic the demand curve is, the greater will be the firm’s short-run profit. Thus a firm facing little competition and whose product is considerably differentiated from its rivals may be able to earn significant short-run profits.
KI 4 p 25
KI 12 p 68
Pause for thought
Which of these two items is a petrol station more likely to sell at a discount: (a) engine oil; (b) sweets? Why?
Long run If typical firms are earning supernormal profit, new firms will enter the industry in the long run. As new firms enter, they will take some of the customers away from established firms. The demand for the established firms’ products will therefore fall. Their demand (AR) curve will shift to the left, and will continue doing so as long as supernormal profits remain and thus new firms continue entering.
Long-run equilibrium will be reached when only normal profits remain: when there is no further incentive for new firms to enter. This is illustrated in Figure 12.1(b). The firm’s demand curve settles at DL, where it is tangential to (i.e. just touches) the firm’s LRAC curve. Output will be QL: where ARL = LRAC. (At any other output, LRAC is greater than AR and thus less than normal profit would be made.)
KI 10 p 52
KI 11 p 59
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It is important to note that there is a difference between the transition from the short run to the long run under perfect competition and monopolistic competition, even though the long-run equilibrium of normal profits for the firm is the same in both market structures.
■ Under perfect competition, when new firms enter (or leave) the market, it is the industry supply curve that shifts, which changes the market price and leaves just normal profits.
■ Under monopolistic competition, however, the entry of new firms is reflected by shifting an established firm’s demand curve inwards and this eliminates the supernor- mal profits.
As all firms under monopolistic competition are produc- ing a slightly differentiated product, each firm is different
and hence we cannot create an industry demand or supply curve. Instead, we have to focus on the effect on a given firm when new firms enter the market. This can be seen as a limitation of the model, as we discuss next.
Limitations of the model There are various problems in applying the model of monopolistic competition to the real world:
■ Information may be imperfect. Firms will not enter an industry if they are unaware of the supernormal profits currently being made, or if they underestimate the demand for the particular product they are considering selling.
■ Firms are likely to differ from each other, not only in the product they produce or the service they offer, but also
BOX 12.1 EATING OUT IN BRITAIN
A monopolistically competitive sector
The ‘eating-out’ sector (i.e. takeaways, cafés, restaurants and pubs) is a highly competitive market in the UK, with sales, in 2012, of some £77 billion, according to the Office for National Statistics.2 The sector has grown less strongly in recent years than in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The financial crisis and subsequent recession had an impact on sales in this sec- tor and, according to a PwC discussion document,3 from 2007 to 2011, the average growth in sales revenue was just 2.1 per cent – not enough to keep up with inflation (which averaged 3.1 per cent over the period). However, according to the Cof- fer Peach Business Tracker,4 January 2015 recorded the 22nd consecutive month of positive like-for-like growth in sales based on its sample. The sector exhibits many of the characteristics of a monopo- listically competitive market.
■ Large number of local buyers. According to a Mintel survey in 2011, around 94 per cent of UK adults had eaten out within the previous three months; and in 2014, Ernst and Young found that 31 per cent of UK consumers would eat out at least once a week, up from 17 per cent in 2011.5 According to PwC, there ‘has been a structural shift over the last c. 20 years’ and ‘eating out has become embedded in UK consumer behaviour’.6
■ Large number of firms. Research from Horizons indicates that there are 23 514 restaurants and 49 953 pubs in the UK.7 This means that in many areas there are a significant number of competing places to eat and hence consumer choice. In the cases of both restaurants and pubs, there are more independent companies than those belonging to a group – again providing significant choice.
■ Competitive prices. Margins are very tight because firms have to price very competitively to catch local custom. Only around 60 per cent of these businesses survive longer than three years.
■ Differentiated products. To attract customers, suppliers must each differentiate their product in various ways, such as food type, ambience, comfort, service, quality,
advertising and opening hours. Firms have to cater for the dynamic nature of consumer preferences and respond to the behaviour of competitors. They must constantly adapt or go under.
Casual dining One area that has out-performed traditional restaurants and pubs has been casual dining, which includes street food, cof- fee shops and fast-food outlets. Worth £4 billion of the total eating-out sector, this area grew by 11.6 per cent in the five years to March 2014.8 This translates to 47 million more visits to these places in 2014 than in 2009. It has also proved much more resilient to the economic downturn. The growth has been driven by both demand- and supply-side factors. The report by PwC cited above found that casual din- ing places provide greater affordability for consumers. This in turn has been driving a change in tastes, with people seeing eating out as a habit and not just a special treat; they would often stop to refuel rather than have a three-course meal. But this means that, while more people are eating out, the aver- age spend on each visit tends to be falling. Another part of the casual dining sector is the sandwich and lunchtime food outlets. These too have undergone significant growth. As lunch is seen by many as a refuelling exercise rather than a leisure activity, the convenience, fast service and value for money provided by many of these new casual dining places is a key factor behind this sector’s growth.
2Input-Output Supply and Use Tables, ONS, 2014. 3UK Casual Dining Market: Discussion Document, PwC, December 2013. 4Coffer Peach Business Tracker, CGA Peach, February 2015. 5Restaurant and Casual Dining Insight Report, Ernst and Young, September 2014. 6UK Casual Dining Market, PwC 7Insight Report, Ernst and Young, p. 5. 8Ibid., based on data from NPD group.
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in their size and in their cost structure. What is more, entry may not be completely unrestricted. For exam- ple, two petrol stations could not set up in exactly the same place – on a busy crossroads, say – because of local authority planning controls. Thus although the typical or ‘representative’ firm may only earn normal profit in the long run, other firms may be able to earn long-run supernormal profit. They may have some cost advan- tage or produce a product that is impossible to duplicate perfectly.
■ Existing firms may make supernormal profits, but if a new firm entered, this might reduce everyone’s profits below the normal level. Thus a new firm will not enter and supernormal profits will persist into the long run. An example would be a small town with two chemist shops. They may both make more than enough profit
to persuade them to stay in business. But if a third set up (say midway between the other two), there would not be enough total sales to allow them all to earn even normal profit. This is a problem of indivis- ibilities. Given the overheads of a chemist shop, it is not possible to set up one small enough to take away just enough customers to leave the other two with normal profits.
■ One of the biggest problems with the simple model out- lined above is that it concentrates on price and output decisions. In practice, the profit-maximising firm under monopolistic competition will also need to decide the exact variety of product to produce, and how much to spend on advertising it. This will lead the firm to take part in non-price competition (which we examined in Chapter 8).
EATING OUT IN BRITAIN
Indeed, Mintel found that only 3 per cent of those purchasing weekday lunches found the time to sit down in a restaurant, café or bar. But many customers still place importance on value-added and are willing to pay a premium to have sand- wiches made in front of them, perceiving this as providing them with greater choice and a fresher final product.
Chain restaurants Another factor behind the growth in eating out has been the expansion of many chain restaurants, such as Pizza Express, Nandos, Carluccio’s and Wagamama. While they differ from each other, and thus offer consumers greater choice and constant innovation, they offer a common menu within each chain and sometimes loyalty programmes for repeat diners. This product differentiation with clear product characteristics is a key characteristic of monopolistically competitive markets, where prices can vary but the market is still highly competitive.
The Internet As with many other areas, the Internet has had a big influence on the eating-out sector. The use of social media has created a new way for restaurants and casual dining places to adver- tise. This has meant that sole traders, starting out with a van selling street food, can now compete with the bigger chains. By marketing through social media, they can reach any cus- tomer with a smartphone or anyone who accesses sites such as Twitter and Facebook. This has therefore reduced barriers to entry, creating an even more competitive market, with growing consumer choice. Consumers post reviews of dining experiences or will post a comment about a great meal they just ate. In addition, more and more people take photos of what they eat, posting them online and encouraging others to try out a new place. Accord- ing to the Ernst and Young report cited above, research pub- lished on eMarketer in April 2014 showed that photos of food or meals received the most engagement on Facebook. As the saying goes: ‘A picture is worth a thousand words’.
Another development in the take-out industry has been the emergence of companies such as Hungry House. Co-founded in 2003 and launched in 2006, it allows households to enter their postcode online and then search through sometimes hundreds of restaurants and local take-aways to pick out exactly what they want. These orders are then delivered to your door. This is another innovation where an online plat- form is bringing eating outlets into direct competition with each other and making it easier for consumers to eat out. With different types of food going in and out of fashion, this allows consumers to have access to almost any type of food they could want and perhaps provides some of the smaller companies with another opportunity to break into this highly competitive market.
It seems inevitable that the eating-out sector will continue to grow over the next decade and it will be interesting to see the innovations and trends that occur. Simon Stenning, strategy director at Allegra Foodservice, said:
The growth will be hard fought for in an increasingly competitive trading environment and gains will be patchy across the market. The onus on operators will remain innovating on product, refining menu price architectures and adding greater value across the consumer experience to build stronger customer loyalty.9
1. What are the main barriers to entry in the eating-out sector?
2. What can be said about the price elasticity and cross-price elasticity of demand for meals at pubs/restaurants/hotels/ casual dining places?
3. What are the main reasons for the growth in the popularity of eating out and the switch towards casual dining?
9 Owen McKeon, ‘Street Food set to boost UK’s eating out sector’, Evolve, www.evolvehospitality.co.uk/evolve-hospitality-news-detail/street-food-set-to- boost-uk-s-eating-out-sector/159
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Comparing monopolistic competition with perfect competition and monopoly Comparison with perfect competition It is often argued that monopolistic competition leads to a less efficient allocation of resources than perfect competition.
Figure 12.2 compares the long-run equilibrium positions for two firms. One firm is under perfect competition and thus faces a horizontal demand curve. It will produce an output of Q1 at a price of P1. The other is under monopolistic competition and thus faces a downward-sloping demand curve. It will produce the lower output of Q2 at the higher price of P2. A crucial assumption here is that a firm would have the same long-run average cost (LRAC) curve in both cases. Given this assumption, we can make the following two predictions about monopolistic competition:
■ Less will be sold and at a higher price. ■ Firms will not be producing at the least-cost point.
By producing more, firms would move to a lower point on their LRAC curve. Thus firms under monopolistic com- petition are said to have excess capacity. In Figure 12.2 this excess capacity is shown as Q1 - Q2. In other words, monopolistic competition is typified by quite a large number of firms (e.g. petrol stations), all operating at less
KI 12 p 68
Long-run equilibrium of the firm under perfect and monopolistic competition
Figure 12.2
£
P2 P1
Q2 Q1
LRAC
O
DL under monopolistic competition
DL under perfect competition
Q
Pause for thought
Which would you rather have: five restaurants to choose from, each with very different menus and each having spare tables so that you could always guarantee getting one; or just two restaurants to choose from, charging a bit less but with less choice and making it necessary to book well in advance?
than optimum output, and thus being forced to charge a price above that which they could charge if they had a bigger turnover.
Definition
Excess capacity (under monopolistic competition) In the long run, firms under monopolistic competition will produce at an output below that which minimises average cost per unit.
S o h o w d o e s t h i s a f f e c t t h e c o n s u m e r ? A l t h o u g h the firm under monopolistic competition may charge a higher price than under perfect competition, the dif- ference may be very small. Although the firm’s demand curve is downward sloping, it is still likely to be highly elastic due to the large number of substitutes. Further- more, the consumer may benefit from monopolistic com- petition by having a greater variety of products to choose from. Each firm may satisfy some particular requirement of particular consumers.
Comparison with monopoly The arguments are very similar here to those when compar- ing perfect competition and monopoly.
On the one hand, freedom of entry for new firms and hence the lack of long-run supernormal profits under monopolistic competition are likely to help keep prices down for the consumer and encourage cost saving. On the other hand, monopolies are likely to achieve greater econ- omies of scale and have more funds for investment and research and development.
OLIGOPOLY12.2
Oligopoly occurs when just a few firms between them share a large proportion of the industry. Some of the best-known companies are oligopolists, including Ford, Coca-Cola, BP and Nintendo. On the Sloman News Site, you will find many blogs written about different oligopolies and it is both useful and interesting to compare the outcomes. Some examples of powerful oligopolies include toothbrush manufacturers, supermarkets and energy.
There are, however, significant differences in the struc- ture of industries under oligopoly, and similarly significant differences in the behaviour of firms. The firms may pro- duce a virtually identical product (e.g. metals, chemicals, sugar, petrol). Most oligopolists, however, produce differ- entiated products (e.g. cars, soap powder, soft drinks, elec- trical appliances). Much of the competition between such oligopolists is in terms of the marketing of their particular
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brand. Marketing practices may differ considerably from one industry to another.
The two key features of oligopoly Despite the differences between oligopolies, there are two crucial features that are common to oligopolies, one of which distinguishes oligopoly from other market structures.
Barriers to entry Unlike firms under monopolistic competition, there are various barriers to the entry of new firms. These are simi- lar to those under monopoly (see pages 182–4). The size of the barriers, however, will vary from industry to industry. In some cases entry is relatively easy, whereas in others it is virtually impossible, perhaps due to patent protection or prohibitive research and development costs.
Interdependence of the firms Because there are only a few firms under oligopoly, each firm will take account of the behaviour of the others when making its own decisions. This means that they are mutu- ally dependent: they are interdependent. Each firm is affected by its rivals’ actions. If a firm changes the price or specification of its product, for example, or the amount of its advertising, the sales of its rivals will be affected.
The rivals may then respond by changing their price, specification or advertising. No firm can therefore afford to ignore the actions and reactions of other firms in the indus- try and must always consider its rival’s behaviour before making any decisions. It is this feature that differentiates oligopolies from the other market structures. It is illustrated in the blog post Pizza price wars.
KI 1 p 10
People often think and behave strategically. How you think others will respond to your actions is likely to influence your own behaviour. Firms, for example, when considering a price or product change will often take into account the likely reactions of their rivals.
KEY IDEA
23
Definitions
Interdependence (under oligopoly) This is one of the two key features of oligopoly. Each firm is affected by its rivals’ decisions and its decisions will affect its rivals. Firms recognise this interdependence and take it into account when making decisions.
Collusive oligopoly When oligopolists agree, formally or informally, to limit competition between themselves. They may set output quotas, fix prices, limit product promotion or development, or agree not to ‘poach’ each other’s markets.
Non-collusive oligopoly When oligopolists have no agreement between themselves – formal, informal or tacit.
It is impossible, therefore, to predict the effect on a firm’s sales of, say, a change in its price without first mak- ing some assumption about the reactions of other firms. Different assumptions will yield different predictions. For this reason there is no single, generally accepted theory of oligopoly and no common response to a given market situ- ation in terms of prices, output and profits. Firms may react differently and unpredictably.
Competition and collusion Oligopolists are pulled in two different directions:
■ The interdependence of firms may make them wish to collude with each other. If they can club together and act as if they were a monopoly, they could jointly maximise industry profits.
■ On the other hand, they will be tempted to compete with their rivals to gain a bigger share of industry profits for themselves.
These two policies are incompatible. The more fiercely firms compete to gain a bigger share of industry profits, the smaller these industry profits will become! For example, price competition drives down the average industry price, while competition through advertising raises industry costs. Either way, industry profits fall.
Sometimes firms will collude. Sometimes they will not. The following sections examine first collusive oligopoly, where we consider both formal agreements and tacit collusion, and then non-collusive oligopoly.
Collusive oligopoly When firms under oligopoly engage in collusion, they may agree on prices, market share, advertising expendi- ture, etc. Such collusion reduces the uncertainty they face. It reduces the fear of engaging in competitive price cut- ting or retaliatory advertising, both of which could reduce total industry profits and probably each individual firm’s profit.
KI 21 p 175
Profit-maximising cartelFigure 12.3
£
P1
QQ1O Industry MR
Industry D AR
Industry MC
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Cartels A formal collusive agreement is called a cartel. The cartel will maximise profits by acting like a monopolist, with the members behaving as if they were a single firm. This is illus- trated in Figure 12.3.
The total market demand curve is shown with the cor- responding market MR curve. The cartel’s MC curve is the horizontal sum of the MC curves of its members (since we are adding the output of each of the cartel members at each level of marginal cost). Profits are maximised at Q1 where MC = MR. The cartel must therefore set a price of P1 (at which Q1 will be demanded).
Having agreed on the cartel price, the members may then compete against each other using non-price compe- tition, to gain as big a share of resulting sales (Q1) as they can.
Alternatively, the cartel members may somehow agree to divide the market between them. Each member would be given a quota. These quotas could be the same for every firm, or they might be allocated according to the current market share of the firm. Whatever the method of allo- cation, the sum of all the quotas must add up to Q1. If the quotas exceeded Q1, either there would be output unsold if price remained fixed at P1, or the price would fall to clear the market.
In many countries cartels are illegal, being seen by the government as a means of driving up prices and profits and thereby as being against the public interest. (Govern- ment policy towards cartels is examined in Chapter 21.)
The most famous example of a cartel is OPEC, which was set up in 1960 by the five major oil-exporting coun- tries. You may want to investigate the behaviour of OPEC and how it has influenced oil prices. There are numerous blogs on the Sloman News Site that consider this most famous of cartels: see, for example, the blog titled The price of oil in 2015 and beyond. See also Case study E.10 in MyEconLab.
KI 4 p 25
Pause for thought
1. Which countries are members of the OPEC cartel and what are its objectives?
2. How has OPEC’s behaviour affected oil prices and have the problems of a typical cartel been experienced by OPEC?
Pause for thought
If this ‘fair’ solution were adopted, what effect would it have on the industry MC curve in Figure 12.3?
Definitions
Cartel A formal collusive agreement.
Quota (set by a cartel) The output that a given member of a cartel is allowed to produce (production quota) or sell (sales quota).
Tacit collusion When oligopolists follow unwritten ‘rules’ of collusive behaviour, such as price leadership. They will take care not to engage in price cutting, exces- sive advertising or other forms of competition.
Dominant firm price leadership When firms (the follow- ers) choose the same price as that set by a dominant firm in the industry (the leader).
Barometric firm price leadership Where the price leader is the one whose prices are believed to reflect market con- ditions in the most satisfactory way.
Where open collusion is illegal, firms may simply break the law, or find ways to get round it. Alternatively, firms may stay within the law, but still tacitly collude by watching each oth- er’s prices and keeping theirs similar. Firms may tacitly ‘agree’ to avoid price wars or aggressive advertising campaigns.
A price leader aiming to maximise profits for a given market share
Figure 12.4
£
PL
QQ L Q TO
MC
MRleader
AR Dleader
AR Dmarket
a tl
Tacit collusion One form of tacit collusion is where firms keep to the price that is set by an established leader. The leader may be the largest firm: the firm which dominates the industry. This is known as dominant firm price leadership. Alternatively, the price leader may simply be the one that has proved to be the most reliable to follow: the one that is the best barome- ter of market conditions. This is known as barometric firm price leadership. Let us examine each of these two types of price leadership in turn.
Dominant firm price leadership. This is a ‘sequential game’, where one firm (the leader) moves first and then the fol- lowers, having observed the leader’s choice of price, move second. We will discuss sequential games in more detail in section 12.3. Here we are interested in determining how
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the leader sets the price. This depends on the assumptions it makes about its rivals’ reactions to its price changes. If it assumes that rivals will simply follow it by making exactly the same percentage price changes up or down, then a simple model can be constructed. This is illustrated in Figure 12.4. The leader assumes that it will maintain a con- stant market share (say 50 per cent).
The leader will maximise profits where its marginal rev- enue is equal to its marginal cost. It knows its current posi- tion on its demand curve (say, point a). It then estimates how responsive its demand will be to industry-wide price changes and thus constructs its demand and MR curves on that basis. It then chooses to produce QL at a price of PL: at point l on its demand curve (where MC = MR). Other firms then follow that price. Total market demand will be QT, with followers supplying that portion of the market not supplied by the leader: namely, QT - QL.
There is one problem with this model. That is the assumption that the followers will want to maintain a con- stant market share. It is possible that, if the leader raises its price, the followers may want to supply more, given that the new price (= MR for a price-taking follower) may well be above their marginal cost. On the other hand, the followers may decide merely to maintain their market share for fear of invoking retaliation from the leader, in the form of price cuts or an aggressive advertising campaign.
Barometric firm price leadership. A similar exercise can be conducted by a barometric firm. Although the firm is not dominating the industry, its price will be followed by the others. It merely tries to estimate its demand and MR curves – assuming, again, a constant market share – and then pro- duces where MR = MC and sets price accordingly.
In practice, which firm is taken as the barometer may change frequently. Whether we are talking about oil com- panies, car producers or banks, any firm may take the initi- ative in raising prices. If the other firms are merely waiting for someone to take the lead – say, because costs have risen – they will all quickly follow suit. For example, if one of the bigger building societies or banks raises its mortgage rates by 1 per cent, this is likely to stimulate the others to follow suit.
Other forms of tacit collusion. An alternative to having an established leader is for there to be an established set of sim- ple ‘rules of thumb’ that everyone follows.
One such example is average cost pricing. Here pro- ducers, instead of equating MC and MR, simply add a cer- tain percentage for profit on top of average costs. Thus, if average costs rise by 10 per cent, prices will automatically be raised by 10 per cent. This is a particularly useful rule of thumb in times of inflation, when all firms will be experi- encing similar cost increases.
Another rule of thumb is to have certain price bench- marks. Thus clothes may sell for £9.99, £24.99 or £39.99 (but not, say, £12.31 or £36.42). If costs rise, then firms simply raise their price to the next benchmark, knowing that other
Pause for thought
If a firm has a typical-shaped average cost curve and sets prices 10 per cent above average cost, what will its supply curve look like?
Definitions
Average cost pricing Where a firm sets its price by adding a certain percentage for (average) profit on top of average cost.
Price benchmark This is a price which is typically used. Firms, when raising prices, will usually raise them from one benchmark to another.
firms will do the same. (Average cost pricing and other pric- ing strategies are considered in more detail in Chapter 17.)
Rules of thumb can also be applied to advertising (e.g. you do not criticise other firms’ products, only praise your own); or to the design of the product (e.g. lighting manufacturers tacitly agreeing not to bring out an everlasting light bulb).
Factors favouring collusion Collusion between firms, whether formal or tacit, is more likely when firms can clearly identify with each other or some leader and when they trust each other not to break agreements. It will be easier for firms to collude if the fol- lowing conditions apply:
■ There are only very few firms, all well known to each other. ■ They are open with each other about costs and produc-
tion methods. ■ They have similar production methods and average
costs, and are thus likely to want to change prices at the same time and by the same percentage.
■ They produce similar products and can thus more easily reach agreements on price.
■ There is a dominant firm. ■ There are significant barriers to entry and thus there is
little fear of disruption by new firms. ■ The market is stable. If industry demand or production
costs fluctuate wildly, it will be difficult to make agree- ments, partly due to difficulties in predicting market con- ditions and partly because agreements may frequently have to be amended. There is a particular problem in a declining market where firms may be tempted to under- cut each other’s price in order to maintain their sales.
■ There are no government measures to curb collusion.
Non-collusive oligopoly: the breakdown of collusion In some oligopolies, there may be only a few (if any) factors favouring collusion. In such cases, the likelihood of price competition is greater.
KI 1 p 10
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Even if there is collusion, there will always be the temp- tation for individual oligopolists to ‘cheat’, by cutting prices or by selling more than their allotted quota. The danger, of course, is that this would invite retaliation from the other members of the cartel, with a resulting price war. Price would then fall and the cartel could well break up in disarray.
When considering whether to break a collusive agree- ment, even if only a tacit one, a firm will ask: (1) ‘How much can we get away with without inviting retaliation?’ and (2) ‘If a price war does result, will we be the winners? Will we suc- ceed in driving some or all of our rivals out of business and yet survive ourselves, and thereby gain greater market power?’
The position of rival firms, therefore, is rather like that of generals of opposing armies or the players in a game. It is a question of choosing the appropriate strategy: the strategy that will best succeed in outwitting your opponents. The strategy that a firm adopts will, of course, be concerned not just with price, but also with advertising and product development.
Non-collusive oligopoly: assumptions about rivals’ behaviour Even though oligopolists might not collude, they will still need to take account of rivals’ likely behaviour when decid- ing their own strategy. Firms will make assumptions about how they believe their rivals will behave and are likely to base these assumptions on past behaviour. There are three well- known models, each based on a different set of assumptions.
Assumption that rivals produce a given quantity: the Cournot model One assumption is that rivals will produce a particular quan- tity. This is most likely when the market is stable and the rivals have been producing a relatively constant quantity for some time. The task, then, for the individual oligopolist is to decide its own price and quantity given the presumed output of its competitors.
The earliest model based on this assumption was devel- oped by the French economist Augustin Cournot in 1838. The Cournot model (which is developed in Web Appendix 4.2) takes the simple case of just two firms (a duopoly) pro- ducing an identical product: for example, two electricity generating companies supplying the whole country.
This is illustrated in Figure 12.5, which shows the prof- it-maximising price and output for firm A. The total market demand curve is shown as DM. Assume that firm A believes that its rival, firm B, will produce QB1 units. Thus firm A perceives its own demand curve (DA1) to be QB1 units less than total market demand. In other words, the horizontal gap between DM and DA1 is QB1 units. Given its perceived demand curve of DA1, its marginal revenue curve will be MRA1 and the profit-maximising output will be QA1, where MRA1 = MCA. The profit-maximising price will be PA1.
If firm A believed that firm B would produce more than QB1, its perceived demand and MR curves would be further to the left and the profit-maximising quantity and price would both be lower.
The Cournot model of duopoly: Firm A’s profit-maximising position
Figure 12.5
PA1
QuantityQA1O
MRA1 DA1 DM
MCA
Firm A’s profit- maximising output and price are QA1 and PA1.
Firm A believes that firm B will produce QB1.
QB1
At the same time as firm A makes an assumption about firm B’s output, firm B will also be making an assumption about how much it thinks firm A will produce. This is there- fore a ‘simultaneous game’, as both firms are making their decisions at the same time, as we will discuss in section 12.3.
Profits in the Cournot model. Industry profits will be less than under a monopoly or a cartel. The reason is that price will be lower than the monopoly price. This can be seen from Figure 12.5. If this were a monopoly, then to find the prof- it-maximising output, we would need to construct an MR curve corresponding to the market demand curve (DM). This would intersect with the MC curve at a higher output than QA1 and a higher price (given by DM). Nevertheless, profits in the Cournot model will be higher than under perfect com- petition, since price is still above marginal cost.
Assumption that rivals set a particular price: the Bertrand model An alternative assumption is that rival firms set a particu- lar price and stick to it. This scenario is more realistic when firms do not want to upset customers by frequent price changes or want to produce catalogues which specify prices. The task, then, for a given oligopolist is to choose its own price and quantity in the light of the prices set by rivals.
The most famous model based on this assumption was developed by another French economist, Joseph Bertrand, in 1883. Bertrand again took the simple case of a duopoly, but its conclusions apply equally to oligopolies with three or more firms.
Definitions
Cournot model A model of duopoly where each firm makes its price and output decisions on the assumption that its rival will produce a particular quantity.
Duopoly An oligopoly where there are just two firms in the market.
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The outcome is one of price cutting until all supernormal profits are competed away. The reason is simple. If firm A assumes that its rival, firm B, will hold price constant, then firm A should undercut this price by a small amount and, as a result, gain a large share of the market. At this point, firm B will be forced to respond by cutting its price. What we end up with is a price war until price is forced down to the level of average cost, with only normal profits remaining.
As with the Cournot model above, this is also a simul- taneous move game, except here the variable of interest is price. The supermarket industry is a good example of a mar- ket where price wars are a constant feature: see, for example, the blog on the Sloman News Site titled Supermarket price wars and the effect on suppliers.
Nash equilibrium. The equilibrium outcome in either the Cournot or Bertrand models is not in the joint interests of the firms. In each case, total profits are less than under a monopoly or cartel. But, in the absence of collusion, the outcome is the result of each firm doing the best it can given its assumptions about what its rivals are doing. The resulting equilibrium is known as a Nash equilibrium, after John Nash, a US mathematician (and subject of the film A Beautiful Mind) who introduced the concept in 1951. We will return to this concept in section 12.3.
In practice, when competition is intense, as in the Ber- trand model, the firms may seek to collude long before prof- its have been reduced to a normal level. Alternatively, firms may put in a takeover bid for their rival(s).
The kinked demand-curve assumption In 1939 a theory of non-collusive oligopoly was developed simultaneously on both sides of the Atlantic: in the USA by Paul Sweezy and in Britain by R. L. Hall and C. J. Hitch. This kinked demand theory has since become perhaps the most famous of all theories of oligopoly. Economists noted that
Definitions
Nash equilibrium The position resulting from everyone making their optimal decision based on their assump- tions about their rivals’ decisions.
Takeover bid Where one firm attempts to purchase another by offering to buy the shares of that company from its shareholders.
Kinked demand theory The theory that oligopolists face a demand curve that is kinked at the current price: demand being significantly more elastic above the cur- rent price than below. The effect of this is to create a situ- ation of price stability.
even when oligopolists did not collude over price, the price charged across the industry often remained relatively stable. The kinked demand curve model was developed to explain this observation and it rests on two asymmetrical assumptions:
■ If a firm cuts its price, its rivals will feel forced to follow suit and cut theirs, to prevent losing customers to the first firm.
■ If a firm raises its price, its rivals will not follow suit since, by keeping their prices the same, they will thereby gain customers from the first firm.
On t hese assumpt ions, each oligopolist will face a demand curve that is kinked at the current price and out- put (see Figure 12.6(a)). A rise in price will lead to a large fall in sales as customers switch to the now relatively low- er-priced rivals. The firm will thus be reluctant to raise its price. Demand is relatively elastic above the kink. On the other hand, a fall in price will bring only a modest increase in sales, since rivals lower their prices too and therefore cus- tomers do not switch. The firm will thus also be reluctant to lower its price. Demand is relatively inelastic below the kink. Thus oligopolists will be reluctant to change prices at all.
(a) Kinked demand for a firm under oligopoly; (b) stable price under conditions of a kinked demand curveFigure 12.6
P1
£
QQ1O
(a) (b)
D
Assumption 1 If the firm raises its price, rivals will not. Assumption 2
If the firm reduces its price, rivals will
feel forced to lower theirs too.
P1
£
QQ1O
D AR
MR
MC2 MC1
a b
If MC is anywhere between MC1 and MC2,
profit is maximised at Q1.
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BOX 12.2 OLIGOPOLIES: THE GOOD, THE BAD AND THE UGLY
Market power in oligopolistic industries
Oligopolies are complex markets and the behaviour of firms within them can be very different. We see some highly competi- tive oligopolies and others where collusive agreements emerge. One thing they often have in common is being of interest to the relevant country’s competition authorities. Many will be under seemingly constant scrutiny or investigation over anti-compet- itive practices. We examine competition policy in section 21.1. In this box, we consider two classic oligopolies: the supermarket industry and the energy market. You will also find many other examples of oligopolies discussed on the Sloman News Site.
Supermarkets In the UK supermarket industry, the largest four supermarket chains have a combined market share of over 70 per cent, as shown in the chart. Although this combined share has fallen in the past few years, it still represents market dominance by a few firms – a key characteristic of oligopoly. Oligopolies are often the subject of inquiries by the Compe- tition authorities, as the market power held by the dominant firms can be abused. In the case of the supermarket industry, it has faced two major inquiries: first in 2000, concerning their relationship with suppliers, and then in May 2006, when they were referred to the Competition Commission (CC) by the Office of Fair Trading (OFT). (The OFT and CC have since been replaced by the Competition and Markets Authority.) In 2007, the Competition Commission said that it was ‘con- cerned with whether Tesco, or any other supermarket, can get into such a strong position, either nationally or locally, that no other retailer can compete effectively’.10 The government’s Office of Fair Trading had identified four major areas where the supermarkets might gain from the use (or abuse) of mar- ket power: (i) barriers to entry to new competitors; (ii) the relationship between the large supermarket chains and their suppliers; (iii) the lack of effective price competition; and (iv) reducing competition in the convenience store sector.
1. What do you think are the main barriers to entry in the supermarket industry?
The Competition authorities have had particular concerns about the big four supermarkets attempting to restrict competition and hence consumer choice at the local and national level. Key barriers to entry, such as buying up tracts of land where rival retailers could set up, or using large economies of scale to make it impossible for new firms to compete on price, have enabled the big supermarkets to maintain market dominance. To this end, the Commission proposed a ‘competition test’ in planning decisions and action to prevent land agreements, both of which would lessen the market power of supermarkets in local areas. However, despite the high market share enjoyed by the big four, some price competition does exist and the TV adverts since the recession in 2008 have highlighted this, with each supermarket indicating that they have thousands of baskets of goods cheaper than their rivals! But is there really true price competition? The supermarket chains have adopted a system of ‘shadow pric- ing’, whereby they observe each other’s prices and ensure that they remain at similar levels – often similarly high levels rather
KI 21 p 175
Tesco 28.0%
Sainsbury’s 16.7%
Asda (Walmart)
16.2%
Morrisons 11.0%
The Co-operative 6.2%
Aldi 5.6%
Waitrose 5.1%
Lidl 4.4%
Iceland 2.0%
Other 4.8%
10 Peter Freeman, Chairman of the Competition Commission and Inquiry Chairman, ‘Grocery enquiry goes local’, News Release, Competition Commission, 22 January 2007.
11 The Supply of Groceries in the UK Market Investigation, Competition Commission, 30 April 2008.
than similarly low levels! This has limited the extent of true price competition, and the resulting high prices have seen profits grow. Nevertheless, in 2008 the Competition Commission reported that it found little evidence of tacit collusion between the supermarkets.11
Furthermore, intense price competition has tended to be only over basic items, such as the own-brand ‘value’ products. To get to the basic items, you normally have to pass the more luxurious ones, which are much more highly priced and often marketed to make them stand out! Supermarkets rely on shoppers making impulse buys of the more expensive lines, which have much higher profit margins. However, with the rapid growth of Aldi and Lidl, these discount retailers are placing more and more demands on the big four to bring their prices down or at least identify their target market. With their current structures and costs, Asda, Sainsbury’s, Morrisons and Tesco cannot compete with Aldi and Lidl on price and they are not selling the ‘up-market’ foods of Marks and Spencer and Waitrose. As these retailers have increased their market share, it is the big four who have lost out, despite still retaining a significant advantage.
2. Have supermarkets reduced competition in the convenience store sector? In what ways might convenience stores be able to compete with the big supermarkets?
Although the large supermarkets have huge selling power in the industry, another cause for concern is the buying power that they have. Suppliers have complained about the ‘heavy-handed tactics’ employed by the large supermarkets, which can drive costs down by forcing suppliers to offer discounts. One might suggest that this isn’t a bad thing if it means lower prices for the final consumer, but these cost savings do not appear to have been passed on from sup- plier to shopper. So, while this has enabled the supermarkets to increase their profits, it has had a detrimental effect on suppliers, whose profit margins have been cut to the bone. The CC also found that this may have had an inhibiting effect on innovation. Accountancy firm Moore Stephens has blamed the supermarket price war for the rise in insolvencies in the food production sector. Duncan Swift from this firm said:
UK supermarket food market share (12 weeks to 6/12/2015)
Source: Based on data from Kantar Worldpanel
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OLIGOPOLIES: THE GOOD, THE BAD AND THE UGLY
Market power in oligopolistic industries
The supermarkets are going through the bloodiest price war in nearly two decades and are using food producers as the cannon fodder … Supermarkets have engaged in questionable buying practices for years, but it’s getting worse and clearly wreaking havoc on the UK food production sector.12
In order to regulate this relationship, a new Groceries Supply Code of Practice was proposed, to be enforced by an inde- pendent ombudsman. Attempts to create a voluntary code of practice failed and so a consultation on the creation of such an ombudsman began in 2010, with Christine Tacon being appointed in 2013.13
In this classic oligopoly, we can see interdependence between the firms and the price wars that have emerged. In some cases, this does act in the consumer’s interest, but it has repercus- sions for the suppliers. There are high barriers to entry and this does restrict competition and so we are likely to see continued monitoring of this sector by the Competition Authorities.
3. Explain why manufacturers of food products continue to supply supermarkets, despite concerns that they are not always treated fairly.
Who has the energy to switch? Another well-known oligopoly is the energy sector, domi- nated by six big firms (the ‘Big Six’), which sell to over 90 per cent of UK households. You can find many articles about the energy sector on the Sloman News Site, considering the bar- riers to entry; the referral to the CMA and the savings that are possible from switching suppliers.
Barriers to entry As with most oligopolies, a key problem in the energy sector is the existence of barriers to entry. In this industry, there is both vertical and horizontal integration within firms (see Chapter 15), such that the big six energy suppliers are involved in both generation of power and the local distribu- tion of it (vertical integration) and offer ‘dual-fuel’ deals, where customers can receive a discount from buying electric- ity and gas from the same supplier (horizontal integration). The vertical integration, in particular, has made it difficult for smaller suppliers to enter the market, as they have had to buy wholesale from one of the big six. Thus a key focus of the indus- try regulator, Ofgem (the Office of Gas and Electricity markets: see section 21.1), has been how to reduce the barriers to entry to make the market more competitive. Through an increased number of suppliers, competition should increase and this should keep prices down, thereby benefiting households.
4. Does vertical integration matter if consumers still have a choice of supplier and if generators are still competing with each other?
In June 2014, following months of political pressure, Ofgem referred the industry to the Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) to see if there was a possible breach of a dominant mar- ket position. Ofgem asked the CMA to investigate accusations of profiteering by the big six and discuss mechanisms to reduce structural barriers to entry that undermine competition, including the potential breaking up of these dominant firms. The Chief Executive of Ofgem, Dermot Nolan, said:
A CMA investigation should ensure there are no barriers to stop effective competition bearing down on prices and delivering the benefits of these changes to consumers.14
12 ‘Supermarket price war heaps pressure on food producers as insolvencies jump 28%’, Moore Stevens blog, 24 November 2014.
13 ‘Christine Tacon named as supermarket ombudsman’, BBC News, 21 January 2013. 14 ‘Ofgem refers the energy market for a full competition investigation’, Press
Release, Ofgem, 26 June 2014. 15 Energy Market Investigation: Updated Issues Statement, Competition and
Markets Authority, 18 February 2015.
Consumer inertia As well as the traditional barriers to entry discussed above, new competitors face another obstacle, which also acts to reduce competition between existing firms. In some sense it is a form of brand loyalty, where customers are reluctant to switch to an alternative supplier, making it difficult for new entrants to attract customers. However, in the case of energy firms, a big criticism levelled at the Big Six was that it was ‘impossible’ to switch. By 2011, there were more than 300 different tariffs available to domestic consumers and, although choice is often seen as a benefit of competition, there appears to have been too much choice, leading to very confused consumers. This then created inertia, whereby households simply stayed with their existing supplier, even if they were not the cheapest. The suppliers were thus accused of exploiting these ‘loyalty’ customers. An updated Issues Statement, by the CMA said:
Comparing all available domestic tariffs – including those offered by the independent suppliers – we calculate that, over the period Quarter 1 2012 to Quarter 2 2014, over 95% of the dual fuel customers of the Six Large Energy Firms could have saved by switching tariff and/or supplier and that the average saving available to these customers was between £158 and £234 a year (depending on the supplier).15
By making it difficult for customers to switch between tariffs and between companies, competition is limited and this can make it very difficult for new firms to enter the market and gain a sufficient number of customers to make a profitable business. In 2013, Ofgem introduced a full set of pricing rules in the retail sector. Energy companies had to publish simple ‘per-unit’ prices, allowing customers to compare tariffs at a glance. The aim of this was to encourage consumers to switch to the cheapest tariff and hence create a more competitive market, where companies are forced to offer the best deals to retain their customers. Furthermore, from March 2014, the Big Six and the largest independent generators have had to trade fairly with inde- pendent suppliers or face penalties. In particular, they have to publish prices up to two years in advance to ensure more effective competition.
In both the wholesale and retail sector, Ofgem, and more recently the Competition and Markets Authority, have taken continuous steps to break down the barriers to entry in the industry in an attempt to make the market genuinely compet- itive. Critics suggest that the current reforms have still not gone far enough, with the combined market share of the Big Six remaining well above 90 per cent in both sectors.
5. The Big Six have been required to open up their finances to greater scrutiny and publish prices up to two years in advance. How will this help to boost competition?
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This pr ice stability can be shown formally by draw- ing in t he fir m’s marginal revenue cur ve, as in Figure 12.6(b).
To see how this is done, imagine dividing the diagram into two parts either side of Q1. At quantities less than Q1 (the left-hand part of the diagram), the MR curve will cor- respond to the shallow part of the AR curve. At quantities greater than Q1 (the right-hand part), the MR curve will cor- respond to the steep part of the AR curve. To see how this part of the MR curve is constructed, imagine extending the steep part of the AR curve back to the vertical axis. This and the corresponding MR curve are shown by the dotted lines in Figure 12.6(b).
As you can see, there will be a gap between points a and b. In other words, there is a vertical section of the MR curve between these two points.
Profits are maximised where MC = MR. Thus, if the MC curve lies anywhere between MC1 and MC2 (i.e. between points a and b), the profit-maximising price and output will be P1 and Q1. Thus prices will remain stable even with a con- siderable change in costs.
Oligopoly and the consumer If oligopolists act collusively and jointly maximise industry profits, they will in effect be acting as a monopoly. In such cases, prices may be very high. This is clearly not in the best interests of consumers.
Furthermore, in two respects, oligopoly may be more disadvantageous than monopoly:
■ Depending on the size of the individual oligopolists, there may be less scope for economies of scale to lower costs and mitigate the effects of market power.
■ Oligopolists are likely to engage in much more extensive advertising than a monopolist. This will raise costs. Consumers could thus end up paying higher prices, though it may lead to product development and better information about the product’s characteristics.
These problems will be less severe, however, if oligopo- lists do not collude, if there is some degree of price compe- tition and if barriers to entry are weak. For example, in the Bertrand model, prices end up being set at the perfectly competitive level.
Moreover, the power of oligopolists in certain markets may to some extent be offset if they sell their product to other powerful firms. Thus oligopolistic producers of baked beans or soap powder sell a large proportion of their output to giant supermarket chains, which can use their market power to keep down the price at which they purchase these products. This phenomenon is known as countervailing power.
In some respects, oligopoly may be more beneficial to the consumer than other market structures:
Definition
Countervailing power When the power of a monopo- listic/oligopolistic seller is offset by powerful buyers who can prevent the price from being pushed up.
Pause for thought
Assume that two brewers announce that they are about to merge. What information would you need to help you decide whether the merger would be in the consumer’s interests?
■ Oligopolists, like monopolists, can use part of their super- normal profit for research and development. Unlike monopolists, however, oligopolists will have a considerable incentive to do so. If the product design is improved, this may allow the firm to capture a larger share of the market, and it may be some time before rivals can respond with a similarly improved product. If, in addition, costs are reduced by technological improvement, the resulting higher profits will improve the firm’s capacity to withstand a price war.
■ Non-price competition through product differentiation may result in greater choice for the consumer. Take the case of tablets or mobile phones. Non-price competition has led to a huge range of different products of many different specifications, each meeting the specific requirements of different consumers.
It is difficult to draw any general conclusions about the outcomes in this market structure, since oligopolies differ so much in their behaviour and performance. Although an oligopoly is closer to the non-competitive end of the spec- trum, it can still be a highly competitive market structure.
Oligopoly and contestable markets The theory of contestable markets has been applied to oli- gopoly as well as to monopoly, and similar conclusions are drawn.
The lower the entry and exit costs for new firms, the more difficult it will be for oligopolists to collude and make supernormal profits. If oligopolists do form a cartel (whether legal or illegal), it will be difficult to maintain it if there is a threat of competition from new entrants. What a cartel has to do in such a situation is to erect entry barriers, thereby making the ‘contest’ more difficult. For example, the cartel could form a common research laboratory, denied to outsiders. It might attempt to control the distribution of the finished product by buying up wholesale or retail out- lets. Or it might simply let it be known to potential entrants that they will face all-out price, advertising and product competition from all the members if they should dare to set up in competition.
The industry is thus likely to behave competitively if entry and exit costs are low, with all the benefits and
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1 2 . 3 G A M E T H E O R Y 2 0 5
costs to the consumer of such competition – even if the new firms do not actually enter. However, if entry and/ or exit costs are high, the degree of competition will sim- ply depend on the relations between existing members of the industry.
Pause for thought
Which of the following markets do you think are contestable: (a) credit cards; (b) brewing; (c) petrol retailing; (d) insurance services; (e) compact discs?
GAME THEORY12.3
The interdependence between oligopolists requires firms to think strategically and game theory was developed by econ- omists to examine the best strategy that a firm can adopt, given the assumptions it makes about its rivals’ behaviour.
This section will provide some useful insights into firms’ behaviour, but it is also worth bearing in mind that game theory can be applied to a huge range of areas. In the BBC News article, ‘What exactly is “game theory”?’,16 we can see the application of game theory by Greek Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis in 2015 in his approach to negotiations over Greek debt.
Single-move games As we have seen, the firm’s choice of strategy under non- collusive oligopoly depends, in part, on how it thinks its rivals will react to its decisions on prices, new products, advertising, etc. The simplest type of ‘game’ is a single-move or single-period game. This involves just one ‘move’ by each firm in the game. For example, two or more firms are bidding for a contract which will be awarded to the lowest bidder. When the bids are all made, the contract will be awarded to the lowest bidder; the ‘game’ is over.
Simple dominant strategy games Many single-period games have predictable outcomes, no matter what assumptions each firm makes about its
KI 23 p 197
rivals’ behaviour. Such games are known as dominant strategy games. The simplest case is where there are just two firms with identical costs, products and demand. They are both considering which of two alternative prices to charge. Table 12.1 shows typical profits they could each make.
Let us assume that at present both firms (X and Y) are charging a price of £2 and that they are each making a profit of £10 million, giving a total industry profit of £20 million. This is shown in the top left-hand cell (A).
Now assume they are both (independently) consider- ing reducing their price to £1.80. In making this decision, they will need to take into account what their rival might do, and how this will affect them. Let us consider X’s posi- tion. In our simple example there are just two things that its rival, firm Y, might do. Either Y could cut its price to £1.80, or it could leave its price at £2. What should X do?
To answer this question we need to take each of firm Y’s two possible actions and look at firm X’s best response to each. If we assume that firm Y chooses a price of £2, firm X could decide to keep its price at £2 giving it £10m in profit. This is shown by cell A. Alternatively, firm X could cut its price to £1.80 and earn £12m in profit, in cell B. Firm X’s best response is therefore to cut price to £1.80, preferring a profit of £12m to one of £10m.
What about if we now assume that firm Y charges £1.80 – how should firm X best respond? If firm X charged £2, we would end up in cell C and firm X would earn only £5m in profit. On the other hand, firm X could also cut its price to £1.80, moving us to cell D and it would earn £8m profit. By comparing these two profit outcomes, we can see that firm X’s best response to firm Y lowering its price to £1.80 is to cut its own price to £1.80 as well, preferring a profit of £8m to a profit of £5m.
16Chris Stokel-Walker, ‘What exactly is “game theory”?’, BBC News Magazine, 18 February 2015.
Definitions
Game theory (or the theory of games) The study of alternative strategies that oligopolists may choose to adopt, depending on their assumptions about their rivals’ behaviour.
Dominant strategy game Where different assumptions about rivals’ behaviour lead to the adoption of the same strategy.
Profits for firms X and Y at different prices
Table 12.1
£2 £1.80
£2
£1.80
X’s price
Y’s price
A B
C D
£10 m each
£8 m each £12 m for Y £5 m for X
£5 m for Y £12 m for X
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Note that firm Y will argue along similar lines, cutting price to £1.80 as well, no matter what it assumes that firm X will do.
This game is a dominant strategy game, since the firm’s best response is always to play the same (dominant) strat- egy (namely, cutting price to £1.80) irrespective of what it thinks the other firm will do. Both firms do what is best for them, given their assumptions about their rivals’ behav- iour. The result is that we end up in cell D, with each firm earning a profit of £8 million.
As we saw in the previous section, this equilibrium out- come, when there is no collusion between players, is known as a Nash equilibrium. This occurs when all players do what’s best for themselves, given the assumptions they make about their rivals’ behaviour.
Nash equilibrium. The position resulting from every- one making their optimal decision based on their assumptions about their rivals’ decisions. Without collusion, there is no incentive for any firm to move from this position.
KEY IDEA
24
However, it is important to note that the profits earned by each firm in the Nash equilibrium (cell D) are lower than they would have been had the firms colluded and charged the higher price (cell A). Each firm would have earned £10 million.
But even with collusion, both firms would be tempted to cheat, or renege, on the agreement and cut prices. This is known as the prisoners’ dilemma (see Box 12.3). You can watch the scene on YouTube17 from the film A Beauti- ful Mind, where John Nash begins to formulate the famous ‘Nash Equilibrium’ concept.
More complex games More complex ‘games’ can be devised with more than two firms, many alternative prices, differentiated products and various forms of non-price competition (e.g. adver- tising). We may also see ‘games’, where the best response for each firm depends on the assumptions made, meaning there is no dominant strategy. Consider the payoff matrix in Table 12.2.
17www.youtube.com/watch?v=2d_dtTZQyUM
Profits for firms X and Y at different prices
Table 12.2
£25 £19
£20
£15
X’s price
Y’s price
A B
C D
£6m for Y £6m for X
£4m for Y £4m for X
£4m for Y £3m for X
£2m for Y £5m for X
If firm X assumes that firm Y will charge £20, then firm X will either earn £6m in profit if it charges £25 or £5m in profit if it charges £19. Firm X’s best response would be to charge £25 (cell A). However, if it assumes that firm Y will charge £15, then firm X’s best response will now be to charge £19, preferring £4m in profit (cell D) to £3m in profit (cell C). We no longer have a dominant strategy. Firm X’s best response depends on its assumption about Y’s price.
Pause for thought
What is firm Y’s best response to each of firm X’s possible choices in the game shown in Table 12.2? Does it have a domi- nant strategy in this game?
In many situations, firms will have a number of different options open to them and a number of possible reactions by rivals. Such games can become highly complex.
The better the firm’s information about (a) its rivals’ costs and demand, (b) the likely reactions of rivals to its actions and (c) the effects of these reactions on its own profit, the bet- ter the firm’s ‘move in the game’ is likely to be. It is similar to a card game: the more you know about your opponents’ cards and how your opponents are likely to react to your moves, and the better you can calculate the effects of their moves on you, the better your moves in the game are likely to be.
Multiple-move games In many situations, firms will react to what their rivals do; their rivals, in turn, will react to what they do. In other words, the game moves back and forth from one ‘player’ to the other like a game of chess or cards. Firms will still have to think strategically (as you do in chess), considering the likely responses of their rivals to their own actions. These multiple-move games are known as repeated games.
Definitions
Prisoners’ dilemma Where two or more firms (or peo- ple), by attempting independently to choose the best strategy, based upon what other(s) are likely to do, end up in a worse position than if they had co-operated from the start.
Tit-for-tat Where a firm will cut prices, or make some other aggressive move, only if the rival does so first. If the rival knows this, it will be less likely to make an initial aggressive move.
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One of the simplest strategies in a repeated game is tit-for-tat. This is where a firm will cut prices, or make some other aggressive move, only if the rival does so first. To illustrate this in a multiple-move situation let us look again at the example we considered in Table 12.1, but this time we will extend it beyond one time period.
Assume that firm X is adopting the tit-for-tat strategy. If firm Y cuts its price from £2.00 to £1.80, then firm X will respond in round 2 by also cutting its price. The two firms will end up in cell D – worse off than if neither had cut their price. If, however, firm Y had left its price at £2.00 then firm X would respond by leaving its price unchanged
too. Both firms would remain in cell A with a higher profit than cell D.
As long as firm Y knows that firm X will respond in this way, it has an incentive not to cut its price. Thus it is in X’s interests to make sure that Y clearly ‘understands’ how X will react to any price cut. To do this X can make a threat.
The importance of threats and promises In many situations, an oligopolist will make a threat or promise that it will act in a certain way. As long as the threat or promise is credible (i.e. its competitors believe it), the firm can gain and it will influence its rivals’ behaviour.
BOX 12.3 THE PRISONERS’ DILEMMA
each of these prisoners, the more certain they are that their compatriot will maintain their innocence, the greater the incentive for them to confess and reduce their sentence! Of course the police know this and will do their best to pre- vent any collusion. They will keep Nigel and Amanda in sep- arate cells and try to persuade each of them that the other is bound to confess. Thus the choice of strategy depends on:
■ Nigel’s and Amanda’s risk attitudes: i.e. are they ‘risk lovers’ or ‘risk averse’?
■ Nigel’s and Amanda’s estimates of how likely the other is to own up.
1. Why is this a dominant strategy game?
2. How would Nigel’s choice of strategy be affected if he had instead been involved in a joint crime with Adam, Ashok, Diana and Rikki, and they had all been caught?
Let us now look at two real-world examples of the prisoners’ dilemma.
Standing at concerts When people go to some public event, such as a concert or a match, they often stand in order to get a better view. But once people start standing, everyone is likely to do so: after all, if they stayed sitting, they would not see at all. In this Nash equilibrium, most people are worse off, since, except for tall people, their view is likely to be worse and they lose the comfort of sitting down.
Too much advertising Why do firms spend so much on advertising? If they are aggressive, they do so to get ahead of their rivals. If they are cautious, they do so in case their rivals increase their advertising. Although in both cases it may be in the individual firm’s best interests to increase advertising, the resulting Nash equilibrium is likely to be one of excessive advertising: the total spent on advertising (by all firms) is not recouped in additional sales.
3. Give one or two other examples (economic or non- economic) of the prisoners’ dilemma.
Game theory is relevant not just to economics. A famous non-economic example is the prisoners’ dilemma. Nigel and Amanda have been arrested for a joint crime of seri- ous fraud. They are both guilty. Each is interviewed separately and given the following alternatives:
■ First, if they say nothing, the court has enough evidence to sentence both to a year’s imprisonment.
■ Second, if either Nigel or Amanda alone confesses, he or she is likely to get only a three-month sentence but the partner could get up to ten years.
■ Third, if both confess, they are likely to get three years each. These outcomes are illustrated in the diagram. What should Nigel and Amanda do? Let us consider Nigel’s dilemma. Should he confess in order to get the short sentence (the maximax strategy)? This is better than the year he would get for not confessing. There is, however, an even better reason for confessing. Suppose Nigel doesn’t confess but, unknown to him, Amanda does confess. Then Nigel ends up with the long sentence (cell B). Better than this is to confess and to get no more than three years (cell D). Nigel’s best response is always to confess. Amanda is in the same dilemma and so the result is simple. When both prisoners act in their own self-interest by confess- ing, they both end up with relatively long prison terms (cell D). Only when they collude will they end up with relatively short ones, the best combined solution (cell A). However, for
UK supermarket food market share (end March 2015)
Not confess Confess
Not confess
Confess
Amanda’s alternatives
Nigel’s alternatives
A B
C D
Each gets 1 year
Each gets 3 years
Nigel gets 3 months
Amanda gets 10 years
Nigel gets 10 years
Amanda gets 3 months
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A decision treeFigure 12.7
A
B1
Boeing decides
Airbus decides
Airbus decides
50 0
se at
er
500 sea
ter
400 seater
400 seater
Boeing –£10 m Airbus –£10 m
Boeing –£10 m Airbus –£10 m
Boeing +£30 m Airbus +£50 m
Boeing +£50 m Airbus +£30 m
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
B2
500 sea
ter
400 seater
Take the simple situation where a large oil company, such as Esso, states that it will match the price charged by any competitor within a given radius. Assume that com- petitors believe this ‘price promise’ but also that Esso will not try to undercut their price. In the simple situation where there is only one other filling station in the area, what price should it charge? Clearly it should charge the price which would maximise its profits, assuming that Esso will charge the same price. In the absence of other filling stations in the area, this is likely to be a relatively high price.
Now assume that there are several filling stations in the area. What should the company do now? Its best choice is probably to charge the same price as Esso and hope that no other company charges a lower price and forces Esso to cut its price. Assuming that Esso’s threat is credible, other companies are likely to reason in a similar way. Prices will therefore be kept high, because of the credible threat made by Esso.
to decisions taken by other firms. Here we are considering a ‘sequential game’ where the ‘order of play’ is important.
Take the case of a new generation of large passenger aircraft which can fly further without refuelling. Assume that there is a market for a 500-seater version of this type of aircraft and a 400-seater version, but that the individual markets for each aircraft are not big enough for the two manufacturers, Boeing and Airbus, to share them profitably. Let us also assume that the 400-seater market would give an annual profit of £50 million to a single manufacturer and the 500-seater would give an annual profit of £30 million, but that if both manufacturers produced the same version, they would each make an annual loss of £10 million.
Assume that Boeing announces that it is building the 400-seater plane. What should Airbus do? The choice is illustrated in Figure 12.7. This diagram is called a decision tree and shows the sequence of events. The small square at the left of the diagram is Boeing’s decision point (point A). If it had decided to build the 500-seater plane, we would move up the top branch. Airbus would now have to make a deci- sion (point B1). If it too built the 500-seater plane, we would move to outcome 1: a loss of £10 million for both manufac- turers. Clearly, with Boeing building a 500-seater plane, Air- bus would choose the 400-seater plane: we would move to
Pause for thought
Assume that there are two major oil companies operating fill- ing stations in an area. The first promises to match the other’s prices. The other promises to sell at 1p per litre cheaper than the first. Describe the likely sequence of events in this ‘game’ and the likely eventual outcome. Could the promise of the sec- ond company be seen as credible?
The importance of timing Most decisions by oligopolists are made by one firm at a time rather than simultaneously by all firms. Sometimes a firm will take the initiative. At other times it will respond
Definitions
Credible threat (or promise) One that is believable to rivals because it is in the threatener’s interests to carry it out.
Decision tree (or game tree) A diagram showing the sequence of possible decisions by competitor firms and the outcome of each combination of decisions.
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outcome 2, with Boeing making a profit of £30 million and Airbus a profit £50 million. Airbus would be very pleased!
Boeing’s best strategy at point A, however, would be to build the 400-seater plane. We would then move to Air- bus’s decision point B2. In this case, it is in Airbus’s interests to build the 500-seater plane. Its profit would be only £30 million (outcome 3), but this is better than a £10 million loss if it too built the 400-seater plane (outcome 4). With Boeing deciding first, the Nash equilibrium will thus be outcome 3.
There is clearly a first-mover advantage here. Once Boeing has decided to build the more profitable version of
KI 24 p 206
Definition
First-mover advantage When a firm gains from being the first one to take action.
BOX 12.4 THE HUNGER GAMES
To sleep or not to sleep?
many nights when you can go without sleep and the more nights you do this, the more likely it becomes that you will be susceptible to an attack.
Many stabs in the dark Looking at the matrix that you have constructed and perhaps making some assumptions about the relative value of sleep versus progress, the likely outcome seems to be ‘Don’t sleep’ for everyone. After all, being sleep deprived is better than being dead. This would suggest that all members of the coa- lition should avoid sleep, knowing that if they do fall asleep, they are very vulnerable to an attack from another member of the coalition. So, why do the members of the coalition get any sleep? The Hunger Games goes on for many nights, so it is not just a one-shot game, but a repeated game. Perhaps if the Games had to be over in one night, we would see a clear incentive not to sleep. But, in the Hunger Games, no player knows when their last night will be. The members of the coalition will have to make the sleep decision night after night, knowing that every night they don’t sleep they may make progress, but will become more vulnerable to other attacks. Furthermore, as there are multiple members of the coali- tion, each member will become less trustworthy if others are killed during the night. So, perhaps the best response in this infinitely repeated game is to co-operate from the start and thus trust everyone within the Coalition – everyone gets some sleep. However, if one night a member is killed, then the next night we would probably see each player once again best responding by remaining awake. Perhaps here would be a typ- ical ‘tit-for-tat’ strategy, until a winner emerges. This is just one more example of the application of game the- ory to areas beyond traditional economics.
Search for the game show Golden Balls online or go onto YouTube and watch a clip of the very last part of the game ‘£66,885 Split or Steal?’19 Try constructing a matrix for this game and working out what the Nash equilibrium is.
Suzanne Collins published the first book of the trilogy, The Hunger Games in 2008 and since then it has been made into four films (with the final book, Mockingjay being split into two parts). The Hunger Games is the story of Katniss Everdeen, living in an unknown future time where the country has been divided into Districts, ranging from the wealthy Capitol that rules the other 12 Districts. Each year, one girl and one boy from every District are chosen randomly and they must com- pete to the death against each other in the Hunger Games, which is set in a dangerous and very public arena. Katniss Everdeen volunteers in place of her younger sister and enters the arena with Peeta, the male ‘Tribute’ and so the use of strategic thinking and game theory begins.18
The Hunger Games lasts until all but one ‘Tribute’ is left alive (although there is a slight deviation in the 74th Hunger Games). However, survival is not just about avoiding being killed by one of the other ‘Tributes’ as the Games could last for weeks. Survival is also about having enough sleep to sustain yourself. The problem is, when you are asleep there is the chance of a stealth attack by another competitor, but if you don’t sleep, you become more susceptible to any future attack, due to sleep deprivation.
Try constructing a matrix and determine the Nash equilibrium in this game.
One thing you might have considered in answering the ques- tion above is even if you don’t sleep and everyone else does, will it necessarily mean that you can find and kill another Tribute? One thing that happens in the Games is that a coa- lition is formed between a group of Tributes – they agree to work together, but still know that they are competing against each other and hence at some point, each of them would have to try to kill their rivals. They are camping together and so within that group, they know where everyone is.
Does the Nash equilibrium in the game change if we are now thinking about the decision of one member of the coalition, given the possible responses of the other members of the coalition?
The value that each member places on sleep and getting closer to the finishing line is obviously a key factor in deter- mining how any member should behave. Also, with sleep being a natural response to being tired, there are only so
18Samuel Arbesman, ‘Probability and game theory in The Hunger Games’, Wired, 10 April 2012.
19www.youtube.com/watch?v=yM38mRHY150
the plane, Airbus is forced to build the less profitable one. Naturally, Airbus would like to build the more profita- ble one and be the first mover. Which company succeeds in going first depends on how advanced they are in their research and development and in their production capacity.
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More complex decision trees. The aircraft example is the sim- plest version of a decision tree, with just two companies and each one making only one key decision. In many business situations, much more complex trees could be construct- ed. The ‘game’ would be more like one of chess, with many moves and several options on each move. If there were more than two companies, the decision tree would be more com- plex still.
Pause for thought
Give an example of decisions that two firms could make in sequence, each one affecting the other’s next decision.
The usefulness of game theory The advantage of the game-theory approach is that the firm does not need to know which response its rivals will make. It does, however, need to be able to measure the effect of each possible response. This will be virtually impossible to do when there are many firms competing and many differ-
ent responses that could be made. The approach is only use- ful, therefore, in relatively simple cases, and even here the estimates of profit from each outcome may amount to no more than a rough guess.
It is thus difficult for an economist to predict with any accuracy what price, output and level of advertising the firm will choose. This problem is compounded by the dif- ficulty of predicting the type of strategy – safe, high risk, compromise – that the firm will adopt.
In some cases, firms may compete hard for a time (in price or non-price terms) and then realise that maybe no one is winning. Firms may then jointly raise prices and reduce advertising. Later, after a period of tacit collusion, competition may break out again. This may be sparked off by the entry of a new firm, by the development of a new product design, by a change in market demand, or simply by one or more firms no longer being able to resist the temptation to ‘cheat’. In short, the behaviour of par- ticular oligopolists may change quite radically over time.
If you are interested in reading more about game theory, then the website ‘Game Theory .net’ provides some useful resources.
SUMMARY
1a Monopolistic competition occurs where there is free entry to the industry and quite a large number of firms operat- ing independently of each other, but where each firm has some market power as a result of producing differenti- ated products or services.
1b In the short run, firms can make supernormal profits. In the long run, however, freedom of entry will drive prof- its down to the normal level. The long-run equilibrium of the firm is where the (downward-sloping) demand curve is tangential to the long-run average cost curve.
1c The long-run equilibrium is one of excess capacity. Given that the demand curve is downward sloping, its tangency point with the LRAC curve will not be at the bottom of the LRAC curve. Increased production would thus be possible at lower average cost.
1d In practice, supernormal profits may persist into the long run: firms have imperfect information; entry may not be completely unrestricted; there may be a problem of indivisibilities; firms may use non-price competition to maintain an advantage over their rivals.
1e Monopolistically competitive firms, because of excess capacity, may have higher costs, and thus higher prices, than perfectly competitive firms, but consumers gain from a greater diversity of products.
1f Monopolistically competitive firms may have less econo- mies of scale than monopolies and conduct less research and development, but the competition may keep prices lower than under monopoly. Whether there will be more or less choice for consumers is debatable.
2a An oligopoly is where there are just a few firms in the industry with barriers to the entry of new firms. Firms recognise their mutual dependence and each firm must consider the reactions of rivals to any changes it makes.
2b Oligopolists may aim to maximise their joint profits. This will tend to make them collude to keep prices high. On
the other hand, they will want the biggest share of industry profits for themselves. This will tend to make them compete.
2c They are more likely to collude: if there are few of them; if they are open with each other; if they have similar products and cost structures; if there is a dominant firm; if there are significant entry barriers; if the market is stable; and if there is no government legislation to prevent collusion.
2d A formal collusive agreement is called a ‘cartel’. A cartel aims to act as a monopoly. It can set the price and leave the members to compete for market share, or it can assign quotas. There is always a temptation for cartel members to ‘cheat’ by undercutting the cartel price if they think they can get away with it and not trigger a price war.
2e Tacit collusion can take the form of price leadership. This is where firms follow the price set by either a domi- nant firm in the industry or one seen as a reliable ‘barom- eter’ of market conditions. Alternatively, tacit collusion can simply involve following various rules of thumb such as average cost pricing and benchmark pricing.
2f Even when firms do not collude they will still have to take into account their rivals’ behaviour. In the Cournot model, firms assume that their rivals’ output is given and then choose the profit-maximising price and output in the light of this assumption. The resulting price and profit are lower than under monopoly, but still higher than under perfect competition. In the Bertrand model, firms assume that their rivals’ price is given. This will result in prices being competed down until only normal profits remain.
2g In the kinked-demand curve model, firms are likely to keep their prices stable unless there is a large shift in costs or demand.
2h Non-collusive oligopolists will have to work out a price strategy. This will depend on their attitudes towards risk and on the assumptions they make about the behaviour of their rivals. ▲
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2i Whether consumers benefit from oligopoly depends on: the particular oligopoly and how competitive it is; whether there is any countervailing power; whether the firms engage in extensive advertising and of what type; whether product differentiation results in a wide range of choice for the consumer; how much of the profits are ploughed back into research and development; and how contestable the market is. Since these conditions vary substantially from oligopoly to oligopoly, it is impossible to state just how well or how badly oligopoly in general serves the consumer’s interest.
3a Game theory is a way of modelling behaviour in strategic situations where the outcome for an individual or firm depends on the choices made by others. Thus game theory examines various strategies that firms can adopt when the outcome of each is not certain.
3b The simplest type of ‘game’ is a single-move or single- period game. Many single-period games have predictable
outcomes, no matter what assumptions each firm makes about its rivals’ behaviour. Such games are known as dominant strategy games.
3c Non-collusive oligopolists will have to work out a price strat- egy. By making the best decisions based on assumptions about their rivals’ behaviour we can arrive at a Nash equilib- rium. However, a ‘Nash’ equilibrium may not always be the most efficient strategy for the firms collectively. It is possi- ble that both could do better by co-operating or colluding.
3d In multiple-move games, play is passed from one ‘player’ to the other sequentially. Firms will respond not only to what firms do, but also to what they say they will do. To this end, a firm’s threats or promises must be credible if they are to influence rivals’ decisions.
3e A firm may gain a strategic advantage over its rivals by being the first one to take action (e.g. launch a new product). A decision tree can be constructed to show the possible sequence of moves in a multiple-move game.
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Think of 10 different products or services and estimate roughly how many firms there are in the market. You will need to decide whether ‘the market’ is a local one, a national one or an international one. In what ways do the firms compete in each of the cases you have identified?
2 Imagine there are two types of potential customer for jam sold by a small food shop. One is the person who has just run out and wants some now. The other is the person who looks in the cupboard, sees that the pot of jam is less than half full and thinks, ‘I will soon need some more’. How will the price elasticity of demand differ between these two customers?
3 Why may a food shop charge higher prices than supermar- kets for ‘essential items’ and yet very similar prices for delicatessen items?
4 How will the position and shape of a firm’s short-run demand curve depend on the prices that rivals charge?
5 Assuming that a firm under monopolistic competition can make supernormal profits in the short run, will there be any difference in the long-run and short-run elasticity of demand? Explain.
6 Firms under monopolistic competition generally have spare capacity. Does this imply that if, say, half of the petrol stations were closed down, the consumer would benefit? Explain.
7 Is the supermarket sector an oligopoly or monopolisti- cally competitive? Explain.
8 Will competition between oligopolists always reduce total industry profits?
9 In which of the following industries is collusion likely to occur: bricks, beer, margarine, cement, crisps, washing powder, blank audio or video cassettes, carpets?
10 Draw a diagram like Figure 12.4. Illustrate what would happen if there were a rise in market demand.
11 Devise a box diagram like that in Table 12.1, only this time assume that there are three firms, each considering the two strategies of keeping price the same or reducing it by a set amount. Is the game still a ‘dominant strategy game’?
12 Having watched the clip from the film A Beautiful Mind, can you work out why the situation that Russell Crowe describes as being a ‘Nash equilibrium’ is actually not a Nash equilibrium? Specifically, in the example used, would all of the males be best responding if they behave as John Nash suggests they should?
13 What are the limitations of game theory in predicting oli- gopoly behaviour?
14 Which of the following are examples of effective counter- vailing power? a) A power station buying coal from a large local coal
mine. b) A large factory hiring a photocopier from Rank Xerox. c) Marks and Spencer buying clothes from a garment
manufacturer. d) A small village store (but the only one for miles
around) buying food from a wholesaler. Is it the size of the purchasing firm that is important in
determining its power to keep down the prices charged by its suppliers?
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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ADDITIONAL PART E CASE STUDIES IN THE ECONOMICS FOR BUSINESS MyEconLab (www.pearsoned.co.uk/Sloman)
E.1 Is perfect best? An examination of the meaning of the word ‘perfect’ in perfect competition.
E.2 B2B electronic marketplaces. This case study examines the growth of firms trading with each other over the Internet (business to business or ‘B2B’) and considers the effects on competition.
E.3 Measuring monopoly power. An examination of how the degree of monopoly power possessed by a firm can be measured.
E.4 X-inefficiency. A type of inefficiency suffered by many large firms, resulting in a wasteful use of resources.
E.5 Competition in the pipeline. An examination of attempts to introduce competition into the gas industry in the UK.
E.6 Airline deregulation in the USA and Europe. Whether the deregulation of various routes has led to more competition and lower prices.
E.7 The motor vehicle repair and servicing industry. A case study of monopolistic competition.
E.8 Bakeries: oligopoly or monopolistic competition. A case study on the bread industry, showing that small-scale local bakeries can exist alongside giant national bakeries.
E.9 Oligopoly in the brewing industry. A case study showing how the UK brewing industry is becoming more concentrated.
E.10 OPEC. A case study examining OPEC’s influence over oil prices from the early 1970s to the current day.
E.11 Cut throat competition. An examination of the barriers to entry to the UK razor market.
WEBSITES RELEVANT TO PART E
Numbers and sections refer to websites listed in the Web appendix and hotlinked from this text’s website at www.pearsoned .co.uk/sloman
■ For news articles relevant to Part E, see the Economics News Articles link from MyEconLab or the Sloman Economics News site.
■ For general news on companies and markets, see websites in section A, and particularly A1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9, 18, 23, 24, 25, 26, 35, 36. See also A38–44 for links to newspapers worldwide.
■ For student resources relevant to Part E, see sites C1–7, 9, 10, 14, 19, 25.
■ For models and simulations relevant to Part E, see sites D3, 5, 7, 8, 10, 13, 14, 16–20
■ For sites that look at competition and market power, see B2; E4, 10, 20; G7, 8. See also links in B1; I7, 11, 14 and 17.
■ For a sites on game theory, see D4; C20; I17 and 4 (in the EconDirectory section).
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F Part
Supply: alternative strategies
The Financial Times, 2 August 2015
Industrial giants caught in LED headlights Philips, Osram and GE face decline of traditional light bulb units as new technology takes off
By Chris Bryant
© The Financial Times Limited 2015. All Rights Reserved.
Lighting is starting to become part of the “inter- net of things” – where different devices are all connected on telecoms networks – but for incum- bent manufacturers this rapid technological shift is causing huge upheaval.
Industrial giants Philips, Siemens and General Electric for decades enjoyed an oligopoly in the hitherto slow-moving lighting market, which James Stettler, an analyst at Barclays, compares with a “licence to print money”, partly because people have to regularly replace their bulbs.
Now LEDs are fast displacing traditional light sources such as incandescent, halogen and fluo- rescent bulbs, catalysed partly by double-digit an- nual price declines in components.
Government regulations also have supported the growth of LEDs because of their energy efficiency. They produce light using semiconductors — whereas traditional light bulbs rely on filaments — and therefore consume less electricity.
LEDs also last much longer than old-style bulbs and are far more sophisticated. For example, the new 68-storey International Youth Culture Centre in Nanjing, China, has 700,000 LED lights capable of illuminating the building façade in different colours at night.
Frost & Sullivan estimates the global LED light- ing market grew 35 per cent to $32.3bn last year, and it is forecast to more than double to $70bn by 2019. LED as a proportion of the total lighting market is set to near 50 per cent by the end of 2015 and reach 84 per cent by 2020.
The incumbents saw the tech revolution coming and are now among the biggest players, but the rapid growth in LEDs has attracted new low-cost competitors, particularly from Asia.
The incumbents are responding to these chal- lenges in different ways, but broadly speaking they are restructuring legacy, high-volume light- ing units and regearing their business models towards “smart” and “connected lighting”.
“In 10 years there might not be a single light bulb left. If your core competence isn’t needed any more, then you need to adapt — the challenge is to move from being a general lighting company to a solution provider,” says Ms Nocchi. ...
Although sales of traditional light bulbs are in structural decline, the market remains profitable because there is so little competition. The incum- bents therefore talk about a “long” or “golden tail”.
“From an investor perspective, this is a cash cow and a solid one, despite the top line decline,” says Frans van Houten, Philips chief executive.
The FT Reports . . .
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Many small companies, especially those facing fierce competition, may be forced to pursue profit as their overriding goal, merely to survive. With large companies, how- ever, where mere survival is not the overriding concern, the pursuit of short-run profit is likely to be only one of many business objectives.
The modern business enterprise is often a complex organisation, with many different departments and divisions. What is more, the ownership and control of the firm are often in totally different hands: i.e. shareholders and managers. With many competing interests there are often several objectives being pursued simultaneously.
In Part F we will consider what these alternative objectives might be and the strategies that businesses might adopt in their pursuit. Having the correct strategy is crucial for business survival. For example, a strategy for lighting manufacturers that worked well for many years may no longer be appropriate as new types of lighting, such as LEDs, replace older types (see the Financial Times article on the left).
We start, in Chapter 13, by introducing you to the world of business strategy. We show how crucial the degree of competition is in shaping not only business success but also the strategic approaches open to business.
In Chapter 14 we will outline various alternative theories of the firm – alternative, that is, to the traditional theory of short-run profit maximisation. Then, in Chapter 15, we will focus on one particular strategy: that of growth. Should a firm seek to grow by simply expanding the scale of its operations, or should it merge with other firms or enter into alliances with them? Chapter 16 looks at the small-firm sec- tor, and compares the objectives and behaviour of small firms with those of their bigger rivals.
Finally, in Chapter 17, we will look at alternative pricing strategies and how they vary with market structure and the different aims that firms might pursue.
The competitive forces reveal the drivers of industry competition. A company strategist who understands that competition extends well beyond existing rivals will detect wider competitive threats and be better equipped to address them. At the same time, thinking comprehensively about an industry’s structure can uncover opportunities: differences in customers, suppliers, substitutes, potential entrants, and rivals that can become the basis for distinct strategies yielding superior performance. In a world of more open competition and relentless change, it is more important than ever to think structurally about competition.
Michael E. Porter, ‘The five competitive forces that shape competition’, Harvard Business Review, January 2008, p. 93
Key terms
Porter’s five forces Strategic management Value chain Core competence Profit satisficing Managerial utility Behavioural theories of
the firm Organisational slack Internal expansion External expansion Transaction costs Takeover constraint Horizontal and vertical
integration Vertical restraints Diversification Merger Enterprise Strategic alliance Networks Logistics SME Cost-based pricing Price discrimination Transfer pricing Peak-load pricing Inter-temporal pricing Product life cycle
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An introduction to business strategy
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ What are the objectives of strategic management? ■ What are the key competitive forces affecting a business? ■ What choices of strategy towards competitors are open to a business? ■ What internal strategic choices are open to a business and how can it make best use of its core competencies when decid-
ing on its internal organisation? ■ How does a business’s strategy relate to its vision and mission? What is the role of various stakeholders in shaping
strategy? ■ Should a business ‘go global’?
Ben & Jerry’s is founded on and dedicated to a sustainable corporate concept of linked prosperity. Our mission consists of 3 interrelated parts:
Social Mission: To operate the Company in a way that actively recognizes the central role that business plays in society by initiating innovative ways to improve the quality of life locally, nationally and internationally.
Product Mission: To make, distribute and sell the finest quality all natural ice cream and euphoric concoctions with a continued commitment to incorporating wholesome, natural ingredients and promoting business practices that respect the Earth and the Environment.
Economic Mission: To operate the Company on a sustainable financial basis of profitable growth, increasing value for our stakeholders and expanding opportunities for development and career growth for our employees.
Underlying the mission of Ben & Jerry’s is the determination to seek new and creative ways of addressing all three parts, while holding a deep respect for individuals inside and outside the company and for the communities of which they are a part.
Source: © Ben & Jerry’s Homemade Holdings Inc.
Being a successful business means what? According to its mission statement, for Ben & Jerry’s it means produc- ing a high-quality product, returning a profi t, presiding over business growth and enhancing shareholder value. The company also claims that a successful business rests upon a ‘deep respect for individuals’ and that it wants to initiate ways of improving the quality of life. What strategy or strategies will Ben & Jerry’s need to adopt in order to achieve these goals?
13
C h
a p
te r
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Ben & Jerry’s was formed in 1978 by Ben Cohen and Jerry Greenfield. In 2000, it was taken over by Unilever, the Anglo-Dutch multinational, but it still maintains its identity and its mission. Since its early years as a two- person operation, Ben & Jerry’s has expanded to have operations in 26 countries. However, as the mission state- ment suggests, the founders of Ben & Jerry’s were in search of more than profits from their business activities. With a clear philosophy of social responsibility, the business strategy has been one in which the search for profit has been regulated by a wider set of social and environmental goals.
WHAT IS STRATEGY?13.1
Defining strategy Business strategy describes the way in which an organisa- tion addresses its fundamental challenges over the medium to long term. Usually, the term ‘strategy’ is applied to the decision-making processes of the senior management team, but it can be applied at all levels of the organisation.
The term can also be applied to a number of everyday situations. Thus, an individual may have a strategy to keep fit that involves a healthy diet and going to the gym. A student may have a career strategy that involves passing examinations.
Businesses use strategy in an attempt to be more compet- itive than their rivals. Sometimes these strategies are suc- cessful: businesses outperform their competitors. Similarly, individuals’ strategy may be successful: people keep their weight under control; students pass exams.
Sometimes, however, strategies fail. Businesses under- perform; individuals put on weight; students fail their exams. If this is the case, then a re-evaluation of existing goals and strategies has to take place with new strategies being developed to meet long-term objectives. For a busi- ness that has failed to perform, this is an opportunity to regain its competitive position.
Clearly the type of business ‘strategy’ that is appropriate depends upon the context in which the strategy is being developed. In an attempt to capture the diversity of the term, Henry Mintzberg1 suggests that we need to look at the ‘five Ps’ of business strategy. A strategy can be:
■ a plan; ■ a ploy; ■ a pattern of behaviour; ■ a position with respect to others; ■ a perspective.
A plan. This represents the most common use of the term strategy. It involves, as Mintzberg states, a ‘consciously intended course of action to deal with a situation’. Plans most commonly operate over a given period of time, in which the business outlines where it would like to be at a given point in the future. This might be in terms of its market
KI 23 p 197
share or its level of profitability, or some other combination of criteria upon which business progress or success might be evaluated. As such, plans tend to focus on long-term issues facing the business rather than operational details.
A ploy. In contrast to the long-term nature of the plan, strat- egy as a ploy is generally short term in its application. It often focuses on a specific manoeuvre by business in order to outwit or counteract the behaviour of rivals. Aggressive pricing policy and the use of special offers by supermarkets is a frequently adopted ploy to gain, or more commonly protect, market share. Such a strategy may have limited objectives and be liable to frequent changes.
A pattern of behaviour. Rather than a consciously planned framework of action, business strategy may in fact emerge naturally from a consistent response to events: e.g. intro- ducing a new product variety each year. Such consistent action involves a pattern of behaviour, which takes on a strategic form. Such strategies tend to evolve as circum- stances change. There is no clear long-term objective; unlike plan and ploy, here strategy just happens.
A position with respect to others. Here strategy is determined by the position of the business in its market. For example, a firm may attempt to gain or defend market share. Thus a car company such as BMW may set out to defend its position as a manufacturer of high-quality motorcars by focusing on design and performance in its product development and advertising campaigns. Conversely, Aldi and Lidl might focus on defending and developing their claim to have some of the lowest prices in grocery retailing.
A perspective. In this respect strategy is based upon establish- ing a common way of perceiving the world, primarily within the organisation itself. It may be that this perspective of the world is based on the views of a forceful leader or a strong senior management team, though it can also involve a con- sensus between stakeholders in the organisation. Businesses with strong ethical and environmental objectives, such as Ben & Jerry’s, would see a shared perspective as an impor- tant part of their business strategy. Employees are encour- aged to take on board the company’s philosophy. This, it is hoped, will not only contribute to the business’s success through motivation and commitment, but also encourage employees to feel good about what they do.
1 Henry Mintzberg, ‘The strategy concept I: five Ps for strategy’, California Management Review, vol. 30, no. 1, 1987, pp. 11–24.
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Mintzberg notes in his analysis of the term ‘strategy’ that businesses might adopt any number of approaches to stra- tegic behaviour. Pursuing strategy as a plan, for example, does not preclude using strategy as a ploy or as a position in respect to others. Businesses may interpret strategy in a number of ways simultaneously. What these different understandings of strategy do is to enable us to analyse dif- ferent aspects of business behaviour and organisation.
Strategic management For most of the time, most managers have as their primary function the managing of the routine day-to-day activi- ties of the business, such as dealing with personnel issues, checking budgets and looking for ways to enhance effi- ciency. In other words, they are involved in the detailed operational activities of the business.
Some managers, however, especially those high up in the business organisation, such as the managing director, will
be busy in a different way, thinking about big, potentially complex issues, which affect the whole company. For exam- ple, they might be analysing the behaviour of competitors, or evaluating the company’s share price or considering ways to expand the business. In other words, these managers are involved in the strategic long-term activities of the business.
Both types of management are equally important in the management process, as each contributes in its own way to the business’s overall success. However, what is clear is that strategic and operational management are quite distinct managerial functions.
S t r a t e g i c m a n a g e m e n t c o m p r i s e s t h r e e m a i n components.
■ Strategic analysis is concerned with examining those factors which underpin an organisation’s mission (or purpose) and its long-term vision. These factors are key in determin- ing a business’s performance and include internal factors, such as the development of business skills and knowledge,
BOX 13.1 BUSINESS STRATEGY THE SAMSUNG WAY
Staying ahead of the game
Samsung is a major South Korean conglomerate involved in a number of industries, including the machinery and heavy engineering, chemical, financial services and consumer electronic sectors. In its various divisions it has over 489 000 employees globally and is a major international investor and exporter. This box outlines some of the strategic initiatives that have been taken in recent times by one of its most successful divi- sions, Samsung Electronics, which has become the world’s largest mobile phone producer. The unit sales of its devices overtook those of long time market leader Nokia in the first quarter of 2012. By 2014, it had a 20.9 per cent share of the global mobile phone market, in contrast to its leading rival Apple, which had 10.2 per cent. It was also the world’s biggest producer of LCD TVs in 2014 and the second biggest producer of tablet computers, with global market shares of 21.8 per cent and 14.5 per cent respectively. Samsung Electronics is also one of the world’s largest producers of memory semiconductors and employs 280 000 people in more than 80 countries. The division’s success over the past few years is quite an achievement, given the massive financial problems it faced following the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s. Since that time it has managed not only to shake off its debts and post significant improvements in profits, but also to reposi- tion itself in the upmarket segment of the consumer electron- ics industry.
The key features of Samsung’s strategy How has Samsung achieved this? What have been the keys to its success? First, it has a strong management team led by Mr Kwon Oh-Hyun, vice-chairman and CEO of Samsung Electronics. Together they have a clear vision of the future of the sector. Second, there has been a dramatic streamlining of the business and the decision-making structure following poor financial
performance in the mid-1990s and an association with low-end brands in televisions and air-conditioning units. The manage- ment team took aggressive measures to improve the division’s finances by cutting jobs, closing unprofitable factories, reduc- ing inventory levels and selling corporate assets. They then ‘delayered’ the company, ensuring that managers had to go through fewer layers of bureaucracy, thereby speeding up the approval of new products, budgets and marketing plans. Third, Samsung Electronics has been investing heavily in research and development (R&D) to increase its product portfolio and reduce the lead time from product conception to product launch. In 2014 the division invested $13.4 billion in R&D – a 28 per cent increase on the previous year. This made it the second biggest R&D spending company in the world behind Volkswagen. Between 2010 and 2014 it increased its employment of R&D staff by 27 per cent and employed 63 628 people across its 34 R&D units. It has also engaged in a number of strategic alliances with major players such as Sony, IBM and Hewlett-Packard to share R&D costs. One way of measuring the output of successful R&D activity is by looking at the number of patents a business has been awarded. In the USA, Samsung was ranked second behind International Business Machines (IBM), having successfully registered 4952 patents in 2014. It has been in second place behind IBM in every year from 2006 to 2013. In the EU Sam- sung was ranked in first place in 2014 having filed 2541 cases with the European Patent Office. Samsung has a vision of achieving $400 billion in revenue and becoming one of the world’s top five brands by 2020. To achieve this end, Mr Kwon Oh-Hyun and his team recognised that most of its flagship products will be obsolete in 10 years’ time. This is why innovation is central to Samsung’s 2020 vision. The company intends to build on its existing capabili- ties in three areas: new technology, innovative products and creative solutions.
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and external factors, such as the competitive environment, resource availability and changes in technology.
■ Strategic choice, by contrast, is primarily concerned with the formulation and evaluation of alternative courses of action that might be adopted in order to achieve the business’s strategic objectives. What strategic choices are available? How suitable are such strategies, given their risks and constraints such as time, cost and the busi- ness’s values?
■ Strategic implementation is concerned with how strategic choices might be put into effect. In other words, it consid- ers how a strategy might be translated into action. Who is responsible for its implementation? How will it be man- aged? How is its success or otherwise to be monitored?
In the following sections of this chapter we are going to con- sider these three dimensions of strategic management and the issues they raise for the conduct of business. Before we
do so, it is worth considering what strategic management means for different business types. How might businesses differ in respect to their analysis, choice and implementa- tion of strategy?
Big business/small business. The strategic requirements of a small local computer assembler and Microsoft are clearly going to be massively different. A small business, operating in a niche market, providing a limited range of products or services, would certainly not require the complex strategic assessment of a large business operating in many markets and providing a whole range of products. Not only would
KI 6 p 37
BUSINESS STRATEGY THE SAMSUNG WAY
Staying ahead of the game
Fourth, Samsung is concerned about volumes from which it can achieve economies of scale. To this end it invests heavily in modern factories that can cope with large production runs. To help achieve these economies, Samsung also supplies com- ponents to its competitors as well as making them for its own product range. For example, it sells flash memory chips for Apple’s iPod, Nokia phones and digital cameras. Further, pro- duction systems are flexible enough to allow customisation for individual buyers, ensuring that selling prices are above the industry average. Alongside longer production runs, Samsung is concerned with ensuring that production costs are minimised by making its own business units compete with external rivals. For example, Samsung buys colour filters from Sumitomo Chemical Com- pany of Japan and from its own factories. Finally, Samsung has been developing its global brand name in consumer electronics and marketing, particularly sports marketing. For example, it sponsored Chelsea football club from 2006 to 2015 and was one of the eleven official part- ners of the London 2012 Olympics. The company recently announced that it has extended its sponsorship deal with the International Olympics Committee until 2020. It also has a $100 million sponsorship deal in the USA with the National Basketball Association (NBA). As a result of these changes, Samsung Electronics rose from 42nd in BusinessWeek/Interbrand’s list of the top 100 global brands in 2001 to 7th in 2014.
Recent developments The dramatic growth of Samsung Electronics has been largely achieved since the turn of the twenty-first century. In 2010 the company altered its top management team to include a slightly younger team. It also restructured some of its divi- sions, producing a better fit with changes in the market and product offerings. This was intended to support Samsung in maintaining its growth into the foreseeable future.
However, Samsung Electronics had a difficult year in 2014. It made an annual net profit of $21.3 billion, which may give the impression that its performance was excellent. This was however a 27 per cent fall on the previous year. It struggled, in particular, in the mobile phone market where sales of its products fell by 21 per cent. The major reason for this decline was increasing competition from other handset makers. For example, it faced strong competition in the high end premium segment of the mar- ket from Apple. Its successful launch of the larger screen iPhone6 and iPhone6 plus in September 2014 removed one of the key competitive advantages that Galaxy phones had over its key rival. It has also faced more intense competition from producers of lower price Android devices in emerging markets. For example Huawei, Lenovo and Xiami have recently become significant rivals in the Chinese market. Xiami was the leader in the 4th quarter of 2014, with a market share of 13.7 per cent, while both Lenovo and Huawei were ahead of Sam- sung which was down in 5th place. Although it remained the market leader in India, it also faced increasingly strong competition from local companies such as Micromax, Lava and Karbonn. In March 2015, Samsung launched the new Galaxy 6 Edge handset. Many of the changes were focused on trying to improve the design and appearance of the phone with a new curved screen, metal frame and glass back. It will be inter- esting to see if Samsung will remain focused on its battle with Apple in the premium segment of the market or whether it will start to cut prices aggressively in response to its new low-cost rivals.
1. What dangers do you see with Samsung’s recent business strategy?
2. Given Mintzberg’s five Ps, which would you say fit(s) Samsung’s approach to strategy most closely and why?
Definition
Strategic management The management of the strate- gic long-term activities of the business, which includes strategic analysis, strategic choice and strategic imple- mentation.
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the strategy for a small business usually be simpler, it would probably be easier to formulate, given that the managers of small businesses are often the owners and generally the principal creators of the businesses strategy.
Manufacturing business/service provider business. Although in many respects the strategic commitments of both a manu- facturer and a service-sector business might be similar, in some crucial respects the focus of strategy will differ. Manu- facturers will tend to focus a large part of their strategic effort on product issues (technology, design, inputs, etc.), whereas service providers will tend to focus on strategic issues related to the customer, especially in the area of retailing.
Domestic business/multinational business. The crucial differ- ence in strategic thinking between a domestic business and a multinational business concerns the geographic spread of the multinational corporation. The multinational will need to focus its strategy not only in global terms but possibly also within the context of each international market within which it operates. Depending upon the diversity of these markets, this may require a quite distinct strategic approach
within each. Similarly, a business serving a national market will have more complex strategic issues to consider than one serving a local market.
Private-sector business/public-sector business. Quite clearly the strategic considerations of the National Health Service will in many respects be quite different from, say, Ford, but how different will they be from those of BUPA, the private-sector medical care provider? Increasingly, public-sector organi- sations, like their private-sector counterparts, are having to adopt a more business-orientated approach to service pro- vision. Stakeholders may be different and profit may not be the principal motivation of business activity, but efficiency, targets and accountability are increasingly becoming public-sector as well as private-sector organisational goals.
For-profit organisations/not-for-profit organisations. Not- for-profit businesses such as charities are essentially based upon a mission underpinned by principles of value. In shaping their strategic goals, such values will be para- mount in determining the direction and focus of strategic behaviour.
STRATEGIC ANALYSIS13.2
In order for an organisation to make strategic decisions, it must first analyse what the organisation is about (its mission) and how it envisages where it wants to be (its vision). In other words, the mission and vision will affect the strategic choices made. Take the case of Ben & Jerry’s. Its proclaimed ethical stance limits potential strategic avenues.
Strategic choices also depend on an analysis of (a) the external business environment and (b) the organisation’s internal capabilities.
■ How much competition does the firm face and what forms does it take?
■ What other external factors, such as laws and regula- tions, technological changes and changes in consumer tastes, are likely to affect the firm’s decisions?
■ Similarly, what internal factors drive an organisation’s performance?
In the case of Ben & Jerry’s, the nature of its supply chain is likely to affect not only the quality of the product but also the ability of the company to develop and grow.
Vision and mission At the beginning of this chapter, we referred to the mis- sion statement of Ben & Jerry’s, in which the company clearly expresses a purpose for its business: a purpose that goes far beyond simply making a profit. Such wider social,
KI 1 p 10
environmental and ethical considerations are increasingly shaping business thinking, as expectations regarding cor- porate responsibility grow.
It is now widely expected that a business must look beyond ‘the bottom line’ (i.e. profitability) and take account of the interests of a wide group of stakeholders, such as employees, customers, creditors and the local com- munity, and not just the owners of the business. It would be a risky business strategy indeed that pursued profit without taking into account the social, environmental and ethical implications that this might entail (see section 20.5). As such, the formulation of strategy must take into account the purpose of the organisation and the values and objectives that such a purpose involves. Organisa- tional purpose is most often found in a business’s mission statement, which is in turn shaped by a number of distinct influences (see Figure 13.1).
Corporate governance. Corporate governance refers to the way in which a business is run and the structure of decision making. It also includes the monitoring and supervision, and in some cases regulation, of executive decisions. The way a business is run depends on the purposes of the busi- ness and in whose interests it is run.
Stakeholders. Stakeholders differ in power and influence, but ultimately they might all shape the purpose of the organi- sation in certain respects. Given the wide number of stake- holders, many conflicts of interest can arise.
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Factors influencing organisational purpose
Figure 13.1
Organisational purpose
Stakeholder views
Cultural context
Business ethics
Corporate governance
Business ethics. A business’s ethical position might, as in the case of Ben & Jerry’s, be driven by the values of its founders. Alternatively, ethics might be determined and shaped by wider cultural values and standards that determine what is and what is not acceptable behaviour. As previously remarked, business today would find it very difficult to pursue a strategy that failed to exhibit a degree of social responsibility.
High-profile cases can have a significant impact on a firm’s reputation and standing in both the business community and society in general. For example, Oxfam produce a ‘Behind the Brands Scorecard’ which ranks the ten biggest food companies based on seven ethical standards. They call on people to use social media to put pressure on these companies to introduce more ethical policies. Since the campaign started in 2013, Oxfam claims that a number of these businesses have improved their practices.
An example of a company responding to criticism is Apple. It has received damning reports from a number of sources about the working conditions at factories managed by its suppliers. In response to this, it now produces an annual Supplier Responsibility Progress Report. Many firms recognise that ethically sound behaviour is good for busi- ness and the bottom line.
Cultural context. How does the cultural context of the organ- isation influence its objectives? Not only will national cul- ture be significant here, but also the subculture of managers. Wider questions are also raised given the growth in multi- national business activity, and the cross-cultural nature of such organisations. Recognising differing cultural contexts
might be crucial in shaping business success within such increasingly global markets.
The business environment We considered the various dimensions of the business envi- ronment and how they shape and influence business activ- ity (Chapter 1). We divided the business environment into four distinct sets of factors: political, economic, social and technological. Such factors comprise what we call a PEST analysis. In this section we will take our analysis of the busi- ness environment forward and consider more closely those factors that are likely to influence the competitive advan- tage of the organisation.
KI 1 p 10
Pause for thought
Give some examples of cultural differences between countries or regions which might influence business strategy.
The Five Forces Model of competition Developed by Professor Michael Porter of Harvard Business School in 1980, the Five Forces Model sets out to identify those factors which are likely to affect an organisation’s competitiveness (see Figure 13.2). This then helps a firm choose an appropriate strategy to enhance its competitive opportunities and to protect itself from competitive threats. The five forces that Porter identifies are:
■ the bargaining power of suppliers; ■ the bargaining power of buyers; ■ the threat of potential new entrants; ■ the threat of substitutes; ■ the extent of competitive rivalry.
The bargaining power of suppliers. Most business organi- sations depend upon suppliers to some extent, whether to provide raw materials or simply stationery. Indeed, many businesses have extensive supply or ‘value chain’ networks (as we shall discuss later in this section). Such suppliers can have a significant and powerful effect on a business when:
■ there are relatively few suppliers in the market, reducing the ability of the firm to switch from one supply source to another;
■ there are no alternatives to the supplies they offer; ■ the prices of suppliers form a large part of the firm’s total
costs; ■ a supplier’s customers are small and fragmented, and as
such have little power over the supplying business.
Car dealers often find that car manufacturers can exert con- siderable pressure over them in terms of pricing, display and after-sales service.
KI 21 p 175
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The bargaining power of buyers. The bargaining power of companies that purchase a firm’s products will be greater when:
■ these purchasing companies are large and there are rela- tively few of them;
■ there are many other firms competing for their custom, and hence a firm that produces an undifferentiated product is likely to be more prone to ‘buyer power’ than one that produces a unique or differentiated product;
■ the costs for the purchasing companies of switching to other suppliers are low;
■ purchasing companies are able to backward integrate and effectively displace the supplying firm.
The UK grocery-retailing sector up until recently was dom- inated by a small number of large supermarket chains such as Tesco, Sainsbury and Asda Wal-Mart. These exert mas- sive levels of buyer power over farmers and food process- ing companies. Not only do such supermarkets dominate the market, but also they can normally find many alter- native supply sources, both domestic and international, at relatively low switching costs. Also, all the supermar- kets sell own-brand labels, either produced themselves or through agreement with existing manufacturers, and these are often sold at prices considerably below those of equivalent branded products (see Box 8.1 on page 125).
The threat of potential new entrants. The ability of new entrants to enter the marketplace depends largely upon the existence and effectiveness of various barriers to entry.
KI 1 p 10
Porter’s Five Forces ModelFigure 13.2
Source: Reprinted with the permission of the Free Press of Simon & Schuster, Inc., from Competitive Strategy: Techniques for Analyzing Industries and Competi- tors by Michael E. Porter. Copyright © 1980, 1988 by The Free Press. All Rights Reserved
BuyersSuppliers
Substitute products
Potential entrants
Industry competitors
Rivalry among existing firms
Threat of new entrants
Bargaining power of suppliers
Bargaining power of buyers
Threat of substitutes
These barriers to entry were described fully in section 11.3 (pages 182–4), but are listed here as a reminder:
■ economies of scale and scope; ■ product differentiation; ■ capital requirements; ■ lower costs of established firm; ■ ownership of/control over key factors of production; ■ ownership of/control over wholesale or retail outlets; ■ legal protection; ■ aggressive tactics and retaliation.
Barriers to entry tend to be very industry, product and market specific. Nevertheless, two useful generalisations can be made. First, companies with products that have a strong brand identity will often attempt to use this form of product differentiation to restrict competition; second, manufacturers will tend to rely on economies of scale and low costs as a basis for restricting competitive pressure.
The threat of substitutes. The availability of substitutes can be a major threat to a business and its profitability. Issues that businesses need to consider in relation to the availability of substitute products are:
■ the ability of and cost to customers of switching to the substitute;
■ the threat of competitors bringing out a more advanced or up-to-date product;
■ the impact that substitute products are likely to have on pricing policy.
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1 3 . 2 S T R A T E G I C A N A L Y S I S 2 2 3
The makers of games consoles such as Sony, Nintendo and Microsoft have had to face the arrival of substitutes into the market (as discussed in Box 14.1, page 234). People can now play games such as Minecraft and Candy Crush on their Smartphones and tablets instead of using a PlayStation 4 or Xbox One. The Steam download service owned by Valve also means that games such as Call of Duty can be down- loaded and played on a personal computer as a substitute to using a console.
The relatively good sales of static games consoles in 2014/15 suggest that they have been able to withstand the competition so far, whereas the sale of handheld consoles has fallen considerably. It is highly likely that another new substitute will enter the market. For example, the company Valve is working in partnership with more gaming-focused PC manufacturers to produce custom-built computers which can be plugged into a TV in the same way as a games console. Firms operating in the games console market will need to reconsider their strategies as the market continues to change.
The extent of competitive rivalry. The previous two chapters focused on market structure and were primarily concerned with how businesses respond to differing levels of competi- tion. Clearly the degree of competition a firm faces is a cru- cial element in shaping its strategic analysis. Competitive rivalry will be enhanced when there is the potential for new firms to enter the market, when there is a real threat from substitute products and when buyers and suppliers have some element of influence over the firm’s performance. In addition to this, competitive rivalry is likely to be enhanced in the following circumstances:
■ Competitors are of equal size. ■ Markets are growing slowly. This makes it difficult to
acquire additional sales without taking market share from rivals.
■ There are high fixed costs, which require the firm to gain a large market share in order to break even.
■ Productive capacity in an industry increases in large increments, often resulting in over-production in the short term. This adds to competitive pressure by putting downward pressure on prices.
■ Product differentiation is difficult to achieve; hence product switching by consumers is a real threat.
■ There are high exit costs. When a business invests in non-transferable fixed assets, such as highly specialist capital equipment, it may be reluctant to leave a market. It may thus compete fiercely to maintain its market posi- tion. On the other hand, as we have seen in the section on contestable markets (page 190), high exit costs may deter firms from entering a market in the first place and thus make the market less contestable.
■ There exists the possibility for merger and acquisition. This competition for corporate control may have consid- erable influence on the firm’s strategy.
Pause for thought
Given that the stronger the competitive forces, the lower the profit potential for firms, describe what five force characteris- tics an attractive and unattractive industry might have.
Limitations of the Five Forces Model One of the great values of the Five Forces Model is that it creates a structured framework for a business to analyse the strategic issues that it faces. However, it does have a number of weaknesses.
First, the Five Forces Model presents a largely static view of the business environment, whereas in reality it is likely to be constantly changing.
Second, the model starts from the premise that the busi- ness environment is a competitive threat to the business organisation, which, if the business is to be successful, needs to be manipulated in particular ways. Often, how- ever, success might be achievable not via competition but rather through co-operation and collaboration. For exam- ple, a business might set up close links with one of its major buyers; or businesses in an industry might establish links either to build barriers or to share costs via some form of collaborative research and development. In such instances, the business environment of the Five Forces Model might be viewed as a collaborative opportunity rather than a competitive threat. (The section on strategic alliances in Chapter 15 (section 15.6) will offer a fuller evaluation of collaborative business agreements.)
Finally, critics of the model argue that it fails to take suf- ficient account of the microenvironment of the organisa- tion and its human resources. For example, factors such as country culture and management skills might have a deci- sive impact on a firm’s choice of strategy and its successful implementation.
Value chain analysis and sustainable competitive advantage As with the Five Forces Model, value chain analysis was developed by Michael Porter, and as such the two con- cepts are closely related. A value chain shows how value is added to a product as it moves through each stage of production: from the raw material stage to its purchase by the final consumer. Value chain analysis is concerned with evaluating how each of the various operations within and around an organisation, such as handling
Definition
Value chain The stages or activities that help to create product value.
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inputs, manufacturing the product and marketing it, contributes to the competitive position of the business. Ultimately it is these value-creating activities which shape a firm’s strategic capabilities. A firm’s value chain can be split into two separate sets of activities: primary and support (see Figure 13.3).
Primary activities Primary activities are those directly concerned with the pro- duction, distribution and sales of the firm’s product. Such primary activities can be grouped into five categories:
■ Inbound logistics. Here we are concerned with the han- dling of inputs, storage and distribution of such inputs throughout the business.
■ Operations. These activities involve the conversion of inputs into the final product or service. Opera- tions might include manufacturing, packaging and assembly.
■ Outbound logistics. These are concerned with transferring the final product to the consumer. Such activities would include warehousing and transport.
KI 19 p 142
The value chainFigure 13.3
Inbound logistics
Operations
Outbound logistics
Marketing and sales
After-sales service
Fi rm
in fr
as tr
uc tu
re
Technological
developm ent
H um
an re
so ur
ce m
an ag
em en
t
Procurem ent
Definition
Logistics The process of managing the supply of inputs to a firm and the outputs from a firm to its customers.
■ Marketing and sales. This section of the value chain is concerned with bringing the product to the consumer’s attention and would involve product advertising and promotion.
■ Service. This can include activities such as installation and repair, as well as customer requirements such as training.
A business might attempt to add value to its activities by improving its performance in one or more of the above cat- egories. For example, it might attempt to lower production costs or be more efficient in outbound logistics.
Support activities Such primary activities are underpinned by support activ- ities. These are activities that do not add value directly to any particular stage within the value chain. They do, how- ever, provide support to such a chain and ensure that its various stages are undertaken effectively. Support activities include:
■ Procurement. This involves the acquisition of inputs by the firm.
■ Technological development. This includes activities within the business that support new product and process developments, such as the use of research departments.
■ Human resource management. Activities in this category include things such as recruitment, training, and the negotiation and determination of wage rates.
■ Firm infrastructure. This category includes activities such as financial planning and control systems, quality con- trol and information management.
As well as creating value directly themselves, most firms buy in certain value chain activities, such as employing another firm to do its advertising, or using an external delivery firm to distribute its products. The outsourcing of these activities might prove to be far more beneficial to a business than providing the activities itself. You can employ the best advertisers or the most efficient and reli- able distributors.
Thus the value system extends beyond the individual organisation and encompasses the value chains of all those individual businesses that the organisation might deal with. The implication is that the value chain and the value system may be highly complex, and the competitive posi- tion of a business may extend well beyond the immediate value chain of the organisation. This will have significant implications for the formulation and choice of business strategy.
Having now discussed the background to strategic anal- ysis, we can shift our focus to consider strategic choice and implementation. What strategies are potentially open to businesses and how do they choose the right ones and set about implementing them?
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1 3 . 3 S T R A T E G I C C H O I C E 2 2 5
Theories of strategic choice fall into two main categories: market based and resources based.
Market-based theories argue that strategic choices are ulti- mately determined by the competitive environment that the business faces. As such, understanding this competitive environment and identifying appropriate ways to deal with it will determine whether you are successful or not.
Resource-based theory also looks at the firm’s competitive position, but focuses on its internal situation. It considers how strategic decision making is affected by the ownership, control and use of an organisation’s resources. It is seen that such resources ultimately deliver profits and it is through a manipulation of such resources that a business can main- tain and enhance its competitive position.
Clearly market- and resource-based explanations of stra- tegic choice overlap and interact, and in practice most busi- nesses will attempt to evaluate both their resource base and the threats posed by competitors. However, the two types of explanation do address the issue of strategic choice from quite distinct starting points and this, as we shall see, affects the strategic solutions they offer.
Environment or market-based strategy As with many other areas in this field, our analysis of mar- ket-based theory starts with the observations of Michael Porter. As an extension of his Five Forces Model of compe- tition, Porter argued that there are three fundamental (or ‘generic’) strategies that a business might adopt:
■ cost leadership; ■ differentiation; ■ focus.
In order to identify which of these was the most appropri- ate strategy, a business would need to establish two things: (a) the basis of its competitive advantage – whether it lies in lower costs or differentiation; (b) the nature of the target market – is it broad or a distinct market niche?
Cost leadership As the title implies, a business that is a low-cost leader is able to manufacture and deliver its product more cheaply than its rivals, thereby gaining competitive advantage. The stra- tegic emphasis here is on driving out inefficiency at every stage of the value chain. ‘No-frills’ budget airlines, such as easyJet and Ryanair, are classic examples of companies that pursue a cost-leadership strategy.
A strategy based upon cost leadership may require a fundamentally different use of resources or organisational structure if the firm is to stay ahead of its rivals. Wal-Mart’s
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STRATEGIC CHOICE13.3
hub and spoke distribution system would be an example in point. Here the company distributes its products to shops from regional depots in order to minimise transport costs.
In addition, firms which base their operations on low costs in order to achieve low prices (although that may not necessarily be the aim of low costs) are unlikely to have a high level of brand loyalty. In other words, if customer choice is going to be driven largely by price, demand is likely to be relatively price elastic. Other virtues of the prod- uct that might tie in buyers, such as quality or after-sales service, are largely absent from such firms’ strategic goals.
Differentiation A differentiation strategy aims to emphasise and promote the uniqueness of the firm’s product. As such, high rather than low prices are often attached to such products. Prod- uct characteristics such as quality, design and reliability are the basis of the firm’s competitive advantage. Hence a strat- egy that adds to such differences and creates value for the customer needs to be identified.
Such a strategy might result in higher costs, especially in the short term, as the firm pursues constant product devel- opment through innovation, design and research. How- ever, with the ability to charge premium prices, revenues may increase more than costs: in other words, the firm may achieve higher profits. Mobile phone handset producers such as Apple and Samsung provide a good example. Even though they are in fierce competition with each other, both firms focus their strategy on trying to differentiate their products from their rival’s. This differentiation is in terms of features and performance, not price. Screen size, camera quality (megapixels), speakers, screen resolution, availa- bility of apps, operating systems, battery life and overall design are all characteristics used in the competitive battle.
Differentiation strategies are not, however, risk free. Pricing differentiated products can be problematic. At what point does the price premium for the product deter poten- tial buyers, such that the differentiated nature of the prod- uct is insufficient to outweigh such price considerations? The fact that tastes and fashion change could also have a sig- nificant impact upon the sales of a differentiated product.
Laura Ashley clothing was a case in point. In an attempt to differentiate itself from other high street clothing rivals, Laura Ashley promoted a strategy producing rather exclu- sive good-quality clothing for women, which was very feminine and rooted in a country lifestyle. During the early 1980s Laura Ashley’s profits grew as its differentiated product attracted a large following. But the fickle nature of fashion had turned by the early 1990s and Laura Ashley’s fashion products were seen as dated and stuffy.
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But while its differentiated product and brand image had become somewhat of a liability in the clothing market, the company has successfully diversified into the home decorations and furniture market. Here the existing brand image was used to create an affluent customer base.
Focus strategy Rather than considering a whole market as a potential for sales, a focus strategy involves identifying market niches and designing and promoting products for such niches. Such a strategy may or may not be applicable to other niches. As such, a business might pursue any number of dif- ferent strategies simultaneously for different market niches. In such cases, a business that does not hold a competitive advantage in a market in general may be able to identify distinct market segments in which it might exploit some advantage it might have over its rivals, whether in terms of costs, or product difference. Ben & Jerry’s ice cream would be a case in point. The mass low-cost ice-cream market is served by a number of large multinational food manu- facturers and processors, but the existence of niche high- q u a l i t y i c e - c r e a m m a r k e t s o f f e r s o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r companies like Ben & Jerry’s and Häagen-Dazs. By focusing on such consumers they are able to sell and market their product at premium prices.
Niche markets, however profitable, are by their nature small and as such are limited in their growth potential. Hence firms that focus upon niche market opportunities are likely to have limited growth prospects. There is also the possibility that niches shift or disappear over time. This would require businesses to be flexible in setting out their strategic position.
Sometimes a focus strategy may be combined with a cost-leadership strategy to develop a niche market into a mass market. Amazon.com, the online bookseller, was until relatively recently a business that had a clear cost focus strategy. With low overheads it was able to sell books at knockdown prices to online customers (its niche mar- ket segment) and over time, thanks to lower costs, lower prices and the spread of the Internet, this has become a mass market.
Resource-based strategy Resource-based strategy, as already mentioned, focuses on exploiting a firm’s internal organisation and production processes in order to develop its competitive advantage. It is the firm’s distinctiveness that sets it apart from its compet- itors. If a business does not have a distinctive feature then it needs to set about creating one.
Core competencies Core competencies are those skills, knowledge and tech- nologies that underpin the organisation’s competitive advantage. These competencies are likely to differ from one business to another, reflecting the uniqueness of each individual organisation, and ultimately determining its
Definition
Core competence The key skills of a business that under- pin its competitive advantage.
Pause for thought
Referring back to Box 13.1, what core competencies does Samsung have? Remember, you must justify a core competence in terms of all four listed criteria.
Core competencies. The key skills of a business that underpin its competitive advantage. A core compe- tence is valuable, rare, costly to imitate and non- substitutable. Firms will normally gain from exploiting their core competencies.
KEY IDEA
25
potential for success. Given these differences, how does a firm select an appropriate strategy?
When a firm has unique competencies, its strategy should seek to sustain and exploit these, whether in the design of the product or in its methods of production. In many cases, however, firms do not have any competencies that give them a distinctive competitive advantage, even though they may still be profitable. In such instances, s t r a t e g y o f t e n f o c u s e s u p o n e i t h e r d e v e l o p i n g s u c h resources or more effectively using the resources the firm already has.
What defines a core competence? A core competence must satisfy the following four capabil- ities to serve as a source of competitive advantage for the business. It must be:
■ valuable: a competence that helps the firm deal with threats or contributes to business opportunities;
■ rare: a competence or resource that is not possessed by competitors;
■ costly to imitate: a competence or resource that other firms find difficult to develop and copy;
■ non-substitutable: a competence or resource for which there is no alternative.
Clearly then, whether we adopt a market-based view of strategic choice or a resource-based view will have signifi- cant implications for how a firm can develop and exploit competitive advantage.
Before we consider issues of how to implement strategy, there is one dimension of the business environment that we need to consider and that is the impact of globalisation on the world economy in general and business activity in particular. Few businesses have been left untouched by the phenomenon. So how has globalisation affected strategic analysis and strategic choice?
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BOX 13.2 HYBRID STRATEGY
Are the big four UK supermarkets stuck in the middle?
For example, a large Tesco store will typically stock over 40 000 different product lines. This generates relatively high administration costs and hence higher prices. In contrast, companies such as Lidl and Aldi that focus on a strategy of cost leadership stock far fewer product lines – normally around 1600. This generates much lower administration costs and so enables the companies to charge lower prices. The recent success of the cost leadership strategy of Lidl and Aldi has seen their combined market share increase from 5.2 per cent in 2009 to 9.4 per cent in 2014. The hybrid strategies followed by the ‘big four’ supermarkets (Tesco, Asda, Morrisons, Sainsbury) that were once so successful have resulted in their combined market share falling from 75.6 per cent in 2009 to 71.6 per cent in 2014. A number of observers have commented that the big four are struggling because they are ‘stuck in the middle’ between the discounters at the bottom end of the market, and companies like Waitrose and Marks & Spencer in the higher-quality segment of the market. Another problem for the ‘big four’ is that an increasing num- ber of people are changing the way they buy their groceries. For a number of years the norm for many customers was to travel to a large out-of-town supermarket and do a weekly shop. Instead many shoppers are now buying online many of the basic goods they consume regularly, using their mobile phones or tablets. They then make more regular visits to local convenience stores to ‘top up’ on purchases of fresh goods. In April 2015, Tesco announced a record annual pre-tax loss of £6.4 billion for the year to the end of February. Around £4.7 billion of these losses were caused by a big fall in the property value of its UK stores – a direct consequence of far fewer people shopping at out-of-town supermarkets. Losses were also announced by Sainsbury’s and Morrisons.
1. Choose three supermarket chains and identify the strategy or strategies they adopt. To what extent have they changed over the past few years?
2. Do you feel the classification of business strategy options into cost leadership, differentiation and focus is adequate to describe the strategic approaches that businesses might adopt?
Michael Porter,2 in his analysis of alternative business strat- egies, suggested that it could be disastrous for a business to be ‘stuck in the middle’, having no clear strategic direction. Attempting both to differentiate its product and to offer lower prices would be a serious strategic error. According to Porter, consumers would be confused, as the business would have no clear market identity to which they could relate. His advice was to pick one strategy and stick with it exclusively. But is a single generic strategy always the best choice? Is a mixed strategy always inappropriate? Consumers often demand a range of product characteristics that cover not only issues such as quality and reliability, but also price and convenience. As such, businesses are often forced to adopt a strategic position that attempts to capture both difference and low prices simultaneously. Hybrid theories that focus on a combination of strategies are greatly influenced by the market in which the business is operating. Grocery retailing in the UK offers a clear example of hybrid strategy. The various supermarket chains not only look to differentiate themselves from their rivals in terms of the look and feel of their stores, customer service, and loyalty schemes such as Sainsbury’s Nectar card and Tesco’s Clubcard, but also compete fiercely over price. Then there is the range of their products. At the ‘bottom’ end of the range, with their own-branded ‘basic’ products, the supermarkets compete primarily in terms of price (e.g. the Tesco ‘Value’ and Morrisons ‘M Savers’ ranges). But with more upmarket products, they compete in terms of the variety of lines stocked and their quality (e.g. Asda’s ‘Extra Special’ and Sainsbury’s ‘Taste the Difference’ ranges). A mixed strategy that appears to work well in a market at one point in time might not be so effective if conditions change. This appears to be the case in the grocery market. The impact of the recession and the continued squeeze on consumer incomes during the economic recovery appears to have made many customers more price sensitive. One downside with following a hybrid strategy is that it means the business has to offer a large number of different products.
2 M. E. Porter, Competitive Advantage: Creating and Sustaining Superior Performance (Free Press, 1985).
BUSINESS STRATEGY IN A GLOBAL ECONOMY13.4
In many respects a firm’s global strategy is simply an exten- sion of its strategy within its own domestic market. However, opening up to global markets can present many new busi- ness opportunities: access to new markets, new customers, new supply sources, new ideas and skills. In addition to such opportunities, the global marketplace can also present com- petitive threats, as new market entrants from abroad arrive with lower costs, innovative products and marketing, or some other core competency which the domestic firm finds diffi- cult to match. In this section we explore the strategic implica- tions for business in facing up to the global economic system.
Why go global? The following are reasons why a business may wish to expand beyond its domestic market.
Market size International markets can potentially offer a business massive new opportunities for growth and expansion. Such markets would be particularly attractive to a business where domes- tic growth opportunities are limited as a result of either the maturity of the market or shifting consumer taste. Businesses that conduct extensive research and development (R&D) would also be attracted to larger markets as potential returns can be used to offset the firm’s R&D investment costs and risk.
Increased profitability Expanding beyond the domestic economy offers a number of opportunities for increasing profits.
Location economies. The internationalisation of a firm’s value chain would enable it to place each value-creating
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activity in the most appropriate or effective geographic location. So if production costs are lower in one country, it could locate production there. If another country has the specialist skills to offer superior product design and research facilities, then these functions could be located there. Nike, the US training shoe and sportswear manufacturer, under- takes most of its manufacturing at production sites in South East Asia. However, product innovation and research, along with marketing and promotion, are largely undertaken in the USA.
As businesses relocate many dimensions of their value chain, the structure and organisation of the business takes on a web-like appearance, with its various operations being spread throughout the world.
Pause for thought
Identify some of the potential strengths and weaknesses of businesses having their value chains located in a variety of different countries.
Scope for significant cost reductions. It is widely observed that over the life cycle of a product a firm’s average costs fall. This is partly the result of economies of scale as the firm gets bigger and plants can specialise in particular functions. Clearly, these cost reductions can be greater by expanding globally.
Cost reductions over time are also the result of what is known as ‘learning by doing’. This is where skills and productivity improve with experience. Such learning effects apply not only to workers in production, sales, distribution, etc., but also to managers, who learn to develop more efficient forms of organisation. When a firm expands globally, there may be more scope for learn- ing by doing. For example, if a firm employs low-cost labour in developing countries, initially the lower cost per worker will to some extent be offset by lower produc- tivity. As learning by doing takes place, and productivity increases, so initial small cost advantages may become much more substantial.
Using core competencies. A firm may be able to exploit its core competencies in competing effectively in global markets. The firm might look to expanding first in those countries where it has a clear competitive advantage over already established companies. Wal-Mart’s logistic expertise is one example of a business that might exploit such an advan- tage, in particular overseas markets.
Learning from experience in diverse markets. Successful busi- nesses will learn from their global operations, copying or amending production techniques, organisation, marketing, etc. from one country to another as appropriate. In other words, they can draw lessons from experiences in one coun- try for use in another.
KI 25 p 226
Spreading risk (diversification) Clearly one of the main reasons a business might have for going global is to spread risk, avoiding being overly reliant on any specific market or geographic region. As such, fall- ing profitability in one region of the global economy might be effectively offset by improved or more favourable eco- nomic conditions elsewhere.
Brewery companies have diversified globally in order to reduce their reliance on domestic markets, which in recent years have been growing either very slowly or contracting. For example, SABMiller, the second biggest brewer in the world, posted half yearly profits to 30 September 2014 of $1.97 billion: a 15 per cent rise on a year earlier. This was despite falling sales of lager in Europe and Asia. They were able to do this because of strongly growing sales in both Africa and Latin America.
Keeping up with rivals Increasingly it seems that the globalisation of business is like a game of competitive leapfrog, with businesses having to look overseas in order to maintain their com- petitive position in respect to their rivals. A fiercely competitive global environment, in which small cost dif- ferences or design improvements can mean the difference between business success and failure, ensures that strate- gic thinking within a global context is high on the busi- ness agenda.
It would seem that at this point we need to raise a few notes of caution regarding the adoption of a global strategy. It is clearly not without its potential pitfalls. Within any global strategy there exists a high degree of both economic and political risk. Investing in developing economies or emerg- ing markets, such as China, is likely to be much riskier than investing in developed market economies. However, it is often within emerging markets that the greatest returns are achieved. It is essentially this trade-off between potential returns and risk that a firm needs to consider in its strategic decisions.
A global business will need a strategy for effectively embracing foreign cultures and traditions into its working practices, and for devising an efficient system for global logistics. Some businesses may be more suited to deal with such global issues than others.
The global strategy trade-off A firm’s drive to reduce costs and enhance profitability by embracing a global strategy is tempered by one critical consideration – the need to meet the demands of custom- ers in foreign markets. To minimise costs, a firm may seek to standardise its product and its operations throughout the world. However, to meet foreign buyers’ needs and respond to local market conditions, a firm may be required to differentiate both its product and its operations, such as marketing. In such cases, customisation will add to costs
KI 14 p 82
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S U M M A R Y 2 2 9
and generate a degree of duplication within the business. If a business is required to respond to local market condi- tions in many different markets, it might be faced with significantly higher costs. But if it fails to take into account the uniqueness of the market in which it wishes to sell, it may lose market share.
The trade-off between cost reduction and local respon- siveness can be a key strategic consideration for a firm when
KI 3 p 23
selling or producing overseas. As a general rule we tend to find that cost pressures are greatest in those markets where price is the principal competitive weapon. Where product differentiation is high, and attributes such as quality or some other non-price factor predominates within the com- petitive process, local responsiveness will tend to shape business thinking. In other words, cost considerations will tend to be secondary.
STRATEGY: EVALUATION AND IMPLEMENTATION13.5
Evaluation In deciding what strategy to pursue, global or otherwise, the business will need to evaluate the alternatives open to it. How feasible are they? Are they acceptable strategic goals given the business’s mission and vision and other stake- holder demands? How will the strategy contribute to the business’s competitive position?
If the choice of strategy is deliberate or prescriptive, i.e. planned in advance, then evaluation tools such as invest- ment appraisal and cost–benefit analysis (CBA) might be used to help identify the best strategy (see section 19.3). Most strategies, however, tend to be emergent: in other words, they evolve over time as conditions change and as the success or otherwise of the firm’s decisions becomes apparent. The result is that techniques such as investment appraisal have limited value, given the incomplete infor- mation available at the time an appraisal is conducted.
Implementation When a business considers implementing a strategy this often involves an assessment of three areas:
■ resourcing; ■ business culture and structure; ■ managing change.
Resourcing All businesses need to evaluate the resource implica- tions of their strategic choices. What resources will be required? Where might such resources be drawn from within the organisation? What new resources will need to be brought into the organisation? From where will the finance for such resources come? Predictably, the more adventurous the strategy, the greater the impact on resources it is likely to have.
KI 8 p 42
Business culture and structure Similarly, the more radical the strategic shift, the greater the impact this is likely to have on a business’s culture and structure. Is the organisation of the business flexible enough to adapt to the new strategic demands placed upon it? This might be particularly relevant if the strategic shift in the business is towards a greater focus on the global marketplace.
Managing change Managing change can be both difficult and time-consum- ing. With change often comes uncertainty for employees, especially if the changes are not understood or managers are not trusted. The greater the uncertainty, the more dif- ficult managing change becomes. In addition to barriers to change from employees, there may be organisational barri- ers. Entrenched power structures and control systems may be quite unsuitable for the new strategy. There may need to be fundamental organisational restructuring before the new strategy can be implemented.
In this chapter we have introduced you to the basic princi- ples underpinning the determination, choice and evalua- tion of business strategy. This is a massive subject area, and we can only hope to cover a small fraction of the material here. However, from what we have covered you can see how the market environment in which a business operates has a significant impact on its strategic behaviour – and it is such behaviour that ultimately determines its success.
As we have seen, one key factor in determining a busi- ness’s choice of strategy is its vision and mission – in other words, its aims. In traditional microeconomic theory the firm is assumed to aim for maximum profit. In the next chapter we turn to ‘alternative theories of the firm’. These examine the effects of pursuing aims other than simple profit maximisation, especially on prices and output.
KI 1 p 10
SUMMARY
1a Business strategy describes the way in which an organ- isation addresses its fundamental challenges over the medium to long term.
1b Strategy can be understood in many ways. It can be a plan, a ploy, a pattern of behaviour, a position in respect to others, a perspective, or any combination of them. ▲
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REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 What do you understand by the term ‘business strategy’? 2 Explain why different types of business will see strategic
management in different ways. Give examples. 3 Outline the Five Forces Model of competition. Identify
both the strengths and weaknesses of analysing industry in this manner.
4 Distinguish between a business’s primary and support activities in its value chain. Why might a business be inclined to outsource its support activities? Can you see any weaknesses in doing this?
5 Explain what is meant by a business’s vision and mission. What implications might different missions have for its strategic decision making?
6 Distinguish between a market-based and a resource- based view of strategic choice.
7 What do you understand by the term ‘core competence’ when applied to a business?
8 How might going global affect a business’s strategic decision making?
9 ‘Going global, thinking local.’ Explain this phrase, and identify the potential conflicts for a business in behaving in this way.
10 Why is the choice of business strategy and its potential for success difficult to evaluate?
11 When implementing a business strategy, what issues does it raise for a firm?
1c Strategic management differs from operational man- agement (the day-to-day running of the business) as it focuses on issues which affect the whole business, usually over the long term.
1d Strategic management is composed of three components: strategic analysis (factors affecting business performance), strategic choice (the formulation and evaluation of alter- native sources of action) and strategic implementation (how strategic choices are put into effect).
1e Different strategic issues will face different types of business, depending on whether they are large or small, manufacturing or service providers, domestic or multina- tional, private sector or public sector, and whether they are for-profit or not-for-profit organisations.
2a The Five Forces Model of competition identifies those factors that are most likely to influence the competi- tive environment of a business. The five forces are: the bargaining power of suppliers, the bargaining power of buyers, the threat of potential new entrants, the threat of substitutes and the extent of competitive rivalry.
2b The weakness of the Five Forces Model is that not only is it a static view of the business environment, but also it does not see the business environment as a collaborative oppor- tunity but merely as a competitive threat. Critics also argue that it underplays the impact of country culture and man- agement skills on strategic choice and implementation.
2c A business value chain shapes its strategic capabilities. The value chain can be split into primary and support activities. Primary activities are those that directly create value, such as operations and marketing and sales. Support activities are those that underpin value creation in other areas, such as procurement and human resource management.
2d A business’s vision and mission are shaped by a number of considerations: in whose interest the business is run,
the influence of different stakeholder groups, the pre- vailing ethical expectations of society or the business owners, and the cultural context of the environment in which the organisation operates.
3a Strategic choices are determined either by the com- petitive nature of the environment within which the organisation operates, or by the internal resources con- trolled by the business. Strategic choice often involves a consideration of both internal and external factors.
3b Environment- or market-based strategies are of three types: cost-leadership strategy, where competitiveness is achieved by lower costs; differentiation strategy, where the business promotes the uniqueness of its product; focus strategy, where competitiveness is achieved by identifying market niches and tailoring products for different groups of consumers.
3c The resource-based view of strategy involves identifying core competencies as the key to a business’s competitive advantage. A core competence will be valuable, rare, costly to imitate and non-substitutable.
4a A firm might go global in order to increase market size, increase profitability, spread risk and keep up with rivals.
4b When a firm does go global it must weigh up the poten- tial benefits against ensuring it meets the local markets’ needs. There is a trade-off between cost reduction and local responsiveness.
5a The impact of a chosen strategy is difficult to evaluate, as the strategy often evolves over time as conditions change.
5b When implementing a strategy, a business must consider the following: the resource implications of the strategic choice, how the strategic choice might fit (or not fit) into existing business culture and structure, and the diffi- culties in managing the change resulting from the new strategic direction of the business.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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Alternative theories of the firm
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ Why is it often difficult for a firm to identify its profit-maximising price and output? ■ Why may managers pursue goals other than maximising profit? ■ What other goals might they pursue? ■ What will be the effect of alternative business objectives on price and output? ■ Why might businesses have multiple objectives and, if they do, how do they reconcile conflicts between them?
PROBLEMS WITH TRADITIONAL THEORY 14.1
The traditional profit-maximising theories of the firm have been criticised for being unrealistic. The criticisms are mainly of two sorts: (a) that firms wish to maximise profits, but for some reason or other are unable to do so; or (b) that firms have aims other than profit maximisation. Let us examine each in turn.
Difficulties in maximising profit One criticism of traditional theory sometimes put forward is that firms do not use MR and MC concepts. This may be true, but firms could still arrive at maximum profit by trial and error adjustments of price, or by finding the output where TR and TC are furthest apart. Provided they end up maximising profits, they will be equating MC and MR , even if they do not know it!
In mature industries, where all firms have access to simi- lar technology, an evolutionary process may ensure that the firms which survive are the ones closest to profit maximi- sation. Firms that are not maximising profits will be forced
out of the market by their more profitable rivals. In this case, traditional models will still be useful in predicting price and output.
Lack of information The main difficulty in trying to maximise profits is a lack of information.
Firms may well use accountants’ cost concepts not based on opportunity cost (see section 9.1) . If it is thereby impos- sible to measure true profit, a firm will not be able to max- imise profit except by chance.
More importantly, firms are unlikely to know pre- cisely (or even approximately) their demand curves and hence their MR curves. Even though (presumably) they will know how much they are selling at the moment, this only gives them one point on their demand curve and no point at all on their MR curve. In order to make even an informed guess about marginal revenue, they must have some idea of how responsive demand will be to a change in price. But how are they to estimate this price elasticity?
KI 8 p 42
C h
a p
te r14
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Market research may help. But even this is frequently very unreliable.
The biggest problem in estimating the firm’s demand curve is in estimating the actions and reactions of other firms and their effects. Collusion between oligopolists or price leadership would help, but there will still be a consid- erable area of uncertainty, especially if the firm faces com- petition from abroad or from other industries.
Game theory may help a firm decide its price and out- put strategy: it may choose to pursue a risky strategy of, say, aggressively competing with rivals, but one which poten- tially might yield high profits if it wins the competitive bat- tle; or it may instead go for the safe strategy of making few if any changes, but getting probably at least reasonable prof- its. But even this assumes that it knows the consequences for its profits of each of the possible reactions of its rivals. In reality, it will not even have this information to any degree of certainty, because it simply will not be able to predict just how consumers will respond to each of its rivals’ alternative reactions.
KI 23 p 197
KI 14 p 82
Pause for thought
What cost concepts are there other than those based on opportunity cost? Would the use of these concepts be likely to lead to an output greater or less than the profit- maximising one?
Time period Finally, there is the problem in deciding the time period over which the firm should be seeking to maximise profits. Firms operate in a changing environment. Demand curves shift; supply curves shift. Some of these shifts occur as a result of factors outside the firm’s control, such as changes in competitors’ prices and products, or changes in technol- ogy. Some, however, change as a direct result of a firm’s policies, such as an advertising campaign, the develop- ment of a new improved product, or the installation of new equipment.
The firm is not, therefore, faced with static cost and reve- nue curves from which it can read off its profit-maximising price and output. Instead it is faced with a changing (and often highly unpredictable) set of curves. If it chooses a price and an output that maximise profits this year, it may as a result jeopardise profits in the future.
Take a simple example. The firm may be considering whether to invest in new expensive equipment. If it does, its costs will rise in the short run and thus short-run prof- its will fall. On the other hand, if the quality of the prod- uct thereby increases, demand is likely to increase over the longer run. Also variable costs are likely to decrease if the new equipment is more efficient. In other words, long-run profit is likely to increase, but probably by a highly uncer- tain amount.
G i v e n t h e s e e x t r e m e p r o b l e m s i n d e c i d i n g profit-maximising price and output, firms may adopt simple rules of thumb for pricing. (These are examined in Chapter 17.)
Alternative aims An even more fundamental attack on the traditional theory of the firm is that firms do not even aim to maximise profits (even if they could).
The traditional theory of the firm assumes that it is the owners of the firm that make price and output decisions. It is reasonable to assume that owners will want to maximise profits: this much most of the critics of the traditional the- ory accept. The question is, however, whether the owners do in fact make the decisions.
In public limited companies there is generally a sep- aration of ownership and control (see Chapter 3). The shareholders are the owners and presumably will want the firm to maximise profits so as to increase their div- idends and the value of their shares. Shareholders elect directors. Directors in turn employ professional manag- ers, who are often given considerable discretion in mak- ing decisions. But what are the objectives of managers? Will they want to maximise profits, or will they have some other aim?
Managers may be assumed to want to maximise their own utility. This may well involve pursuits that conflict with profit maximisation. They may, for example, pursue higher salaries, greater power or prestige, better working condi- tions, greater sales, etc. Different managers in the same firm may well pursue different aims.
Managers will still have to ensure that sufficient profits are made to keep shareholders happy, but that may be very different from maximising profits.
Alternative theories of the firm to those of profit max- imisation, therefore, tend to assume that large firms are profit satisficers. That is, managers strive hard for a mini- mum target level of profit, but are less interested in profits above this level.
Such theories fall into two categories: first, those the- ories that assume that firms attempt to maximise some other aim, provided that sufficient profits are achieved (these are examined in section 14.2); and second, those theories that assume that firms pursue a number of poten- tially conflicting aims, of which sufficient profit is merely one (these theories are examined in section 14.3).
KI 7 p 38
Definition
Profit satisficing Where decision makers in a firm aim for a target level of profit rather than the absolute maxi- mum level.
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Long-run profit maximisation The traditional theory of the firm is based on the assump- tion of short-run profit maximisation. Many actions of firms may be seen to conflict with this aim and yet could be consistent with the aim of long-run profit maximisation. For example, policies to increase the size of the firm or the firm’s share of the market may involve heavy advertising or low prices to the detriment of short-run profits. But if this results in the firm becoming larger, with a larger share of the market, the resulting economic power may enable the firm to make larger profits in the long run.
At first sight, a theory of long-run profit maximisation would seem to be a realistic alternative to the traditional short-run profit-maximisation theory. In practice, however, the theory is not a very useful predictor of firms’ behaviour and is very difficult to test.
A claim by managers that they were attempting to maximise long-run profits could be an excuse for virtually any policy. When challenged as to why the firm had, say, undertaken expensive research, or high-cost investment, or engaged in a damaging price war, the managers could reply: ‘Ah, yes, but in the long run it will pay off.’ This is very diffi- cult to refute (until it is too late!).
Even if long-run profit maximisation is the prime aim, the means of achieving it are extremely complex. The firm will need a plan of action for prices, output, investment, etc., stretching from now into the future. But today’s prices and marketing decisions affect tomorrow’s demand. Therefore, future demand curves cannot be taken as given. Similarly, today’s investment decisions will affect tomorrow’s costs. Therefore, future cost curves cannot be taken as given. These shifts in demand and cost curves will be very difficult to esti- mate with any precision. Quite apart from this, the actions of competitors, suppliers, unions and so on are difficult to predict. Thus the picture of firms making precise calcula- tions of long-run profit-maximising prices and outputs is a false one.
It may be useful, however, simply to observe that firms, when making current price, output and investment deci- sions, try to judge the approximate effect on new entrants, consumer demand, future costs, etc., and try to avoid deci- sions that would appear to conflict with long-run profits. Often this will simply involve avoiding making decisions (e.g. cutting price) that may stimulate an unfavourable reaction from rivals (e.g. rivals cutting their price).
Managerial utility maximisation One of the most influential of the alternative theories of the firm, managerial utility maximisation, was developed by O. E. Williamson1 in the 1960s. Williamson argued that, provided satisfactory levels of profit are achieved, managers
ALTERNATIVE MAXIMISING THEORIES14.2
1 The Economics of Discretionary Behaviour (Prentice Hall, 1964), p. 3.
often have the discretion to choose what policies to pursue. In other words, they are free to pursue their own interests. And what are the managers’ interests? To maximise their own utility, argued Williamson.
Williamson identified a number of factors that affect a manager’s utility. The four main ones were salary, job secu- rity, dominance (including status, power and prestige) and professional excellence.
Of these only salary is directly measurable. The rest have to be measured indirectly. One way of doing this is to exam- ine managers’ expenditure on various items, and in par- ticular on staff, on perks (such as a company car and a plush office) and on discretionary investment. The greater the level of expenditure by managers on these items, the greater is likely to be their status, power, prestige, professional excel- lence and job security, and hence utility.
Having identified the factors that influence a manag- er’s utility, Williamson developed several models in which managers seek to maximise their utility. He used these models to predict managerial behaviour under various con- ditions and argued that they performed better than tradi- tional profit-maximising theory.
One important conclusion was that average costs are likely to be higher when managers have the discretion to pursue their own utility. For example, perks and unneces- sarily high staffing levels add to costs. On the other hand, the resulting ‘slack’ allows managers to rein in these costs in times of low demand (see page 239). This enables them to maintain their profit levels. To support these claims he con- ducted a number of case studies. These did indeed show that staff and perks were cut during recessions and expanded during booms, and that new managers were frequently able to reduce staff levels without influencing the productivity of firms.
Sales revenue maximisation (short run) Perhaps the most famous of all alternative theories of the firm is that developed by William Baumol in the late 1950s.
KI 6 p 37
Definitions
Long-run profit maximisation An alternative theory which assumes that managers aim to shift cost and rev- enue curves so as to maximise profits over some longer time period.
Managerial utility maximisation An alternative theory which assumes that managers are motivated by self-interest. They will adopt whatever policies are per- ceived to maximise their own utility.
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BOX 14.1 IN SEARCH OF LONG-RUN PROFITS
The video games war
Traditional economic theory argues that firms will seek to maximise their short-run profits, and therefore adopt a range of strategies to achieve this goal. There are, however, plenty of examples from the world of business to suggest that firms often take a longer-term perspective. One example is the long-running video games war between the big three compa- nies in the industry – Sony, Nintendo and Microsoft.
The static games console market Market share in the static console games market fluctuates between the different models produced by the big three businesses. New console developments, which occur every few years, have a dramatic impact on the shape of the indus- try. For example, Nintendo was the industry leader with its GameCube until the mid-1990s when Sony launched its Play- Station 1. Sony retained its position as market leader when it released the PlayStation 2 in 2000. This became the most successful static game console of all time and has sold over 155 million units worldwide. However, Sony faced new competition when Microsoft entered the market for the first time in November 2001 with the Xbox, and became the market leader in 2006 with the introduction of the Xbox360. This seventh generation console was released 12 months ahead of those of its rivals, at a price of £209 for the basic model and £280 for the premium model. Sony suf- fered technical difficulties with the launch of the PlayStation 3 and failed to deliver it on schedule. It also priced the con- sole significantly above its rival at £425. Nintendo released the Wii in November 2006 at a price of £179. The company targeted a much wider audience of casual and non-gamers as well as hard-core gamers. Its innovative movement sensor play system helped to catapult it into first place in the market. By 2007 its sales had already surpassed
those of the Xbox360 even though it was released a year later. It sold over 22 million units worldwide in both 2008 and 2009 and has sold over 100 million units in total. Although its sales fell very rapidly after 2010 (see chart (a)), research carried out by Mintel in 20142 indicates that it is still the most widely owned games console in the UK. Between 2012 and 2013 the ‘big three’ released the eighth generation of games consoles onto the market. Nintendo released the WiiU in November 2012. The basic edition of the console was priced at £250 in the UK. Sony released the PlayStation 4 (PS4) in November 2013 for a price of £349 in the UK and $399 in the USA. Microsoft released the Xbox One in the same month for a price of £429 in the UK and $499 in the US. As illustrated in chart (a), the sales of the WiiU console have proved rather disappointing for Nintendo and the company reported a loss of £57 million for the second quarter of 2014. The company had forecast sales for 2013/14 of 9 million consoles but only sold 2.7 million despite cutting the price by $50. The PS4 has been much more successful. It has outsold its key rivals by quite some margin. In the financial year 2013/14 Sony sold more games consoles than Nintendo for the first time in eight years. It reported profits of £148 million for the second quarter of 2014. The sales performance of the Xbox One has been in between its two leading rivals. One initial problem was its price – it was $100 more expensive than the PS4 in the USA and £80 more expensive in the UK. Only three months after its launch, Microsoft reduced the price of the console in the UK to £399.
0
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2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015
PS3
Wii
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PS4
WiiU
XBoxOne
(a) Global sales of static consoles per year
2 ‘Video games – UK’, Mintel, November 2014.
Source: Based on data in ‘2015 Year on Year Sales and Market Share Update’, VGChartz, 14 January 2016
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IN SEARCH OF LONG-RUN PROFITS
It also offered a cheaper version of the product without the Kinect camera for motion tracking. The Xbox One actually outsold the PS4 in November and December 2014 but the PS4 considerably outsold the Xbox One in 2015. As of January 2016, the cumulative sales of the three consoles since they were first launched was as follows – 35.3 million PS4s, 19.2 million Xbox Ones and 12.4 million WiiUs.
The market for mobile gaming hardware The other strand of the market is the mobile gaming sector, and this segment has seen the most significant changes in the past few years. Traditionally it was dominated by handheld consoles and in particular those produced by Nintendo. The original Gameboy was launched in 1989 and sold nearly 120 million units. Nintendo then introduced the DS in 2004 which became the best-selling handheld console of all time with total sales of over 150 million. The 3DS was released in 2011. Sony also successfully entered this market in 2004 with its own handheld console, the PlayStation Portable PSP, which was described as the first real competitor to challenge Nintendo’s domination. It has sold over 82 million units. Sony launched the PS Vita in 2011. Unlike in the static games consoles market, Microsoft has never entered the mobile segment of the market. Chart (b) clearly shows how the demand for these handheld consoles has fallen dramatically in the past few years. In 2009 approximately 39.5 million units were sold. This fell to 12.5 million in 2014. The PS Vita has sold fewer units in three years than the PSP did in just its first four months. The major reason for this decline in the sales of handheld consoles is the increased competition in the mobile gaming sector from smartphones and tablets.
Gaming with smartphones and tablets. The launch of the iPhone in 2007, which enabled consumers to play games on the device, changed the mobile gaming market dramatically. Just 100 days after Apple launched its online App Store in late 2008, there had been 200 million downloads. By October 2014 this figure had risen to a staggering 85 billion. Google Play Store also had 50 billion downloads over the same period. In 2014 the revenue generated from games on smartphones and tablets was $25 billion.3 It is forecast to exceed the revenue generated from console titles in 2015. Out of the top ten paid apps that were downloaded onto iPads in the USA in 2014, nine were games. These included Mine- craft, Cut the Rope 2, Heads Up! and Plants vs Zombies.4
The secret of success The gaming market is a rich source of income and has grown rapidly in recent times. Mintel5 estimated that the video game market in the UK was worth £2.2 billion in 2014 and projected that it would increase to £5.4 billion in 2019. In its Internet survey in 2014 it found that 21 per cent of the respondents aged 16 and over in the UK classed themselves as regular gam- ers (play once a week but not every day), 8 per cent classed themselves as hard-core gamers (play every day or most days), 24 per cent classed themselves as casual or social gamers (play every now and then) while 40 per cent classed themselves as non-gamers.
(b) Global sales of handheld consoles per year
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DS
PSP
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PSVita
Source: Based on data in ‘2015 Year on Year Sales and Market Share Update’, VGChartz, 14 January 2016
3 ‘Quarterly global games market update’, Newzoo, October 2014. 4 ‘Apple outs most downloaded apps of 2014’, gadgets.NDTV.com,
25 December 2014. 5 ‘Video games – UK’, Mintel, November 2014.
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This is the theory of sales revenue maximisation. Unlike the theories of long-run profit maximisation and manage- rial utility maximisation, it is easy to identify the price and output that meet this aim – at least in the short run.
S o w h y s h o u l d m a n a g e r s w a n t t o m a x i m i s e t h e i r firm’s sales revenue? The answer is that the success of managers, and especially sales managers, may be judged according to the level of the firm’s sales. Sales figures are an obvious barometer of the firm’s health. Managers’ sal- aries, power and prestige may depend directly on sales revenue. The firm’s sales representatives may be paid commission on their sales. Thus sales revenue maximisa- tion may be a more dominant aim in the firm than profit maximisation, particularly if it has a dominant sales department.
KI 7 p 38
Definition
Sales revenue maximisation An alternative theory of the firm which assumes that managers aim to maximise the firm’s short-run total revenue.
Most games are now available to download, and sales through this medium have risen rapidly. Of the £2.45 billion spent on games in 2014, just over £1.5 billion came from digital downloads. This was an increase of 18.8 per cent on the previous year, whereas the sale of physical games fell by 6.6 per cent.
Online gaming. Another important feature of these best-sell- ing static and mobile gaming machines is online gaming capability and global connectivity. Console owners can play a favourite game online against a stranger in another part of the world. Moreover, connection to the Internet has facilitated a move towards the use of consoles as ‘digital entertainment centres’, in which users can download content, including TV channels, films and music.
All three companies – Nintendo, Sony and Microsoft – know how to be successful in the gaming industry: technological excellence and innovation, appropriate pricing strategies and visionary marketing. With the increased competition from smartphones and iPads some people predicted the end of the console market in 2013. However, a year after their launch, the combined sales of the PS4 and Xbox One are 60 per cent higher than those of the PS3 and Xbox360 a year after their launch. The release of Super Smash Bros. in November 2014 also helped to boost sales of the WiiU. Perhaps the biggest challenge to the big three static console producers will come from the company Valve, which is work- ing with PC manufacturers to produce custom-built computers which can be plugged into a TV. It already operates the Steam download service. Both Nintendo and Sony have found it more difficult to deal with the increasing competition from smartphones and tab- lets in the mobile gaming market.
1. What factors have affected the price elasticity of demand for static and handheld games consoles?
2. How does the maximisation of long-run profits conflict with the maximisation of short-run profits?
3. What factors might favour collusion in the video games market? What factors might make collusion unlikely?
A study by the Internet Advertising Bureau, published in September 2014, reported that seven in ten people in Britain had played a video game in the previous six months. It also found that more people aged 44 and over were playing games than children and teenagers. The research findings also indicated that more females (52 per cent) were playing games than men (48 per cent).
The importance of the games themselves. Static and mobile console sales are only successful if they have games and other features that are attractive to consumers. Therefore the relation- ship between the companies that produce the games and those that make the consoles is an important one. The games are actually written and produced by game devel- opers. Writing games is a time-consuming and expensive process. Sometimes games developers receive funding from a games publisher which then releases and markets the games. Game developers may be employed by an independent com- pany, a games publisher or one of the console producers. For example an independent development company called Infinity Ward created the famous game – Call of Duty. It received significant funding from the publisher Activision to help finance the costs of writing the game. The day after Call of Duty was released in 2003, Infinity Ward was purchased by Activision and so became a division of this publisher. Bungie was also an independent company that was develop- ing the game Halo in 2000. Before Halo was completed and released the company was purchased by Microsoft and so became a division of that console producer. Bungie split from Microsoft and became an independent company again in 2010 and entered into a 10-year deal with Activision. It recently produced the game Destiny. Some games are exclusive to a particular console because the game developers work directly for that company. This was the case with Halo, which is available only for the Xbox, Gran Turismo, which is available only for the PlayStation and Mario games (Mario Kart 8, Super Mario 3D World), which are availa- ble only for Nintendo consoles. Games that are released by a games publisher are often avail- able on different consoles and so tend to be the most popular. For example, the three biggest selling games in the UK in 2014 were FIFA15, released by EA Sports, Call of Duty: Advanced War- fare, released by Activision, and Grand Theft Auto V, released by RockStar Games.
Sales revenue will be maximised at the top of the TR curve at output Q1 in Figure 14.1. Profits, by contrast, would be maximised at Q2. Thus, for given total revenue and total cost curves, sales revenue maximisation will tend to lead to a higher output and a lower price than profit maximisation.
The firm will still have to make sufficient profits, however, to keep the shareholders happy. Thus firms can be seen to be operating with a profit constraint. They are profit satisficers.
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Sales revenue maximising outputFigure 14.1
TC
TR
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£
O
Sales revenue maximising with a profit constraint
Figure 14.2
Total profit
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Definition
Growth maximisation An alternative theory which assumes that managers seek to maximise the growth in sales revenue (or the capital value of the firm) over time.
The effect of this profit constraint is illustrated in Figure 14.2. The diagram shows a total profit curve. (This is found by simply taking the difference between TR and TC at each output.) Assume that the minimum acceptable profit is P (whatever the output). Any output greater than Q3 will give a profit less than P. Thus the sales revenue maximiser who is also a profit satisficer will produce Q3 not Q1. Note, however, that this output is still greater than the profit-maximising output Q2.
If the firm could maximise sales revenue and still make more than the minimum acceptable profit, it would probably spend this surplus profit on advertising to increase revenue further. This would have the effect of shifting the TR curve upward and also the TC curve (since advertising costs money).
S a l e s r e v e n u e m a x i m i s a t i o n w i l l t e n d t o i n v o l v e more advertising than profit maximisation. Ideally the
profit-maximising firm will advertise up to the point where the marginal revenue of advertising equals the marginal cost of advertising (assuming diminishing returns to adver- tising). The firm aiming to maximise sales revenue will go beyond this, since further advertising, although costing more than it earns the firm, will still add to total revenue. The firm will continue advertising until surplus profits above the minimum have been used up.
Growth maximisation Rather than aiming to maximise short-run revenue, manag- ers may take a longer-term perspective and aim for growth maximisation in the size of the firm. They may gain util- ity directly from being part of a rapidly growing ‘dynamic’ organisation; promotion prospects are greater in an expanding organisation, since new posts tend to be created; large firms may pay higher salaries; managers may obtain greater power in a large firm.
Growth is probably best measured in terms of a growth in sales revenue, since sales revenue (or ‘turnover’) is the simplest way of measuring the size of a business. An alterna- tive would be to measure the capital value of a firm, but this will depend on the ups and downs of the stock market and is thus a rather unreliable method.
If a firm is to maximise growth, it needs to be clear about the time period over which it is setting itself this objective. For example, maximum growth over the next two or three years might be obtained by running factories to absolute maximum capacity, cramming in as many machines and workers as possible, and backing this up with massive adver- tising campaigns and price cuts. Such policies, however, may not be sustainable in the longer run. The firm may sim- ply not be able to finance them. A longer-term perspective (say, 5–10 years) may therefore require the firm to ‘pace’ itself, and perhaps to direct resources away from current production and sales into the development of new prod- ucts that have a potentially high and growing long-term demand.
Equilibrium for a growth-maximising firm What will a growth-maximising firm’s price and output be? Unfortunately, there is no simple formula for predicting this.
In the short run, the firm may choose the profit-maxim- ising price and output – so as to provide the greatest funds for investment. On the other hand, it may be prepared to sacrifice some short-term profits in order to mount an advertising campaign. It all depends on the strategy it con- siders most suitable to achieve growth.
KI 11 p 59
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In the long run, prediction is more difficult still. The pol- icies that a firm adopts will depend crucially on the assess- ments of market opportunities made by managers. But this involves judgement, not fine calculation. Different manag- ers will judge a situation differently.
One prediction can be made though. Growth-maximising firms are likely to diversify into different products, especially as they approach the limits to expansion in existing markets. (Alternative growth strategies are considered in Chapter 15.)
Alternative maximising theories and the consumer It is difficult to draw firm conclusions about how the behav- iour of firms in these alternative maximising theories will affect the consumer’s interest.
In the case of sales revenue maximisation, a higher out- put will be produced than under profit maximisation, but the consumer will not necessarily benefit from lower prices,
Pause for thought
How will competition between growth-maximising firms bene- fit the consumer?
since more will be spent on advertising – costs that will be passed on to the consumer.
In the case of growth and long-run profit maximisation, there are many possible policies that a firm could pursue. To the extent that a concern for the long run encourages firms to look to improved products, new products and new techniques, the consumer may benefit from such a concern. To the extent, however, that growth encourages a greater level of industrial concentration through merger, the consumer may lose from the resulting greater level of monopoly power.
As with the traditional theory of the firm, the degree of competition that a firm faces is a crucial factor in determining just how responsive it will be to the wishes of the consumer.
KI 21 p 175
Satisficing and the setting of targets Firms may have more than one aim. For example, they may try to achieve increased sales revenue and increased profit. The problem with this is that, if two aims conflict, it will not be possible to maximise both of them. For example, sales revenue will probably be maximised at a different price and output from that at which profits are maximised. Where firms have two or more aims, a compromise may be for tar- gets to be set for individual aims which are low enough to achieve simultaneously, and yet which are sufficient to sat- isfy the interested parties. This is known as ‘satisficing’ (as opposed to maximising) behaviour.
Such target setting is also likely when the maximum value of a particular aim is unknown. If, for example, the maximum achievable profit is unknown, the firm may well set a target for profit which it feels is both satisfactory and achievable.
Behavioural theories of the firm: the setting of targets A major advance in alternative theories of the firm has been the development of behavioural theories.6 Rather than setting up a model to show how various objectives could in theory be achieved, behavioural theories of the firm are based on observations of how firms actually behave.
MULTIPLE AIMS14.3
6 See in particular: R. M. Cyert and J. G. March, A Behavioural Theory of the Firm (Prentice Hall, 1963).
Large firms are often complex institutions with several departments (sales, production, design, purchasing, per- sonnel, finance, etc.). Each department is likely to have its own specific set of aims and objectives, which may possi- bly come into conflict with those of other departments. These aims in turn will be constrained by the interests of shareholders, workers, customers and creditors (collectively known as stakeholders), who will need to be kept suffi- ciently happy.
Behavioural theories do not lay down rules of how to achieve these aims, but rather examine what these aims are, the motivations underlying them, the conflicts that can arise between aims, and how these conflicts are resolved.
In many firms, targets are set for production, sales, profit, stockholding, etc. If, in practice, target levels are not achieved, a ‘search’ procedure will be started to find what
KI 6 p 37
Definitions
Behavioural theories of the firm Theories that attempt to predict the actions of firms by studying the behaviour of various groups of people within the firm and their interactions under conditions of potentially conflicting interests.
Stakeholders (in a company) People who are affected by a company’s activities and/or performance (custom- ers, employees, owners, creditors, people living in the neighbourhood, etc.). They may or may not be in a posi- tion to take decisions, or influence decision taking, in the firm.
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went wrong and how to rectify it. If the problem cannot be rectified, managers will probably adjust the target down- wards. If, on the other hand, targets are easily achieved, managers may adjust them upwards. Thus the targets to which managers aspire depend to a large extent on the suc- cess in achieving previous targets. Targets are also influenced by expectations of demand and costs, by the achievements of competitors and by expectations of competitors’ future behaviour. For example, if it is expected that the economy is likely to move into recession, sales and profit targets may be adjusted downwards.
If targets conflict, the conflict will be settled by a bargain- ing process between managers. The outcome of the bargain- ing, however, will depend on the power and ability of the individual managers concerned. Thus a similar set of con- flicting targets may be resolved differently in different firms.
Behavioural theories of the firm: organisational slack Since changing targets often involves search procedures and bargaining processes and is therefore time consuming, and since many managers prefer to avoid conflict, targets tend to be changed fairly infrequently. Business conditions, however, often change rapidly. To avoid the need to change targets, therefore, managers will tend to be fairly conserv- ative in their aspirations. This leads to the phenomenon known as organisational slack.
When the firm does better than planned, it will allow slack to develop. This slack can then be taken up if the firm does worse than planned. For example, if the firm produces more than it planned, it will build up stocks of finished goods and draw on them if production subsequently falls. It would not, in the meantime, increase its sales target or reduce its production target. If it did, and production then fell below target, the production department might not be able to supply the sales department with its full requirement.
Thus keeping targets fairly low and allowing slack to develop allows all targets to be met with minimum conflict.
Organisational slack, however, adds to a firm’s costs. If firms are operating in a competitive environment, they may be forced to cut slack in order to survive. In the 1970s, many Japanese firms succeeded in cutting slack by using just-in-time methods of production. These involve keeping stocks to a minimum and ensuring that inputs are delivered as required. Clearly, this requires that production is tightly controlled and that suppliers are reliable. Many firms today have successfully cut their warehouse costs by using such methods. (These methods are examined in section 18.7.)
Multiple goals: some predictions of behaviour Conservatism Some firms may be wary of what they consider to be unnecessary change. In some circumstances it may be optimal for the firm to alter its strategies. However, if the
Definitions
Organisational slack When managers allow spare capacity to exist, thereby enabling them to respond more easily to changed circumstances.
Just-in-time methods Where a firm purchases supplies and produces both components and finished products as they are required. This minimises stockholding and its associated costs.
managers suffer from loss aversion, then this can create a bias in favour of the status quo. They may prefer to stick with tried and tested practices even though alternatives would generate a better return. This could apply to pric- ing policies, marketing techniques, product design and range, internal organisation of the firm, etc.
If a policy is clearly not working managers will probably change it. However, they may be conservative and imple- ment only a cautious change: perhaps imitating successful competitors. A policy may only be judged as not working if profits fall below some reference point. This reference point may be determined by the performance of other similar firms, as discussed in the next section.
This safe, satisficing approach makes predicting a firm’s behaviour relatively easy. You simply examine its past behaviour. Making generalisations about all such cautious firms, however, is more difficult. Different firms are likely to have established different rules of behaviour depending on their own particular experiences of their market.
Comparison with other firms Managers may judge their success by comparing their firm’s performance with that of rival firms. For example, growing market share may be seen as a more important indicator of ‘success’ than simple growth in sales. Similarly, they may compare their profits, their product design, their tech- nology or their industrial relations with those of rivals. To many managers it is relative performance that matters, rather than absolute performance.
What predictions can be made if this is how managers behave? The answer is that it depends on the nature of com- petition in the industry. The more profitable, innovative and efficient are the competitors, the more profitable, inno- vative and efficient will managers try to make their particu- lar firm.
The further ahead of their rivals firms try to stay, the more likely it is that there will be a ‘snowballing’ effect: each firm trying to outdo the other.
Pause for thought
Will this type of behaviour tend to lead to profit maximisation?
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Satisficing and the consumer’s interest Firms with multiple goals will be satisficers. The greater the number of goals of the different managers, the greater is the chance of conflict and the more likely it is that organ- isational slack will develop. Satisficing firms are therefore likely to be less responsive to changes in consumer demand and changes in costs than profit-maximising firms. They may thus be less efficient.
On the other hand, such firms may be less eager to exploit their economic power by charging high prices, or to use aggressive advertising, or to pay low wages.
The extent to which satisficing firms do act in the public interest will, as in the case of other types of firm, depend to a large extent on the amount and type of com- petition they face, and their attitudes towards this compe- tition. Firms that compare their performance with that of their rivals are more likely to be responsive to consumer wishes than firms that prefer to stick to well-established practices. On the other hand, they may be more con- cerned to ‘manipulate’ consumer tastes than the more tra- ditional firm.
BOX 14.2 STAKEHOLDER POWER
Who governs the firm?
The concept of the ‘stakeholder economy’ became fashionable in the late 1990s. Rather than the economy being governed by big business, and rather than businesses being governed in the interests of shareholders (many of whom are big insti- tutions, such as insurance companies and pension funds), the economy should serve the interests of everyone. But what does this mean for the governance of firms? The stakeholders of a firm include customers, employees (from senior managers to the lowest-paid workers), share- holders, suppliers, lenders and the local and national communities. The supporters of a stakeholding economy argue that all these interest groups ought to have a say in the decisions of the firm. Trade unions or workers’ councils ought to be included in deci- sions affecting the workforce, or indeed all company decisions. They could be represented on decision-making bodies and perhaps have seats on the board of directors. Alternatively, the workforce might be given the power to elect managers. Banks or other institutions lending to firms ought to be included in investment decisions. In Germany, where banks finance a large proportion of investment, banks are repre- sented on the boards of most large companies. Local communities ought to have a say in any projects (such as new buildings or the discharge of effluent) that affect the local environment. Customers ought to have more say in the quality of products being produced, for example by being given legal protection against the production of shoddy or unsafe goods. Where interest groups cannot be directly repre- sented in decision making, then companies ought to be reg- ulated by the government in order to protect the interests of
the various groups. For example, if farmers and other suppliers to supermarkets are paid very low prices, then the purchasing behaviour of the supermarkets could be regulated by some government agency. But is this vision of a stakeholder economy likely to become reality? Trends in the international economy suggest that the opposite might be occurring. The growth of multinational corporations, with their ability to move finance and pro- duction to wherever it is most profitable, has weakened the power of employees, local interest groups and even national governments. Employees in one part of the multinational may have little in the way of common interests with employees in another. In fact, they may vie with each other, for example over which plant should be expanded or closed down. What is more, many firms are employing a larger and larger proportion of casual, part-time, temporary or agency workers. With these new ‘flex- ible labour markets’ such employees have far less say in the company than permanent members of staff: they are ‘outsid- ers’ to decision making within the firm (see section 18.7). Also, the widespread introduction of share incentive schemes for managers (whereby managers are rewarded with shares) has increasingly made profits their driving goal. Finally, the poli- cies of opening up markets and deregulation, policies that were adopted by many governments round the world up to the mid- 1990s, have again weakened the power of many stakeholders.
Are customers’ interests best served by profit-maximising firms, answerable primarily to shareholders, or by firms where various stakeholder groups are represented in decision taking?
SUMMARY
1a There are two major types of criticism of the traditional profit-maximising theory: (a) firms may not have the information to maximise profits; (b) they may not even want to maximise profits.
1b Lack of information on demand and costs and on the actions and reactions of rivals, and a lack of use of opportunity cost concepts, may mean that firms adopt simple ‘rules of thumb’ for pricing.
1c In large companies there is likely to be a divorce between ownership and control. The shareholders (the owners) may
want maximum profits, but it is the managers who make the decisions, and managers are likely to aim to maximise their own utility rather than that of the shareholders. This leads to profit ‘satisficing’. This is where managers aim to achieve sufficient profits to keep shareholders happy, but this is a secondary aim to one or more alternative aims.
1d Some alternative theories assume that there is a single alternative aim that firms seek to maximise. Others assume that managers have a series of (possibly conflicting) aims. ▲
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2a Rather than seeking to maximise short-run profits, a firm may take a longer-term perspective. It is very dif- ficult, however, to predict the behaviour of a long-run profit-maximising firm, since (a) different managers are likely to make different judgements about how to achieve maximum profits, and (b) demand and cost curves may shift unpredictably both in response to the firm’s own policies and as a result of external factors.
2b Managers may seek to maximise their own utility, which, in turn, will depend on factors such as salary, job secu- rity, power within the organisation and the achievement of professional excellence. Given, however, that manage- rial utility depends on a range of variables, it is difficult to use the theory to make general predictions of firms’ behaviour.
2c Managers may gain utility from maximising sales rev- enue. However, they will still have to ensure that a satisfactory level of profit is achieved. The output of a firm which seeks to maximise sales revenue will be higher than that for a profit-maximising firm. Its level of advertising will also tend to be higher. Whether price will be higher or lower depends on the relative effects on demand and the cost of the additional advertising.
2d Many managers aim for maximum growth of their organi- sation, believing that this will help their salaries, power, prestige, etc.
2e As with long-run profit-maximising theories, it is dif- ficult to predict the price and output strategies of a growth-maximising firm. Much depends on the judge- ments of particular managers about growth opportunities.
3a In large firms, decisions are taken by, or influenced by, a number of different people, including various managers, shareholders, workers, customers, suppliers and creditors. If these different people have different aims, then a conflict between them is likely to arise. A firm cannot maximise more than one of these conflicting aims. The alternative is to seek to achieve a satisfactory target level of a number of aims.
3b Behavioural theories of the firm examine how managers and other interest groups actually behave, rather than merely identifying various equilibrium positions for out- put, price, investment, etc.
3c If targets were easily achieved last year, they are likely to be made more ambitious next year. If they were not achieved, a search procedure will be conducted to iden- tify how to rectify the problem. This may mean adjusting targets downwards, in which case there will be some form of bargaining process between managers.
3d Life is made easier for managers if conflict can be avoided. This will be possible if slack is allowed to develop in various parts of the firm. If targets are not being met, the slack can then be taken up without requiring adjustments in other targets.
3e Satisficing firms may be less innovative, less aggressive and less willing to initiate change. If they do change, it is more likely to be in response to changes made by their competitors. Managers may judge their performance by comparing it with that of rivals.
3f Satisficing firms may be less aggressive in exploiting a position of market power. On the other hand, they may suffer from greater inefficiency.
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 In the traditional theory of the firm, decision makers are often assumed to have perfect knowledge and to be able to act, therefore, with complete certainty. It is now widely accepted that in practice firms will be certain about very few things. Of the following: (a) production costs; (b) demand; (c) elasticity; (d) supply; (e) con- sumer tastes; (f) technology; (g) government policy, which might they be certain of? Which might they be uncertain of?
2 Make a list of six aims that a manager of a high street department store might have. Identify some conflicts that might arise between these aims.
3 When are increased profits in a manager’s personal inter- est?
4 Draw a diagram with MC and MR curves. Mark the output (a) at which profits are maximised; (b) at which sales rev- enue is maximised.
5 Since advertising increases a firm’s costs, will prices nec- essarily be lower with sales revenue maximisation than with profit maximisation?
6 We have seen that a firm aiming to maximise sales reve- nue will tend to produce more than a profit-maximising firm. This conclusion certainly applies under monopoly and oligopoly. Will it also apply under (a) perfect compe- tition and (b) monopolistic competition, where in both cases there is freedom of entry?
7 A frequent complaint of junior and some senior managers is that they are frequently faced with new targets from above, and that this makes their life difficult. If their complaint is true, does this conflict with the hypothesis that managers will try to build in slack?
8 What evidence about firms’ behaviour could be used to refute the argument that firms will tend to build in organ- isational slack and as a result be inherently conservative?
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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Growth strategy
C h
a p
te r 15
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ Why do many businesses want to grow larger? ■ What is the relationship between business growth and profitability? ■ What constraints on its growth is a business likely to face? ■ What alternative growth strategies can a business pursue? ■ Why will some firms pursue a growth strategy of internal expansion whereas others will pursue a strategy of merging with
or taking over other firms? ■ As far as internal expansion is concerned, why will some firms expand through a process of vertical integration whereas
others will prefer to diversify? ■ Under what circumstances might a business want to form a strategic alliance with other firms?
Whether businesses wish to grow or not, many are forced to. The dynamic competitive process of the market drives producers on to expand in order to remain in the marketplace. If a business fails to grow, this may benefit its more aggressive rivals. They may secure a greater share of the market, leaving the first firm with reduced profits. Thus business growth is often vital if a firm is to survive.
The goal of business growth is closely linked to the key objectives of managers. Managerial status, prestige, pro- motion and salary might be more directly related to such a goal rather than to that of profit maximisation (as mentioned in Chapter 14 ) . Business growth might also be essential if the business is successfully to manage change and deal with many of the inherent uncertainties of the business environment.
In this chapter we shall consider the various growth strategies open to firms and assess their respective advan- tages and disadvantages. First, however, we need to look at the relationship between a firm’s growth and its prof- itability, and also at those factors which are likely to constrain the growth of the business.
GROWTH AND PROFITABILITY 15.1
In using traditional theories of the firm, economists often assume that there is a limit to the expansion of the firm: that there is a level of output beyond which profits will start to fall. The justification for this view can be found on both the supply side and the demand side.
On the supply side, it is assumed that if a firm grows beyond a certain size, it will experience rising long-run average costs. In other words, the long-run average cost curve is assumed to be U-shaped, possibly with a horizontal section at the bottom (see pages 155–9) . This argument is
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often based on the assumption that it is managerial disecon- omies of scale which start driving costs up once a firm has expanded beyond a certain point: there are no more plant economies to be achieved (the firm has passed its minimum efficient scale (MES) – see Box 9.4); instead, the firm is faced with a more complex form of organisation, with longer lines of management, more difficult labour relations and a greater possibility of lack of effort going unnoticed.
On the demand side it is assumed that the firm faces a downward-sloping demand curve (and hence marginal rev- enue curve) for its product. Although this demand curve can be shifted by advertising and other forms of product promotion, finite demand naturally places a constraint on the expansion of the firm.
These two assumptions can be challenged, however. On the supply side, with a multidivisional form of organisation and systems in place for monitoring performance, it is quite possible to avoid diseconomies of scale.
As far as demand is concerned, although the demand (or at least its rate of growth) for any one product may be lim- ited, the firm could diversify into new markets.
It is thus incorrect to say that there is a limit to the size of a business. An individual business may be able to go on expanding its capacity or diversifying its interests indef- initely. There does, however, exist an upper limit on the firm’s rate of growth – the speed at which it can expand its capacity or diversify. The reason behind this constraint is that growth is determined by the profitability of the business. The growth rate/profitability relationship can operate in two ways:
Definitions
Minimum efficient scale (MES) The size of the individ- ual factory or of the whole firm, beyond which no sig- nificant additional economies of scale can be gained. For an individual factory the MES is known as the minimum efficient plant size (MEPS).
Internal funds Funds used for business expansion that come from ploughed-back profit.
■ Growth depends upon profitability. The more profitable the firm, the more likely it is to be able to raise finance for investment.
■ Growth affects profitability. In the short run, growth above a certain rate may reduce profitability. Some of the finance for the investment necessary to achieve growth may have to come from the firm’s sales revenue. A firm wishing to expand its operations in an existing market will require greater advertising and marketing; and a firm seeking to diversify may have to spend considerable sums on market research and employing managers with specialist knowledge and skills. In both cases, invest- ment is likely to be needed in new plant and machinery. In other words, the firm may have to sacrifice some of its short-run profits for the long-run gains that greater growth might yield.
But what about long-run profits? Will growth increase or decrease these? The answer depends on the nature of the growth. If growth leads to expansion into new mar- kets in which demand is growing, or to increased market power, or to increased economies of scale, then growth may well increase long-run profits – not only total prof- its, but the rate of profit on capital, or the ratio of profits to revenue. If, however, growth leads to diseconomies of scale, or to investment in risky projects, then growth may well be at the expense of long-run profitability.
To summarise: greater profitability may lead to higher growth, but higher growth, at least in the short run, may be at the expense of profits.
However much a firm may want to grow, it might simply not be possible. There are several factors that can restrict the ability of a business to expand.
CONSTRAINTS ON GROWTH15.2
booms and slumps that the economy experiences. Profit- ability tends to fall in a recession along with the level of sales. In such times it is often difficult for a firm to afford new investment.
The borrowing of finance to fund expansion may be constrained by a wide range of factors, from the availabil- ity of finance in the banking sector to the creditworthiness of the business.
Pause for thought
Before you read on, what constraints on its growth do you feel a business might experience?
Financial conditions. Financial conditions determine the ability of a firm to fund its growth. Growth can be financed in three distinct ways: from internal funds, from borrowing or from the issue of new shares.
The largest source of finance for investment in the UK is internal funds (i.e. ploughed-back profit). The principal limitation in achieving growth via this means is that such funds are linked to business profitability, and this in turn is subject to the cyclical nature of economic activity – to the
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The issuing of new shares to fund growth depends not only on confidence within the stock market in general, but on the stock market’s assessment of the potential performance of the individual firm in particular. It should be noted that finance from this source is not open to all firms. For most small and medium-sized enterprises (i.e. those not listed on the Stock Exchange), raising finance through issuing new shares must be done privately, and normally this source of finance is very limited and hence difficult to access.
(We will examine the financing of investment in more detail in sections 19.4 and 19.5.)
Shareholder confidence. Whichever way growth is financed – internal funds, borrowing or new share issues – the likely outcome in the short run is a reduction in the firm’s share dividend. If the firm retains too much profit, there will be less to pay out in dividends. Similarly, if the firm borrows too much, the interest payments that it incurs are likely to make it difficult to maintain the level of dividends to shareholders. Finally, if it attempts to raise capital by a new issue of shares, the distributed profits will have to be divided between a larger number of shares.
Whichever way it finances investment, therefore, the more it invests, the more the dividends on shares in the short run will probably fall. Unless shareholders are confident that long-run profits and hence dividends will rise again, thus causing the share price to remain high in the long run, they may well sell their shares. This will cause share prices to fall. If they fall too far, the firm runs the risk of being taken over and certain managers risk losing their jobs.
This risk of takeover gives rise to a concept referred to as the takeover constraint. The takeover constraint requires that the growth-maximising firm needs to distribute suf- ficient profits to avoid being taken over. Hence the rate of business growth is influenced not only by market opportu- nities but also by shareholder demands and expectations and the fear of takeover.
The converse of this situation is also true. If a business fails to grow fast enough, it may be that a potential buyer sees the firm as a valuable acquisition, whose resources might be put to more profitable use over the longer term. Hence businesses must avoid being overcautious and pay- ing high share dividends, but, as a result, failing to invest and failing to exploit their true potential.
The likelihood of takeover depends in large part on the stock market’s assessment of the firm’s potential: how is the firm’s investment strategy perceived to affect its future performance and profitability? The views of the stock mar- ket are reflected in the valuation ratio of the firm. This is the ratio of the stock market value of the firm’s shares (the number of issued shares times the current share price) to the book value of the firm’s assets. This is sometimes referred to as the price to book ratio. A low ratio means that the real assets of the business are effectively undervalued: that they can be purchased at a low market price. The business is thus likely to be more attractive to potential bidders. Conversely,
firms with a high valuation ratio are seen as overvalued and are unlikely to be the target of takeover bids.
In the long run, a rapidly growing firm may find its prof- its increasing, especially if it can achieve economies of scale and a bigger share of the market. These profits can then be used to finance further growth. The firm will still not have unlimited finance, however, and therefore will still be faced by the takeover constraint if it attempts to grow too rapidly.
Demand conditions. Our analysis of business growth has shown that finance for growth is largely dependent upon the business’s profitability. The more profit it makes, the more it can draw on internal funds; the more likely finan- cial institutions will be to lend; and the more readily will new share issues be purchased by the market. The prof- itability of a business is in turn dependent upon market demand and demand growth. If the firm is operating in an expanding market, profits are likely to grow and finance will be relatively easy to obtain.
If, on the other hand, the firm’s existing market is not expanding, it will find that profits and sales are unlikely to rise unless it diversifies into related or non-related markets. One means of overcoming this demand constraint is to expand overseas, either by attempting to increase export sales or by locating new production facilities in foreign markets.
Managerial conditions. The growth of a firm is usually a planned process, and as such must be managed. But the management team might lack entrepreneurial vision, or various organisational skills.
Equally, as with other resources within the business, the management team might grow, or alternatively its composition might change in order to reflect the new needs of the growing business. However, new managers take time to be incorporated into, and become part of, an effective management team. They must undergo a period of training and become integrated into their new firm and its culture. It takes time to integrate into a team of man- agers already accustomed to working together. The rate of growth of business is thus constrained by this process of managerial expansion.
In the sections below we will explore the alternative growth strategies open to businesses and the various advantages and limitations that such strategies present.
Definitions
Takeover constraint The effect that the fear of being taken over has on a firm’s willingness to undertake pro- jects that reduce distributed profits.
Valuation ratio or price to book ratio The ratio of stock market value to book value. The stock market value is an assessment of the firm’s past and anticipated future per- formance. The book value is a calculation of the current value of the firm’s assets.
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In pursuit of growth, a firm will seek to increase its markets: whether at home or internationally. In either case the firm will need to increase its capacity. This may be achieved by internal or external expansion.
Internal expansion. This is where a business looks to expand its productive capacity by adding to existing plant or by building new plant. There are three main ways of doing this:
■ The firm can expand or differentiate its product within existing markets, by, for example, updating or restyling its product, or improving its technical characteristics.
■ Alternatively, the business might seek to expand via vertical integration. This involves the firm expand- ing within the same product market, but at a different stage of production. For example, a car manufacturer might wish to produce its own components. This is known as ‘backward’ vertical integration (sometimes called ‘upstream’ integration). Alternatively, it might decide to distribute and sell its own car models. This is described as ‘forward’ (or ‘downstream’) vertical integration.
■ As a third option, the business might seek to expand outside of its current product range, and move into new markets. This is known as a process of diversification.
External expansion. This is where the firm engages with another in order to expand its activities. It may do this in one of two ways:
■ It can join with another firm to form a single legal iden- tity either by merger or by acquisition (takeover).
■ Alternatively, it may form a strategic alliance with one or more firms. Here firms retain their separate identities.
The term ‘strategic alliance’ is used to cover a wide range of alternative collaborative arrangements. A strate- gic alliance might involve a joint venture between one or more firms to complete a particular project or to produce a particular product. It might also involve firms making an informal or a contractual agreement to supply or distribute goods. A key characteristic of a strategic alliance is that the parties involved retain their own legal identity outside of the alliance.
A s w i t h i n t e r n a l e x p a n s i o n , e x t e r n a l e x p a n s i o n , whether by merger or alliance, can be vertical or horizontal,
ALTERNATIVE GROWTH STRATEGIES15.3
or involve diversification. In the case of mergers, we use the terms ‘horizontal merger’, ‘vertical merger’ and ‘conglom- erate merger’.
Figure 15.1 outlines the main routes to a firm’s growth and the various stages at which it can take place. These will be considered in the following sections.
A further dimension of business growth that we should note at this point is that all of the above-mentioned growth paths can be achieved by the business looking beyond its national markets. In other words, the business might decide to become multinational and invest in expansion overseas. This raises a further set of advantages, issues and prob- lems that a business might face. (These will be discussed in Chapter 23 when we consider multinational business.)
We have already considered business expansion through product differentiation (see Chapter 8). In this chapter, therefore, we will focus on the other possibilities facing the firm: internal expansion via vertical integration or diver- sification, and external expansion via merger or takeover (whether horizontal, vertical or conglomerate). We will also investigate the increasing tendency for business to enter into strategic alliances with other businesses as an alterna- tive to all of the above.
Definitions
Internal expansion Where a business increases its pro- ductive capacity by adding to existing plant or by build- ing new plant.
Product differentiation In the context of growth strat- egies, this is where a business upgrades existing products or services so as to make them different from those of rival firms.
Vertical integration A business growth strategy that involves expanding within an existing market, but at a different stage of production. Vertical integration can be ‘forward’, such as moving into distribution or retail, or ‘backward’, such as expanding into extracting raw mate- rials or producing components.
Diversification A business growth strategy in which a business expands into new markets outside of its current interests.
External expansion Where business growth is achieved by merger, takeover, joint venture or an agreement with one or more other firms.
Strategic alliance Where two firms work together, for- mally or informally, to achieve a mutually desirable goal.
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Firms can extend their product range in a number of ways and for a number of reasons. One method is that of hori- zontal expansion. This involves the firm producing multi- ple products within a similar and related activity for which there may be economies of scope (see page 184). Likewise there may be gains for the firm in providing different vari- eties of the product (as discussed in Chapter 8). Given our extensive discussions on this method of internal growth therefore, we concentrate in the next two sections on verti- cal integration and conglomerate diversification.
Growth through vertical integration We can identify a number of specific reasons why a busi- ness might wish to expand via vertical integration. (These reasons also apply to external expansion by merger or acquisition.)
Greater efficiency. When vertical integration results in a fall in a business’s long-run average costs, it is effectively
KI 22 p 181
Alternative growth strategyFigure 15.1
Internal expansion
Strategic alliancesMergers and acquisitions
GROWTH OF A FIRM
External expansion
(1) Horizontal integration Merger or acquisition of firms producing same product at the same stage of production
(1) Horizontal alliances Informal or contractual alliance between firms at a technically similar stage of production that may lead to a joint venture
(2) Vertical integration Merger or acquisition of firms producing at different stages of same process
(2) Vertical alliances Informal or contractual alliance between firms producing at different stages of same process that may lead to a joint venture
(3) Conglomerate Diversification – merger or acquisition of firms producing totally unrelated products
(1) Horizontal expansion Same product, but increase in market share or diversification into new varieties
(2) Vertical integration Same product, but expanding to different stages of the productive process
(3) Conglomerate Diversification – introduction of totally different products
(3) Networks Informal alliance between firms across sectors, including the development of supply chain clusters
INTERNAL GROWTH15.4
experiencing various economies of scale. We can identify four categories under which vertical integration might lead to cost savings.
■ Production economies. These occur when a business, through integration, lowers its costs by performing com- plementary stages of production within a single business unit. The classic example of this is the steel manufacturer combining the furnacing and milling stages of produc- tion, saving the costs that would have been required to reheat the iron had such operations been undertaken by independent businesses. Clearly, for most firms, per- forming more than one stage on a single site is likely to reduce transport costs, as semi-finished products no longer have to be moved from one plant to another.
■ Co-ordination economies. Such economies arise from the internal structure of the business and its ability to transfer intermediate products between its various divisions. The business is able to avoid purchasing and selling expenses, including those related to the marketing and advertising
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of the product(s). If a firm can accurately forecast its inter- mediate product demand it may be able to reduce costs by holding lower stocks of intermediate products.
■ Managerial economies. Even though each production stage or division might have its own management or administrative team, economies can be gained from having a single source of supervision.
■ Financial economies. A vertically integrated business may gain various financial economies. Given the link between vertical integration and business size, such companies may be more able to negotiate favourable deals from key suppliers and secure lower borrowing rates of interest from the financial markets.
(For a more detailed analysis of economies of scale, you should refer back to Chapter 9.)
Reduced uncertainty. A business that is not vertically inte- grated may find itself subject to various uncertainties in the marketplace. Examples include: uncertainty over future price movements, supply reliability or access to markets.
Backward vertical integration will enable the business to control its supply chain. Without such integration the firm may feel very vulnerable, especially if there are only a few suppliers within the market. In such cases the suppli- ers would be able to exert considerable control over price. Alternatively, suppliers may be unreliable.
Forward vertical integration creates greater certainty in so far as it gives the business guaranteed access to distri- bution and retailing on its own terms. As with supply, for- ward markets might be dominated by large monopsonists (monopoly buyers) which are able not only to dictate price, but also to threaten market foreclosure (being shut out from a market). Forward vertical integration can remove the pos- sibility of such events occurring.
Innovation. Having a more integrated supply chain may lead to more innovation and higher rates of technical change. Enclosing multiple stages of production within the same business should improve communication between compo- nent producers and consumers. Dialogue between compo- nent designers, manufacturers and users leads to increased possibilities for the development of productivity-improv- ing innovations.
Monopoly power. Forward or backward vertical integration may allow the business to acquire a greater monopoly/ monopsony position in the market. Depending upon the type of vertical integration, the business might be able to set prices both for final products and for factor inputs.
Barriers to entry. Vertical integration may give the firm greater power in the market by enabling it to erect entry barriers to potential competitors. For example, a firm that under- takes backward vertical integration and acquires a key input resource can effectively close the market to potential new entrants, either by simply refusing to supply a competitor,
or by charging a very high price for the factor such that new firms face an absolute cost disadvantage.
A further barrier to entry might arise from an increase in the minimum efficient size of the business. As the firm becomes more integrated, it is likely to experience greater economies of scale (i.e. long-run average costs that go on falling below their previous minimum level). New entrants are then forced to come into the market at the level of integration that existing firms are operating under. Failure to do so will mean that new entrants will be operating at an instant cost disadvantage, and hence will be less competitive.
Problems with vertical integration The major problem with vertical integration as a form of expansion is that the security it gives the business may reduce its ability to respond to changing market demands. A business that integrates, either backward or forward, ties itself to particular supply sources or particular retail out- lets. If, by contrast, it were free to choose between suppli- ers, inputs might be obtained at a lower price than the firm could achieve by supplying itself. Equally, the ability to shift between retail outlets would allow the firm to locate in the best market positions. This may not be possible if it is tied to its own retail network.
As with all business strategy, one course of action may well preclude the pursuit of an alternative. The decision of the business to expand its operations via vertical integra- tion means that resources will be diverted to this goal. The potential advantages from other growth strategies, such as the spreading of risk through diversification, are lost. This is not a problem of vertical integration as such, but it repre- sents the opportunity costs of selecting this strategy to the exclusion of others.
Tapered vertical integration How can a firm gain the benefits of vertical integration but avoid the costs? One alternative means of expansion is tapered vertical integration. This is where a business begins producing some of an input itself, while still buying some from another firm (often through subcontracting). This growth strategy is different from a situation where you are relying totally on subcontractors to provide supply (which we will explore in section 15.7). For example, Coca-Cola and Pepsi are large vertically integrated enterprises. They have, as part of their operations, wholly owned bottling subsidiaries. However, in certain markets they subcontract
KI 3 p 23
Definition
Tapered vertical integration Where a firm is partially integrated with an earlier stage of production: where it produces some of an input itself and buys some from another firm.
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to independent bottlers both to produce and to market their product.
The advantages of both making and buying an input are:
■ The firm, by making an input or providing a service in-house, will have information concerning the costs and profitability of such an operation. Such information helps in the negotiation of contracts with independent producers. In addition, the firm will be able to use the threat of producing more itself to ensure that indepen- dent suppliers do not exploit their supply position, which they might be able to do if they held a monopolis- tic position within the supply chain. The firm is not totally at the mercy of an independent third party over which it has no control.
■ The firm does not require the same level of capital outlay that would be required if it were to rely solely on an input or service produced by itself. As such it is able to external- ise some of the costs and risks of its business operations.
The major drawback with this growth strategy is that shared production might fail to generate economies of scale, and is hence less efficient than might otherwise be the case. In other words, if Coca-Cola bottled all its own cola, then it might achieve significantly greater economies of scale than by sharing bottling with other firms. None might be large enough to achieve the efficiency gains that a single produc- tion site might generate.
Other significant costs with subcontracting are largely borne by the firm doing the subcontracted work, not by the contractor. Many small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), which might see doing subcontracted work for a large firm as a means of expanding their business and hence of growing themselves, find that the relationship between them and the large firm is often a highly unequal one. SMEs find that they not only bear some of the large firm’s risk, but are also easily expendable. Such vulnerability intensi- fies, the greater the proportion of the SME’s production that is done for a particular customer. When a high level of reli- ance occurs, the SME finds that its business is, in essence, vertically integrated with its customer, but without the ben- efits that such a position should confer.
Growth through diversification Diversification is the process whereby a firm shifts from being a single-product to a multi-product producer. Such products need not cover similar activities. We can in fact identify four directions in which diversification might be undertaken:
■ using the existing technological base and market area; ■ using the existing technological base and new market
area;
■ using a new technological base and existing market area;
■ using a new technological base and new market area.
Categorising the strategies in this way would suggest that the direction of diversification is largely dependent upon both the nature of technology and the market oppor- tunities open to the firm. But the ability to capitalise on these features depends on the experience, skills and mar- ket knowledge of the managers of the business. In general, diversification is likely to occur in areas where the business can use and adapt existing technology and knowledge to its advantage.
A good example of a highly diversified company is Virgin. The brand began as the name of a small record shop in London. It now embraces an airline, trains, banking and finance, gift ‘experiences’, holidays, hotels, soft drinks, mobile phones, a digital television service, Internet service provision, radio, online books, an online wine store, cos- metics, health clubs, balloon rides and even, with its Virgin Galactic brand, space travel!
Why diversification? There are three principal factors which might encourage a business to diversify.
■ Stability. So long as a business produces a single product in a single market, it is vulnerable to changes in that market’s conditions. If a farmer produces nothing but potatoes, and the potato harvest fails, the farmer is ruined. If, however, the farmer produces a whole range of vegetable products, or even diversifies into livestock, then he or she is less subject to the forces of nature and the unpredictability of the market. Diversification therefore enables the business to spread risk.
■ Maintaining profitability. Businesses might also be encouraged to diversify if they wish to protect existing profit levels. It may be that the market in which a busi- ness is currently located is saturated and that current profitability is perceived to be at a maximum. Alterna- tively, the business might be in a market where demand is stagnant or declining. In such cases the business is likely to see a greater return on its investment by diver- sifying into new product ranges located in dynamic expanding markets.
■ Growth. If the current market is saturated, stagnant or in decline, diversification might be the only avenue open to the business if it wishes to maintain a high growth performance. In other words, it is not only the level of profits that may be limited in the current market, but also the growth of sales.
KI 14 p 82
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A merger is a situation in which, as a result of mutual agree- ment, two firms decide to bring together their business operations. A merger is distinct from a takeover in so far as a takeover involves one firm bidding for another’s shares (often against the will of the directors of the target firm). One firm thereby acquires another.
The distinction between merger and takeover is an important one. For example, an important difference is that, in order to acquire a firm, a business will require finance, whereas a merger might simply involve two firms swapping their existing shares for shares in the newly cre- ated merged company. A further difference might concern managerial relations between the two businesses. A merger implies that managers, through negotiation, have reached an agreement acceptable to both sides, whereas a takeover involves one group of managers, working in opposition to another group, looking to fend off the aggressor. The acquired firm usually finds its management team dismissed following such action!
In order to avoid confusion at this stage, we will use the term ‘merger’ to refer to both mergers (‘mutual agreements’) and takeovers (‘acquisitions’), although where necessary we will draw a distinction between the two. Before proceeding we need to give some consideration to the types of merger and acquisition. We distinguished three types in Figure 15.1.
■ A horizontal merger is where two firms at the same stage of production within an industry merge. An example of this is the acquisition of Esporta by Virgin Active in 2011. This expanded the number of fitness centres and racket clubs owned by Virgin Active in the UK from 69 to 124. An example from the technology sector was the acquisition in 2012 of the photo sharing business Instagram by Facebook for £628 million.
■ A vertical merger is where businesses at different stages of production within the same industry merge. As such we might identify backward and forward vertical merg- ers for any given firm involved. One example of this is where TomTom, the Dutch producer of portable navi- gation devices (e.g. satnavs in cars), bought TeleAtlas, the Dutch provider of navigable maps, in 2008. Another controversial example was the purchase of the British software company, Autonomy Corporation, by Hewl- ett Packard in 2011. Also Google purchased the mobile device producer, Motorola Mobility, in 2012. However the deal did not last long as Google sold the firm to the Chinese personal computer and mobile device producer, Lenovo, in 2014. The purchase of Motorola Mobility by Lenovo is another example of a horizontal merger.
■ A conglomerate merger is where firms in totally unre- lated industries merge. Many of the big multinational
EXTERNAL GROWTH THROUGH MERGER15.5
corporations operate in a number of sectors and regu- larly buy other firms. For example, in 2004 the US con- glomerate group General Electric purchased Vivendi, the conglomerate multimedia firm which owned the US media and entertainment firms NBC and Univer- sal. Google has also acquired a large number of firms in a range of different sectors. For example in 2014 it acquired a company that makes thermostats (Nest) and one that makes high-altitude drones (Titan).
Why merge? Why do firms want to merge with or take over others? Is it purely that they want to grow: are mergers simply evidence of the hypothesis that firms are growth maximisers? Or are there other motives that influence the predatory drive?
Merger for growth. Mergers provide a much quicker means to growth than does internal expansion. Not only does the firm acquire new capacity, but it also acquires additional consumer demand. Building up this level of consumer demand by internal expansion might have taken a consid- erable length of time.
The telecommunications, media and technology sector has seen many mergers in recent times where companies in different market segments have come together. The acqui- sition in 2000 for $162 billion of Time Warner by Amer- ica Online (AOL), the Internet group, brought together a firm strong in media distribution with a media content provider. The two businesses were clearly complementary and allowed AOL to grow and expand its range of media- based interests. Google has also used mergers as a key part of its growth strategy. Up until April 2015, it had purchased over 180 companies as part of its expansion plans. Some of the bigger deals included the acquisitions of YouTube, DoubleClick and Motorola.
Definitions
Merger The outcome of a mutual agreement made by two firms to combine their business activities.
Takeover Where one business acquires another. A takeover may not necessarily involve mutual agreement between the two parties. In such cases, the takeover might be viewed as ‘hostile’.
Horizontal merger Where two firms in the same indus- try at the same stage of the production process merge.
Vertical merger Where two firms in the same industry at different stages of the production process merge.
Conglomerate merger Where two firms in different industries merge.
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Merger for economies of scale. Once the merger has taken place, the constituent parts can be reorganised through a process of ‘rationalisation’. The result can be a reduction in costs. For example, only one head office will now be needed. On the marketing side, the two parts of the newly merged company may now share distribution and retail channels, benefiting from each other’s knowledge and operation in distinct market segments or geographical locations.
The merger of SBC Communications Inc. and AT&T Corp. in 2005 has made the new company, AT&T Inc., the largest telecommunications company in the USA and one of the largest in the world. According to the Financial Times in February 2006, the merger was expected ulti- mately to result in total cost savings of $18 billion, largely as a result of rationalisation in the combined business. It also resulted in dramatic growth in parts of the business as customers saw the benefits of being on a larger telecom- munications network.
Pause for thought
Which of the three types of merger (horizontal, vertical and conglomerate) are most likely to lead to (a) reductions in average costs; (b) increased market power?
Merger for monopoly power. Here the motive is to reduce com- petition and thereby gain greater market power and larger profits. With less competition, the firm will face a less elas- tic demand and be able to charge a higher percentage above marginal cost. What is more, the new more powerful com- pany will be in a stronger position to regulate entry into the market by erecting effective entry barriers, thereby enhanc- ing its monopoly position yet further.
Merger for increased market valuation. A merger can benefit shareholders of both firms if it leads to an increase in the stock market valuation of the merged firm. If both sets of shareholders believe that they will make a capital gain on their shares, then they are more likely to give the go-ahead for the merger.
Merger to reduce uncertainty. Firms face uncertainty at two levels. The first is in their own markets. The behaviour of rivals may be highly unpredictable. Mergers, by reducing the number of rivals, can correspondingly reduce uncer- tainty. At the same time, they can reduce the costs of com- petition (e.g. reducing the need to advertise).
The second source of uncertainty is the economic envi- ronment. In a period of rapid change, such as often accom- panies a boom, firms may seek to protect themselves by merging with others.
KI 21 p 175
KI 14 p 82
BOX 15.1 GLOBAL MERGER ACTIVITY
An international perspective
What have been the trends, patterns and driving factors in mergers and acquisitions (M&A) around the world in recent years? An overview of cross-border M&A is given in diagram (a). The 1990s saw a rapid growth in M&As as the world economy boomed. Then with a slowing down in economic growth after 2000, M&A activity declined, both in value and in the number of deals. But from 2004 to 2007 they rose back dramatically with the rapid growth in the world economy. Then in 2008, there was a global banking crisis followed by the credit crunch and recession, leading to a substantial decline in M&A activity. From 2009 to 2011 the number of M&As started to rise again as firms restructured following the crisis (see diagram (a)). Many large firms attempted to acquire weakened competitors or purchase undervalued com- plementary businesses. However, activity slowed down again from 2011 to 2013 before increasing once more in 2014.
The 1990s The early years of the 1990s saw relatively low M&A activity as the world was in recession, but as world economic growth picked up, so worldwide M&A activity increased. Economic growth was particularly rapid in the USA, which became the major target for acquisitions. There was also an acceleration in the process of ‘globalisa- tion’. With the dismantling of trade barriers around the world and increasing financial deregulation, so international com-
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petition increased. Companies felt the need to become bigger in order to compete more effectively. In Europe, M&A activity was boosted by the development of the single European market, which came into being in January 1993. Companies took advantage of the abolition of trade barriers in the EU, which made it easier for them to operate on an EU-wide basis. As 1999 approached, and with it the arrival of the euro, so European merger activity reached fever pitch, stimulated also by the strong economic growth experienced throughout the EU. By 2000, the number of annual worldwide M&As was some three times the level of 1990. Around this time there were some very large mergers indeed. These included a $67 billion marriage of pharmaceutical companies Zeneca of the UK and Astra of Swe- den in 1998, a $183 billion takeover of telecoms giant Mannes- mann of Germany by Vodafone of the UK in 1999 and a $40.3 billion takeover of Orange of the UK by France Telecom in 2000. Other sectors in which merger activity was rife included finan- cial services and the privatised utilities sector. In the UK, in particular, most of the privatised water and electricity com- panies were taken over, with buyers attracted by the sector’s monopoly profits. French and US buyers were prominent.
The 2000s The number of cross-border deals peaked at 10 576 in 2000 and had a combined total value of over $950 billion. However, a worldwide economic slowdown after 2000 led to a fall in both the number and value of mergers throughout most of the
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Merger due to opportunity. A widely held theory concerning merger activity is that it occurs simply as a consequence of opportunities that may arise: opportunities that are often unforeseen. Therefore business mergers are largely unplanned and, as such, virtually impossible to predict. Dynamic business organisations will be constantly on the lookout for new business opportunities as they arise.
Other motives. Other motives for mergers include:
■ Getting bigger so as to become less likely to be taken over oneself.
■ Merging with another firm so as to defend it from an unwanted predator (the ‘White Knight’ strategy).
■ Asset stripping. This is where a firm takes over another and then breaks it up, selling off the profitable bits and probably closing down the remainder.
■ Empire building. This is where owners or managers favour takeovers because of the power or prestige of owning or controlling several (preferably well-known) companies.
■ Geographical expansion. The motive here is to broaden the geographical base of the company by merging with a firm in a different part of the country or the world.
■ Reducing levels of taxation. It has been argued that a number of takeovers in the pharmaceutical industry have
been motivated by the desire to reduce the company’s tax bill. Under certain conditions if an American firm pur- chases a business outside of the USA, it can switch its residence for tax purposes to the country of the firm it has acquired. This was one reason why the American phar- maceutical company Pfizer made a $100 billion bid to purchase the UK company AstraZeneca in April 2014. The move could have cut its rate of corporation tax from 27 per cent to 20 per cent. The bid was rejected.
Mergers will generally have the effect of increasing the market power of those firms involved. This could lead to less choice and higher prices for the consumer. For this rea- son, mergers have become the target for government com- petition policy. (Such policy is the subject of Chapter 21.)
Do mergers result in the anticipated gains? The record of many mergers and acquisitions appears to be rather disappointing. A recent example that appears to have gone badly wrong was the $11.1 billion takeover of Auton- omy by Hewlett Packard (HP) in October 2011. HP had pur- chased Autonomy in order to help it move into the software market. In November 2012 HP shocked the business world by announcing that the company it had purchased just a year earlier had fallen in value by $8.8 billion. HP accused
GLOBAL MERGER ACTIVITY
An international perspective
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(a) Cross-border mergers and acquisitions by target
Note: The data cover only those deals that involve an acquisition of an equity of more than 10% Source: ‘Cross Border Mergers & Acquisitions’, World Investment Report Annex Tables (UNCTAD, June 2015), Tables 9 and 11 ▲
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world. The value of cross-border M&As in 2003 was just under $167 billion – a fall of 82.5 per cent from the peak of three years earlier. Activity began to increase again after 2003 as economic growth in the world economy began to accelerate. In 2007 the number of cross-border mergers reached a new peak of 12 044 and had a combined total value of over $1000 billion. However, in 2008 and 2009, as recession took hold, both the number and value of cross-border M&As fell quite dramatically. Recession is a difficult time for deal making and the number of withdrawn mergers – that is, where two firms agree in principle to merge but later pull out of a deal – increased. As diagram (a) shows, the value of cross-border M&As in 2009 was just $288 billion– a fall of 72 per cent from the record high in 2007. With the faltering recovery of 2010 there was a small increase in global M&A. However, the eurozone crisis and fears about the state of the public finances of the USA had a negative impact on M&A activity in 2012 and 2013. Furthermore, the worldwide pattern of cross-border M&A activity had changed between the mid-1990s and the post-fi- nancial crisis period of 2008–14. Diagram (b) illustrates three interesting trends.
■ First, North America saw a fall in its global share of cross-border M&As from 24.6 per cent in the mid-1990s to
20.1 per cent between 2009 and 2014; and its share meas- ured by value fell from 32.2 per cent to 25.6 per cent.
■ Second, Asian countries (excluding Japan) saw a dramat- ic growth in their share of the number of cross-border M&As from 7.7 per cent in the mid-1990s to 16.4 per cent for the period 2009–14. The growth in their share of the value increased from 5.2 per cent to 13.2 per cent. Two nations in the region, China and India, have been particularly attractive because their economies are growing rapidly; they have low costs, notably cheap skilled labour and low tax rates; and they are becoming more receptive to all forms of foreign direct investment, including M&As.
■ Third, EU countr ies saw a reduction in their share of the number of cross-border M&As from 49.4 per cent to 37.7 per cent; and a fall in their share of the value, from 42.1 per cent to 36.7 per cent. In 2007, the biggest complet- ed cross-border M&A was the €70 billion ($98.3 billion) purchase of the Dutch Bank ABN-AMRO by RFS Holdings, a consor tium of the Royal Bank of Scotland, Santander and For tis. This occurred just before the banking cr isis, which put a huge strain on the finances of the acquir- ing companies and was a major contr ibuting factor to RBS having to be bailed out by the UK government in October 2008.
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(b) Cross-border mergers and acquisitions by target region (% of total number and value)
Source: ‘Cross Border Mergers & Acquisitions’, World Investment Report Annex Tables (UNCTAD, June 2015), Tables 9 and 11
the management at Autonomy of using illegal accounting activities before the takeover in order deliberately to inflate the true value of the business. Executives at Autonomy accused HP of completely mismanaging the integration of Autonomy into its business after the merger. At the time of writing both parties were involved in a bitter legal case.
The previous example is an extreme case, so how can you judge if most M&As have been successful?
One common method is to look at what happens to the share price of the acquiring company both before and after
the takeover. If the merged company manages to attain all of the perceived benefits from the deal (economies of scale, greater revenue, etc.) then it should become more profita- ble and this should be reflected in the share price.
However, other factors will affect share prices and this needs to be controlled for. Most studies use the share price of other firms in the same sector as a control group. Thus if the share price of the merged firm outperforms that of other firms in the same sector then it can be argued that the merger has been a success.
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There were also some high-value cross-border M&As in the EU nations during this latter period, and some of these deals were between firms within the EU. In 2011, for example, the biggest completed cross-border M&A was the $25.1 billion purchase of International Power PLC, an electricity generation company, by GDF Suez Energy. Other big cross-border purchases in 2011 involving firms based in EU countries included a $21.2 billion deal for the French pharmaceutical company Sanofi-Aventis to pur- chase the US biotech company Genzyme Corp and a $10.8 billion deal for the UK-based firm SABMiller to purchase Foster’s Group in Australia. In 2013 AB-InBev completed an $18 billion acquisition of Grupo Modelo, a Mexican owned brewer.1
Some consequences of cross-border M&A activity When viewed in terms of long-run trends, cross-border M&As are becoming more common as globalisation gathers pace. In the mid-1990s they accounted for about 16 per cent of all deals, whereas now they account for over 40 per cent. In the UK, cross-border deals are more frequent than internal deals. The Office for National Statistics reported that in 2014 there were 203 acquisitions by UK companies abroad or by foreign companies into the UK. By contrast, there were 173 acquisitions of UK companies by other UK companies.2
M&As are a rapid entry strategy for firms that want to gain an immediate entry hold on an overseas market. However, they can raise concerns about national sovereignty, i.e. the extent to which governments have control over their industrial base when foreign firms are present in the domestic economy. For exam- ple, the takeover of the nuclear electricity generator, British Energy, by the French firm EDF in 2008 raises issues about the direction of long-term nuclear energy strategy in the UK.
Horizontal cross-border mergers. A horizontal merger or acqui- sition of a domestic firm by an overseas firm may not alter the number of firms competing in the sector if the foreign firm is new to the market and merely replaces an existing firm. However, its presence may generate greater competition and innovation in the industry if the new owners bring with them fresh techniques and ways of doing business. On the other hand, if the foreign firm is already present in the domestic economy and it then takes over a rival, the number of firms in the industry is reduced. Again, this may be
beneficial for consumers if the costs of the merged firms fall and they subsequently compete vigorously with other firms in the domestic market on price and product range. However, as Chapters 11 and 12 show, it is also possible that fewer firms in the industry means less competition and higher prices.
Vertical cross-border mergers. Vertical and conglomerate cross-border M&As are less common than their horizontal counterparts but they too come with potential costs as well as benefits. For example, a backward vertical M&A can help a firm compete globally by reducing its supply costs, but it can impose harsh terms on suppliers in the domestic economy where it operates in order to achieve this. Forward vertical M&A into, say, the retail sector can help a foreign firm secure a domestic market and offer customers a better service, but they may now move away from supplying rival retailers on comparable terms so that customer choice is reduced.
Conglomerate cross-border mergers. Conglomerate M&As can have the same positive and detrimental impacts as those associated with horizontal and vertical M&A. However, the large size and diverse product range of the conglomerate bring with it additional costs and benefits. For example, acquired subsidiaries of conglomerates can gain access to considerable managerial expertise and other resources, including technology and cheaper finance. This can mean greater benefits for customers if competition prevails. But if acquired subsidiaries can access cheaper finance than domestic firms, this may deter new investment by home-based firms, thereby reducing competition. In addition, access to cheaper finance may allow conglom- erate subsidiaries the opportunity to engage in predatory pricing behaviour, i.e. offering prices below cost in order to drive rival businesses out of the market. Once rivals have left the sector, the predator firm can raise prices once again (see pages 287 and 373). Most cross-border M&As are good for society. That they exist is a sign of healthy global capital markets, where funds can be borrowed or shares purchased in order that new firms can replace older, possibly under-performing firms. Whilst there are often job losses through M&As, new owners often provide stability and generate new employment growth. That said, to maximise the benefits of cross-border M&As, governments have to be wary of the potential downsides.
1. Are the motives for merger likely to be different in a reces- sion from in a period of rapid economic growth?
2. Use newspaper and other resources to identify the costs and benefits of a recent cross-border merger or acquisition.1 World Investment Report, Annex Tables (UNCTAD, September 2014).
2 Mergers and Acquisitions involving UK Companies, Q4 2014 (ONS, March 2015).
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Recent studies that have adopted this approach have found that about a third of deals increase shareholder value; about a third perform no better than other firms in the same sector; and about a third actually perform worse. This implies that approximately two-thirds of deals fail to achieve the anticipated gains.
A survey of over 350 executives carried out by the Eco- nomics Intelligence Unit in 2012 identified the five most important factors that resulted in disappointing M&As.
These are illustrated below with the percentage of respond- ents who considered it a major or very major factor:
■ Due diligence failed to highlight critical issues (59 per cent). ■ Overestimated synergies: i.e. cost reductions, growth in
revenue (55 per cent). ■ Failed to recognise insufficient strategic fit (49 per cent). ■ Failed to assess cultural fit during (46 per cent). ■ Problems integrating management teams and retaining
staff (46 per cent).
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We noted (section 15.3) that a major form of growth for firms was that of strategic alliances – a broad term that cov- ers a number of collaborative arrangements across one or more sectors. These alliances may involve some joint own- ership and sharing of resources; they may be contractual arrangements or agreements based on trust between parties to supply and distribute goods. Strategic alliances may be horizontal or vertical, or involve networks of firms across industries (see Figure 15.1 on page 246).
Types of strategic alliance Horizontal strategic alliances Horizontal strategic alliances are formal or informal arrangements between firms to co-operate on a particular activity at the same stage of production. This may involve the establishment of a joint venture. Examples of this include the decision in 2012 by Kellogg Company and Wilmar Inter- national to enter into a joint venture for the manufacture, sale and distribution of cereal and snacks in China. Jaguar Land Rover also entered into a deal with Chery Automobile in 2012 to manufacture and sell cars in the Chinese market.
Figure 15.2 shows the current status of the major strate- gic alliances in the airline industry. In addition to the global alliances illustrated in Figure 15.2, there are many bilat- eral arrangements between the airlines on specific routes. Indeed, many airlines see these as more significant than belonging to one of the three global airline alliances. For example, Emirates, whilst refusing to join one of the three global alliances, formed a 10-year strategic alliance with Qantas in September 2012 to align ticket prices and flight schedules between Europe and Australia. This agreement led to Qantas switching its stopover destination for many of its European flights from Singapore to Dubai. It previously had been in a similar arrangement with BA. This agreement
EXTERNAL GROWTH THROUGH STRATEGIC ALLIANCE15.6
Airline strategic alliancesFigure 15.2
36.8%
34.4%
28.8%
Star Alliance Oneworld
Figures show percentages of total alliance passenger numbers (2014)
Skyteam
Adria Airways, Aegean Airlines, Air Canada, Air China, Air India, Air New Zealand, ANA, Asiana Airlines, Austrian Airlines, Avianca, Brussels Airlines, Copa Airlines, Croatia Airlines, EgyptAir, Ethiopian Airlines, EVA Air, LOT Polish Airlines, Lufthansa, Scandinavian Airlines, Shenzhen Airlines, Singapore Airlines, South African Airways, SWISS, TAP Portugal, THAI, Turkish Airlines, United Airlines
Aeroflot, Aerolíneas
Argentinas, Aeroméxico, Air Europa,
Air France, Alitalia, China Airlines,
China Eastern, China Southern, Czech Airlines, Delta Air Lines,
Garuda Indonesia, Kenya Airways, KLM, Korean Air, Middle East
Airlines, Saudia, TAROM, Vietnam Airlines, XiamenAir
Air Berlin, American Airlines,
BA, Cathay Pacific, Finnair, Iberia, Japan Airlines,
LAN, Malaysia Airlines, Qantas, Qatar Airways, Royal Jordanian, S7 Airlines, SriLankan Airlines,
TAM, Mexicana
Definitions
Horizontal strategic alliances A formal or informal arrangement between firms jointly to provide a particular activity at a similar stage of the same technical process.
Joint venture Where two or more firms set up and jointly own a new independent firm.
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had lasted for 17 years. Qantas also remains in the One World Alliance and continues to cross-sell seats with BA.
Contractual agreements between firms at the same stage of production include the establishment of a franchise (though there are also vertical franchise agreements). A franchise usually involves another party agreeing to take on the product format of the franchisor in return for a fee. Two of the most famous examples of companies that have grown by using franchise arrangements are Subway and McDonalds.
Another form of contractual agreement is that of licensing. Some lagers, beers and soft drinks are sold in the UK under licence. For example Britvic has had licensing agreements with PepsiCo for the bottling of a number of products including Pepsi, Gatorade and Lipton Ice Tea.
Some informal horizontal agreements might focus upon very specific stages in the supply chain. An example here is the decision by three of the world’s largest steel manufac- turers, NKK, Kawasaki and ThyssenKrupp, to share informa- tion on the technology for producing car panels.
Vertical strategic alliances Vertical strategic alliances are formal or informal arrange- ments between firms operating at different stages of an activ- ity to provide jointly a particular product or service. Examples of vertical joint ventures include the company FilmFlex, a video-on-demand service, provided for customers in the UK. This service was provided jointly by Walt Disney Television International and Sony Pictures Television. In the UK it oper- ates services with Film4, TalkTalk and mobile operator EE. The venture brings film and TV makers into a specialist retail sector. Customers can order and watch a particular film or TV programme from their own home or mobile device when it is convenient for them. Sony and Disney sold FilmFlex to the US-based company Vubiquity in May 2014.
Where a number of companies join together to provide a good or service, the term consortium is used. In recent years, many consortia have been created. A consortium is usually created for very specific projects, such as a large civil engineering work. As such they have a very focused objective and once the project is completed the consortium is usually dissolved. TransManche Link, the Anglo-French company that built the Channel Tunnel, is an example of a defunct consortium. Camelot, the company that runs the UK National Lottery, was previously owned in equal shares by Cadbury Schweppes, De La Rue, Fujitsu Services, Royal Mail Enterprises and Thales Electronics, each of which had particular expertise to bring to the consortium.
It is also possible for firms at different stages of produc- tion to form contractual agreements. For example, there are licensing deals between suppliers of mobile phones and soft- ware companies such as Adobe. Similarly, Edios and Square Enix create and manufacture games for the PlayStation 3, having been given licences by Sony. Square Enix purchased Eidos for just over £85 million in April 2009 and now pro- duces games for the PlayStation 4. There are also licensing
Definitions
Franchise A formal agreement whereby a company uses another company to produce or sell some or all of its product.
Licensing Where the owner of a patented product allows another firm to produce it for a fee.
Vertical strategic alliance A formal or informal arrange- ment between firms operating at different stages of an activity jointly to provide a product or service.
Consortium Where two or more firms work together on a specific project and create a separate company to run the project.
Vertical restraints Where a dealer is restrained by a manufacturer as to how and where it can sell a product.
Outsourcing or subcontracting Where a firm employs another firm to produce part of its output or some of its input(s).
Network The establishment of formal and informal multi-firm alliances across sectors.
agreements between manufacturers of cosmetics and retail- ers as well as car manufacturers and car dealers. These are sometimes known in competition policy language as vertical restraints because the dealer is restrained by the manufac- turer as to how and where it can sell the product.
One of the best-known forms of vertical contractual alliance is that of outsourcing or subcontracting. When a business outsources, it employs an independent business to manufacture or supply some service rather than conduct the activity itself. Car manufacturers are major subcontrac- tors. Given the multitude and complexity of components that are required to manufacture a car, the use of subcon- tractors to supply specialist items, such as brakes and lights, seems a logical way to organise the business. Nissan in the UK, for example, has set up a supplier business park so that it can get its inputs at the right price and quality and availa- ble ‘just-in-time’, thereby keeping inventory costs to a min- imum. Box 15.2 explores some of the issues associated with outsourcing the Apple iPhone.
Networks Networks consist of multi-firm alliances across sectors between organisations, some of which may be formal and others informal. Sony is a good example of a company that has expanded abroad over the years through the formation of joint ventures, licensing and informal arrangements with other firms across a number of sectors. Firms in the motor vehicle, electronics, pharmaceutical and other high- tech sectors have similar arrangements.
Some networks of firms are very large and reflect expan- sion through internal growth as well as via mergers, acqui- sitions and strategic alliances. Being part of a network may give firms access to technology and resources at lower costs. It may also give greater access to global markets. However, network development is also important at the local level.
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Many firms have developed supply-chain clusters to support their operations and they rely increasingly on other organisations from outside the sector, such as banks, insur- ance companies and government. Thus, the establishment of networks allows firms to develop competitive advantage through their core business activities and other less formal means, including conversations with influential individu- als and groups.
Why form strategic alliances? There are many reasons why firms may decide to set up a strategic alliance. Often these reasons are specific to a par- ticular time or set of circumstances.
New markets. As a business expands, possibly internationally, it may well be advantageous to join with an existing player in the market. Such a business would have local knowledge and an established network of suppliers and distributors. Similar arguments apply if a business is seeking to diversify. Rather than developing the skills, knowledge and networks necessary to succeed, the process might be curtailed by establishing an alliance with a firm already operating in the market.
Risk sharing. Many business ventures might just be too risky for a solitary firm. Creating some form of strategic alliance spreads
risk and creates opportunity. The Channel Tunnel and the con- sortium of firms that built it is one such example. The construc- tion of the Channel Tunnel was a massive undertaking and far too risky for any single firm to embark upon. With the creation of a consortium, risk was spread, and the various consortium members were able to specialise in their areas of expertise.
Capital pooling. Projects that might have prohibitively high start-up costs, or running costs, may become feasible if firms co-operate and pool their capital. In addition, an alliance of firms, with their combined assets and credibility, may find it easier to generate finance, whether from investors in the stock market or from the banking sector.
The past 20 years have seen a flourishing of strategic alli- ances. They have become a key growth strategy for business both domestically and internationally. They are seen as a way of expanding business operations quickly without the difficulties associated with the more aggressive approach of acquisition or the more lengthy process of merger.
KI 14 p 82
KI 23 p 197
BOX 15.2 HOW MANY FIRMS DOES IT TAKE TO MAKE AN IPHONE?
Quite a lot actually
Outsourcing is a growing and strategically important activity for modern businesses. Making decisions about what products to make in-house and what to outsource has important impli- cations for a firm’s profitability and growth. Take the case of the iPhone. The original iPhone was intro- duced in 2007, and the iPhone 6 and 6Plus were launched in September 2014. Apple does not manufacture this product but instead outsources the production and assembly of the numerous different parts to various companies spread across countries in three continents. For example in 2015 it had 349 suppliers based in China, 139 based in Japan, 60 based in the USA and 42 based in Taiwan. A key issue for Apple is how best to manage this very complex production process. Apple’s main contribution is the design of the device. A spe- cialist team designs the look and feel of the phone and its var- ious features. Apple’s engineers design the internal workings of the phone – the hardware and the necessary software – to meet the specifications of the design team. Not surprisingly, there is a lot of negotiation between these two groups before an initial specification is agreed. At this point the supply chain team comes into operation. The engineering team will itemise the range of components and other materials that are needed and the assembly require- ments. The supply chain team will then have to estimate the costs of sourcing the components and their assembly from a range of potential suppliers.
‘Apple’s consistently reliable and profitable operations have made their supply chain team . . . one of the most envied in the industry – they develop and source from hundreds of sup- pliers from around the world; manage assembly contractors; set challenging production schedules and deliver better than most in their industry.’3
Companies within the supply chain do not stay constant between models. The suppliers chosen by Apple are those that offer the best deal, where ‘best’ includes not just cost, but also quality, reliability and capacity. Take the iPhone 6:4 LG Display (South Korea) is the largest display panel supplier; Sony (Japan) supplies both front and rear cameras; Corning (USA) supplies the Gorilla Glass; TDK (Japan) is the major supplier of inductor coils; Taiwan Semi- conductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC) is the leading sup- plier of the A8 processor; Jabil (USA) and Foxconn (Taiwan) supply the metal phone cases; Toshiba (Japan) and SK Hynix (South Korea) supply storage at 16GB, 64GB and 128GB; TSMC (Taiwan) supply ID sensor and fingerprint technology. Several other manufacturers supply the other parts. It is assembled in China and Brazil by two Taiwanese companies, Foxconn (a subsidiary of Hon Hai Precision Industry) and Pegatron.
3 Ram Ganeshan, ‘The iPhone 4 Supply Chain’, Operations Buzz, 28 November 2010. 4 Justin Wong, ‘iPhone 6: Apple Supply Chain Revisited’, OPS rules, 15 December 2014.
PAUSE FOR THOUGHT
What are the difficulties associated with acquisitions and mergers?
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By way of concluding this chapter it is worth considering a theoretical approach to understanding how external growth may occur. We examined the transaction cost approach (see Chapter 3) when explaining why firms exist. This approach, developed by the economist Oliver Williamson, can also be useful in illustrating the growth of firms, par- ticularly by strategic alliance or vertical integration.
Consider two firms, one a motor vehicle manufacturer, the other a supplier of car exhausts. These two parties will have invested heavily in a highly specific set of assets which have little or no alternative use outside of making cars or exhausts, respectively. In other words, they both have sunk costs. Both the car and the exhaust manufacturer will also be involved in frequent transactions with each other. The car manufacturer sells a lot of cars and so will need a lot of exhausts on a regular basis. In addition, if the economic environment is uncertain and there is information asym- metry in the exchange then the potential for moral hazard exists (see pages 98–104).
Consider the following. The car manufacturer is looking for a supplier of exhausts. It puts out an invitation to tender
for the contract. A number of potential suppliers put in bids and one supplier is chosen because it offers the best price and can deliver the best quality, and does so ‘just-in-time’ to keep inventory costs low. Once the contract has been signed, the two parties to the exchange become ‘locked in’ to the contract. It is at this stage that one or both of the par- ties could act opportunistically and exploit the situation because they have different sets of information about the markets in which they operate.
For example, the motor vehicle manufacturer could say to the supplier of exhausts that car sales are poorer than expected because of a fall in demand. As a result it might ask the exhaust manufacturer to lower the price at which it sells exhausts. Alternatively, the exhaust manufacturer may claim that it needs a higher price for its exhausts because the cost of steel has risen. The possibility of this renegotiation of the contract arises because each party to the exchange has a different set of information. But what should either party do if they were faced with this problem?
Both firms have invested in highly specific equipment that may have been specially tailored to meet this contract.
KI 5 p 36
KI 17 p 100
HOW MANY FIRMS DOES IT TAKE TO MAKE AN IPHONE?
Quite a lot actually
With the launch of the iPhone 6, although many of the sup- pliers remained the same, some had bigger roles to play than previously, while some had smaller ones. For example, for the first time Samsung was not the leading supplier of the A series processors. However, it has been reported that it may replace TSMC as the lead supplier of both A8 chips and A9 chips for future iPhones.
Power and value added With such a large share of the market, Apple has considerable market power when negotiating with suppliers. It has been estimated that it costs Apple just over $200 in parts and labour to build a 16GB iPhone 6. The biggest expense is the 4.7-inch touchscreen that cost $45. The camera also costs $11. When these and other costs are subtracted from the price of around $650, this leaves Apple with around $450 of value added to cover R&D, administration, marketing, distribution and pre- tax profit. This gross profit margin of around 69 per cent is very similar to that for the iPhone 5. The gross profit margin on the first iPhone released in 2007 was somewhat lower at 55 per cent. This product has proved to be one of the most profitable in the world. In January 2015 Apple reported record quarterly profits of $18 billion (£11.9 billion) – the largest ever in corporate history. A key factor in explaining these profits was the iPhone. 74.5 million handsets were sold in the final quarter of 2014 and Apple reported revenues of $74.6 billion for the same period.
Apple’s market power works in two ways. First, with suppliers eager to supply parts to such a large purchaser, Apple can use this competition to drive down component and assembly prices. Most of the parts are fairly generic and Apple thus has a choice of suppliers. However, it did experience sourcing problems before the launch of the iPhone 6. Apple supported GTAT as a new supplier of sapphire screens. The company went bankrupt and Apple quickly had to switch designs back to using Gorilla Glass. Second, with a buoyant demand for iPhones (and other Apple products), Apple can charge a premium price. It has a monop- oly on its specific designs and thus demand for the finished product is relatively inelastic.
The story of iPhones applies also to iPods, iPads and Macs. Each uses parts sourced from around the world and each fea- tures unique design properties that give the product a loyal following.
1. What factors determine the size of the value-added for iPhones? Why do you think the figure is larger for later ver- sions of the iPhone?
2. Is value-added the same as normal or supernormal profit?
EXPLAINING EXTERNAL FIRM GROWTH: A TRANSACTION COSTS APPROACH
15.7
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BOX 15.3 THE DAY THE WORLD STOPPED
Northern Rock: a cautionary tale of business growth
5 See ‘The downturn in facts and figures’, BBC News, 18 February 2008, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/business/7250498.stm
In 1997 Northern Rock converted from a building society – a residential mortgage lender owned by its savers and borrow- ers – into a bank quoted on the stock market. During the next 10 years it reduced the number of branches from 128 to 76 but expanded its online banking capabilities and mortgage business dramatically. In January 2007 the bank announced pre-tax profits of £627 million for 2006, 27 per cent above 2005 levels. Its share of the UK mortgage market had grown from 11 per cent in 2006 to 13.4 per cent in December 2006 and to 18.9 per cent in June 2007. Northern Rock had grown from being a small local lender in the north-east of England to being the fifth largest supplier of mortgages in the UK. However, all was not well. On 13 September 2007 Northern Rock was granted emergency financial support from the Bank of England in its role as lender of the last resort. The share price plummeted (see diagram). The following day saw the beginning of a ‘run on the bank’, something that had not occurred since Overend, Gurney & Co. collapsed in 1866. Not only were there queues outside the branch offices of Northern Rock, but the online banking web- site crashed as depositors withdrew their savings. Over the next few months the government issued some £25 bil- lion in loans so that the bank could continue operating. In spite of several attempts to find a private-sector ‘white knight’ to take it over, the government decided to take it into full public owner- ship on 22 February 2008 and shares were finally suspended.
What went wrong? Commercial retail banks have two major objectives. They should make profit for their shareholders by engaging in activities that include lending but have sufficient liquidity (e.g. cash) in order to meet the requirements of their custom- ers (see Chapter 28). Northern Rock relied largely on making profit through mort- gage lending, which was in marked contrast to the strategy of other commercial banks which had a more diversified range of services. Northern Rock had an exceptional IT system that not only lowered the costs of mortgage services but also showed mortgage brokers and independent financial advisers, the principal source of its mortgage business, that the company had cheap mortgages for sale. While house prices were rising (see Box 4.1) the demand for mort- gages kept rising, but this also meant that individuals needed bigger mortgages. If an individual wanted a 100 per cent (or even 125 per cent) mortgage at competitive rates, Northern Rock would provide it if they were viewed as being able to pay it back. A bank makes profit on the interest that it earns from mort- gage customers. However, in providing high-value mortgages, banks have to find money from deposits to pay house sellers
or borrow from elsewhere. Northern Rock largely adopted the latter strategy, because attracting new deposits is a more costly exercise. The bank bundled its mortgages together and packaged them as financial instruments (bonds), which it then sold to investors on money markets around the world at a favourable interest rate, at least initially. These loans were largely accepted as secure investments in money markets because investors believed that Northern Rock customers were unlikely to default on their mortgages. This practice of ‘securitisation’ is legitimate and allowed under international banking regulations, but Northern Rock engaged in extremely high levels of money market lending. According to the BBC, 61 per cent of its lending was from the money market. This was far in excess of its rivals such as HBOS (33 per cent), RBS (23 per cent), Barclays (20 per cent) and Lloyds (16 per cent).5 In using the money markets to borrow money at low interest rates, it gained a competitive edge over its rivals. The more money it borrowed, the more mortgages it could afford to provide and the more profit it would make. Mortgage lending backed by securitised assets was the ‘goose that laid the golden egg’, and so Northern Rock continued to focus its business efforts in this direction. Even though there had been some disquiet among financial commentators about this strategy, the risks were viewed at the time as acceptable by the UK financial regulators – the Financial Services Author- ity (FSA) and the Bank of England. In 2007, as monetary policy in the UK tightened faster than expected, Northern Rock issued a tranche of mortgages at interest rates that were lower than those it had to pay in the market to finance them. The bank issued a profits warning in June and its share price fell. Then the market for obtaining finance from securitised assets crumbled as it became clear that similar mortgage-backed assets in the USA had high levels of repayment arrears and property prices were falling rapidly. Anyone who now held a mortgage-backed asset (bond) would be highly unsure whether they could recoup its value in the presence of mortgage defaults. Thus, credit, once freely available, dried up and the term ‘credit crunch’ has become part of the lexicon of everyday life. Northern Rock now had mortgages that were not covered by money market loans. The goose had been mortally wounded. The chief executive of Northern Rock had a vivid recollection of the day in 2007 when he realised the business strategy had failed.
The world stopped on August 9. It’s been astonishing, gob- smacking. Look across the full range of financial products, across the full geography of the world, the entire system has frozen.6
The value of this equipment would be much lower in a transaction with a different business partner. It would there- fore cost both firms money if they were to exit the deal and try to find an alternative supplier or purchaser. Williamson
suggested that one party might take over or merge with the other – a vertically integrated merger would occur.
However, it is also possible that the parties engage in some other action short of a merger, largely because they
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THE DAY THE WORLD STOPPED
Northern Rock: a cautionary tale of business growth
The world is different now The world of Northern Rock is very different seven and a half years after nationalisation. Questions were asked in the press and parliament about the risks involved in the Northern Rock business strategy and about the role of the FSA, the Bank of England and the Treasury as regulators. Questions were also raised about the Basel II arrangements which provide guid- ance, rules and standards in respect of risk management and supervision at an international level (see Chapter 28, pages 525–9).
In 2010 the bank was split into two parts. The first, Northern Rock Asset Management, now called NRAM, holds the bank’s historic mortgage portfolio and toxic loans. The second, Northern Rock PLC, holds the retail and wholesale deposit business. These two banks are informally referred to by staff as the ‘bad bank’ and the ‘good bank’. The ‘good bank’ with its 75 High Street branches was sold to Virgin Money in Novem- ber 2011, for just under £1 billion. This was substantially below the amount pumped into the bank by the government to secure its solvency. In January 2012 Virgin Money began the process of fully integrating Northern Rock into its busi- ness and, in the process, ended the Northern Rock name. By October 2012 all the previous Northern Rock branches had been rebranded as Virgin Money Stores and the two websites were combined into Virginmoney.com.
As of April 2015 the ‘bad bank’, NRAM, remains under gov- ernment ownership. This business has no customer branches and is closed to new business. It only services what remains of the residential mortgage book. The remaining assets of NRAM were combined with those of Bradford and Bingley into a sin- gle holding company called UK Asset Resolution (UKAR). This is a state-owned limited company which has the objective
of managing the remaining mortgages and repaying the gov- ernment loans that were made as part of the bailout. In July 2012 it sold £465 million of high-quality NRAM mortgages to Virgin Money. In October 2014, UKAR announced that it had sold £1.7 billion of mortgages formerly owned by NRAM (and a further £1 billion formerly owned by Bradford and Bingley) to a consortium led by JP Morgan. In November 2015, the Chancellor of the Exchequer announced that a further £13 billion of mortgages originally owned by Northern Rock had been sold to the US business, Cerberus.7 Some observers have commented that perhaps the assets of the so-called ‘bad bank’ have not proved to be as bad as people first thought.
In an attempt to reduce the risk of a similar situation in the future, the government passed the Financial Services Act in 2012. The FSA was abolished and a new regulatory framework for the financial system was established. This created two new regulatory bodies that both became oper- ational on 1 April 2013. These were the Prudential Regu- lation Authority (PRA) which is a subsidiary of the Bank of England and the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA). Both of these new regulators are under the supervision of the Financial Policy Committee of the Bank of England. It is hoped that this regulatory framework will prevent a ‘North- ern Rock’ from happening again.
1. What are the strengths and weaknesses of diversification as a business growth strategy?
2. Follow the story of the successors to Northern Rock using materials from the media and consider how they have devel- oped since Northern Rock was split.
1250
1000
750
500
250
0
P en
ce
Mar-07 May-07 Jul-07 Sep-07 Nov-07 Jan-08
September 12th. Northern Rock applies to Bank of England for emergency funding
September 14th. Savers withdraw money. September 17th. Emergency funds granted.
February 22nd 2008. Northern Rock. Taken into
public ownership.
February 7th. First signs that the US sub-prime market could collapse.
Northern Rock share prices, January 2007 until suspension
Source: Based on data available from http://timesonline.hemscott.com/timesonline/timesonline.jsp?page=company-chart&companyld=3497&from=1/1/2007&to=22/2/2008& returnPeriod=2
6 ‘Why Northern Rock was doomed to fail’, Daily Telegraph, 17 September 2007. 7 GOV.UK News Story, (November 2015).
want to carry out business transactions in a more civilised manner. Contracts can be useful devices for managing the exchange process but they can also be very difficult instru- ments to apply because they do not allow flexibility.
Williamson suggested, therefore, that many firms would form some intermediate arrangement – a strate- gic alliance – that might rely partly on contract and also on trust. Parties will have to signal to the other that they
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want a long-term business relationship as a means of building that trust.
A number of companies, particularly Japanese firms, have these sorts of arrangements. For example, there may be an opportunity for senior executives from each firm to sit on the boards of the other, or there may be meetings between business partners to discuss key issues. Indeed, in our exam- ple above, buyers from the car manufacturer might go out on visits with their exhaust manufacturer counterparts so that they can explain to raw materials suppliers the conse- quences of higher prices further up the supply chain.
Further, firms which signal that they are trustworthy business partners and that they have successfully developed resources over the long term are also more likely to engage in joint ventures.
Thus, where there are large and uncertain costs asso- ciated with market transactions, it can be beneficial to have some form of merger or an alliance. The conditions in which these might occur are often specific to the par- ties involved and depend on the nature of the indus- try as well as the prevailing and anticipated economic conditions.
In this chapter we have considered the growth of firms and the forms it may take. Although we identified various con- straints on growth (section 15.2), a word of caution is still required. There can be real dangers associated with a strat- egy of rapid external business growth in turbulent or largely unknown environments, as the case of Northern Rock in Box 15.3 demonstrates.
SUMMARY
1a Business growth and business profitability are likely to be inversely related in the short run. A growing firm will bear certain additional costs, such as higher advertising and marketing bills.
1b In the long run, the relationship could be positive. A growing firm may take advantage of new market oppor- tunities and may achieve greater economies of scale and increased market power. On the other hand, a rapidly growing firm may embark on various risky projects or pro- jects with a low rate of return.
2a Constraints on business growth include: (i) financial conditions, (ii) shareholder confidence, (iii) the level and growth of market demand and (iv) managerial condi- tions.
2b (i) Financial conditions determine the business’s ability to raise finance. (ii) Shareholder confidence is likely to be jeopardised if a firm ploughs back too much profit into investment and distributes too little to shareholders. (iii) A firm is unlikely to be able to grow unless it faces a growing demand: either in its existing market, or by diversifying into new markets. (iv) The knowledge, skills and dynamism of the management team will be an impor- tant determinant of the firm’s growth.
3a A business can expand either internally or externally. 3b Internal expansion involves one or more of the following:
expanding the market through product promotion and differentiation; vertical integration; diversification.
3c External expansion entails the firm expanding by merger/acquisition or by strategic alliance.
4a Vertical integration can reduce a firm’s costs through various economies of scale. It can also help to reduce uncertainty, as the vertically integrated business can hopefully secure supply routes and/or retail outlets. This strategy can also enhance the business’s market power by enabling it to erect various barriers to entry.
4b A vertically integrated business will trade off the security of such a strategy with the reduced ability to respond to change and to exploit the advantages that the market might present.
4c Through a process of tapered vertical integration, many firms make part of a given input themselves and sub- contract the production of the remainder to one or more other firms. By making a certain amount of an input itself, the firm is less reliant on suppliers, but does not require as much capital equipment as if it produced all the input itself.
4d The nature and direction of diversification depend upon the skills and abilities of managers, and the type of tech- nology employed.
4e Diversification offers the business a growth strategy that not only frees it from the limitations of a particular mar- ket, but also enables it to spread its risks, and seek profit in potentially fast-growing markets.
5a There are three types of merger: horizontal, vertical and conglomerate. The type of merger adopted will be determined by the aims of business: that is, whether to increase market power, improve business security or spread risks.
5b There is a wide range of motives for merger. Some have more statistical backing than others.
6a One means of achieving growth is through the formation of strategic alliances with other firms. They are a means whereby business operations can be expanded relatively quickly and at relatively low cost.
6b Types of strategic alliance include: horizontal and ver- tical strategic alliances and networks. They may take a number of forms: joint ventures, consortia, franchising, licensing, subcontracting and informal agreements based on trust between the parties.
6c Advantages of strategic alliances include easier access to new markets, risk sharing and capital pooling.
7 An important explanation of business growth relates to the transaction costs in markets where there are large sunk costs, frequent transactions and information differ- ences on both sides of the exchange. This is particularly relevant in explaining the development of strategic alli- ances and vertical integration.
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R E V I E W Q U E S T I O N S 2 6 1
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Explain the relationship between a business’s rate of growth and its profitability.
2 ‘Business managers must constantly tread a fine line between investing in business growth and paying share- holders an “adequate” dividend on their holdings.’ Explain why this is such a crucial consideration.
3 Distinguish between internal and external growth strat- egy. Identify a range of factors which might determine whether an internal or external strategy is pursued.
4 What is meant by the term ‘vertical integration’? Why might a business wish to pursue such a growth strategy?
5 A firm can grow by merging with or taking over another firm. Such mergers or takeovers can be of three types: horizontal, vertical or conglomerate. Which of the follow- ing is an example of which type of merger (takeover)?
a) A soft drinks manufacturer merges with a pharmaceutical company.
b) A car manufacturer merges with a car distribution company.
c) A large supermarket chain takes over a number of independent grocers.
6 To what extent will consumers gain or lose from the three different types of merger identified above?
7 Assume that an independent film company, which has up to now specialised in producing documentaries for a particular television broadcasting company, wishes to expand. Identify some possible horizontal, vertical and other closely related fields. What types of strategic alliance might it seek to form and with what types of com- pany? What possible drawbacks might there be for it in such alliances?
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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The small-firm sector
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How are small and medium-sized businesses defined? ■ How large is the small-firm sector in the UK? ■ What competitive advantages do small businesses have? ■ What problems are they likely to face? ■ What determines how rapidly small businesses are likely to grow? ■ What policies towards small businesses do governments pursue?
How often do you hear of small businesses making it big? Not very often, and yet many of the world’s major cor- porations began life as small businesses. From acorns have grown oak trees! But small and large businesses are usually organised and run quite diff erently and face very diff erent problems.
In this chapter we consider the place of small fi rms in the economy: their strengths and weaknesses, their ability to grow and the factors that limit expansion. We also consider the small-business policies of govern- ments, both in the UK and in the European Union.
KI 6 p 37
DEFINING THE SMALL-FIRM SECTOR 16.1
Unfortunately, there is no single agreed definition of a ‘small’ firm. In fact, a firm considered to be small in one sector of busi- ness, such as manufacturing, may be considerably different in size from one in, say, the road haulage business. Nevertheless, the most widely used definition is that adopted by the EU for its statistical data. Three categories of SME (small and medium enterprise) are distinguished. These are shown in Table 16.1 .
This subdivision of small firms into three categories allows us to distinguish features of enterprises that vary
with the degree of smallness (e.g. practices of hiring and firing, pricing and investment strategies, compe- tition and collusion, innovation). It also enables us to show changes over time in the size and composition of the small-firm sector. However, we might still question the adequacy of such a definition, given the diversity that can be found in business activity, organisational structure and patterns of ownership within the small- firm sector.
C h
a p
te r 16
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1 6 . 1 D E F I N I N G T H E S M A L L - F I R M S E C T O R 2 6 3
Size (number of employees)
Businesses (number)
Employment (000s)
Turnovera (£m ex VAT)
Businesses (%)
Employment (%)
Turnover (%)
0–9 (micro) 5 076 540 8 457 666 854 95.2 26.2 17.7
10–49 (small) 210 025 4 116 529 125 3.9 12.8 14.0
50–249 (medium) 37 255 3 731 501 858 0.7 11.6 13.3
250 + (large) 9 055 15 933 2 073 631 0.2 49.4 55.0 All 5 332 875 32 237 3 771 468 100.0 100.0 100.0
Number of UK businesses, employment and turnover for the whole economy by number of employees (2014)
Table 16.2
a Excluding finance sector (Sector K) as data are not available on a comparable basis Source: Business Population Estimates for the UK and Regions (BIS, 2014). Contains public-sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence (OGL) v1.0, www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence
The small-firm sector in the UK In the UK, firms are divided into four categories by number of employees: micro (0–9 employees), small (0–49 employ- ees) (includes micro), medium (50–249 employees), large (250 or more employees). The Department for Business, Innovation and Skills publishes annual business popula- tion estimates, which are available from its website (www. bis.gov.uk). Table 16.2 is taken from the 2011 dataset.
The most significant feature of the data is that micro businesses (between 0 and 9 employees) accounted for 95.2 per cent of all businesses and provided 26.2 per cent of all employment. The table also shows that there were 5 286 565 micro and small businesses out of a total of 5 332 875 busi- nesses: i.e. 99.1 per cent. Micro and small businesses also accounted for 39 per cent of employment and 31.7 per cent of turnover. From such information we can see that the small-firm sector clearly represents a very important part of the UK’s industrial structure.
There are significant variations between sectors in the percentage of SMEs, whether by number of firms, employ- ment or turnover. This is illustrated in Table 16.3.
Service providers (categories G to S in Table 16.3) con- tribute the overwhelming number of micro and small firms
within the economy, accounting for 3 817 945 businesses, or 72.8 per cent of all small firms.
Changes over time How has the small-firm sector changed over time? The problems associated with definition and data collection make time-series analysis of the small-firm sector very dif- ficult and prone to various inconsistencies. However, it is possible to identify certain trends.
The Bolton Report on small firms in 1971 estimated that there were approximately 820 000 businesses employing fewer than 200 people. This figure had declined fairly con- sistently throughout the first part of the twentieth century, before beginning to rise again in the mid-1960s. By the turn of the century it was estimated that there were about 3.5 million small firms (i.e. employing fewer than 250 peo- ple). This figure had increased to 5.2 million by 2014. The period between 2010 and 2014 was one of particularly rapid growth, with the number of SMEs increasing by 760 000.
Criterion Micro Small Medium
Maximum number of employees
9 49 249
Maximum annual turnover €2 million
€10 million
€50 million
Maximum annual balance sheet total
€2 million
€10 million
€43 million
Maximum % owned by one, or jointly by several, enterprise(s) not satisfying the same criteria
25% 25% 25%
EU SME definitionsTable 16.1
Note: To qualify as an SME, both the employee and the independence criteria must be satisfied and either the turnover or the balance sheet total criteria
Pause for thought
What inconsistencies might there be in time-series data on the small-firm sector?
What is the explanation for this rise in small businesses in recent years? A wide range of factors have been advanced to explain this phenomenon, and include the following:
■ The growth in the service sector of the economy. Many ser- vices are, by their nature, small in scale and/or specialist. For example, many small businesses have developed in the area of computer support and back-up.
■ The growth in niche markets. Rising consumer affluence creates a growing demand for specialist products and services. Key examples might be in textiles and in other fashion/craft-based markets. Such goods and services are likely to be supplied by small firms, in which economies of scale and hence price considerations are of less relevance.
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BOX 16.1 CAPTURING GLOBAL ENTREPRENEURIAL SPIRIT
Stimulating the growth of SMEs
There has been considerable interest in the notion of entre- preneurship in recent times and governments around the world have increasingly made it a focus of their economic strategy. For example, in 2015, the UK government passed the Small Business, Enterprise and Employment Act. This Bill aims to reduce the barriers that can sometimes limit the ability of small businesses to innovate, grow and compete. It includes measures to improve SMEs’ access to finance, reduce unnecessary regulation and make it easier for SMEs to bid for government contracts. When the Act was passed the govern- ment stated that it was ‘committed to fostering and encourag- ing the entrepreneurial spirit’. But what exactly is an entrepreneur? Entrepreneurs are sources of new ideas and new ways of doing things. That is, they are at the forefront of invention and innovation, provid- ing new products and developing markets.
The GEM The Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) provides a framework for analysing entrepreneurship. It suggests that entrepreneurship is a complex phenomenon that can exist at various stages of the development of a business. So, some- one who is just starting a venture and trying to make it in a highly competitive environment is entrepreneurial. And so too, but in a different way, are established business owners if they are innovative, competitive and growth-minded. Focus- ing on different stages of the ‘entrepreneurial cycle’ allows many of the dynamic elements of SMEs to be identified and analysed.
1S. Singer, J. E. Amorós and D. M. Arreola, Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, 2014 Global Report (GERA, 2014).
GEM measures the stage of the life cycle of entrepreneurship by dividing entrepreneurs into nascent, new and established business owners. Nascent owners are those who have estab- lished a business within the last three months. New owners are those who have been in business between 3 and 42 months. Together, nascent and new business owners make up ‘early stage entrepreneurs’, while ‘established owners’ – those in business for more than 42 months – will have come through the traumas of the initial birth and the early develop- ment stages of the firm. GEM’s Global Report1 measures entrepreneurial activity in a country by the percentage of those aged 18 to 64 who are business owners, whether early stage or established. The 2014 report was based on a survey of 206 000 individuals across 73 different countries. The prevalence of all entrepreneurial activity was highest in Uganda, where 71.4 per cent of those surveyed indicated that they had entrepreneurial tendencies (see diagram (a)). Thailand also had a very high incidence of 57.4 per cent. This can be contrasted with Russia, which had one of the lowest occurrences, with only 7.5 per cent of those surveyed indicating an enterprising disposition. The unweighted average for all the countries surveyed was 25.1 per cent. Among the 23 European Union countries cited in the GEM survey of 2014, the UK appears just above midway, with 17.3 per cent noted as early stage or established entrepreneurs. Of the EU countries, 13 had a lower incidence than the UK, while nine had a higher incidence. The countries with a lower inci- dence included France (8.3 per cent), Germany (10.6 per cent)
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
E nt
re pr
en eu
ria l A
ct iv
ity (%
o f
w or
ki ng
p op
ul at
io n)
..
Fr an
ce
R us
si a
G er
m an
y
N or
w ay
C ro
at ia
Fi nl
an d
S pa
in
Ir el
an d
U K
R om
an ia
G re
ec e
U S
A
C hi
na
Ja m
ai ca
B ra
zi l
Th ai
la nd
U ga
nd a
A ve
ra ge
New Nascent Established
(a) Entrepreneurial activity
Note: Unweighted average is of 73 countries
Source: Based on data in Global Entrepreneurship Monitor 2014, Executive Report (Global Enterprise Research Association, 2015)
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CAPTURING GLOBAL ENTREPRENEURIAL SPIRIT
Stimulating the growth of SMEs
and Spain (12.5 per cent), while those with higher incidence included Austria (18.8 per cent), The Netherlands (19.3 per cent) and Greece (20.8 per cent). The UK was also behind the USA (20.9 per cent) and China (27.2 per cent) in all measures of entrepreneurship. Unfortunately, consistent time-series data are not available. Not all countries report every year and the concept of ‘estab- lished entrepreneurs’ was only introduced in 2005. However, there is data relevant for comparison purposes on nascent and new business owners (early stage entrepreneurial activity) for industrialised countries over the period 2001 to 2014. Dia- gram (b) illustrates that the UK is above France, Germany and Japan but below the USA in being involved in new venture creation, although the UK figure increased more rapidly than in the USA in the two years up to 2014. The GEM report also includes data on the motivation for start- ing a business. A necessity-driven entrepreneur is someone who reports that they started a business because there were no better options available to obtain work. An opportunity- driven entrepreneur is someone who reports that they started a business because of a recognised opportunity in the market rather than having no other options for work. Information from the 2014 GEM report indicates that the proportion of early stage entrepreneurs in the UK who established a business because of necessity-driven motives was 12.9 per cent. This compares favourably with a figure of 23.2 per cent in Germany, 34.8 per cent in Greece and 46.6 per cent in Croatia. Also 83.6 per cent of early stage entre- preneurs in the UK reported an opportunity-driven motive for starting their business compared with 75.8 per cent in
Germany, 61.5 per cent in Greece and 51.3 per cent in Croatia. The figures for the UK were very similar to the USA, which had 13.5 per cent and 81.5 per cent respectively.2
Challenges for UK entrepreneurs Thus, the UK seems to be performing fairly well compared to similar nations. However, challenges remain.
Survival rates. First, longer-term survival has to be improved. The Office for National Statistics reported in November 2014 that the three-year survival rate of UK VAT-registered busi- nesses that were established in 2008 (i.e. which were still active in 2010) was 58 per cent.3 This figure was 7 per cent lower than the three-year survival rate for those firms that started in 2004. The five-year survival rate was also low, with only 41.3 per cent of businesses established in 2008 still active in 2012. The five-year survival rate varied substantially by sector, ranging from a high of 53.4 per cent for businesses related to health to a low of 31.4 per cent for businesses in the finance and insurance industry. It also varied by region, with the South West having the highest survival rate of 45.5 per cent, while London had the lowest of 37.1 per cent. Improving survival rates is important because fear of failure is commonly cited as part of the explanation for differences in enterprise and business formation rates between the UK and
(b) Early stage entrepreneurial activity in selected countries (% adult population)
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
USA France Japan
Germany UK
Note: Survey data was not available for Germany in 2007
Source: After data accessed 2014 from Key Indicators database, Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (Global Entrepreneurship Research Association)
▲
2Singer et al., Global Entrepreneurship Monitor. 3‘Business demography, 2013’ (Office for National Statistics, 27 November 2014).
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dynamism within an economy. They create around a quarter of all new jobs among existing businesses. A 2014 survey of 100 fast-growing firms in the UK revealed that 70 had 150 or fewer employees and 67 had sales of £50 million or less. Almost half (44) were in the broad services sector. Examples ranged from a gym operator to a pet insurance provider. The second largest group was companies in the retail sector (36), many of whom were selling a large portion of their output via the Internet. Examples included a number of online wine merchants.5
However, it seems very difficult to turn fast-growing small firms in the UK from ‘gazelles’ into ‘gorillas’ – firms less than 10 (perhaps 15) years old with a presence in at least three countries and employing over 500 people. In the USA, com- panies such as Google, Facebook, eBay and Amazon stand out as recent examples of firms that have developed from gazelles into gorillas. In the UK, however, these beasts are much more elusive.
1. Under what economic conditions is ‘necessity’ entrepreneur- ship likely to increase?
2. Is business failure necessarily a ‘bad thing’ for a country?
USA: 36.8 per cent of people seeking entrepreneurial oppor- tunities in the UK, compared with 29.7 per cent in the USA, said that fear of failure would prevent them from starting a business.
Female entrepreneurs. Second, the UK needs to address the issue of low rates of female entrepreneurship. Figures from the GEM report for 2014 show that the incidence of female early stage entrepreneurial activity in the UK was 7.5 per cent whereas the figure for the USA was 11.2 per cent. The Small Business Survey for 20144 reports that 18 per cent of SMEs were women-led – either controlled by a woman or with a management team that is over 50 per cent female. Although low, this figure has increased from 3.2 per cent in 2001.
High-growth firms. The OECD defines high-growth firms as those with annual growth rates of at least 20 per cent (of either turnover or employment) over a three-year period, and having more than 10 employees at the beginning of the observation period. Approximately 7 per cent of SMEs in the UK meet this definition. A subset of these high-growth firms – those which were less than five years old – are referred to as ‘gazelles’. High-growth SMEs contribute dramatically to an economy’s employment, innovation and growth and their presence in large numbers demonstrates a higher order of entrepreneurial
4 ‘Small Business Survey, 2014: SME employers’ (Department for Business Innovation & Skills, March 2015).
5 ‘Sunday Times Virgin Fast Track 100 Research Report 2014’ (Fast Track, December 2014).
■ New working practices which require greater labour force flex- ibility. Forms of employment such as subcontracting have become more pronounced, as businesses attempt to achieve certain cost and flexibility advantages over their rivals. This often forces individuals either to set up their own compa- nies to provide such services, or to become self-employed.
■ Rises in the level of unemployment. The higher the level of unemployment, the more people turn to self-employ- ment as an alternative to trying to find work with an employer. The rise in unemployment in the 1980s, early 1990s and from 2008 to 2011 were all associated with increases in self-employment. According to the Office for National Statistics, 4.6 million people were self-em- ployed in their main job in the UK in 2014. This rep- resents 15 per cent of the total number of people in work and is the highest figure since the data were first collected over 40 years ago. It compares to a figure of 13 per cent in 2008 and just 8.7 per cent in 1975.
Total employment in the second quarter of 2014 was 1.1 million higher than it had been in the first quarter of 2008, just before the economic downturn began. The majority of this increase – 732 000 or 67 per cent – was due to a rise in self-employment. Surprisingly, this recent large increase was not caused by a greater percent- age of people entering self-employment; over the five- year period 2009–14, this inflow rate had remained fairly constant at around 37 per cent. The big change was
Definitions
Subcontracting The business practice where various forms of labour (frequently specialist) are hired for a given period of time. Such workers are not directly employed by the hiring business, but either employed by a third party or self-employed.
Enterprise culture One in which individuals are encour- aged to become wealth creators through their own initia- tive and effort.
a fall in the percentage of people leaving self-employ- ment; this outflow figure had been around 35 per cent in previous five-year periods, but fell to 23 per cent in the 2009–14 period. One reason for this fall may have been the negative impact of the recession on the number of opportunities for people to move from self-employment back into employment.
■ The role of government. Government attitudes and policy initiatives shifted in favour of small-business creation during the 1980s. The development of an enterprise culture, in which individuals were to be given the opportunity, and various financial incentives, to start their own businesses, has been one of the principal aims of all governments in recent times. (In section 16.3 we shall consider government policy initiatives in more detail.)
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SME share of UK private-sector businesses, employment and turnover by industrial sector (2015)Table 16.3
Industrial sector SIC 2007
Businesses Employment Turnover
Total number
SME (% share)
Total employment (000s)
SME (% share)
Total turnover (£m)
SME (% share)
All industries 5 389 450 99.9 25 871 60.3 3 710 278 47.3
A Agriculture, forestry and fishing
153 360 99.9 46 94.8 41 710 91.8
B, D, E Mining, electricity, gas, water
29 390 99.7 365 n.a. 204 014 18.2
C Manufacturing 275 565 99.6 2 640 57.5 601 966 30.2
F Construction 956 105 100.0 2 042 85.5 245 291 74.9
G Wholesale, retail and repairs 522 690 99.8 4 970 46.0 1 359 547 45.5
H Transportation and storage 274 840 99.8 1 364 47.1 172 244 42.0
I Hotels and restaurants 183 180 99.6 2 163 60.5 86 631 56.5
J Information and communication
338 905 99.9 1 301 61.5 213 914 44.4
K Financial and insurance activities
84 140 99.6 1 063 27.6 n.a. n.a.
L Real estate activities 105 045 99.9 471 75.3 51 332 75.1
M Professional, scientific and technical activities
792 885 99.9 2 455 76.5 266 398 66.3
N Administrative and support service activities
443 400 99.7 2 820 47.4 218 703 61.8
P Education 267 550 100.0 552 84.1 22 173 78.1
Q Health and social work 371 375 99.8 1 785 71.8 74 515 76.8
R Arts, entertainment and recreation
268 365 100.0 711 69.3 119 421 21.1
S Other service activities 322 655 100.0 707 n.a. 32 419 n.a.
Note: n.a. = not available Source: Business Population Estimates for the UK and Regions (BIS, 2015). Contains public-sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence (OGL) v1.0, http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence
The growth in small businesses in the UK has been pro- nounced since the early 1970s. But has a similar trend been apparent in other developed economies?
International comparisons Poor-quality data made international comparisons on small-firm activity and entrepreneurship very difficult
in the past. However, this challenge is starting to be met because of their importance in job creation (look at Tables 16.2 and 16.3 again), in productivity, in innovation and, ultimately, economic growth. For example, a consortium of academics in universities across the world has compiled a Global Entrepreneurial Monitor (GEM). This is reported on in Box 16.1.
THE SURVIVAL, GROWTH AND FAILURE OF SMALL BUSINESSES16.2
Evidence suggests that a small business stands a signifi- cantly higher chance of failure than a large business, and yet many small businesses survive and some grow. What char- acteristics distinguish a successful small business from one that is likely to fail? The following section looks at this issue.
Competitive advantage and the small-firm sector The following have been found to be the key competitive advantages that small firms might hold.
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■ Flexibility. Small firms are better able to respond to changes in market conditions and to meet customer requirements effectively. For example, they may be able to develop or adapt products for specific needs. Small firms may also be able to make decisions quickly, avoid- ing the bureaucratic and formal decision-making pro- cesses that typify many larger companies.
■ Quality of service. Small firms are better able to deal with customers in a personal manner and offer a more effec- tive after-sales service.
■ Production efficiency and low overhead costs. Small firms can avoid some of the diseconomies of scale that beset large companies. A small firm can benefit from: man- agement that avoids waste; good labour relations; the employment of a skilled and motivated workforce; lower premises costs. In a survey of SME managers,6 78 per cent ranked themselves as having strong people management skills.
■ Product development. As we have seen, many small busi- nesses operate in niche markets, offering specialist goods or services. The distinctiveness of such products gives the small firm a crucial advantage over its larger rivals. A successful small business strategy, therefore, would be to produce products that are clearly differentiated from those of large firms in the market, thereby avoid- ing head-on competition – competition which the small firm would probably not be able to survive.
■ Innovation. Small businesses, especially those located in high-technology markets, are frequently product or pro- cess innovators. Such businesses, usually through entre- preneurial vision, manage successfully to match such innovations to changing market needs. Many small busi- nesses are, in this respect, path breakers or market leaders.
Small businesses do, however, suffer from a number of significant limitations.
Problems facing small businesses The following points have been found to hinder the success of small firms. They are often collectively referred to as the ‘liabilities of smallness’.
■ Selling and marketing. Small firms face many problems in selling and marketing their products, especially overseas. Small firms are perceived by their customers to be less stable and reliable than their larger rivals. This lack of
Pause for thought
Before you read on, try to identify what competitive advan- tages a small business might have over larger rivals.
credibility is likely to hinder their ability to trade. This is a particular problem for ‘new’ small firms which have not had long enough to establish a sound reputation. Only 28 per cent of SME managers ranked themselves as ‘strong’ at the task of entering new markets.7
■ Funding R&D. Given the specialist nature of many small firms, their long-run survival may depend upon devel- oping new products and processes in order to keep pace with changing market needs. Such developments may require significant R&D investment. However, the abil- ity of small firms to attract finance is limited, as many of them have virtually no collateral and they are frequently perceived by banks as a highly risky investment. Only 27 per cent of SME managers ranked themselves as ‘strong’ at accessing external finance.8
■ Management skills. A crucial element in ensuring that small businesses not only survive but also grow is the quality of management. If key management skills, such as being able to market a product effectively, are limited, then this will limit the success of the business.
■ Economies of scale. Small firms will have fewer opportuni- ties and scope to gain economies of scale, and hence their costs are likely to be somewhat higher than those of their larger rivals. This will obviously limit their ability to compete on price.
The question often arises whether it is possible to dis- tinguish between those small businesses which are likely to grow and prosper and those that are likely to fail. In the sec- tion below we will consider not only how businesses grow, but also whether there is a key to success.
How do small businesses grow? It is commonly assumed that all businesses wish to grow. But is it true? Do small businesses want to become big busi- nesses? It may well be that the owners of a small firm have no aspirations to expand the operations of their enterprise. They might earn sufficient profits and experience a level of job satisfaction that would in no way be enhanced with a bigger business operation. In fact the negative aspects of big business – formalised management structure, less customer contact and a fear of failure – might reduce the owner’s level of satisfaction.
If growth is a small business objective, what are the chances of success? Evidence from the UK and the USA sug- gests that for every 100 firms established, after a five-year period only 41 and 51, respectively, will survive; but they are more likely to survive if they have grown.
The process of growth Small businesses are frequently perceived to grow in five stages. These are shown in Table 16.4.
6Steve Lomax, June Wiseman and Emma Parry, ‘Small Business Survey 2014: SME Employers’, BIS Research Paper Number 214 (Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, March 2015), p. 4.
7Ibid. 8Ibid.
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In the initial stage, inception, the entrepreneur plays the key role in managing the enterprise with little, if any, for- malised management structure. In the next two stages we see the firm establish itself (the survival stage) and then begin to grow. The entrepreneur devolves management responsibility to non-owner managers. Such non-owner managers are able to add certain skills to the business which might enhance its chances of growth and success. The fourth and fifth phases, expansion and maturity, see the firm become more bureaucratic and rationalised; power within the organisation becomes more dispersed.
This picture of the growth of small businesses is descrip- tive rather than explanatory. To explain why a small firm grows we need to examine a number of factors. It is useful to group them under three headings – the entrepreneur, the firm and strategy.
The entrepreneur Factors in this section relate predominantly to the attrib- utes and experience of the individual entrepreneur. They include the following.
■ Entrepreneurial motivation and a desire to succeed. Motivation, drive and determination are clearly import- ant attributes for a successful entrepreneur. On their own, however, they are unlikely to be sufficient. If motivation is not complemented with things such as good business knowledge and decision making, then a business is likely to fail irrespective of its owner’s motives.
■ Educational attainment. Although educational attain- ment does not necessarily generate business success (indeed, it is often claimed that running a business is not an ‘intellectual’ activity), the level of education of an entrepreneur is positively related to the rate of growth of the firm.
■ Prior management experience and business knowledge. Previous experience by the owner in the same or a related industry is likely to offer a small firm a far greater chance of survival and growth. ‘Learning by doing’ will enable the new business owner to avoid past mistakes or to take advantage of missed previous opportunities.
The firm The following are the key characteristics of a small business that determine its rate of growth.
■ The age of the business. New businesses grow faster than mature businesses.
■ The sector of the economy in which the business is oper- ating. A firm is more likely to experience growth if it is operating in a growing market. Examples include the financial services sector during the 1980s, and specialist high-technology sectors today.
■ Legal forms. Limited companies have been found to grow faster than sole proprietorships or partnerships. Evidence suggests that limited companies tend to have greater market credibility with both banks and customers.
■ Location. Small firms tend to be highly dependent for their performance on a localised market. Being in the right place is thus a key determinant of a small business’s growth.
Strategy Various strategies adopted by the small firm will affect its rate of growth. Strategies that are likely to lead to fast growth include the following:
■ Workforce and management training. Training is a form of investment. It adds to the firm’s stock of human capital, and thereby increases the quantity, and possibly also the quality, of output per head. This, in turn, is likely to increase the long-term growth of the firm.
■ The use of external finance. Taking on additional part- ners, or, more significantly, taking on shareholders, will increase the finance available to firms and therefore allow a more rapid expansion.
■ Product innovation. Firms that introduce new products have been found on the whole to grow faster than those that do not.
■ Export markets. Even though small firms tend to export relatively little, export markets can frequently offer additional opportunities for growth. This is especially important when the firm faces stiff competition in the domestic market.
KI 23 p 197
Management role and style in the five stages of small business growthTable 16.4
Stage Top management role Management style Organisation structure
1 Inception Direct supervision Entrepreneurial, individualistic Unstructured
2 Survival Supervised supervision Entrepreneurial, administrative Simple
3 Growth Delegation/co-ordination Entrepreneurial, co-ordinate Functional, centralised
4 Expansion Decentralisation Professional, administrative Functional, decentralised
5 Maturity Decentralisation Watchdog Decentralised, functional/ product
Source: D. J. Storey, Understanding the Small-Business Sector (Routledge, 1994). Reproduced with permission of Cengage Learning (EMEA) Ltd.
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BOX 16.2 HOTEL CHOCOLAT
A small, fast-growing, ethical business
Hotel Chocolat is a UK-based luxury chocolate manufacturer founded in 1993 by Angus Thirwell and Peter Harris. They had previous experience of the confectionery sector, having established the Mint Marketing Company in 1988 which sold packaged mints to the corporate market. A number of their customers asked them if they sold confectionary other than mints, which led them to move into the chocolate business with the creation of Choc Express in 2003. Their initial sales were primarily from mail-order catalogue-based customers. They then developed an online store to complement their catalogue sales. In 2003, Choc Express was rebranded as Hotel Chocolat, and the owners embraced a new means of selling when their first retail store was launched. By October 2014 it had grown into a multi-million pound business with 81 shops, 8 cafés, 2 restau- rants and a hotel, including outlets in Denmark and Australia. Initially most of the stores were located in the south of England, but Hotel Chocolat now has 10 outlets in the north of England, 12 in the Midlands and 4 in Scotland. A limited selection of their range of chocolates can also be purchased in John Lewis stores. A tasting club was created, where, for a fee, customers receive a monthly box of new chocolates, which they have to rate on a ‘taste scorecard’. This tasting club has over 100 000 members and provides valuable market research data on the public’s tastes. The rapid growth in the business has been helped by its use of ‘chocolate bonds’. These pay investors’ interest in chocolate and have helped to raise over £5 million. However, the firm’s attempts to expand into the American market have been less successful. Both of its stores in Boston and Long Island have recently been closed. The company’s growth has been based on premium chocolates with authentic, wholesome ingredients, i.e. without artificial flavourings or hydrogenated fats. The product range covers chocolate slabs, boxed chocolates, gift boxes and chocolate fancies, such as chocolate-covered ‘Amaretto and Almond Sultanas’ and ‘Dark with Chilli and Cocoa Nibs’. They also offer products for the corporate sector, vegetarians, vegans and diabetics. A range of beauty products was launched in November 2012. The company has also engaged in forward vertical integration. It originally outsourced the production of its chocolates, but they are all now produced at its own factory in Cambridgeshire.
Fair trading In 2004 the Hotel Chocolat engaged in backward vertical integration and purchased a 140-acre cocoa plantation on the Caribbean island of St Lucia. As part of the first phase of developing the St Lucia plantation, the company refurbished the estate, began to plant new seedlings and worked towards gaining full organic accreditation. It also started phase 2 of the project, the establishment of a chocolate factory in St Lucia, and it developed a hotel on the plantation. The company realised early on in St Lucia that develop- ing a sustainable industry for the long term, offering a
high-quality and consistent supply of cocoa, required that it support local cocoa growers. For over 20 years prior to the purchase of the plantation, cocoa in St Lucia had been in decline. Local growers had no guarantee that harvested crops would be bought and, when crops were sold, payment could take up to six months to arrive. Under these circum- stances cocoa production was loss making. The company has developed a programme of ‘engaged ethics’ to develop sustainable production and fair standards. Hotel Chocolat now guarantees that farmers who embrace the pro- gramme will be able to sell all the cocoa they produce at 30 to 40 per cent above the market price and will be paid within one week. The company buys all of the cocoa ‘wet’ (unfermented), to ensure consistent quality, allowing farmers to concentrate on growing and replanting. All of this is supported by advice and technical expertise. By early 2009, 42 farmers had bene- fited from the programme. As it develops the chocolate factory, Hotel Chocolat plans to bring other St Lucians into the supply chain, including choc- olate workers, drivers, tour guides, engineers and support staff, all of whom will be trained and developed. In October 2010 a hurricane passed through the estate. Co-founder Angus Thirlwell takes up the story:
There were two main things I saw which gave me real con- fidence about the strength of our Engaged Ethics culture in Saint Lucia: Firstly, the day after the devastating hurri- cane, we opened our fermentation station as usual. It was essential that farmers who were not badly hit and who could make it with wet cocoa deliveries, could keep on doing business with us and earning much needed funds to help with rebuilding and replanting. It would have been all too easy to have kept it closed, but our team made exceptional efforts to keep the promises we made – we will buy all your cocoa, you can rely on us – fantastic to see! Secondly, the day after the hurricane we despatched our carpenters and stone-masons into the community to help put new roofs on, clear roads and distribute food. We had our own building programme to finish off but more important to help people in desperate straits first.9
This programme of engaged ethics has also been a mainstay of the company’s approach in Ghana, the world’s second largest cocoa producer. In 2002 the company began sourcing cocoa in the Osuben Basin Region. Here it provided direct funding and management skills to help launch and sustain projects that would help cocoa growers: for example, by subsidising health insurance, supporting local schools and sinking bore- holes for clean drinking water.
Tapping into a growing market The chocolate market in the UK has seen modest volume growth from 2008 to 2013 of 5.3 per cent, but strong sales revenue growth over the same period of 25.7 per cent. According to Mintel, in 2013 this market was worth £4063 million and is forecast to grow to £4793 million by 2018.10
9 Our Unique Cocoa Plantation – The Rabot Estate, St Lucia (www.hotelchocolat.co.uk, September 2012).
10 Chocolate Confectionery – UK (Mintel, April 2014).
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Hotel Chocolat’s approach to excellence in chocolate prod- ucts and its strong sense of corporate and social responsi- bility have clearly helped it to tap into this growing market and appeal to the ethical consumer. In the six months to 28 December 2014, its profits increased by 144 per cent to £8.3 million. This was the first time it had made greater profits than its main high street rival, Thorntons. Its success has been acknowledged by various awards. Retail Week awarded it ‘Emerging Retailer of the Year’ in 2007. It
also won Speciality Retailer of the year for 2013 and a Cosmo- politan Beauty Product Award in 2013 for its Cocoa Juvenate Body Butter.
1. What conditions existed to enable Hotel Chocolat’s small business to do so well in such a short period of time?
2. What dangers do you see in the growth strategy adopted by Hotel Chocolat?
■ The use of professional managers. The devolving of power to non-owning managers is identified as a major charac- teristic of fast-growth small firms. Such managers, as previously mentioned, widen the skills and knowledge base of the organisation, and shift the reliance of the business away from the entrepreneur, whose skills might be limited to specific areas.
What the above factors suggest is that, if a small business is to be successful and subsequently grow, it must consider its business strategy – the organisation of the business, and the utilisation of individuals’ abilities and experience. It is a
combination of these factors which is likely to generate suc- cess, and only those businesses that co-ordinate such char- acteristics are likely to grow. Conversely, those businesses that fail to embrace these key characteristics are likely to fall by the wayside.
A potentially crucial factor in aiding success is the contribu- tion and role of public policy. In the next section we shall consider the attitude of the UK government to small busi- ness and the policy initiatives it has introduced. We will also assess how such initiatives differ from, complement or duplicate those provided by the EU.
GOVERNMENT ASSISTANCE AND THE SMALL FIRM16.3
When the UK Conservative–Liberal coalition government was elected in 2010, it stated that its principal economic objective was to develop a strategy that would enable the country to achieve its full economic potential. A key element of the strategy was the encouragement and pro- motion of entrepreneurial talent; and one way of achiev- ing this was by supporting small and medium-sized enterprises.
SME policy in the UK UK governments in recent years have recognised the strategic importance of small firms to the economy and have introduced various forms of advisory services and tax concessions. In particular, they have tried to encour- age the establishment of new small firms. In the UK, the level of small business start-ups is about three businesses per 100 adults. In the USA, it is over seven businesses per 100 adults.
A new Department for Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS) was created in June 2009. This became the lead authority for small business policy. The Treasury, however, provides the financial opportunities and establishes the macro-economic policy framework for industry, including small firms. The government and the EU also offer grants and other forms of assistance through regional, urban, social and industrial policy that small firms may be able to tap into (see sections 21.2, 21.3, 31.3 and 31.4). In this sec- tion we concentrate on the strategic framework and specific policies aimed at SMEs.
Strategic framework In October 2010 the UK government launched a new vision for growth and enterprise, entitled ‘Local growth: realising every place’s potential’. This set out how it intended to support enterprise, innovation, global trade and inward investment. It developed a framework centred around the idea of ‘Local Enterprise Partnerships’. These are joint bodies bringing together the private and public sector to promote the economic interests of each part of the country.
In October 2011, Lord Young was appointed as an advi- sor to the Prime Minister on Enterprise. He undertook a three-part review on enterprise and small firms.
Pause for thought
Why might the government wish to distinguish SME start-up policies from SME growth and performance policies?
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■ The first review, Make Business Your Business, was pub- lished in May 2012. This report stressed the record num- ber of new start-up businesses and the growing culture of entrepreneurship.
■ The second review, Growing Your Business, was pub- lished in 2013 and focused on ways of helping small firms to grow.
■ The final review, Enterprise For All, was published in June 2014 and focused on the best ways of developing enterprise in the education system.
Forms of government support to small business in the UK Raising finance The government created the British Business Bank on 1 November 2014. This is a state-owned bank, and one of its key aims is to increase the supply of lending to SMEs. It manages all government schemes that try to help smaller firms obtain access to finance. The current schemes operated by the British Business Bank include:
■ Enterprise Finance Guarantee. The aim of this scheme is to facilitate lending to small businesses that have had a loan application declined because they lack either ade- quate security or a proven track record. The Enterprise Finance Guarantee (EFG) provides the lender with a government-backed guarantee that covers 75 per cent of the value of an individual loan.
The decision of whether or not to lend the money is still left entirely at the discretion of the private provider. However, given the extra protection afforded by the scheme, loan applications by SMEs have a much greater chance of being successful.
To be eligible for a loan with the EFG, a firm must have a turnover no greater than £41 million and be seek- ing finance of between £1000 and £1.2 million. It must also agree to a repayment period of between 3 months and 10 years. In the 4th quarter of 2014, 575 EFG loans had been made with a total value of £65.5 million. This was a big reduction on the 4th quarter of 2013 when 900 EFG loans were made with a total value of £99.9 million.
■ The Angel CoFund. Rather than seeking finance from a traditional lender, SMEs may seek investment from groups or individuals and offer a share of their business in return. Individuals who invest their own money into a new business in return for a share of that business (i.e. ownership equity) are referred to as ‘angel investors’ (or as ‘Dragons’ in the popular TV programme, Dragons’ Den). As well as providing finance, these angel investors may also offer managerial guidance and enable the firm to make use of their business contacts.
‘Venture capitalists’ invest other people’s money that has been pooled into a managed fund. Once again, ven- ture capitalists expect a share of the business in return for the investment.
Some people have argued that SMEs face an equity gap. They may have viable investment opportunities, but the level of finance required is greater than the amount angel investors would invest and less than ven- ture capitalists would normally invest. The Angel CoFund aims to promote and develop the angel invest- ment market. It offers support for angel investors who have organised themselves into groups or syndicates and are looking to make an equity investment of between £100 000 and £1 million in an eligible SME. The scheme provides government money for up to a maximum of 49 per cent of the investment.
Since its launch in November 2011 the fund has invested over £24 million in 54 SMEs, with supporting investments of £95 million from business angel syndicates.
■ Enterprise Capital Funds. The aim of this scheme is to encourage venture capital funds to invest in fast growing SMEs. The scheme combines both private and public money in Enterprise Capital Funds (ECFs) that are avail- able to SMEs.
Each ECF is run by managers in the private sector and they are often organised on a matched-fund basis – the government invests £1 in a fund for every £1 raised by the fund manager from the private sector. The maxi- mum amount the government will invest in any individ- ual ECF is capped at £50 million or two-thirds of the total fund size. As of 2014, 16 ECF funds had been created which had raised £543.5 million in total with £321.2 million coming from the government.
Grants Governments from all political parties have intro- duced a large range of different grants to support SMEs. For example, the 2010–15 Coalition government invested £50 million through the ‘Smart’ scheme to help small firms meet the costs of running R&D projects to develop new products, processes or services. Firms can apply for grants of between £25 000 and £250 000 to fund up to 60 per cent of their project costs.
Another example is the broadband connection voucher scheme introduced in December 2013. SMEs employing fewer than 250 people can apply for a grant of up to £3000 to help cover the cost of installing faster broadband. The initial take-up of the scheme was disappointing, with only 3000 SMEs taking up the vouchers.
How effective have the various grants been? Have they really helped small firms or have they simply been a waste of taxpayers’ money used to finance small business activi- ties that would have still taken place without any govern- ment support?
The government tried to address this issue with the way a new ‘Growth Vouchers programme’ was implemented. This £30 million, 15-month programme was launched in January 2014 with the aim of helping SMEs find innovative ways of overcoming any barriers that were preventing them
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from growing. Companies that have been running for at least a year, employ fewer than 50 employees and have not paid for strategic external advice in the previous three years could apply for a £2000 grant. The grant could be used to pay 50 per cent of the cost of receiving expert advice from private providers in areas such as recruiting staff, raising finance and marketing.
Firms which receive the grant were chosen at random from those that successfully completed the application process. The firms that received the funding would be monitored for the following two to three years and com- pared with those which were successful with the applica- tion process but did not receive the grant. This randomised trial, it was hoped, would allow the effectiveness of govern- ment-funded business advice to be properly assessed.
Tax concessions. Every year the Chancellor of the Exchequer sets out the tax rates and exemptions for the economy. In most instances there are some tax concessions to encourage enterprise and SME development. For example, a new lower rate of corporation tax of 20 per cent was introduced in April 2012 for small firms with a turnover of up to £300 000. Larger firms paid a rate of 24 per cent. However, from April 2015 all firms will pay the lower 20 per cent rate.
T h e g o v e r n m e n t a l s o i n t r o d u c e d E m p l o y m e n t Allowance in April 2014. All firms are able to claim up to £2000 per year through this scheme towards the cost of their employer National Insurance Contributions (NICs). It has been estimated that 90 per cent of the benefit from this tax cut will go to small firms and it will lead to 450 000 SMEs being completely exempt from having to pay any NICs.
Small businesses can also get extra reductions off their business rates if they only use one property that has a ratea- ble value of less than £12 000.
Regulations. The coalition government introduced the ‘red tape challenge’ in 2011. Businesses were invited to iden- tify regulations which they believed could be simplified or removed. In January 2014, the government announced that more than 3000 regulations had been discovered that could be either scrapped or amended. It was estimated that these changes could result in cost savings for firms of over £800 million a year once the challenge was fully implemented.
Mentoring. Survival rates of small businesses that receive mentoring are significantly higher than those which do not. For this reason the government has been will- ing to fund various mentoring schemes to help SMEs. Perhaps the most important in recent years was the ‘Get Mentoring’ project, which ran from September 2011 until December 2012. It was a private/public-sector partnership delivered by the Small Firms Enterprise Development Ini- tiative that received £1.9 million of government fund- ing to pay for the recruitment and training of volunteer
mentors from the small business community. In excess of 1500 people successfully completed the training over the 16-month period.
SMEs looking for mentoring services can contact the trained mentors via the Mentorsme website that is owned and operated by the British Bankers’ Association.
In November 2014 the government announced that it was spending a further £150 000 to fund ‘Meet a Mentor’ events designed to get female owners of SMEs into contact with each other.
The Business Growth Service that now incorporates the ‘Growth Accelerator’ provides mentoring and consul- tancy services to assist SMEs in developing and acting upon growth plans.
Small-firm policy in the EU The need for an EU policy for SMEs was first recognised in the Colonna report on industrial policy back in 1970. How- ever, it was not until 1985 that the European Council gave top priority to SME policy and launched the SME Action Programme in 1986.
A more significant move towards a fully integrated SME policy occurred in 1993 when, as part of the EU’s enterprise policy, SME initiatives were given an independent budget of ECU112.2 billion (where 1 ECU = €1) for the period 1993 to 1996. In conjunction with this, it was stated that the impact of community policies on SMEs was to be more tightly monitored, co-ordinated and scrutinised.
By June 2008 the EU had reached the point of adopting the Small Business Act, its first comprehensive SME policy framework aiming to level the playing field for SMEs. This act focuses upon issues such as access to finance, the time taken to set up a company and how the public sector inter- acts with SMEs.
In 2011 the original act was revisited, and new actions were implemented. These new actions included strength- ening loan guarantee schemes, improving access to venture capital markets and streamlining legislation. In September 2014 the European Commission carried out a public con- sultation exercise to gather feedback on how the Small Busi- ness Act could be improved.
One of the more recent and important schemes run by the EU to support SMEs was the Competition and Inno- vation Framework Programme (CIP) which had a budget of €3.62 billion and operated from 2007 to 2013. It had a number of objectives that were focused on SMEs, including: providing better access to finance, supporting their innova- tion activities and delivering business support services.
COSME and the Horizon 2020 programme CIP was replaced by the programme for the Competitive- ness of Enterprises and Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (COSME) which has a planned budget of €2.3 billion and
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runs from 2014–20. A new Executive Agency for Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (EASME) was created in January 2014 to manage most parts of COSME on behalf of the EU. The programme has four key objectives:
■ To improve access to finance for SMEs. ■ To improve access to markets inside the EU and globally. ■ To promote entrepreneurship. ■ To improve conditions for the competitiveness and sus-
tainability of EU businesses.
The objectives of COSME are very similar to those of the CIP. However, all the innovation actions and poli- cies that were previously carried out under CIP have now been transferred to the Horizon 2020 (H2020) programme. H2020 will also run from 2014 to 2020 and has a budget of €80 billion to help implement the Innovation Union Initiative.
Some of the policies that have been implemented under the COSME programme include:
■ The Loan Guarantee Facility (LGF). This is similar to the EFG scheme in the UK. It provides guarantees for loans to SMEs of up to €150 000 which might otherwise have not taken place because of the lack of collateral. It is esti- mated that the LGF will enable 330 000 SMEs to obtain loans with a total value of €21 billion. It is also expected that 90 per cent of the firms that benefit from the scheme will have 10 or fewer employees.
■ Equity Facility for Growth (EFG). This is similar to Enter- prise Capital Funds in the UK and provides financial support for venture capital funds that invest in SMEs. The EU predicts that the scheme will help over 500 firms obtain equity financing.
■ Enterprise Europe Network (EEN). The aim of this scheme is to help SMEs get access to different markets. Staff from the SME can get into contact with a local partner from the EEN, who can provide support on issues such as how to obtain market information and overcome any legal obstacles. They can also identify potential business part- ners across Europe.
An important part of the H2020 programme is the SME Instrument. This scheme has a €2.8 billion budget and aims to support the growth of SMEs which have innovative ideas and EU or global potential. Applicants can receive up to €2.5 million of funding.
The EU’s commitment to SMEs has clearly grown in recent years and it has recognised the valuable role that they play within the economy, not only as employers and contrib- utors to output, but in respect of their ability to innovate and initiate technological change – vital components in a successful and thriving regional economy. However, it also recognises that there is more to be done.
SUMMARY
1a The small-firm sector is difficult to define. Different cri- teria might be used. However, the level of employment tends to be the most widely used.
1b The difficulties in defining what a small firm is mean that measuring the size of the small-firm sector is also diffi- cult and subject to a degree of error. However, it appears that in the UK the small-firm sector has been growing since the mid-1960s. This is the result of a variety of influences including: industrial structure, working prac- tices, the level of unemployment, the role of government and consumer affluence.
1c The growth in the small-firm sector in the UK is not mirrored elsewhere in the major European nations other than in Italy.
2a Small firms survive because they provide or hold distinct advantages over their larger rivals. Such advantages include: greater flexibility, greater quality of service, production efficiency, low overhead costs and product innovation.
2b Small businesses are prone to high rates of failure, how- ever. This is due to problems of credibility, finance and limited management skills.
2c Of those small businesses that manage to survive, a small fraction will grow. The growth of business tends to proceed through a series of stages, in which the organisation and management of the firm evolve, becoming less and less dependent upon the owner-manager.
2d Those small businesses that do grow are likely to have distinct characteristics relating to individual abili- ties, business organisation and business strategy. Combinations of variables from these three categories will tend to favour growth of the SME.
3a Government policy aimed at the small firm within the UK is particularly concerned with business start-ups, although we can also identify initiatives that look to stimulate growth and improve performance.
3b Small business policy within the EU seeks to comple- ment national programmes. It provides a wide range of grants, projects and information for SMEs. A large emphasis is placed upon the development and trans- mission of technological innovations within the SME sector.
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REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Why is it so difficult to define the small-firm sector? What problems does this create?
2 ‘Small businesses are crucial to the vitality of the econ- omy.’ Explain.
3 Compare and contrast the competitive advantages held by both small and big business.
4 It is often argued that the success of a small business depends upon a number of conditions. Such conditions
can be placed under the general headings of: the entre- preneur, the firm and the strategy. How are conditions under each of these headings likely to contribute to small business success?
5 Compare and contrast UK and EU approaches to SME policy.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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Pricing strategy
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How are prices determined in practice? ■ What determines the power that a firm has to determine its prices? ■ Why do some firms base prices on average costs of production? ■ Why do firms sometimes charge different prices to different customers for the same product (e.g. seats on a plane)?
What forms can such ‘price discrimination’ take? ■ What types of pricing strategy is a firm likely to pursue if it is producing multiple products? ■ How does pricing vary with the stage in the life of a product? Will newly launched products be priced differently from
products that have been on the market a long time?
How are prices determined in practice? Is there such a thing as an ‘equilibrium price’ for a product, which will be charged to all customers and by all fi rms in the industry? In most cases the answer is no.
Take the case of the price of a rail ticket. On asking, ‘What’s the train fare to London?’, you are likely to receive any of the following replies: ‘Do you want an “Advance” ticket?’ ‘Do you want a single or return?’ ‘How old are you?’ ‘Do you have a railcard (family & friends, young person’s, student, senior)?’ ‘Do you want an off -peak or Anytime return?’ ‘Will you be travelling out before 10 a.m.?’ ‘Will you be leaving London between 4 p.m. and 6 p.m.?’ ‘Do you want to reserve a seat?’ ‘Do you want to take advantage of our special low-priced winter Saturday fare?’
How you respond to the above questions will determine the price you pay, a price that can vary several hundred per cent from the lowest to the highest. And it is not just train fares that vary in this way: air fares and holidays are other examples. In some situations, selling the same product to diff erent groups of consumers at diff erent prices is an example of price discrimination . The key question is whether the diff erent prices can be explained by any diff erences in the costs of supplying the good. (We shall examine price discrimination in detail later in this chapter.) But prices for a product do not just vary according to the customer. They vary according to a number of other factors as well.
Definition
Price discrimination Where a firm sells the same or similar product at different prices and the difference in price cannot be fully accounted for by any differences in the costs of supply.
17 C
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■ The competition that the firm faces. Firms operating under monopoly or collusive oligopoly are likely to charge very different prices from firms operating in highly competitive markets
■ Information on costs and demand. Firms in the real world may have very scant information about the elasticity of demand for their product and for the products of their competitors, and how demand is likely to change. It is the same with information on costs: firms may have only a rough idea of how costs are likely to change over time and over different levels of output. The picture of a firm choosing its price by a careful calculation of marginal cost and marginal revenue may be far from reality.
■ The aims of the firm. Is the firm aiming to maximise profits, or is it seeking to maximise sales or growth, or does it have a series of aims? Which aim or aims that it pursues will determine the price it charges?
■ The life cycle of the product. When a firm launches a product, it may charge a very different price from when the product has become established in the market, or, later, when it is beginning to be replaced by more up-to-date products.
In this chapter we will explore the pricing strategies of business. We will identify different pricing models, show how a firm’s pricing policy is likely to change over a product’s life cycle, and how and under what circumstances businesses might practise price discrimination. We will also consider a number of other pricing issues, such as those linked to a multi-product business and the use of a practice known as ‘transfer pricing’.
KI 1 p 10
KI 8 p 42
The firm’s power over prices In a free and competitive market we know that the quan- tity bought and sold, and the actual price of the product, are determined by the forces of supply and demand. If the quantity demanded is in excess of the quantity supplied, the consequent market shortage will cause the price level to rise. Equally, if the quantity supplied is in excess of the quantity demanded, the resulting market surplus will cause the market price to fall. At some point we have an equilib- rium or market-clearing price, to which the market will nat- urally move. In such an environment, the firm cannot have a ‘pricing strategy’: the price is set for it by the market. It is a price taker and has no influence over the setting of prices.
But even if a firm were able to identify the market demand and supply schedules, which is not at all certain given the problem of acquiring accurate market infor- mation, the market equilibrium price is likely to be short lived as market conditions change and demand and supply shift. This would be particularly the case for those goods or services that are fashionable and subject to changing consumer preferences, or where production technology is undergoing a period of innovation, influencing both the cost structure of the product and the potential output deci- sions open to the business. The best business could hope for, given the uncertainty of demand and supply, is to be flexible enough to continue making a profit when market conditions shift.
When a firm has a degree of market power, however, it will have some discretion over the price it can charge for its product. The smaller the number of competitors, and the more distinct its product is from those of its rivals, the more
inelastic the firm’s demand will become at any given price. This will provide it with greater control over price.
We saw (Chapter 12) that, in oligopolistic markets, firms are dependent on each other: what one firm does, in terms of pricing, product design, product promotion, etc., will affect its rivals. The degree of interdependence, and the extent to which firms acknowledge it, will affect the degree to which they either compete or collude. This, in turn, will affect their pricing strategy. The result is that prices may be very difficult to predict in advance and bear little resem- blance to those that would have been determined through the operation of free-market forces.
At one time there may be an all-out price war, with firms desperately trying to undercut each other in order to grab market share, or even drive their rivals out of business. At other times, prices may be very high, with the oligopolists colluding with each other to achieve maximum industry profits. In such cases the price may be even higher than if the industry were an unregulated monopoly because there might still be considerable non-price competition, which would add to costs and hence to the profit-maximising price.
It is clear from this that, under oligopoly, pricing is likely to be highly strategic. One of the key strategic issues is the effect of prices on potential new entrants, and here it is not only the oligopolist, but also the monopolist that must
KI 11 p 59
KI 14 p 82
KI 12 p 68
PRICING AND MARKET STRUCTURE17.1
Pause for thought
Would prices generally be lower or higher if a business was aim- ing to maximise long-run growth rather than short-run profits?
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think strategically. If the firm sets its prices at a level that maximises its short-run profits, will this encourage new firms to take the risk of entering the market? If so, should the firm keep its price down and thereby deliberately limit the size of its profits so as not to attract new entrants?
Limit pricing
This policy of limit pricing is illustrated in Figure 17.1. To simplify the explanation it is assumed that both the exist- ing firm and potential new entrant have constant marginal costs. It is also assumed that neither firm has any fixed costs so that AC = MC.
Two AC curves are drawn: one for the existing firm and one for a new entrant. The existing firm, being experienced and with a capital base and established supply channels, is shown having a lower AC curve. Any potential new entrant, if it is to compete successfully with the existing firm, must charge the same price or a lower one: i.e. we are assuming there is no product differentiation.
The short-run profit maximising position for the exist- ing firm is to produce where MC = MR. This is illustrated at point a in Figure 17.1. The firm will produce an output of Q1 and charge a price of P1. However, given that the poten- tial new entrant’s average costs are below this price, it could enter the industry and earn supernormal profits.
If, instead, the existing firm produced an output of Q2 at a price of PL, then it would be more difficult for the potential
new entrant to enter the market. If it did enter and the exist- ing firm continued to produce Q2, then the market price would fall below PL and the new entrant would make a loss. Thus, provided the existing firm does not raise price above PL, the other firm, unable to make supernormal profit, will not be attracted into the industry.
P L may well be below the existing firm’s short-run profit-maximising price, but it may prefer to limit its price to PL to protect its long-run profits from damage by competition.
Limit pricingFigure 17.1
MR
AR = D
MC = ACexisting firm
MC = ACnew entrant
£
Q
PL
Q1 Q2
P1
a
If the existing firm charges a price of PL (or below), the new potential entrant cannot make supernormal profit and will be deterred from entering.
O
What is the typical procedure by which firms set prices? Do they construct marginal cost and marginal revenue curves (or equations) and find the output where they are equal? Do they then use an average revenue curve (or equation) to work out the price at that output?
To do this requires a detailed knowledge of costs and rev- enues that few firms possess. To work out marginal cost, the firm must know how costs will change as output changes. In reality this is highly unlikely. The business environment is in a constant state of change and uncertainty. The costs of production and the potential revenues from sales will be difficult to predict, shaped as they are by many complex and interrelated variables (changes in tastes, advertising, technological innovation, etc.).
Similarly, to work out marginal revenue, the firm requires information not just on current price and sales. It must know what will happen to demand if price changes. In other words, it must know the price elasticity of demand for its product. Under oligopoly in particular, it is virtually impossible to identify a demand curve for the firm’s product. Demand for one firm’s product will depend on what its rivals do: and that can never be predicted with any certainty. As a conse- quence, managers’ ‘knowledge’ of future demand and costs will take the form of estimates (or even ‘guesstimates’).
Trying to equate marginal costs and marginal reve- nue, therefore, is likely to be a highly unreliable means of achieving maximum profits (if, indeed, that were the aim).
If, then, the marginalist principle of traditional theory is not followed by most businesses, what alternative pricing strategy can be adopted? In practice, firms look for rules of pricing that are relatively simple to apply.
Cost-based pricing One alternative to marginalist pricing is average-cost or mark-up pricing. In this case, producers derive a price by sim- ply adding a certain percentage (mark-up) for profit on top of average costs (average fixed costs plus average variable costs).
KI 4 p 25
ALTERNATIVE PRICING STRATEGIES17.2
Definitions
Limit pricing Where a business strategically sets its price below the level that would maximise its profits in the short run in an attempt to deter new rivals entering the market. This enables the firm to make greater profits in the long run.
Mark-up pricing A pricing strategy adopted by business in which a profit mark-up is added to average costs.
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1 7 . 2 A L T E R N A T I V E P R I C I N G S T R A T E G I E S 2 7 9
P = AFC + AVC + profit mark-up
The size of the profit mark-up will depend on the firm’s aims: whether it is aiming for high or even maximum prof- its, or merely a target based on previous profit.
Choosing the level of output Although calculating price in this manner does away with the firm’s need to know its marginal cost and reve- nue curves, it still requires the firm to estimate how much output it intends to produce. The reason is that average cost varies with output. If the firm estimates that it will be working to full capacity, its average cost is likely to be quite different from that if it only works at 80 or 60 per cent of capacity.
Businesses tend to base their mark-up on short-run aver- age costs. This is because estimates of short-run costs are more reliable than those of long-run costs. Long-run costs are based on all factors being variable, including capital. But by the time new capital investment has taken place, factors such as technological change and changes in factor prices will have shifted the long-run average cost curve, thereby making initial estimations inaccurate.
Figure 17.2 shows a firm’s typical short-run average cost curves. The AVC curve is assumed to be saucer shaped. It falls at first as a result of increasing marginal returns; then is probably flat, or virtually so, over a range of output; then rises as a result of diminishing marginal returns and possi- bly the need to pay overtime. The flat range of the average variable cost curve reflects the reserve capacity held by the business. This is spare capacity that the business can draw upon, if needed, to respond to changes in the market. For example, demand for the product may be subject to sea- sonal variation. The point is that many businesses can accommodate such changes with very little change in their average variable costs.
Most firms that use average-cost pricing will base their price on this horizontal section of the AVC curve (between points a and b in Figure 17.2). This section represents the firm’s normal range of output. This normal range of output
is that within which the plant has been designed to operate, and the business expects to be producing.
Average fixed costs will carry on falling as more is pro- duced: overheads are spread over a greater output. This is illustrated in Figure 17.2. The result is that average (total) cost (AC) will continue falling over the range of output where AVC is constant, with minimum AC being reached at point c – beyond the flat section of the AVC curve. In prac- tice, many firms do not regard average fixed costs in this way. Instead, they focus on average variable costs and then just add an element for overheads (AFC).
Choosing the mark-up The level of profit mark-up on top of average cost will be influenced by a range of possible considerations, such as fairness and the response of rivals. However, the most sig- nificant consideration is likely to be the implications of price for the level of market demand.
If a firm could estimate its demand curve, it could then set its output and profit mark-up at levels to avoid a short- age or surplus. Thus in Figure 17.3 it could choose a lower output (Q1) with a higher mark-up (fg), or a higher output (Q2) with a lower mark-up (hj). If a firm could not estimate its demand curve, then it could adjust its mark-up and out- put over time by a process of trial and error, according to its success in meeting profit and sales aims.
One problem here is that prices have to be set in advance of the firm knowing just how much it will sell and there- fore how much it will need to produce. In practice, firms will usually base their assumptions about next year’s sales on this year’s figures, add a certain percentage to allow for growth in demand and then finally adjust this up or down if they decide to change the mark-up.
KI 19 p 142
KI 12 p 68
A firm’s short-run average cost curveFigure 17.2
Costs (£)
0 Output (Q)
a b
AC
AVC
AFC
c
Choosing the output and profit mark-upFigure 17.3
£
O Q
P1
P2
Q1 Q2
D
AC
f
j g
h
Definition
Reserve capacity A range of output over which business costs will tend to remain relatively constant.
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Variations in the mark-up In most firms, the mark-up is not rigid. In expanding mar- kets, or markets where firms have monopoly/oligopoly power, the size of the mark-up is likely to be greater. In con- tracting markets, or under conditions of rising costs and constant demand, a firm may well be forced to accept lower profits and thus reduce the mark-up.
Multi-product firms often have different mark-ups for their different products depending on their various market conditions. Such firms will often distribute their overhead costs unequally among their products. The potentially most profitable products, often those with the least elastic demands, will probably be required to make the greatest contribution to overheads.
The firm is likely to take account of the actions and possible reactions of its competitors. It may well be unwilling to change prices when costs or demand change, for fear of the reactions of competitors (see the kinked demand curve theory on pages 201–4). If prices are kept constant and yet costs change, either due to a movement along the AC curve in response to a change in demand, or due to a shift in the AC curve, the firm must necessarily change the size of the mark-up.
Pause for thought
If the firm adjusts the size of its mark-up according to changes in demand and the actions of competitors, could its actions approximate to setting price and output where MC = MR?
Up until this point in the chapter it has been assumed that a firm sells each unit of its output for the same price. This is sometimes referred to as uniform pricing. However, if a firm implements a uniform pricing policy then it is missing out on potential profit. Given that some customers gain a higher utility from the product and thus have a greater will- ingness to pay, they would still have purchased the good if the price was higher.
The firm might be tempted to increase prices to try to capture some of this consumer surplus and convert it into profit. However it faces a trade-off. A higher price will increase the profit per transaction, but it will also cause some of its customers to stop buying the product. These would be the people gaining a lower utility and hence putting a lower valuation on the product. Indeed, if it is already produc- ing where MC = MR, it would lose more from people stop- ping buying the product than it would gain from charging remaining customers the higher price.
This trade-off could be avoided, however, if the firm could charge a higher price to those customers with a high valuation for the product (i.e. gaining a high utility) and a lower price to those consumers with a lower valuation for the product. Firms can do this by implementing a strategy of price discrimination.
If the cost to a firm of supplying different customers does not vary then price discrimination can be defined in the fol- lowing way: it is the practice of selling the same or similar products to different customers for different prices.
If the costs of supplying the good to different custom- ers do vary, then the previous definition is incomplete. For example, if differences in the cost of supplying each cus- tomer could fully explain the variation in prices. Price dis- crimination is where the mark-up of price over the marginal cost of supplying the product varies between different sales.
Price discrimination is often split into three broad cat- egories: first, second and third degree. However, there is
some debate about whether to classify some specific exam- ples as either second or third degree.
First-degree price discrimination First-degree price discrimination is also sometimes referred to as ‘perfect price discrimination’ or ‘personalised pricing’. It is a pricing strategy where the seller of the product is able to charge each consumer the maximum price he or she is prepared to pay for each unit of the product.
The following simple scenario will help to illustrate the concept. Assume a firm has developed a tablet computer that is unique and different from all the others on the mar- ket. In other words, the firm has some market power. It has a website which has photos and details of the tablet’s specifications. However, the website contains no informa- tion about the price. When each customer contacts the website and enquires about the product, they receive an automated email response. The wording of the email is as follows: ‘What is the maximum amount you are willing to pay for this tablet?’ If consumers had to provide a truthful response, the firm could then simply set the price equal to the figure in the consumer’s answer. Each customer would pay a different price based on their own personal valuation of the product.
Unfortunately for the firm, consumers are not obliged to provide an honest response. Only the buyer knows the maximum amount they are willing to pay: i.e. there is asymmetric information between the buyer and the seller
PRICE DISCRIMINATION17.3
Definition
First-degree price discrimination Where a firm charges each consumer for each unit the maximum price which that consumer is willing to pay for that unit.
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(see page 38). Buyers also have an incentive to withhold this information if they believe it will have an influence on the price they are charged.
In reality first-degree price discrimination is more of a theoretical benchmark than a viable business strategy. However, there may be some real-world cases where sellers have a pricing strategy that approaches one of perfect price discrimination. It is more likely in any sector where there is scope for bargaining over price. Through observation and
negotiation a seller may be able to ‘size up’ a customer and obtain some information about their willingness to pay.
Take the example of stall-holders in a bazaar or a new car dealer. In both of these cases the same product is often sold to different consumers for different prices. As they hag- gle, the stall-holders may try to find out the nationality of a customer, because it may indicate something about their willingness to pay. The car dealers may try to find out a cus- tomer’s address for similar reasons. Accountants, lawyers,
BOX 17.1 EASY PRICING
Getting the most revenue from the demand curve
If each passenger pays what he or she would be willing to pay, the total revenue from a full plane is given by the total grey and pink shaded areas. If, by contrast, a single price were charged to fill the plane, this would have to be P
1 , giving total revenue
of just the pink area, with passengers gaining consumer surplus of the grey area.
The easyGroup Stelios Haji-Ioannou, the original owner of easyJet, founded the easyGroup holding company of ‘easy’ subsidi- aries in 1998. In addition to easyJet, these include or have included easyCinema, easyMobile and easyCruise, amongst others. In several of these easyGroup companies prices rise as sales increase, just as with easyJet. Take the case of easy- Cinema. Prices started very low and then rose as the cinema filled up for any given screening. EasyCinema customers had no tickets: they booked online and printed out a bar-coded entry pass. Unfortunately, for Mr Haji-Ioannou, the easyCinema venture failed. Faced with an effective cartel of film distributors, which chose not to sell to the cut-price easyCinema, it could only show old or less popular films. It was forced to close in 2006. Other similar ventures, such as easyCruise and easyMobile, have also closed or been sold. Nevertheless, the number of ventures in easyGroup now number over 20, including easyCar, easyVan, easyOffice (serviced office rental), easyJobs (employ- ment agency), easyGym and easyBus (airport transfers). But the most successful of the easyGroup businesses remains easyJet, the UK’s largest airline by number of passengers carried. It has seen turnover grow in every year since 2000. Its load factor has steadily increased, with an average seat occu- pancy in 2014 of over 90 per cent. Unlike Ryanair, it has targeted the business market and flies to main airports rather than small ones in remote locations. The pricing model particularly suits easyJet’s market, with holidaymakers being able to take advantage of low-priced seats booked a long time in advance and business travellers having the flexibility of buying tickets at the last minute, but at much higher prices.
1. Distinguish between first-, second- and third-degree price discrimination.
2. Is easyJet’s pricing model one of pure first-degree price discrimination? Explain whether or not the total revenue for a full plane will be the full amount shown by the grey and pink areas in the diagram.
3. What other policies of easyJet have made it so successful?
Low-cost airlines such as easyJet and Ryanair adopted an approach to pricing in the late 1990s that was novel at the time, but is now being increasingly used by other airlines and in other industries. The approach is a form of price discrimination. The principle is simple: with a fixed number of seats per flight, as the seats are sold, so the prices go up. Thus the first few seats are sold at really low prices. Indeed, when particular flights first come on sale, many people go online very quickly to try to get the lowest priced seats. This rush to purchase seats at reasonable prices helps to drive sales and gets peo- ple to commit to a purchase when otherwise they may have waited and perhaps changed their minds. The idea is also to take advantage of the different prices peo- ple are willing to pay. Business passengers, for example, may be willing to pay very high prices (or at least their employers may) but might want to book a flight at the last minute. The pricing model means that with a plane that is nearly fully booked at that stage, the price will be high and the airline will be able to charge a price closer to the business passen- ger’s willingness to pay. In fact, in the perfect case of such a pricing model, each pas- senger is paying the maximum they would be willing to pay – a case of first-degree price discrimination. This means that all the consumer surplus (see pages 91–2) that would have gone to the consumer instead goes as revenue to the airline. This is illustrated in the diagram. Assume that the plane has 156 seats (the typical easyJet Airbus A319-100 configuration) and that the demand for seats is given by the demand curve (D).
Passengers156O
Ticket price
D
P1
Demand for seats on a low-cost airline
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architects and other firms offering professional services often bargain over price and, in the process, charge differ- ent prices to different customers.
Although the seller may try, it is highly unlikely that they will ever succeed in obtaining enough information to charge every customer a price equal to the maximum amount they are willing to pay. Possibilities for sellers engaging in first-degree price discrimination, therefore, are very rare. Also, bargaining is a time-consuming activity. A supplier will have to judge whether the extra revenue it generates outweighs the extra costs.
Figure 17.4 demonstrates the impact of first-degree price discrimination if it could be implemented. To simplify the explanation, we assume that marginal cost (MC) is constant and that there are no fixed costs, so that average cost AC = MC.
If the profit-maximising firm charged the same price to all of its customers, it would be P1 and output would corre- spondingly be Q1 (i.e. where MC = MR). Area 1 would repre- sent the supernormal profit made by the firm. However, if the firm knew the demand curve for its product, and could sell every unit at the maximum price that each consumer was prepared to pay, it could make additional gains.
First, it could make more profit from the same number of sales, Q1. All of the consumer surplus that existed when it charged one price (area 2) would be converted by a policy of first-degree price discrimination into profits.
Second, its profit-maximising level of output would be greater than Q1. If the firm could charge each customer a separate price then the MR changes - it is no longer below the AR curve. Instead MR = AR, as the firm no longer has to pass any price reductions on to other customers. This
Pause for thought
Is the pricing system adopted by the ‘easy’ group of companies a form of first-degree price discrimination (see Box 17.1)?
First-degree price discriminationFigure 17.4
O QQ2Q1
P1
P2
Additional gains = areas 2 + 3
MC = AC
AR = D
MR
£
Area 2
Area 1 Area 3
means that the new profit-maximising level of output is Q2. This further increases its total profit by area 3.
The impact on consumers is mixed. Those who previ- ously purchased the product under a single pricing strategy are now paying higher prices than they were before. How- ever, new customers are able to purchase the product under first-degree price discrimination who would not have pur- chased it if a single price had been charged.
Although it is unlikely to occur in the real world, perfect price discrimination still provides a useful bench- mark against which to judge the impact of other pricing strategies.
Third-degree price discrimination Third-degree price discrimination is where the firm charges a different price to different groups of consumers. There is no bargaining, haggling or discussion between buyers and sellers. Instead, the firm needs to find some consumer char- acteristic, trait or attribute that could be used as a basis to split them into different groups.
To be successful the characteristic must have four impor- tant properties:
■ It must be relatively easy for the firm to observe; ■ It must provide some indication of the consumer’s will-
ingness to pay: i.e. consumers allocated to one group should generally be less price sensitive at any given price than those allocated to another group – in other words, price elasticity of demand must differ between the groups;
■ It must be impossible or very costly for a consumer to change characteristics so that they switch from being a member of a high-price group to a member of low-price group, i.e. a customer is unable to reclassify themselves as a child or a pensioner in order to qualify for the lower price.
■ It must be legal to charge different prices based on the characteristic. Using either ethnicity or gender is often judged to be unlawful. For example 'Ladies nights' have been prohibited in the USA in California, New Jersey, Maryland and Pennsylvania
Having allocated its customers into these groups, the seller then sets a different price for each group according to its price elasticity of demand: the group with the lowest price elasticity of demand will be charged the highest price. However, each consumer in the same group pays the same price for the product.
KI 12 p 68
Definition
Third-degree price discrimination Where a firm divides consumers into different groups based on some characteristic that is relatively easy to observe and accept- able to the consumer. The firm then charges a different price to consumers in different groups, but the same price to all the consumers within a group.
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Third-degree price discrimination is more viable than first-degree price discrimination as the informational demands it places on the firm are much lower: i.e. it only needs to have information about how the willingness to pay varies between different groups of customers rather than between each individual consumer. However, the firm still needs to be able to find an informative, acceptable and easily observable characteristic.
One possibility would be to split consumers into differ- ent groups based on their incomes. In many instances it is highly probable that most consumers with higher incomes would be willing to pay more for a given product than those on lower incomes. They would tend to be less price sensi- tive at any given price. Therefore the firm could set a rela- tively higher price for those consumers on higher incomes and a relatively low price for those on lower incomes. For example, supermarkets could charge higher prices in stores located in wealthy areas than in those located in poorer areas. Figure 17.5 illustrates a simple example.
Assume a firm decides to split its customers into two dif- ferent groups – those earning at or above £40 000 per year and those earning less than £40 000. Panel (a) in Figure 17.5 illustrates the demand curve for the firm’s product of those earning at or above £40 000, while panel (b) illustrates the demand curve for those earning less than £40 000.
Equilibrium for a single-price firm. If the firm were unable to split its customers into these two different groups, then a market demand curve could be derived. This is illustrated in panel (c) and is obtained by horizontally aggregating the demand curves in panel (a) and (b). The market demand curve is the same as the demand curve in market H from point g to h. This is because no consumers in market L are willing to pay a price above d. As the price falls below d con- sumers in both markets, H and L, are willing to buy the good, so horizontal aggregation of both demand curves must take place from this point onwards. This creates a kink in the mar- ket demand curve at point h. This kink also creates a discon-
tinuity in the MR curve between points j and k. To simplify the explanation, it is also assumed that the firm’s marginal cost is constant and that it has no fixed costs. Thus AC = MC.
To understand how a firm would behave if it could only set one price for all of its customers we need to focus on the mar- ket demand curve in panel (c). If it was a profit-maximising firm then it would produce where the market MR: i.e. MRM = MC. This occurs at point l in panel (c) of Figure 17.5. It would therefore produce an output of Q* and sell all of this output at the same price of P*.
Equilibrium under third-degree price discrimination. What hap- pens if the firm could now charge a different price to the customers in market H from those in market L? At the sin- gle price of P* the price elasticity of demand in market H is lower than it is in market L. (Note that demand is neverthe- less elastic in both markets at this price as MR is positive.) Therefore the firm could increase its profits by charging a price above P* in market H and below P* in market L. Once again this can be illustrated in Figure 17.5.
In market H the profit-maximising firm should produce where MRH = MC. Therefore it should sell an output of QH for a price of PH.
In market L it should produce where MRL = MC at point f. Therefore it should sell an output of QL for a price of PL.
Note that PL is below P*, while PH is above P*. Also, because the demand curves are linear the total output sold is the same under third-degree price discrimination as it is under uniform pricing: i.e. Q* = QH + QL. We will see later in the chapter that this is a key point when considering whether or not price discrimination is in the public interest.
KI 8 p 42
Third-degree price discriminationFigure 17.5
O OQQH QL Q*
P*
PH
PL
MRH
MRL MRMDH
DL
DM
(c) Total market (markets H + L)(b) Market L(a) Market H
b
c
£
MCf
e
g
h
i k
j
l
d
a
Q
£
O Q
£
Pause for thought
Can you think of any real-world examples of strategies used by firms to prevent the re-sale of a product between customers who are paying different prices for the same or similar product?
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Splitting customers into different groups based on their incomes might be informative about their willingness to pay. However, it might be a difficult characteristic for the firm to directly observe. It might perhaps ask to see a copy of the cus- tomer’s salary slip in order to qualify for the lower price. In reality, however, most people are unlikely to keep this type of proof on their person. They might also object on the grounds that it was an unacceptable invasion of their privacy.
To implement this pricing strategy successfully, the seller might have to find another consumer characteristic that successfully met all three criteria. Some possible alter- natives are shown in Table 17.1.
Third-degree price discrimination by the non- profit-maximising firm If a firm does not set a profit-maximising price, either because it has some alternative aim, or because it uses cost- based methods of pricing, which, owing to a lack of infor- mation, do not lead to the profit-maximising price, then we cannot predict precisely what the discriminatory prices will be. All we can say is that price discrimination will allow the firm to achieve higher profits, which most firms will prefer to lower profits.
Second-degree price discrimination Second-degree price discrimination is where customers are offered a range of different prices for the same or similar product by the firm.
The prices offered may be dependent on one of a num- ber of factors, such as the quantity or version of the prod- uct that is purchased. For example, the first so many units purchased may be charged at a higher price and subsequent units at a lower price. However, unlike first- and third- degree price discrimination, customers are free to choose the pricing option they want from those on offer. They are not stuck with only one price that has been determined by the seller.
In order to implement second-degree price discrimina- tion successfully, firms must have some knowledge about their customers’ willingness to pay. They may be aware that some of their customers are more price sensitive, while others are less so. The problem for firms is that they can- not tell which consumers belong to which group. There may not be any easy-to-observe consumer characteristics that would suggest individuals’ price elasticity of demand at any given price. For the strategy to work, therefore, a firm would need to find a way to offer a range of prices in such a way that a relatively price insensitive customer would pay the higher price and the more price sensitive consumer the lower price(s). Here are some examples of second-degree price discrimination where price differences purely reflect differences in price elasticity of demand.
Discounts for greater purchases. This is where price is depend- ent on the amount purchased. Many suppliers of inputs to other firms offer lower prices to large customers. Another example is the use by supermarkets of promotions such as ‘buy two, get an additional one free’ or ‘buy six bottles of wine and get a 5 per cent discount’.
Similarly, electricity companies in some countries charge a high price for the first so many kilowatts. This is the amount of electricity that would typically be used for lighting and running appliances: in other words, the uses for which there is no substitute fuel. Additional kilowatts are charged at a much lower rate. This is electricity that is typically used for heating and cooking, where there are alternative fuels.
Figure 17.6 illustrates how second-degree price dis- crimination can increase revenue. Assume that the firm is currently charging a price of P1 and hence selling an
KI 8 p 42
KI 12 p 68
Characteristic Example
Age 16–25 or senior railcard; half-price children’s tickets in the cinema.
Gender ‘Ladies’ night’ in a bar or club where men pay the full price for drinks while women can get the same drinks at a discounted price.
Ethnicity A study by Levitt and Venkatech found that prostitutes charged black customers less than either white or Hispanic customers.
Location Pharmaceutical companies often charge differ- ent prices for the same medicine/drug in dif- ferent countries. Consumers in the USA are often charged more than those from other countries.
Occupation Apple, Microsoft and Orange provide price dis- counts to employees of educational institu- tions.
Business or individual
Publishers of academic journals charge much lower subscription rates to individuals than university libraries.
Past buying behaviour
Firms often charge new customers a lower price than existing customers for the same product or service as an ‘introductory offer’.
Examples of third-degree price discrimination
Table 17.1
Pause for thought
To what extent does each of the characteristics in Table 17.1 indicate to the firm differences in consumers’ incomes?
Definition
Second-degree price discrimination Where a firm offers consumers a range of different pricing options for the same or similar product. Consumers are then free to choose whichever option they wish, but the price is often dependent on either the quantity or the exact version of the product purchased.
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output of Q1. Its revenue is shown by the blue area. If it now reduces the price to P2 for additional sales above Q1, its sales will increase to Q2. Its revenue will now increase by the pink area. If it reduces the price further, to P3, for sales above Q2, sales will rise to Q3 and revenue will increase further, by the green area. Thus a large amount of consumer surplus has been captured by the firm. But this is not as much as under first-degree price discrimina- tion (see Figure 17.4). Consumer surplus of the grey areas still remains.
Coupons/vouchers. A firm can use coupons or vouchers that enable a consumer to purchase the product for a lower price. For this pricing strategy to work, consumers must have to exert some time and effort in order to obtain and use the coupons or vouchers. The firm must not make it too easy to find and use them as it does not want cus- tomers who would have bought the product anyway to use them!
For example, the vouchers may be on a flyer inside a local newspaper or included in junk mail. The customer will then have to search through the flyers or junk mail to see if there are any coupons or vouchers for products they are interested in buying. Only those consumers who are rela- tively more price sensitive at the non-discounted price of the product will take the time and effort involved in order to get the voucher. Those who are relatively less price sensi- tive will not find the search costs involved worthwhile and will end up paying the full price.
Inter-temporal pricing. This pricing strategy can be used where different customers have a different willingness to pay at different points in time. When a product is launched, some consumers are desperate to get hold of it. For exam- ple, some consumers want to have the most up-to-date technology and are willing to pay more for a new mobile phone that is released with innovative features. Similarly, when computers or tablets are first available with a new,
faster processing chip, the price tends to be higher. Over time the price of such products is reduced, which enables firms to sell to people less anxious to switch to the latest version.
Another example is the pricing of seats on certain air- lines. As the plane fills up, so the price of the seat rises. If you book a seat on a budget airline a long time in advance, for example, you may be able to get it at a very low price. If, on the other hand, you want a seat at the last minute, you may well have to pay a very high price. Although this is the other way around from the case of high-tech products, it again reflects price elasticity of demand. The business traveller who needs to travel the next day for a meeting will have a very low price sensitivity and may well be prepared to pay a very high price indeed.
In both the above cases, customers are not being assigned to a time period by the firm, so it is not classed as an example of third-degree price discrimination. Instead, it is up to customer preferences. In the high-tech case, the least price-sensitive customers reveal themselves by paying the higher price when the good is first launched, whereas customers who are more price sensitive simply wait for the price to come down. In the case of airlines, the more price sensitive consumers reveal themselves early on, while the less price sensitive ones reveal them- selves later.
A mixture of second-degree price discrimination and product differentiation Unlike the above cases, most examples of second-degree price discrimination are a mixture of price discrimination and product differentiation. Although this is not ‘pure’ price discrimination, as the more expensive product will normally be a higher quality product, there is an element of price discrimination if the price difference partly reflects the price elasticity of demand and not just differences in costs of production. Here are some examples:
Product size. It is common for small-sized packets or con- tainers of everyday items, such as breakfast cereal or milk, to be sold at a higher unit price (i.e. per weight or volume) than large packets. It may be that the small sized packets cost more per unit of product to produce and distribute, but it is unlikely that this accounts for the entire difference in price.
Versioning. This is where a firm produces different versions of the same core product. The different versions of the
Second-degree price discriminationFigure 17.6
O Q3Q2Q1
P1
P2
P3
D
Price
Quantity
Definition
Inter-temporal pricing Where the price a firm charges for a product varies over time. It occurs where the price elasticity of demand for a product varies at different points in time.
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product should be perceived as having different levels of quality by the customer. Examples include first class versus economy seats on aeroplanes or trains; ‘value’ versus ‘finest’ ranges of a product sold in supermarkets; different specifi- cations of computers or software packages.
The less price sensitive consumers will voluntarily choose to purchase the more expensive version of the good with the perceived higher quality. The more price sensitive customers, by contrast, will buy the cheaper version of the good with the perceived lower quality.
For the strategy to work, the consumer surplus for the relatively less price sensitive customers from purchasing the more expensive version of the product must be greater than the consumer surplus they would receive if they purchased the cheaper version of the product.
Versioning is not pure price discrimination for two rea- sons. First, by definition, the products are not the same: they differ in quality and/or specification. Second, the costs of producing the different versions of the good are likely to vary. Generally, the higher quality product will have a higher marginal cost. For there to be an element of price discrimination, therefore, the difference in the price between the different versions of the good must be greater than the difference in the marginal cost of produc- ing them. More specifically the mark-up of price over mar- ginal cost must be greater for the version of the product purchased by the relatively less price sensitive consumers than for that purchased by the relatively more price sensi- tive consumers.
Combinations of versioning and inter-temporal pricing. Some new products are released in a higher quality, more expen- sive version first. For example, a book written by a celeb- rity author is often released in the higher-priced hardback form to capture the desire of more avid fans before being released in the lower-priced paperback version sometime later. Again, the hardback version costs a little bit more to produce than the paperback one (but only a little), but the price difference can be huge.
Conditions necessary for price discrimination to operate Given that firms can generate greater revenue and profits by implementing a strategy of price discrimination, why don’t all firms implement the policy? Unfortunately for some firms it might not be possible for a number of reasons. The following are the conditions necessary for price dis- crimination to operate:
Conditions necessary for all types of price discrimination
■ The firm must have some market power: in other words, it must face a downward-sloping demand curve and hence can set its price. Thus price discrimination would be impossible under perfect competition, where firms are price takers.
■ Re-sale of the product must not be possible between con- sumers. A potentially profitable strategy of price discrim- ination may fail if consumers in the low-price market are able to re-sell the good to those consumers who are in the high-price market.
For example with second-degree price discrimina- tion, can the customer who obtains the quantity dis- count sell some of the units they have purchased to another customer who does not purchase enough to receive the discount? Can consumers allocated to one group under a pricing strategy of third-degree price dis- crimination re-sell the product to a customer allocated to another group? If re-sale is possible, then entrepre- neurial consumers who can obtain the product in the low-price market may purchase large amounts of the good and make a profit selling it to customers in the high-price market. With the advent of online retailing, such as eBay, this might be easy for consumers to do. If this happens the firm may quickly discover that it does not make any sales at the higher price.
In some cases the nature of the product means that re-sale is impossible: e.g. you can’t re-sell a haircut! It is similar with many services or with goods that are con- sumed at the time of purchase, such as a restaurant meal. In other circumstances, even though re-sale may be possible, the transactions costs might outweigh the benefits: for example, the good might be relatively inex- pensive so the potential gains from re-sale are small, or it may be difficult to transport and distribute the goods to the customers in the high-price market.
In other cases it might be both possible and poten- tially profitable to re-sell the good. This is most likely when the good is non-perishable, relatively expensive and easy to transport to consumers in the high-price market: i.e. the transaction costs are low. In these situ- ations the firm may have to intervene more directly to prevent re-sale between its customers.
■ Demand elasticity must vary between consumers at any given price. The firm will charge the higher price in the market where demand is less elastic, and thus less sensi- tive to a price rise.
Price discrimination and the public interest The word ‘discrimination’ carries with it negative conno- tations, so people often assume that this pricing strategy must not be in the public interest. It is also tempting to think that anything that increases a firm’s profits must be at the expense of consumers’ welfare. It is true that some
KI 21 p 175
KI 5 p 36
KI 12 p 68
Pause for thought
How would profit-maximising output and price be determined under third-degree price discrimination if there were three separate markets? Draw a diagram to illustrate your answer.
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consumers will benefit from price discrimination while others will be worse off. However, in certain circum- stances economists may judge that it is in the public inter- est. The following factors need to be taken into account when assessing the impact of price discrimination on a market.
Distribution effects on those customers who previously purchased the good at a uniform price Those paying the higher price will probably feel that price discrimination is unfair to them. Price has risen for them and their consumer surplus is lower. On the other hand, those who previously purchased the good but are now pay- ing a lower price will feel better off. Their consumer surplus will be higher. Judgements could be made about whether the gains were more socially desirable than the losses.
The impact of any extra sales In Figure 17.5 the quantity of sales under price discrimina- tion remained the same as under uniform pricing. However, in some circumstances the quantity of sales may increase. There may be some consumers, such as old-age pensioners, who previously could not afford to buy the good when the firm used uniform pricing. The lower price, which has been made possible by a policy of price discrimination, enables them to purchase the good. These extra sales will have a positive impact on the welfare of society. They will increase both consumer and producer surplus.
Misallocation effects Price discrimination may cause a negative allocation effect. Under uniform pricing the product is allocated through the pricing mechanism to those consumers who value it the most, given their incomes. The implementation of third-degree price discrimination could result in some units of the product being re-allocated away from those consum- ers with a higher willingness to pay to those with a lower willingness to pay.
Without any restrictions, mutually beneficial trade could take place between the buyers. Those consumers with a higher valuation of the good could purchase it from those with a lower valuation at a price that would improve the welfare of both parties. However, the seller blocks this re-sale from tak- ing place and, in the process, reduces society’s welfare.
If the number of sales does not increase, then price discrimination is usually judged to be against the public interest because of the misallocation effect. If the pricing strategy does have a positive impact on the number of sales, then economists judge that it might be in the public inter- est. It all depends on the relative sizes of the positive impact of the extra sales and the negative impact of the misalloca- tion effect.
Anti-competitive effects The analysis of the impact of price discrimination often focuses on a pure monopoly. However, price discrimina-
tion could take place in an oligopolistic market. In this case it is possible that a firm may use price discrimination to drive competitors out of business. This is known as pred- atory pricing. Under this practice, a company charges a price below average cost in one market by cross-subsidising that part of the business with profits from another part of the business. It does this until its rival stops competing in that market.
Predatory pricing, however, is illegal under UK and European competition law. Even though consumers gain from lower prices in the short run, the long-run strategy of predatory firms is to raise their prices once their competitor has been driven from the market.
On the other hand, a firm that engages in price discrim- ination might use its profits from its high-priced market to break into another market and withstand a possible price war. This would increase competition and hence consumer welfare. Alternatively, it might use the higher profits to invest in new and improved products that enhance con- sumer choice.
Other examples of price discrimination There are various other pricing strategies used by firms that involve an element of price discrimination. They include the following:
Peak-load pricing. This is where people are charged more at times of peak demand and less at off-peak times (see Case study F.6 in MyEconLab). For example, bus and train fares are often highest during the ‘rush hours’ when consumers want to get to work. Similarly, the price of land-line tele- phone calls is highest during the working day. During ‘off- peak’ times, prices are lower.
Part of the reason for this practice is the lower price elas- ticity of demand at peak times. For example, many com- muters have little option but to pay higher rail fares at peak times. This is genuine price discrimination. But part of the reason has to do with higher marginal costs incurred at peak times, as capacity limits are reached.
Two-part tariff. This is a pricing system that requires cus- tomers to pay an access and a usage price for a product. This practice is used in a variety of settings but particularly in the telecommunications and energy sectors. For example, most customers who use gas have to pay a fixed standing
KI 32 p 343
Definitions
Predatory pricing Where a firm sets its average price below average cost in order to drive competitors out of business.
Peak-load pricing The practice of charging higher prices at times when demand is highest because the constraints on capacity lead to higher marginal cost.
Two-part tariff A pricing system that requires customers to pay both an access and a usage price for a product.
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charge per period of time and then pay so much per therm of gas used.
The aim of these schemes is to increase the firm’s rev- enue, by giving it a lump-sum payment per customer (particularly relevant where the firm has high fixed costs) on top of the price per unit. The problem is setting the appropriate two-part tariff. This is particularly difficult
when there is a lot of competition between firms and when customers are quite prepared to switch supplier. It is for this reason that there are a number of mobile phone two-part tariff plans for customers with an average to high usage, as well as a ‘Pay-As-You-Go’ option aimed at lighter users.
BOX 17.2 A QUANTITY DISCOUNT PRICING STRATEGY
A strategy to get consumers to identify themselves!
Assume that a firm knows that it has two types of custom- ers for its product. Type ‘I’ customers have a lower price elasticity of demand than type ‘E’ customers at any given price for the product. Unfortunately for the firm, it has no way of knowing into which category any individual customer falls. There are no easy-to-observe consumer characteristics that would provide some indication of their willingness to pay. Ideally, the firm would like the customers to sort themselves voluntarily into the two different groups. It could then charge type I consumers a higher price than type E consumers and transfer some consumer surplus into profit. However, if it simply offered the good for sale at two different prices all the consumers, whether they were type I or type E, would simply choose the lower price. In order to try to get the consumers to self-select voluntar- ily into the two different groups, the firm could introduce a quantity discount. This pricing strategy is illustrated in
the figure. To simplify the example, it is assumed that the firm’s marginal cost is constant and it has no fixed costs of production, so that AC = MC. Consumers can obtain the product for the lower discounted price of P
L if they purchase
a minimum quantity of the product (Q*). The new lower price applies to all the units of the good they purchase and not just those in excess of Q*. (This is different from a block declining tariff where the lower price would only apply to the incremental units purchased in excess of Q*.) If the consumers purchase less than Q*, then they have to pay the higher price of P
H .
Which pricing option will a type I consumer choose? All consumers, if they are rational, will choose the pricing option that provides them with the most satisfaction: i.e. the option that gives them the greatest level of consumer surplus.
Q1 Q2 Q3 Q*
PH
PL
PH
PL
MR1
MR2AR1 AR2
A
(a) Type ‘I’ consumer (b) Type ‘E’ consumer
MC
B C
Quantity
D
O Q*O
£
z g
f
e
Quantity
£ A quantity discount
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Thus far in our analysis of pricing strategy, we have been con- cerned only with a single product produced by a single firm. However, many businesses produce a range of products. Such products might be totally distinct and sold in different mar- kets, or the firm might offer a range of models in the same market that differ in design and performance. For example, a vacuum cleaner manufacturer might also produce other household appliances such as irons, as well as offering a range of vacuums with different suction abilities and design features.
Each of these products and product ranges will require its own distinct price, and probably a longer-term pricing strat- egy. However, multi-product pricing raises a wider set of issues owing to the interrelated nature of demand and production.
Interrelated demand Many of the large supermarkets or DIY stores are in fierce competition for business. It is quite normal to see them
A QUANTITY DISCOUNT PRICING STRATEGY
A strategy to get consumers to identify themselves!
If type I consumers pay the higher price for the product, P H ,
then they will buy Q 1 units of the good – see diagram (a) in
the figure. Their consumer surplus would be area A (the green area). If, instead, consumers purchased the quantity required (Q*) to get the discounted price (P
L ) then there are potentially
three effects on their welfare. Two are positive and one is negative.
■ The first positive effect on consumers’ welfare comes from the quantity of the product that they would still have pur- chased at a price of P
H : i.e. Q
1 . The consumer is now able to
purchase Q 1 for the lower price of P
L . The extra consumer
surplus obtained from buying Q 1 at the lower price is
shown by area B (the blue area). ■ The second positive effect comes from some of the addi-
tional units of the product that the consumer purchases at the discounted price of P
L . From diagram (a) it can be seen
that at a price of P L a type I consumer would purchase Q
2
units of the product: i.e. the quantity where P L meets the
consumer’s demand curve. This will generate an increase in consumer surplus as the maximum willingness to pay for these additional units from Q
1 to Q
2 is greater than the
price. This gain in consumer surplus is represented in by area C (the orange area).
■ The negative effect on consumer welfare comes from the extra units of the product from Q
2 to Q* that the con-
sumer has to buy to obtain the lower pr ice of P L . Type I
consumers would maximise their consumer surplus by purchasing Q
2 at a pr ice of P
L . However, this lower pr ice
is not available to them if they only purchase Q 2 . They
have to buy Q* in order to obtain the quantity discount. This means that between Q
2 and Q* the consumers’ max-
imum willingness to pay for the product is less than the pr ice they have to pay: i.e. the section of the demand cur ve from point z to Q
3 is below the pr ice of P
L . The
quantity from Q 3 to Q* does not provide the consumer
with any utility at all. Their maximum willingness to pay for these additional units is zero. This negative impact on consumer surplus can be represented by area D (the lilac area).
The net gain for a type I customer of purchasing the product at the lower price is area B + area C – area D. Therefore, if
area D is greater than areas B + C, this consumer would be worse off from buying the good at the lower price. Such consumers would voluntarily pay the higher price for the product where the total consumer surplus they receive is at its greatest.
Which pricing option will a type E consumer choose? Type E consumers, with the relatively more price sensitive demand at any given price, as shown in diagram (b) in the fig- ure, would choose to purchase the product at the lower price. They would not buy any of the product at a price of P
H as it is
above the maximum amount they are willing to pay for the first unit: i.e. the intercept of the demand curve (AR
2 ) on the
price axis at point f is below P H . By purchasing Q* at a price of
P L they can obtain consumer surplus equal to the pink area in
diagram (b). The discount quantity pricing strategy has managed to get the type I customers to identify themselves and self-select to pay a higher price for the same product than a type E customer. In this case, the firm has not had to use an easily identifiable consumer characteristic in order to separate its consumers into different groups.
1. The quantity discount is an example of what type of price discrimination?
2. Explain any conditions that must be met for this type of price discrimination to be a viable strategy for the firm.
3. Both type I and type E consumers are still able to obtain some consumer surplus. Under what type of price discrimi- nation is the firm able to extract all the consumers’ surplus and convert it into profit?
4. Re-draw the diagram to illustrate a situation where both types of consumer would purchase the product for a lower price.
5. It is assumed in this example that MC is constant. If MC and AC fell as the firm produced more would a quantity discount still be an example of price discrimination? Explain your answer.
MULTIPLE PRODUCT PRICING17.4
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TRANSFER PRICING17.5
The growth of modern business, both national and inter- national, has meant that its organisation has become ever more complex. In an attempt to reduce the diseconomies that stem from coordinating such large business enterprises, the setting of price and output levels is frequently decentral- ised to individual divisions or profit centres. Such divisions or profit centres are assumed to operate in a semi-independ- ent way, aiming to maximise their individual performance and, in so doing, benefit the business as a whole.
However, the decentralisation of pricing and output deci- sion making can become problematic. This is particularly the case when the various divisions within the firm represent distinct stages in the production process. In these instances,
certain divisions may well produce intermediate products that they will sell to other divisions within the business. There then
Definitions
Loss leader A product whose price is cut by the business in order to attract custom.
Full-range pricing A pricing strategy in which a business, seeking to improve its profit performance, assesses the pricing of its goods as a whole rather than individually.
By-product A good or service that is produced as a con- sequence of producing another good or service.
offering ‘bargain buys’, whose prices are cut dramatically in order to attract customers to the store. Often their price is even below average cost. Such cases are known as loss leaders. The hope is that customers will purchase not just the loss leader, but additional amounts of other products with full profit mark-ups, thereby bringing a net gain in profits.
This strategy is known as full-range pricing and involves the business assessing the prices of all its products together, and deciding from this how it might improve its profit per- formance. One of the most important considerations is the price elasticity of demand for the loss leader. The more elastic it is, the more customers will tend to be attracted into the store by the bargain. The business will also con- sider additional factors such as advertising the loss leaders and their positioning in the store, so as to attract customers to see other items at full price that they had not intended to buy.
Other demand interrelations that might influence the pricing policy of a business are where a business produces either complementary or substitute products.
If a business produces complementary products, then increased sales of one product, such as Apple’s iPod, will raise the revenue gained from the other, such as the use of the iTunes store.
Alternatively, if the products produced by a business are substitutes, such as those of a breakfast cereal manufac- turer like Kellogg’s, then the increased sales of one product within its range may well detract from the revenue gained from the others.
Businesses like Apple and Kellogg’s should therefore determine the prices of all their substitute and comple- mentary products jointly so as to assess the total revenue implications. Here it is vital for the firm to have estimates of the cross-price elasticities of demand for their products (see section 5.3).
KI 12 p 68
Interrelated production The production of by-products is the most common form of interrelated production. A by-product is a good or service that is produced as a consequence of producing another good or service. For example, whey is a by-prod- uct of cheese. By-products have their own distinct market demand. However, the by-product is only produced follow- ing demand for the main production good: it may well not be profitable to produce as a separate product.
To consider whether the by-product is profitable to sell, it is important to allocate the correct costs to its produc- tion. The raw materials and much of the other inputs to produce it can be considered to have a zero cost, since they have already been paid in producing the main product. But packaging, marketing and distributing the by-product clearly involve costs that have to be allocated directly to it, and the price it sells for must more than cover these costs.
It is not as simple as this, however, since the pricing of the by-product, and the subsequent revenue gained from its sale, might significantly influence the pricing of the main pro- duction good. Given that the two products share joint costs, a business must carefully consider how to allocate costs between them and what pricing policy it is going to pursue.
If it is aiming to maximise profits, it should add the mar- ginal costs from both products to get an MC curve for the ‘combined’ product. Similarly, it should add the marginal revenues from both products at each output to get an MR curve for the combined product. It should then choose the combined output where the combined MC equals the com- bined MR. It should read off the price at this output for each of the two products from their separate demand curves.
In practice, many firms simply decide on the viability of selling by-products after a decision has been made on pro- ducing the main product. If the specific costs associated with the by-product can be more than covered, then the firm will go ahead and sell it.
KI 4 p 25
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arises the difficulty of how such intermediate products should be priced. This is known as the problem of transfer pricing.
One implication of this is that a division which is seeking to maximise its own profits when selling to another division will attempt to exploit its ‘monopoly’ position and increase the transfer price. As it does so, the purchasing division, unless it, in turn, can pass on the higher cost, will see its profits fall. Indeed, if it could, the purchasing division would seek to drive down the purchase price as low as possible.
This conflict between divisions may not necessarily be in the interests of the business as a whole. The solution to this problem is for divisions to base their pricing of inter- mediate products on marginal costs. The marginal cost of the final product produced by the business will then be a ‘true’ marginal cost. If the business is seeking to maxim- ise overall profits, it can then compare this final marginal cost with marginal revenue in order to decide on the level of total output. The lesson is that, for maximum company profits, individual divisions should seek to be efficient and produce with the lowest possible marginal costs, but not seek to maximise their own division’s profits.
Transfer pricing and tax liability Transfer pricing within multinational companies is an area of concern for tax authorities. The price used to transfer goods or services between plants and divisions located in
Definition
Transfer pricing The pricing system used within a business organisation to transfer intermediate products between the business’s various divisions.
PRICING AND THE PRODUCT LIFE CYCLE17.6
New products are launched and then become established. Later they may be replaced by more up-to-date products. Many products go through such a ‘life cycle’. Four stages can be identified in a typical life cycle (see Figure 17.7):
1. Being launched. 2. A rapid growth in sales.
3. Maturity: a levelling off in sales. 4. Decline: sales begin to fall as the market becomes satu-
rated, or as the product becomes out of date.
Analogue televisions, audio cassettes and traditional mobile phones have all reached stage 4. Writable DVDs, DIY products and automatic washing machines have
The stages in a product’s life cycleFigure 17.7
Sales per period
1. Launch
2. Growth
3. Maturity
4. Decline
(a) product becoming obsolete (b) product not becoming obsolete
b
a
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different countries is not determined by a market. Instead, the price is often set to avoid tax, ensuring that profits appear in countries where taxes on profits are lowest.
In recent years there have been many high-profile cases of companies setting transfer prices so as to avoid tax. Com- panies such as Starbucks, Apple, Amazon and Coca-Cola have charged themselves high prices for the use of things such as logos, brands or business services owned or ‘pro- vided by’ a subsidiary located in a low-tax country or region, such as Luxembourg, Jersey or the Cayman Islands and have thereby diverted a large proportion of their profits to these ‘tax havens’. Often the ‘subsidiary’ is little more than a small office with one employee, a telephone and a bank account.
OECD countries have agreed that tax liabilities on prof- its should be calculated using prices that would have arisen if the transfers had taken place between independent firms, rather than within one firm. In practice this is diffi- cult to achieve and extremely hard to police. We examine this issue further in section 23.6 (see pages 433–4).
KI 22 p 181
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BOX 17.3 HOW DO EUROPEAN COMPANIES SET PRICES?
In 2005 the European Central Bank published a summary of surveys of the pricing behaviour of 11 000 firms by the national central banks of nine countries in the eurozone (Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal and Spain).1 This work mirrored much of the work carried out in other countries, including a study of pricing by UK firms in the mid-1990s.2
A number of questions were asked. Among these were: how do firms set prices? The findings, illustrated in table (a), show that firms engage largely in imperfect competition. For the eurozone as a whole, over half of firms engage in mark-up
1 The Pricing Behaviour of Firms in the Euro Area: New Survey Evidence (Eurosystem Inflation Persistence Network, Working Paper series, no. 535, European Central Bank, October 2005).
2 S. Hall, M. Walsh and T. Yates, ‘How do UK companies set prices?’, Bank of England Quarterly Bulletin, May 1996.
3 J. Greenslade and M. Parker, ‘New insights into price-setting behaviour in the UK: introduction and survey results’, The Economic Journal, February 2012.
Note: Figures do not necessarily add up to 100 per cent because of rounding.
(a) How do firms set prices? (%)
Belgium Germany Spain France Italy Netherlands Portugal Eurozone
Mark-up 46 73 52 40 42 56 65 54
Competitors’ price 36 17 27 38 32 22 13 27
Other (mainly customer and regulator set) 18 10 21 22 26 21 23 18
(b) Pricing behaviour in foreign markets (%)
Belgium Spain Luxembourg
Price in euros is same for all countries
33 47 56
Price in euros is same for eurozone countries
9 6 5
Price in euros is different for all countries
58 47 39
(c) Factors leading to a rise or fall in price in the eurozone (mean scores: 4 = very important; 1 = completely unimportant)
Rise Fall
Labour costs 3.0 2.1
Costs of raw materials 3.1 2.6
Financial costs, including interest rates 2.2 1.9
Demand 2.2 2.6
Competitors’ price 2.4 2.8
Another question asked in the European surveys was whether firms charged a uniform price to each customer, or based their pricing on the quantity that each firm bought, or whether they priced on a case-by-case basis. The survey found that, on average, 80 per cent of eurozone firms use price discrimi- nation tactics, setting prices on case-by-case or quantity sold basis. Figures range from 92 per cent of German firms to 65 per cent of Spanish firms. There seems to be no clear relationship between the size of firm and price discrimination, though Luxembourg reported a positive relationship. If anything, smaller firms seem to differentiate their prices in France, Italy and Portugal. There was also no overall pattern as to the relationship between the frequency of price discrimination and the degree of competi- tion in the domestic market. However, firms in the retail and wholesale trade were more likely to use uniform pricing. Surveys conducted in Belgium, Spain and Luxembourg included questions directed at firms operating in foreign as well as domestic markets. Table (b) reveals the pricing behaviour of these firms. The survey suggests that some of the differences in pricing between markets seem to be accounted for by exchange rate movements, transport costs, market rules and the tax sys- tem. However, two of the most important determinants of over- seas pricing by these firms are the prices charged by competitors and the cyclical nature of demand in these locations. In other words, pricing in foreign markets is determined more by the market power of the firms than by costs of transacting abroad. The survey also sought to establish those factors which could cause prices to change – either up or down. The summary
pricing, and for German firms this proportion is as high as 73 per cent. Where the country surveys asked firms to distinguish between constant and variable mark-up, the latter type dom- inates. Moreover, the survey revealed that the lower the level of competition, the more frequently mark-up pricing is used. More recently published evidence for the UK economy sup- ports the finding that firms operate under conditions of imperfect competition.3 Sixty-eight per cent of UK firms said that competitor price levels were important when determining their own prices. Fifty-eight per cent of firms said variable mark-ups, and 44 per cent said fixed mark-ups, were impor- tant considerations when setting prices.
results are presented in table (c). Changes in costs are the main factor underlying price increases, whereas changes in market conditions, such as competitors’ prices and demand, are more important explanations of price reductions. Furthermore, prices seem to be more flexible downwards in response to demand shocks, while the opposite holds true in the case of cost shocks. Generally, prices did not seem to be sensitive to the economic outlook prevailing at the time the surveys were conducted.
1. Which of the following is more likely to be consistent with the aim of maximising profits: pricing on the basis of (a) cost per unit plus a variable percentage mark-up; (b) cost per unit plus a fixed percentage mark-up?
2. Explain the differences between the importance attached to the different factors leading to price increases and those leading to price reductions.
3. What type of price discrimination is occurring, according to table (b), where firms have the possibility of charging different prices in different locations?
4. Why might we require a more detailed analysis of firm size and the different industrial sectors within the survey in order to evaluate the price-setting data presented above?
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reached stage 3. Large LED TVs, speed-dating events, fair- trade herbal teas, induction hobs, music downloads and smartphones are probably still in stage 2. Electric cars, HD multimedia entertainment devices and biodiesel are prob- ably still in stage 1 (at least they were when we wrote this – but things move quickly!).
At each stage, the firm is likely to be faced with quite different market conditions: not only in terms of consumer demand, but also in terms of competition from rivals. What does this mean for pricing strategy?
The launch stage In this stage the firm will probably have a monopoly (unless there is a simultaneous launch by rivals).
Given the lack of substitutes, the firm may be able to charge very high prices and make large profits. This will be especially true if it is a radically new product – like the ball- point pen, the home computer and the mobile phone were. Such products are likely to have a rapidly expanding and price-inelastic demand.
The danger of a high-price policy is that the resulting high profits may tempt competitors to break into the indus- try, even if barriers are quite high. As an alternative, then, the firm may go for maximum ‘market penetration’: keep- ing the price low to get as many sales and as much brand loyalty as possible, before rivals can become established.
Which policy the firm adopts will depend on its assess- ment of its current price elasticity of demand and the likeli- hood of an early entry by rivals.
The growth stage Unless entry barriers are very high, the rapid growth in sales will attract new firms. The industry becomes oligopolistic.
Despite the growth in the number of firms, sales are expanding so rapidly that all firms can increase their sales. Some price competition may emerge, but it is unlikely to be intense at this stage. New entrants may choose to compete in terms of minor product differences, while following the price lead set by the original firm.
The maturity stage Now that the market has grown large, there are many firms competing. New firms – or, more likely, firms diversifying into this market – will be entering to get ‘a piece of the action’. At the same time, the growth in sales is slowing down.
Competition is now likely to be more intense and col- lusion may well begin to break down. Pricing policy may become more aggressive as businesses attempt to hold on to their market share. Price wars may break out, only to be fol- lowed later by a ‘truce’ and a degree of price collusion.
It is in this stage particularly that firms may invest con- siderably in product innovation in order to ‘breathe new life’ into old products, especially if there is competition from new types of product. Thus the upgrading of hi-fi cas- sette recorders, with additional features such as Dolby S, was one way in which it was hoped to beat off competition from digital cassette recorders.
The decline stage Eventually, as the market becomes saturated, or as new superior alternative products are launched, sales will start to fall. For example, once most households had a fridge, the demand for fridges fell back as people simply bought them to replace worn-out ones, or to obtain a more up-to- date one. Initially in this stage, competition is likely to be intense. All sorts of price offers, extended guarantees, better after-sales service, added features, etc., will be intro- duced as firms seek to maintain their sales. Some firms may be driven out of the market, unable to survive the competition.
After a time, however, the level of sales may stop falling. Provided the product has not become obsolete, people still need replacements. This is illustrated in Figure 17.7 by line b. The market may thus return to a stable oligopoly with a high degree of tacit price collusion.
Alternatively, the product becomes obsolete (line a) and sales dry up. Firms will leave the market. It is pointless try- ing to compete.
Pause for thought
If entry barriers are high, should a firm always charge a high price during this phase?
Pause for thought
Why have audio cassettes and cassette recorders virtually disappeared while vinyl records and turntables have seen a resurgence in sales?
S U M M A R Y 2 9 3
SUMMARY
1a Prices are determined by a wide range of factors, princi- pal among which are demand and supply, market struc- ture and the aims of managers.
1b Firms with market power will not always attempt to max- imise short-run profits, even if maximum profit is the aim. They may well limit prices so as to forestall the entry of new firms.
2a Traditional economic theory assumes that businesses will set prices corresponding to the output where the mar- ginal costs of production are equal to marginal revenue. They will do so in pursuit of maximum profits.
2b The difficulties that a business faces in deriving its marginal cost and revenue curves suggest that this is unlikely to be a widely practised pricing strategy.
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2 9 4 C H A P T E R 1 7 P R I C I N G S T R A T E G Y
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Explain why a business will find it difficult to set prices following the MC = MR rule of traditional economic theory.
2 Could an existing firm implement a policy of limit pric- ing if it had the same cost schedule as potential new entrants? (In the example used in the text it is assumed that the existing firm has lower costs than the potential new entrant.)
3 ‘Basing prices on average cost is no less problematical than using marginal cost and marginal revenue.’ Assess this statement.
4 Outline the main factors that might influence the size of the profit mark-up set by a business.
5 If customers were all charged the same price for a product could this ever be classed as an example of price discrimi- nation? Explain your answer.
6 In Figure 17.4 on page 282 it is assumed that the costs to the firm are the same whether they have a policy of uniform pricing or implement a strategy of price discrim- ination. In reality explain why the costs may vary. What impact would this have on Figure 17.4?
7 A salesperson often asks a customer the following ques- tion ‘how much are you thinking of spending?’ Why might
the salesperson ask this question? Is it in the interests of the customer to tell him/her the truth?
8 There are websites that collect together information on the various discounts that are available at any given point in time. Some of them make statements like ‘Our staff spend several hours every day scouring the internet for great deals so that you don’t have to.’ Discuss the implications of these websites for retailers who want to use coupons as a means of implementing a policy of second-degree price discrimination.
9 If a cinema could sell all its seats to adults in the evenings at the end of the week, but only a few on Mondays and Tues- days, what price discrimination policy would you recommend to the cinema in order for it to maximise its weekly revenue?
10 What is the role of a loss leader and what lessons might a business learn when pricing a range of products? Are there any supermarket products that would not be suita- ble to sell as loss leaders?
11 How will a business’s pricing strategy differ at each stage of its product’s life cycle? First assume that the busi- ness has a monopoly position at the launch stage; then assume that it faces a high degree of competition right from the outset.
2c Cost-based pricing involves the business adding a profit mark-up to its average costs of production. The profit mark-up set by the business is likely to alter depending upon market conditions, such as the level of consumer demand and the degree of market competition.
3a Many businesses practise price discrimination in an attempt to maximise profits from the sale of a product. There are different types of price discrimination that a business might practise.
3b First-degree price discrimination is where is consumer is charged the maximum he or she is prepared to pay. Second-degree price discrimination is where the same consumer is charged different prices according to the amount, timing or other features of the purchase. Third-degree price discrimination is where consumers are divided into groups and the groups with the lower price elasticity of demand are charged the higher prices.
3c For a business to practise price discrimination it must be able to set prices and separate markets so as to pre- vent re-sale from the cheap to the expensive market. Also, consumers must have different price elasticities of demand that the firm can exploit in its pricing.
3d Whether price discrimination is in the consumer’s inter- est or not is uncertain. Some individuals will gain and some will lose.
4 Businesses that produce many products need to consider the demand and production interrelations between them when setting prices.
5a The organisation of a business as a series of divisions, each pursuing an independent strategy, has implications for pricing policy, especially when products are sold within a business enterprise.
5b The optimum transfer price between divisions from the point of view of the whole organisation is likely to be equal to marginal cost.
6a Products will be priced differently depending upon where they are in the product’s life cycle.
6b New products can be priced cheaply so as to gain market share, or priced expensively to recoup cost. Later on in the product’s life cycle, prices will have to reflect the degree of competition, which may become intense as the market stabilises or even declines.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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ADDITIONAL PART F CASE STUDIES IN THE ECONOMICS FOR BUSINESS MyEconLab (www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman)
F.1 What do you maximise? An examination of ‘rational’ behaviour from an individual’s point of view – including individual managers.
F.2 When is a theory not a theory? A light-hearted examination of the difficulties of formulating theories from evidence.
F.3 Business divorce. A case study of the demergers of ICI and Hanson.
F.4 Enron. A cautionary tale of business growth.
F.5 Hypergrowth companies. Why do some companies grow quickly and are they likely to be a long-term success?
F.6 Peak-load pricing. An example of price discrimination: charging more when it costs more to produce.
F.7 Price discrimination in the cinema. An illustration of why it might be in a cinema’s interests to offer concessionary prices at off-peak times, but not at peak times.
F.8 How do UK companies set prices? The findings of a Bank of England survey.
WEBSITES RELEVANT TO PART F
Numbers and sections refer to websites listed in the Web appendix and hotlinked from this text’s website at www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman
■ For news articles relevant to Part F, see the Economics News Articles link from MyEconLab or go directly to the Sloman Economics News site.
■ For general news relevant to alternative strategies, see websites in section A, and particularly A2, 3, 8, 9, 23, 24, 25, 26, 35, 36. See also A38–44 for links to newspapers worldwide.
■ For student resources relevant to Part F, see sites C1–7, 9, 10, 19.
■ For models and simulations on business strategy see sites C3, 5, 7, 8, 10, 13, 14, 17–20.
■ For information on mergers, see sites E4, 10, 18, 20; G7, 8.
■ For data on SME, see the SME database in B3. Also see sites E10 and G7.
■ For information on pricing, see site E10 and the sites of the regulators of the privatised industries: E15, 16, 19, 22.
■ For sites that look at companies, their scale of operation and market share, see B32; D2; E4, 10; G7, 8.
W E B R E F E R E N C E S 2 9 5
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The firm in the factor market
The Financial Times, 11 October 2015
US women fall behind in jobs market By Sam Fleming
Last year the labour force participation rate of prime-age American women fell behind that of Japan — a country traditionally viewed as being a global laggard — leaving it languishing below the majority of OECD nations including Sweden, France, and even Greece.
The experience of women like Charlotte Brock . . . After finding she was pregnant, Ms Brock did what many working women are forced do in the US when confronted with a system that offers no guaranteed right to paid parental leave and hugely costly childcare: she quit her job to look after her baby. . .
. . . The reasons for declines in US labour force par- ticipation, which measures people in work or look- ing for a post, are complex and heavily contested. However, experts believe one driver is threadbare support for working parents. “We don’t have the same incentives other countries have for women to stay in the labour force after they have kids,” said Elise Gould of the Economic Policy Institute in Washington DC.
The share of US women either in work or looking for a post soared from just 33 per cent of 25-54-year- olds in the 1940s to 77 per cent at the start of the 2000s. Yet since then it has trended to around 73 per cent — even as other countries’ participation rates improved. . .
…The issue shows signs of featuring in the pres- idential election, said Michael Strain, a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, amid concerns that US economic prospects are being impaired by the large share of the popu- lation that has become detached from the jobs market. . . .
But political attention on female participation touches only one aspect of a broader, worrying trend. While unemployment has dropped since the recession and the US still benefits from a flex- ible labour market, the overall workforce partic- ipation rate including men has slid to its lowest level since 1977.
The ageing population explains a chunk of the departures from the labour force, but dismal num- bers among individuals aged 25–54 point to other forces at work. Among prime-age men, only Italy and Israel have lower participation rates among 34 countries tracked by the OECD.
Gary Burtless at the Brookings Institution think- tank said lower levels of participation are appar- ent among the least-skilled men, which could reflect changes in the nature of the jobs on offer, as well as the recent downturn, when there was heavy attrition in sectors such as construction. Women have also suffered, in part because of pub- lic sector job cuts, he added.
The FT Reports . . .
© The Financial Times Limited 2015. All Rights Reserved.
G Part
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So far we have considered the role of the firm as a supplier of goods and services. In other words, we have looked at the operation of firms in the goods market. But to produce goods and services involves using factors of production: labour, capital and raw materials. In Part G, therefore, we turn to examine the behaviour of firms in factor markets and, in particular, the market for labour and the market for capital.
In factor markets, the supply and demand roles are reversed. The firm is demanding factors of production in order to produce goods and services. This demand for factors is thus a derived demand: one that is derived from consumers’ demand for the firm’s products. Households, on the other hand, in order to earn the money to buy goods and services, are supplying labour. Chapter 18 focuses upon labour and the determination of wage rates. It also shows how the existence of power, whether of employers or trade unions, affects the wage rate and the level of employment in a given labour market. In addition to the issue of wage determination, we will consider the problem of low pay and discrimination, and the implications for the labour market of growing levels of flexibility in employment practices (see the quote above). We also look at the effects of the minimum wage and at gender and the labour market (see the Financial Times article).
In Chapter 19 we will consider the employment of capital by firms and look at the relationship between the business and investment. We will consider how businesses appraise the profitability of investment. We will also examine the various sources of finance for investment. The chapter finishes by examining the stock market. We ask whether it is an efficient means of allocating capital.
Zero-hours contracts remain a controversial feature of the British workplace, suggesting they may have become embedded in the labour market rather than fading as a temporary recessionary phenomenon. The contracts, which do not guarantee a minimum amount of work, have become a flashpoint in the political debate over the pros and cons of the British labour market. Business groups say they provide useful flexibility for workers and employers, while critics say they are exploitative because they do not guarantee any income security.
‘Zero-hours contracts hold their place in UK labour market’, Financial Times, 2 September 2015
Key terms
Derived demand Wage taker Wage setter Marginal revenue product Monopsony Bilateral monopoly Trade union Collective bargaining Efficiency wages Minimum wage rates Discrimination The flexible firm Core and peripheral
workers Insiders and outsiders Capital Capital services Investment Discounting Net present value Financial intermediaries Maturity transformation Risk transformation Retail and wholesale
banking Efficient capital markets Weak, semi-strong and
strong efficiency Random walk
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Labour markets, wages and industrial relations
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How has the UK labour market changed over the years? ■ How are wage rates determined in a perfect labour market? ■ What are the determinants of the demand and supply of labour and their respective elasticities? ■ What forms of market power exist in the labour market and what determines the power of employers and labour? ■ What effects do powerful employers and trade unions have on wages and employment? ■ What are the causes of low pay? ■ How has the minimum wage affected business and employment? ■ What is meant by a ‘flexible’ labour market and how has increased flexibility affected working practices, employment and
wages?
MARKET-DETERMINED WAGE RATES AND EMPLOYMENT 18.1
The labour market has undergone great changes in recent years. Advances in technology, changes in the pattern of output, a need to be competitive in international markets and various social changes have all contributed to changes in work practices and in the structure and composition of the workforce. Major changes in the UK are discussed in Case study G.1 in MyEconLab.
In this chapter we shall be focusing on wage rates. An obvious question is why do some people earn very high
wages, whereas others, who perhaps work just as hard, if not harder, earn much less.
Why, for example, do top sportsmen and sportswomen get paid so much, but, perhaps more interestingly, why do only some of them get paid so much? Frank Lampard, Michael Ballack and Emmanuel Adebayo are great football- ers and earn very high wages. But have you ever wondered why they earn so much more than Lin Dan and Domagoj Duvnjak? Probably not. They are Chinese and Croatian
In this chapter we will consider how labour markets operate. In particular, we will focus on the determination of wage rates in different types of market: ones where employers are wage takers, ones where they can choose the wage rate, and ones where wage rates are determined by a process of collective bargaining.
We start by examining some of the key trends in the structure of the labour market.
C h
a p
te r 18
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1 8 . 1 M A R K E T - D E T E R M I N E D W A G E R A T E S A N D E M P L O Y M E N T 2 9 9
and are seen as world greats in badminton and handball, respectively.
Economics allows us to develop a theory that explains why the greatest ever sportsman in one discipline can be paid so little relative to merely great sportsmen in other dis- ciplines. You can read about the salaries of footballers and the revenues and costs of their clubs on the Sloman Eco- nomics News site in the blog, Why is it so difficult to make a profit? The problem of players’ pay in the English Premier League.
Perfect labour markets Before we can answer such questions, we first need to con- sider how wages are determined, and to do this we must make a similar distinction to that made in the theory of the firm: the distinction between perfect and imperfect mar- kets. Although in practice few labour markets are totally perfect, many do at least approximate to it.
The key assumption of a perfect labour market is that everyone is a wage taker. In other words, neither employ- ers nor employees have any economic power to affect wage rates. This situation is not uncommon. Small employers are likely to have to pay the ‘going wage rate’ to their employ- ees, especially where the employee is of a clear category, such as an electrician, a bar worker, a secretary or a porter. As far as employees are concerned, being a wage taker means not being a member of a union and therefore not being able to use collective bargaining to push up the wage rate.
The other assumptions of a perfect labour market are as follows:
■ Freedom of entry. There are no restrictions on the movement of labour. For example, workers are free to move to alterna- tive jobs or to areas of the country where wage rates are higher. There are no barriers erected by, say, unions, profes- sional associations or the government. Of course, it takes time for workers to change jobs and maybe to retrain. This assumption therefore applies only in the long run.
■ Perfect knowledge. Workers are fully aware of what jobs are available at what wage rates and with what condi- tions of employment. Likewise employers know what labour is available and how productive that labour is.
■ Homogeneous labour. It is usually assumed that, in perfect markets, workers of a given category are identical in terms of productivity. For example, it would be assumed that all bricklayers are equally skilled and motivated.
Wage rates and employment under perfect competition are determined by the interaction of the market demand and supply of labour. This is illustrated in Figure 18.1(b).
Generally it would be expected that the supply and demand curves slope the same way as in goods markets. The higher the wage paid for a certain type of job, the more work- ers will want to do that job. This gives an upward-sloping sup- ply curve of labour. On the other hand, the higher the wage that employers have to pay, the less labour they will want to employ. Either they will simply produce less output, or they will substitute other factors of production, like machinery, for labour. Thus the demand curve for labour slopes downwards.
Figure 18.1(a) shows how an individual employer has to accept this wage. The supply of labour to that employer is infinitely elastic. In other words, at the market wage Wm, there is no limit to the number of workers available to that
KI 11 p 59
Pause for thought
Which of these assumptions do you think would be correct in each of the following cases? (a) Supermarket checkout operators. (b) Agricultural workers. (c) Crane operators. (d) Business studies teachers. (e) Call centre workers.
H ou
rly w
ag e
Wm Wm Wm
O O O
H ou
rly w
ag e
H ou
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ag e
Labour hours Q1
Dindividual employer
Slabour
Dall firms in the market
Sall workers in the market
Dlabour
Labour hours Labour hours Q2
(a) (b) (c)
Sindividual worker
A perfectly competitive labour market (a) Individual employer (b) Whole market (c) Individual worker –marginal disutility of work
Figure 18.1
Definition
Wage taker The wage rate is determined by market forces.
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3 0 0 C H A P T E R 1 8 L A B O U R M A R K E T S , W A G E S A N D I N D U S T R I A L R E L A T I O N S
employer (but no workers at all will be available below it: they will all be working elsewhere). At the market wage Wm, the employer will employ Q1 hours of labour.
Figure 18.1(c) shows how an individual worker also has to accept this wage. In this case it is the demand curve for that worker that is infinitely elastic. In other words, there is as much work as the worker cares to do at this wage (but none at all above it).
We now turn to look at the supply and demand for labour in more detail.
The supply of labour We can look at the supply of labour at three levels: the supply of hours by an individual worker (Figure 18.1(c)), the supply of workers to an individual employer (Figure 18.1(a)) and the total market supply of a given cate- gory of labour (Figure 18.1(b)). Let us examine each in turn.
The supply of hours by an individual worker Work involves two major costs (or ‘disutilities’) to the worker:
■ When people work they sacrifice leisure. ■ The work itself may be unpleasant.
Each extra hour worked will involve additional disutility. This marginal disutility of work (MDU) will tend to increase as people work more hours. There are two reasons for this. First, the less the leisure they have left, the greater the disutility they experience in sacrificing a further hour of lei- sure. Second, the unpleasantness they experience in doing the job will tend to increase due to boredom or tiredness.
This increasing marginal disutility (see Figure 18.2(a)) will tend to give an upward-sloping supply curve of hours by an individual worker (see Figure 18.2(b)). The reason is that, in order to persuade people to work more hours, a higher hourly wage must be paid to compensate for the higher marginal disutility incurred. This helps explain why overtime rates are higher than standard rates.
Under certain circumstances, however, the supply of hours curve might bend backwards (see Figure 18.3). The rea- son is that, when wage rates go up, there will be two oppos- ing forces operating on the individual’s labour supply.
On the one hand, with higher wage rates people will tend to work more hours, since leisure would now involve a greater sacrifice of income and hence consumption. They substitute income for leisure. This is called the substitution effect of the increase in wage rates.
On the other hand, people may feel that with higher wage rates they can afford to work less and have more leisure. This is called the income effect.
KI 9 p 51
KI 15 p 91
(a) The marginal disutility of hours worked; (b) the supply of hours workedFigure 18.2
D is
ut ili
ty
O OHours worked Hours worked
H ou
rly w
ag e
MDU S
(a) (b)
Backward-bending supply curve of labourFigure 18.3
H ou
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ag e
O Hours
S
W1
Definitions
Marginal disutility of work The extra sacrifice/hard- ship to a worker of working an extra unit of time in any given time period (e.g. an extra hour per day).
Substitution effect of a rise in wages Workers will tend to substitute income for leisure as leisure now has a higher opportunity cost. This effect leads to more hours being worked as wages rise.
Income effect of a rise in wages Workers get a higher income for a given number of hours worked and may thus feel they need to work fewer hours as wages rise.
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BOX 18.1 ‘TELECOMMUTERS’
The electronic cottage
the workers coming to the work. The effect is to reduce the premium that needs to be paid to workers in commercial cen- tres, such as the City of London. Then there are the broader gains to society. Telecommuting opens up the labour market to a wider group of workers who might find it relatively difficult to leave the home – groups such as single parents and the disabled. This not only improves efficiency, as a better use is made of the full labour force, but enhances equity as well. Also there are environmental gains, as fewer journeys to work mean less traffic congestion and less pollution. But do people working from home feel isolated? For many peo- ple, work is an important part of their social environment, pro- viding them with an opportunity to meet others and to work as a team. Interestingly, in the Chinese travel agency study above, only 50 per cent of those telecommuting said they would like to continue to do it, as they missed the social interactions of the office. The existence of video call software, such as Skype, has reduced some of these problems. However, for many, this tech- nology is a poor substitute for being in the same room. There is the question of whether employers sometimes exploit telecommuters. The Low Pay Commission has found that many homeworkers are paid well below the minimum wage because employers pay by the amount of work done and underestimate the amount of time it takes to complete work.
International telecommuting There is no reason, of course, why telecommuters cannot work in different countries. With the creation of transoceanic fibre optical cable networks, international data transmission has become both faster and cheaper. Increasingly companies in developed countries have employed relatively low-wage workers in the developing world to do data processing, tel- esales and various types of ‘back-office’ work – work that is often highly skilled. More than 500 multinational companies employ IT workers in Bangalore alone. Some of the international teleworkers work in call centres; others work from their own homes. Increasingly telecommut- ers in India are being provided with computers and broadband connections to enable them to do so.
Call-centres of tomorrow will not be the ones operating from under a single roof. Instead, it will be a network of customer service agents (CSAs) working from their own home miles away from each other . . . With all the push that the [Indian] government is giving to increase broadband penetration, this concept will trigger a revolution in the way call-centres of today operate.5
International telecommuting can be closer to home. Growing numbers of UK workers have moved to France or Spain, where property is much cheaper and, thanks to broadband, they can carry on their UK jobs from there. When they do have to come into the office, cheap travel by budget airlines makes that possible.
1. What effect is telecommuting likely to have on (a) trade union membership; (b) trade union power?
2. How are the developments referred to in this box likely to affect relative house prices between capital cities and the regions?
The increasing sophistication of information technology, with direct computer linking, broadband access to the Internet, fax machines, mobile phones and Skype, has meant increased flexibility in the labour market. Many people can work from home – either all the time or for part of the week. The number of these home workers or ‘telecommuters’ has grown steadily since the information technology revolution of the early 1980s. The Monthly Labour Review indicates that some 24 per cent of US workers telecommute all or part of the time.1 According to the ONS, in the UK in 2014 there were 4.2 million home workers or 13.9 per cent of the 30.2 million people in work, up from 11.1 per cent in 1998.
Of these home workers, around 1.5 million (or 5 per cent of those in work) worked within their home or its grounds, while the remaining 2.7 million people (8.9 per cent of those in work) used their home as a base but worked in different places.2
It has been found that where ‘telecommuting networks’ have been established, gains in productivity levels have been sig- nificant, when compared with comparable office workers. Most studies indicate rises in productivity of over 35 per cent and at the same time a reduction in staff absenteeism. With fewer inter- ruptions and less chatting with fellow workers, less working time is lost. Add to this the stress-free environment, free from the strain of commuting, and the individual worker’s performance is enhanced and workers are found to be more attentive. Some of the most recent evidence from China reinforces the above.3 The study looked at over 12 000 workers at a Chinese travel agency and experimented by having 200 of these employees telecommute. The findings found that those telecommuting took more calls, worked longer hours and had fewer sick days. By the end of the experiment, it was esti- mated that $2000 per employee would be saved every year by employees working at home and thus the option was offered to all workers across the firm. In another study by O2, the company’s entire UK head office workforce (2500 people) was asked to work from home on 8 February 2012: 36 per cent of them reported that they were more productive from home, with 52 per cent of time saved commuting being spent working.4
With further savings in time, in the renting and maintenance of offices (often in high-cost inner-city locations) and in heating and lighting costs, the economic arguments in favour of telecommuting seem very persuasive. What is more, concerns that managers lose control over their employees, and that the quality of work falls, appear unfounded. In fact the reverse seems to have occurred: the quality of work in many cases has improved. The technological developments that have permitted this rise in home working have been the equivalent of an increase in labour mobility. Work can be taken to the workers rather than
1 Mary C. Noonan. and Jennifer L. Glass, ‘The hard truth about telecommuting’, Monthly Labour Review (June 2012).
2 ‘Record proportion of people in employment are home workers’, Characteristics of Home Workers (ONS, 4 June 2014).
3 N. Bloom, J. Liang and Z. J. Ying, ‘Does working from home work? Evidence from a Chinese Experiment’, CEP Discussion Paper No. 1194 (March 2013).
4 ‘O2 releases the results of the UK’s biggest ever flexible working pilot’, The Blue, 3 April 2012.
5‘Telecommuting: the work-from-home option’, DQ Channels of India, www.dqchannels.com/content/mirror/105021801.asp.
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The relative magnitude of these two effects determines the slope of the individual’s supply curve. It is normally assumed that the substitution effect outweighs the income effect, especially at lower wage rates. A rise in wage rates acts as an incentive: it encourages a person to work more hours. It is possible, however, that the income effect will outweigh the substitution effect. Particularly at very high wage rates people say: ‘There’s not so much point now in doing over- time. I can afford to spend more time at home.’
If the wage rate becomes high enough for the income effect to dominate, the supply curve will begin to slope back- ward. This occurs above a wage rate of W1 in Figure 18.3.
These considerations are particularly important for a government considering tax cuts. Cuts in income tax rates are like giving people a pay rise, and thus provide an incen- tive for people to work harder. This analysis is only correct, however, if the substitution effect dominates. If the income effect dominates, people will work less after the tax cut.
The supply of labour to an individual employer Under perfect competition, the supply of labour to a par- ticular firm will be perfectly elastic, as in Figure 18.1(a). The firm is a ‘wage taker’ and thus has no power to influence wages.
The market supply of a given type of labour This will typically be upward sloping. The higher the wage rate offered in a particular type of job, the more people will want to do that job.
The position of the market supply curve of labour will depend on the number of people willing and able to do the job at each given wage rate. This depends on three things:
■ the number of qualified people; ■ the non-wage benefits or costs of the job, such as the
pleasantness or otherwise of the working environment, job satisfaction or dissatisfaction, status, power, the degree of job security, holidays, perks and other fringe benefits;
■ the wages and non-wage benefits in alternative jobs.
A change in the wage rate will cause a movement along the supply curve. A change in any of these other three deter- minants will shift the whole curve.
The elasticity of the market supply of labour How responsive will the supply of labour be to a change in the wage rate? If the market wage rate goes up, will a lot more labour become available or only a little? This respon- siveness (elasticity) depends on (a) the difficulties and costs of changing jobs and (b) the time period.
Another way of looking at the elasticity of supply of labour is in terms of the mobility of labour: the willingness and ability of labour to move to another job, whether in a different location (geographical mobility) or in a different industry (occupational mobility). The mobility of labour (and hence the elasticity of supply of labour) will be higher when there are alternative jobs in the same location, when alternative jobs require similar skills and when people have good information about these jobs.
It is also much higher in the long run, when people have the time to acquire new skills and when the education system has had time to adapt to the changing demands of industry.
The demand for labour: the marginal productivity theory The traditional ‘neoclassical’ theory of the firm assumes that firms aim to maximise profits. The same assump- tion is made in the neoclassical theory of labour demand. This theory is generally known as the marginal produc- tivity theory.
The profit-maximising approach How many workers will a profit-maximising firm want to employ? The firm will answer this question by weighing up the costs of employing extra labour against the benefits. It will use exactly the same principles as in deciding how much output to produce.
In the goods market, the firm will maximise profits where the marginal cost of an extra unit of goods produced equals the marginal revenue from selling it: MC = MR.
In the labour market, the firm will maximise profits where the marginal cost of employing an extra worker equals the marginal revenue that the worker’s output earns for the firm: MC of labour = MR of labour. The rea- soning is simple. If an extra worker adds more to a firm’s revenue than to its costs, the firm’s profits will increase. It will be worth employing that worker. But as more
KI 12 p 68
KI 4 p 25
KI 20 p 142
Pause for thought
Which way will the supply curve shift if the wage rates in alter- native jobs rise?
Pause for thought
What effect has the expansion of the EU, in particular the accession of the central and eastern European countries (CEECs), had on the position and elasticity of the supply curve of various types of labour?
Definitions
Mobility of labour The ease with which labour can either shift between jobs (occupational mobility) or move to other parts of the country in search of work (geograph- ical mobility).
Marginal productivity theory The theory that the demand for a factor depends on its marginal revenue product.
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workers are employed, diminishing returns to labour will set in (see page 142). Each extra worker will produce less than the previous one, and thus earn less revenue for the firm. Eventually the marginal revenue from extra workers will fall to the level of their marginal cost. At that point the firm will stop employing extra workers. There are no additional profits to be gained. Profits are at a maximum.
Measuring the marginal cost and revenue of labour Marginal cost of labour (MCL). This is the extra cost of employing one more worker. Under perfect competition the firm is too small to affect the market wage. It faces a horizontal supply curve (see Figure 18.1(a) on page 299). In other words, it can employ as many workers as it chooses at the market wage rate. Thus the additional cost of employing one more person will simply be the wage rate: MCL = W.
Marginal revenue of labour (MRPL). The marginal revenue that the firm gains from employing one more worker is called the marginal revenue product of labour (MRPL). The MRPL is found by multiplying two elements – the mar- ginal physical product of labour (MPPL) and the marginal revenue gained by selling one more unit of output (MR).
MRPL = MPPL * MR
The MPPL is the extra output produced by the last worker. Thus if the last worker produces 100 tonnes of output per week (MPPL), and if the firm earns an extra £2 for each addi- tional tonne sold (MR), then the worker’s MRP is £200. This extra worker is adding £200 to the firm’s revenue.
The profit-maximising level of employment for a firm The MRPL curve is illustrated in Figure 18.4. As more work- ers are employed, there will come a point when diminish- ing returns set in (point b). Thereafter the MRPL curve slopes downwards. The figure also shows the MCL ‘curve’ at the current market wage Wm.
Profits are maximised at an employment level of Qe, where MCL (i.e. W) = MRPL. Why? At levels of employment below Qe, MRPL exceeds MCL. The firm will increase profits by employing more labour. At levels of employment above Qe, MCL exceeds MRPL. In this case the firm will increase profits by reducing employment.
Derivation of the firm’s demand curve for labour No matter what the wage rate, the quantity of labour demanded will be found from the intersection of W and MRPL (see Figure 18.5). At a wage rate of W1, Q1 labour is demanded (point a); at W2, Q2 is demanded (point b); at W3, Q3 is demanded (point c).
The MRPL curve therefore shows the quantity of labour employed at each wage rate. But this is just what the demand curve for labour shows. Thus the MRPL curve is the demand curve for labour.
T h e r e a r e t h r e e d e t e r m i n a n t s o f t h e d e m a n d for labour:
■ The wage rate. This determines the position on the demand curve. (Strictly speaking, we would refer here to the wage determining the ‘quantity demanded’ rather than the ‘demand’.)
■ The productivity of labour (MPPL). This determines the position of the demand curve.
■ The demand for the good. The higher the market demand for the good, the higher will be its market price, and hence the higher will be the MR, and thus the MRPL. This too determines the position of the demand curve. It shows how the demand for labour (and other factors) is a derived demand: i.e. one derived from the demand for the good. For example, the higher the demand for houses, and hence the higher their price, the higher will be the demand for bricklayers.
KI 20 p 142
KI 4 p 25
The profit-maximising level of employmentFigure 18.4
MRPL
b
Wm
O Q of labour
Qe
MCL = W
£
Pause for thought
Why is the MC L curve horizontal?
Pause for thought
If the productivity of a group of workers rises by 10 per cent, will the wage rate they are paid also rise by 10 per cent? Explain why or why not.
Definitions
Marginal revenue product of labour The extra revenue a firm earns from employing one more unit of labour.
Derived demand The demand for a factor of production depends on the demand for the good which uses it.
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A change in the wage rate is represented by a movement along the demand curve for labour. A change in the produc- tivity of labour or in the demand for the good shifts the curve.
The elasticity of demand for labour
The elasticity of demand for labour (with respect to changes in the wage rate) will be greater:
The greater the price elasticity of demand for the good. A rise in the wage rate, being a cost of production, will drive up the price of the good. If the market demand for the good is elas- tic, this rise in price will lead to a significant fall in sales and hence a bigger drop in the number of people employed.
The easier it is to substitute labour for other factors and vice versa. If labour can be readily replaced by other inputs (e.g. machin- ery), then a rise in the wage rate will lead to a large reduction in labour as workers are replaced by these other inputs.
The greater the wage cost as a proportion of total costs. If wages are a large proportion of total costs and the wage rate rises, total costs will rise significantly; therefore production will fall significantly, and so too will the demand for labour.
The longer the time period. Given sufficient time, firms can respond to a rise in wage rates by reorganising their
KI 12 p 68
Deriving the firm’s demand curve for labourFigure 18.5
O Q of labour
MRPL = D
W1 a
b
c W2 W3
Q3Q2Q1
MCL1
MCL3
MCL2
£
Wages and a firm’s surplus over wagesFigure 18.6
O Q of labour
MRPL
W MCL = W
£
Qe
Wages
Surplus for firm
POWER IN THE LABOUR MARKET18.2
Power may exist on either side of the labour market. Firms may have market power as employers; workers may have market power is they are members of powerful trade unions. In this section, we consider both types of labour market ‘imperfection’.
Firms with market power In the real world, many firms have the power to influence wage rates – they are not wage takers. When a firm is the only employer of a particular type of labour, this situation
production processes. For example, they could introduce robotic production lines.
Wages and profits under perfect competition The wage rate (W) is determined by the interaction of demand and supply in the labour market. This will be equal to the value of the output that the last person produces (MRPL).
Profits to the individual firm will arise from the fact that the MRPL curve slopes downward (diminishing returns). Thus the last worker adds less to the revenue of firms than previous workers already employed.
If all workers in the firm receive a wage equal to the MRP of the last worker, everyone but the last worker will receive a wage less than their MRP. This excess of MRPL over W of previous workers provides a surplus to the firm over its wages bill (see Figure 18.6). Part of this will be required for paying non-wage costs; part will be the prof- its for the firm.
Perfect competition between firms will ensure that prof- its are kept down to normal profits. If the surplus over wages is such that supernormal profits are made, new firms will enter the industry. The price of the good (and hence MRPL) will fall, and the wage and hence costs will be bid up, until only normal profits remain.
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is called a monopsony. Royal Mail used to be a monopsony employer of postal workers.6 Another example is when a factory is the only employer of certain types of labour in that district. It therefore has local monopsony power.
When there are just a few employers, this is called oligopsony. The big supermarkets are often considered to be oligopsonists, not because they are the only employers of a particular type of labour, but because they are the main buy- ers of certain products. Thus, they have significant power over farmers and other suppliers and can use that power to force down the prices they pay, thus cutting their costs.
Monopsonists (and oligopsonists) in the labour market are ‘wage setters’, not ‘wage takers’. Thus a large employer in a small town may have considerable power to resist wage increases or even to force wage rates down.
Such firms face an upward-sloping supply curve of labour. This is illustrated in Figure 18.7. If the firm wants to take on more labour, it will have to pay a higher wage rate to attract workers away from other industries. But con- versely, by employing less labour it can get away with pay- ing a lower wage rate.
The supply curve shows the wage that must be paid to attract a given quantity of labour. The wage it pays is the aver- age cost to the firm of employing labour (ACL): i.e. the cost per worker. The supply curve is also therefore the ACL curve.
The marginal cost of employing one more worker (MCL) will be above the wage (ACL): see Figure 18.7. The reason is that the wage rate has to be raised to attract extra workers. The MCL will thus be the new higher wage paid to the new employee plus the small rise in the total wages bill for existing employees: after all, they will be paid the higher wage too.
The profit-maximising employment of labour would be at Q1, where MCL = MRPL. The wage (found from the ACL curve) would thus be W1.
If this had been a perfectly competitive labour market, employment would have been at the higher level Q2, with the wage rate at the higher level W2, where W = MRPL. What in effect the monopsonist is doing, therefore, is forcing the wage rate down by restricting the number of workers employed.
Workers with market power: the role of trade unions How can unions influence the determination of wages, and what might be the consequences of their actions?
The extent to which unions will succeed in pushing up wage rates depends on their power and militancy. It also depends on the power of firms to resist and on their ability to pay higher wages. In particular, the scope for unions to gain a better deal for their members depends on the sort of market in which the employers are producing.
Unions facing competitive employers If the employers are producing under perfect or monop- olistic competition, unions can raise wages only at the expense of employment. Firms are only earning normal profit. Thus if unions force up wages, the marginal firms will go bankrupt and leave the industry. Fewer workers will be employed. The fall in output will lead to higher prices. This will enable the remaining firms to pay a higher wage rate.
Figure 18.8 illustrates these effects. If unions force the wage rate up from W1 to W2, employment will fall from Q1 to Q2. There will be a surplus of people (Q3 – Q2) wishing to work in this industry, for whom no jobs are available.
The union is in a doubly weak position. Not only will jobs be lost as a result of forcing up the wage rate, but also there is a danger that these unemployed people could undercut the union wage, unless the union can prevent firms employing non-unionised labour.
KI 21 p 175
KI 4 p 25
KI 21 p 175
6Until 2005, Royal Mail had a statutory monopoly in the delivery of letters.
MonopsonyFigure 18.7
O Q of labour
MRPL
W1
W2 ACL W (supply curve)
£
Q2Q1
MCL
Pause for thought
Which of the following unions find themselves in a weak bar- gaining position for the reasons given? a) The maritime workers union (Nautilus). b) The shopworkers’ union (USDAW). c) The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM). d) The farmworkers’ union (part of the Unite Union).
Definitions
Monopsony A market with a single buyer or employer.
Oligopsony A market with just a few buyers or employers.
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In a competitive market, then, the union is faced with the choice between wages and jobs. Its actions will depend on its objectives.
Wages can be increased without a reduction in the level of employment only if, as part of the bargain, the produc- tivity of labour is increased. This is called a productivity deal. The MRP curve, and hence the demand curve in Figure 18.8, shifts to the right.
Power on both sides of the labour market: bilateral monopoly One interesting observation is that the largest and most powerful trade unions are often in industries where there are monopsonist or oligopsonist employers. In such cases, trade unions act as a countervailing power to the large employer.
So, what happens when a union monopoly faces a monopsony employer? What will the wage rate and level of employment be? Unfortunately, economic theory can- not give a precise answer to this question. There is no ‘equi- librium’ level as such. Ultimately, the wage rate and level of employment will depend on the relative bargaining strengths and skills of unions and management.
Strange as it may seem, unions may be in a better posi- tion to make substantial gains for their members when they are facing a powerful employer. There is often considerable scope for them to increase wage rates without this leading to a reduction in employment, or even for them to increase both the wage rate and employment. Figure 18.9 shows how this can be so.
Assume first that there is no union. The monopsonist will maximise profits by employing Q1 workers at a wage rate of W1 (Q1 is where MRPL = MCL).
What happens when a union is introduced into this situation? Wages will now be set by negotiation between unions and management. Once the wage rate has been agreed, the employer can no longer drive the wage rate
Monopoly union facing producers under perfect competition
Figure 18.8
O Q of labour
W1
W2
£
Q2 Q1 Q3
S
D
Bilateral monopolyFigure 18.9
O Q of labour
W1
W2
£
Q1 Q3
S1 (= ACL1)
MCL2 = ACL2
MRPL
Union
N o
un io
n
No u
nio n
MCL1 x
Definition
Productivity deal Where, in return for a wage increase, a union agrees to changes in working practices that will increase output per worker.
down by employing fewer workers. If it tried to pay less than the agreed wage, it could well be faced by a strike, and thus have a zero supply of labour!
Similarly, if the employer decided to take on more work- ers, it would not have to increase the wage rate as long as the negotiated wage was above the free-market wage: as long as the wage rate was above that given by the supply curve S1.
The effect of this is to give a new supply curve that is horizontal up to the point where it meets the original supply curve. For example, let us assume that the union succeeds in negotiating a wage rate of W2 in Figure 18.9. The supply curve will be horizontal at this level to the left of point x. To the right of this point it will follow the original supply curve S1, since to acquire more than Q3 workers the employer would have to raise the wage rate above W2.
If the supply curve is horizontal to the left of point x at a level of W2, so too will be the MCL curve. The reason is simply that the extra cost to the employer of taking on an extra worker (up to Q3) is merely the negotiated wage rate: no rise has to be given to existing employees. If MCL is equal to the wage, the profit-maximising employment (MCL = MRPL) will now be where W = MRPL. At a negoti- ated wage rate of W2, the firm will therefore choose to employ Q1 workers.
What this means is that the union can push the wage right up from W1 to W2 and the firm will still want to employ Q1. In other words, a wage rise can be obtained without a reduction in employment.
The union could go further still. By threatening indus- trial action, it may be able to push the wage rate above W2
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and still insist that Q1 workers are employed (i.e. no redun- dancies). The firm may be prepared to see profits drop right down to a normal level rather than face a strike and risk losses. The absolute upper limit to the wage rate will be that at which the firm is forced to close down.
The actual wage rate under bilateral monopoly is usually determined through a process of negotiation or ‘collective bargaining’. The outcome of this bargaining will depend on a wide range of factors, which vary substantially from one industry or firm to another.
Collective bargaining Sometimes when unions and management negotiate, both sides can gain from the resulting agreement. For exam- ple, the introduction of new technology may allow higher wages, improved working conditions and higher profits. Usually, however, one side’s gain is the other’s loss. Higher wages mean lower profits. Either way, both sides will want to gain the maximum for themselves.
The outcome of the negotiations will depend on the rel- ative bargaining strengths of both sides. In bargaining there are various threats or promises that either side can make. For these to be effective, of course, the other side must believe that they will be carried out.
Union threats might include strike action, picketing, working to rule or refusing to co-operate with management, for example in the introduction of new technology. Alter- natively, in return for higher wages or better working condi- tions, unions might offer no-strike agreements (or an informal promise not to take industrial action), increased productivity, reductions in the workforce or long-term deals over pay.
In turn, employers might threaten employees with plant closure, lock-outs, redundancies or the employment of non-union labour. Or they might offer, in return for lower wage increases, various ‘perks’ such as productivity bonuses, profit-sharing schemes, better working conditions, more overtime, longer holidays or security of employment.
Industrial action imposes costs on both unions and firms. Unions lose pay; firms lose revenue. It is usually in both sides’ interests, therefore, to settle by negotiation. Nevertheless, to gain the maximum advantage, each side must persuade the other that it will carry out its threats if pushed. In 1978/79, the UK experienced a period known as the Winter of Discontent, where strikes took place at the same time across a huge number of sectors. A blog on the Sloman News Site, The Winter of Discontent: the sequel?, considers a similar period of industrial unrest that could have occurred in 2009. This is also discussed in Box 18.2.
The approach described so far has essentially been one of confrontation. The alternative is for both sides to con- centrate on increasing the total net income of the firm by co-operating on ways to increase efficiency or the quality of the product. This approach is more likely when unions and management have built up an atmosphere of trust over time.
Definitions
Picketing Where people on strike gather at the entrance to the firm and attempt to dissuade workers or delivery vehicles from entering.
Working to rule Workers do no more than they are sup- posed to, as set out in their job descriptions.
Lock-outs Union members are temporarily laid off until they are prepared to agree to the firm’s conditions.
Union membership. Trade union membership in the UK stands at about 6.5 million (25.6 per cent of employees) in the mid-2010s. This number is around half of that seen in the late 1970s. The fall in membership can be explained by a number of factors: the shift to a service-based economy; continued privatisation and the introduction of private-sec- tor management practices, such as local pay bargaining; and contracted-out services into many of the remaining parts of the public sector. More women working and more part-time and casual work, with many people having no guaranteed hours, so-called ‘zero-hour contracts’ (see Box 6.1), are also contributory factors, as are the attitudes of many firms to union recognition.
Union membership remains highest in areas of the public sector with high levels of monopsony power, such as education, but there is no doubt that, even here, their power has declined. Case G.4 in MyEconLab charts the rise and decline of the labour movement in the UK.
The role of government The government can influence the outcome of collective bargaining in a number of ways. One is to try to set an exam- ple. It may take a tough line in resisting wage demands by public-sector workers, hoping thereby to persuade employ- ers in the private sector to do likewise.
Alternatively, it could set up arbitration or conciliation machinery. For example, in the UK, the Advisory Concili- ation and Arbitration Service (ACAS) conciliates in around 1000 disputes each year, roughly half of these involving pay-related issues. It also provides, on request by both sides, an arbitration service, where its findings will be binding.
Another approach is to use legislation. The government could pass laws that restrict the behaviour of employers or unions. It could pass laws that set a minimum wage rate (see pages 312–14), or prevent discrimination against workers on various grounds. Similarly, it could pass laws that curtail the power of unions.
The Conservative governments between 1979 and 1997 put considerable emphasis on reducing the power of trade unions and making labour markets more ‘flexible’. Several Acts of Parliament were passed during these years, which significantly reduced the power of trade unions in the UK. However, in recent years, we have seen many incidents of trade union action in the UK and in many other countries (see Box 18.2).
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BOX 18.2 WINTERS OF DISCONTENT
The sequel?
In the winter of 1978/79 (dubbed the ‘Winter of Discontent’), the UK economy almost ground to a halt when workers across the country went on strike. Miners, postal workers, bin-men, grave diggers, healthcare ancillaries, train and bus drivers, gas and electricity workers, lorry drivers for companies such as BP and Esso and workers at Ford all went on strike; there were even unofficial strikes by ambulance drivers. The strike was partly the cause of the Labour government losing the 1979 election. Industrial action continued into 1980 and 1981 as the UK economy plunged into recession and unemployment rose to 3 million. Then again, in 1984–85, there was large-scale disruption as the National Union of Miners struck over pit closures. The chart illustrates the huge loss of working hours during these periods. It looked as though history was about to repeat itself just a few years ago in 2009 as the world economy plunged into a deep recession in the aftermath of the credit crunch. There were fears that Britain was entering months of indus- trial unrest, as bus drivers, bin-men, airline and underground staff and firefighters followed the postal workers’ lead and protested at changes to their pay, shift patterns and working conditions. In the latter half of 2009 and early 2010, industrial action spread rapidly in the UK (and in other countries across the world). From bins to buses, and trains to planes, there was massive disruption, affecting everyone and reducing output at a time when it was the last thing the country needed. The effects were serious for many parts of the economy, although, as the chart shows, there were far fewer days lost this time.
Postal services Throughout 2009, members of the Communication Workers Union (CWU) held intermittent one-day strikes, and in October 2009 a national strike went ahead. The confron- tation was concerned with pay, working conditions, a pension deficit and the introduction of modern, efficient technology, which the CWU expected to lead to job losses and office closures. So, what were the effects?
■ Post was obviously delayed (over 150 million undelivered letters and packets).
■ Greetings cards companies were concerned that people would not send cards, affecting profitability at their busi- est time of year.
■ Households faced delays in paying bills and receiving payments.
■ Businesses experienced delays in supplies, orders and customer service was restricted.
■ eBay traders had to delay sending packages. ■ Businesses had to employ other delivery services, raising
costs, cutting profits and causing lost customers.
Research by the London Chamber of Commerce suggested that it cost London more than £500 million in lost business. The Chief Executive of the organisation said:
Not being able to rely on a normal postal service forces companies to pay extra for couriers, delays consumer spending, damages client relationships and plays havoc with a firm’s cash flow.7
But the news was not all bad, at least not for the Royal Mail’s competitors, such as TNT, Fedex and DHL, with TNT handling an extra 16 000 items in the first 24 hours!
Airlines While post failed to get from A to B, so did passengers, as talks with BA cabin crew over pay freezes, working practices and redundancies broke down. Strikes occurred over Christ- mas and then again in 2010, with those in March 2010 esti- mated to have cost BA between £40 and £45 million.8
The Spanish airline, Iberia, experienced strikes over the renewal of contracts in 2009, which led to 400 flights can- celled in two days, pushing up costs to stranded passengers, as they tried to get home on more expensive airlines. Pilots from India’s Jet Airways held a five-day strike during Septem- ber 2009, and Germany’s Lufthansa had to cancel thousands of flights in early 2010, when 4000 pilots went on strike, with fears of foreign pilots being used to maintain the airline’s profitability. Estimates suggest this cost the company some £21.9 million per day. Airlines were severely hit by the recession, as holidays abroad became an unaffordable luxury for many cash-strapped con- sumers. While many airlines had other problems as well, lower revenues and profits meant that cost savings were needed, and so staff had to be cut. BA lost over £400 million in 2008, due to lower passenger numbers, and the resulting strike action imposed further costs. The financial impact of these strikes included not only lost revenue but also the cost of hiring in planes and crew, as well as buying seats on rival carriers.
Other problems Over 800 drivers in Bolton, Bury and Wigan held numerous 24-hour strikes during 2009, because of disputes with First Bus over pay. At the same time, 1.5 million customers were affected when thousands of Underground workers went on strike and this occurred again in February 2015. These strikes cost businesses, as staff struggled to get to work, meaning lost hours, and as shoppers had problems getting to London, meaning lost sales. Members of the National Union of Teachers and the National Association of Headteachers boycotted Sats tests in 2010, in part to ‘protect their terms and conditions of employment’9 and in Leeds, 92 per cent of refuse workers went on strike for several weeks after refusing the Council’s offer relating to their working
7Tom Sands, ‘Postal strike costs London £500m’, Parcl2Go.com News, 26 October 2009.
8‘BA strike: talks between airline and union resume’, BBC News, 7 April 2010. 9‘Headteachers vote to boycott Sats tests’, The Guardian, 16 April 2010.
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WINTERS OF DISCONTENT
The sequel?
10‘French air-traffic strike: a formidable power to disrupt’, The Independent, 5 May 2015.
week and pay. Piles of rubbish built up, which although not imposing direct costs on business, did adversely affect them. It was an ‘external cost’ imposed on consumers as it reduced the incentive to shop. We consider external costs in Chapter 20.
A trilogy or quadrilogy or . . .? The 2009 strikes did not compare with the Winter of Discon- tent of 1978/79, but did still disrupt the lives of millions and cost the economy at a very bad time. Then, with the election of the Coalition government and the start of its ‘austerity policies’, many trade unions quickly began to mobilise. Public-sector unions were particularly vocal in response to curbs on their pay and pensions and further industrial action ensued. In mid-2010, the Public and Commercial Services Union threatened to re-launch strikes which had begun in March involving 200 000 civil servants, but which had been suspended for the election. In March 2013, the Public and Commercial Services Union (PCS) voted to strike in response to job losses, changes in pensions and public-sector pay being frozen for two years for those earning above £21 000. Further postal strikes took place over the 2013 Easter weekend and again in the run-up to Christmas in 2014. Baggage han- dlers at Stansted airport threatened to walk out following shift changes which could adversely affect their pay. This followed a four-day strike over the Jubilee weekend in June 2012.
Civil servants were called in to cover UK border control posts, which was the first time that the government recruited other members of the civil service to break a strike by immigration officials. Further strikes by a variety of airlines and air traffic controllers have also occurred, with the latest (writing in April 2015) by French air traffic controllers in April 2015.10
Despite the volume of industrial action we have observed over the past six to seven years, there has been growing recognition that employers and employees can learn from each other and with co-operation everyone can be made better off. However, negotiations across the UK have failed to resolve many issues, and estimates across all affected industries now paint a stark picture of the economic costs incurred by recent industrial action and possible action to come.
1. Are strikes the best course of action for workers? In the cases outlined above, would you have advised any other responses by either side?
2. Which strike do you think was the most costly to (a) consumers, (b) businesses and (c) the economy? Explain.
3. Why did strains on public finances lead to industrial unrest?
Source: Based on Time series Data, series BBFW (ONS)
Annual working days lost through industrial disputes in the UK (000s) (cumulative 12-month totals adjusted monthly)
Winter of discontent and recession of 1980–1
Miners’ strike of 1984–5
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
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On the Sloman News Site, you will find blogs written about strikes and industrial action in posts entitled The Royal Mail, Quiet Underground: Busy Overground, PCS vote to strike, A News blackout and Turbulence in the air.
The efficiency wage hypothesis We have seen that a union may be able to force an employer to pay a wage above the market-clearing rate. But it may well be in an employer’s interests to do so, even in non-un- ionised sectors.
One explanation for this phenomenon is the efficiency wage hypothesis. This states that the productivity of work- ers rises as the wage rate rises. As a result, employers are frequently prepared to offer wage rates above the mar- ket-clearing level, attempting to balance increased wage costs against gains in productivity. But why may higher wage rates lead to higher productivity? There are three main explanations.
Less ‘shirking’. In many jobs it is difficult to monitor the effort that individuals put into their work. Workers may thus get away with shirking or careless behaviour. The busi- ness could attempt to reduce shirking by imposing a series of sanctions, the most serious of which would be dismissal. The greater the wage rate currently received, the greater will be the cost to the individual of dismissal, and the less likely it is that workers will shirk. The business will benefit not only from the additional output, but also from a reduction in the costs of having to monitor workers’ performance. As a consequence the efficiency wage rate for the business will lie above the market-determined wage rate.
KI 22 p 181
KI 9 p 51
Definitions
Efficiency wage hypothesis A hypothesis that states that a worker’s productivity is linked to the wage he or she receives.
Efficiency wage rate The profit-maximising wage rate for the firm after taking into account the effects of wage rates on worker motivation, turnover and recruitment.
LOW PAY AND DISCRIMINATION18.3
Low pay Identifying workers as being low paid clearly involves making certain value judgements about what constitutes ‘low’.
One way is to consider pay relative to living standards. The problem here, though, is that pay is only one of the determinants of living standards. Pay of a certain level may give a reasonable living standard for a single person, espe- cially if he or she has property, such as a house and furni- ture. The same pay may result in dire poverty for a large household with several dependants living on that one income, and considerable outgoings.
It is more usual, therefore, to define low pay relative to average rates of pay. Low pay will be anything below a cer- tain percentage of the average wage rate. The larger the per- centage selected, the bigger the low-paid sector will become.
Reduced labour turnover. If workers receive on-the-job train- ing or retraining, then losing a worker once the training has been completed is a significant cost to the business. Labour turnover, and hence its associated costs, can be reduced by paying a wage above the market-clearing rate. By paying such a wage, the business is seeking a degree of loyalty from its employees.
Morale. A simple reason for offering wage rates above the market-clearing level is to motivate the workforce – to cre- ate the feeling that the firm is a ‘good’ employer that cares about its employees. As a consequence, workers might be more industrious, show more initiative and be more will- ing to accept the introduction of new technology (with the reorganisation that it involves).
The paying of efficiency wages above the market-clearing wage will depend upon the type of work involved.
Workers who occupy skilled positions are likely to receive efficiency wages considerably above the mar- ket wage. This is especially true where the business has invested time in their training, which makes them costly to replace.
By contrast, workers in unskilled positions, where shirk- ing can be easily monitored, little training takes place and workers can be easily replaced, are unlikely to command an ‘efficiency wage premium’. In such situations, rather than keeping wage rates high, the business will probably try to pay as little as possible and so minimum wage legislation is likely to be important for such workers, as we shall see in the next section.
A decency threshold. The Council of Europe defines low pay as anything below 60 per cent of a country’s mean net (i.e. post-tax) earnings. It refers to this as the ‘decency thresh- old’. Previously the decency threshold was defined as any- thing below 68 per cent of a country’s mean gross wage rate, which gave a higher figure. If a minimum hourly wage were to be based on even the new lower decency threshold, then
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11 The mean hourly wage is the arithmetical average: i.e. the total level of gross wage payments divided by the total number of hours worked by the population (over a specified time period). The median hourly wage is found by ranking the working population from lowest to highest paid, and then finding the hourly pay of the middle person in the ranking.
in the UK it would be set at around £8.60 and would raise wages for about 35 per cent of workers. Other studies have identified the low-pay threshold at two-thirds of median hourly earnings of male workers.11 A minimum hourly wage set at this level would also be around £8.60 for full-time workers.
A minimum wage. Another way of defining low pay is any- thing below an agreed minimum wage. As of January 2015, 22 of the 28 EU member countries had a national minimum wage. These rates varied considerably. But, three broad groupings can be identified: one where minimum wages were lower than €500 a month (Bulgaria, Romania, Lithua- nia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Latvia, Slovakia, Estonia, Croatia and Poland), an intermediate set where minimum wages range from €500 to less than €1000 a month (Por- tugal, Greece, Malta, Spain and Slovenia) and a final set where the national minimum wage was €1000 or above per month (United Kingdom, France, Ireland, Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg).
The UK minimum in October 2015 was £6.70 per hour for those aged 21 and over, £5.30 per hour for those aged 18–20 and £3.87 for 16- and 17-year-olds. In 2014, the min- imum wage was 56.0 per cent of the median hourly wage for all workers and 49.4 per cent of that for full-time workers. In 1999, the year that the minimum wage was introduced, it was 45.6 per cent of the median for all workers, but when evidence suggested that the minimum wage seemed to be having little effect on unemployment, it was raised faster than wages, to reach over 52 per cent of the median wage by 2008. Since then the minimum wage has fallen in real terms (i.e. after adjusting for inflation).
You can read about the impact of the minimum wage in two articles on the Sloman News Site: ‘An above-inflation rise in the NMW’ and ‘Effects of raising the minimum wage’.
A living wage. Although the minimum wage has increased since its introduction in 1999, many critics still argue that it is insufficient and is not a ‘living wage’. In particular, due to variations in the cost of living in different parts of the UK, there are suggestions that minimum wages should vary depending on where you live. In recent years there has been a campaign in the UK for a ‘living wage’ – one which would lift those working full-time out of poverty. The Liv- ing Wage Foundation has estimated that for 2015 the UK average hourly wage would need to have been £7.85, while in London, where the cost of living is highest, this would have required an hourly rate of £9.15.
Changes in relative wages over time. Another approach to the analysis of low pay is to see how the wage rates of the
lowest-paid workers have changed over time compared to the average worker. Evidence from various editions of the Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings (National Statistics) indicates that inequality in pay in the UK has widened. In 1979, the lowest 10 per cent of wage earners received a wage that was 70 per cent of the median wage. Provisional data for 2014 calculates the median weekly wage for full-time workers at £518. However, the lowest 10 per cent of work- ers earn less than £287.90 or approximately 55 per cent of the median wage. On the other hand, the top 10 per cent of earners received a weekly wage of more than £1024.40, which is 198 per cent of the median weekly wage.
Low pay in particular sectors/industries. Low pay tends to be concentrated in certain sectors and occupations. Sales, cus- tomer service workers, accommodation and food service workers are classic examples. Weekly wages of workers in the latter two occupations are only 61.8 per cent of the UK average. Low pay also occurs disproportionately between women and men. In 2014, the median hourly wage for women was £10.37, while the figure for men was 24.6 per cent higher at £12.92. When only considering full-time workers, the differential falls to 11.45 per cent, reflecting the lower pay for part-time workers and the higher propor- tion of women working part time.
The growth in low pay A number of factors have contributed to the progressive rise in the size of the low-paid sector and the widening dis- parity between high- and low-income earners over the past 30 years.
With technological development, it is the demand for skilled labour that has increased, thus pushing up their wages, while demand for unskilled labour has fallen, push- ing down wages. Developing nations, such as China, Brazil and India, have also contributed to the growth in low pay by exporting goods that compete with domestic prod- ucts. Over time this has led to the decline of those indus- tries struggling to compete with cheap imports from these countries. The impact of the decline in such industries is that skilled workers in countries like the UK have lost their jobs, becoming unskilled workers in different sectors. This increase in supply of unskilled labour pushed wages down.
There has also been a general shift in power from work- ers to employers, which really began with the high unem- ployment that existed in the early 1980s and 1990s. With such a high jobless rates, wages of unskilled and semi- skilled workers in particular were forced downwards and have never fully recovered, despite falling unemployment in the late 1990s and early 2000s.
A rise in part-time employment, from 20.5 per cent of employees in 1984 to 29.2 per cent in 2014, has been a key change in the UK. In recent years growing numbers of work- ers are on ‘zero-hour’ contracts, where there is no guaran- teed work in any week. At the end of 2014 it was estimated that 697 000 employees were employed on such contracts
KI 32 p 343
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(2.3 per cent of all employees: up from 0.6 per cent in 2011). As part-time workers do not receive the same rights, privi- leges and hourly pay as their full-time equivalents, this has contributed towards the growth in the low-pay sector.
The introduction of the UK national minimum wage in 1999 has gone some way to arresting the growth in low pay, but is it enough and is it an effective method of protecting the low paid?
Minimum wages Minimum wages are used widely in developed countries. Figure 18.10 shows the minimum wage rates in a num- ber of countries in 2013. The red bars show real minimum hourly wage rates. They are adjusted for inflation and given in 2013 prices and converted to US dollars at ‘purchas- ing-power parity (PPP)’ exchange rates, which adjust the market exchange rate to reflect purchasing power: i.e. the exchange rates at which one dollar would be worth the same in purchasing power in each country. This allows more meaningful comparisons between countries. The blue bars show minimum hourly wage rates as a percentage of each country’s median hourly wage rate.
Critics of a national minimum wage argue that it can cause unemployment and with it a rise in poverty. Support-
ers argue that it not only helps to reduce poverty among the low paid, but also has little or no adverse effects on employ- ment and may even increase employment.
In order to assess the background to this debate, we need to revisit our earlier analysis of the demand and supply of labour.
Minimum wages in a competitive labour market In a competitive labour market, workers will be hired up to the point where the marginal revenue product of labour (MRPL), i.e. the demand for labour, is equal to the marginal cost of labour (MCL), which gives the supply curve. Refer- ring back to Figure 18.8 (on page 306), the free-market equilibrium wage is W1 and the level of employment is Q1. A national minimum wage, set at W2, will reduce the level of employment to Q2 and increase the supply of labour to Q3, thereby creating unemployment of the amount Q3 − Q2.
The level of unemployment created as a result of the national minimum wage will be determined not only by the level of the minimum wage, but also by the elasticity of labour demand and supply. The more elastic the demand and supply of labour, the bigger the unemployment effect will be. Evidence suggests that the demand for low-skilled workers is likely to be relatively wage sensitive. The most likely reason for this is that many of the goods or services
KI 12 p 68
Minimum hourly wage rates (2014)Figure 18.10
Source: Based on data from OECD.Stat (OECD, 2015)
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produced by low-paid workers are very price sensitive, the firms frequently operating in very competitive markets. It would seem at first sight, therefore, that any increase in wage rates is likely to force up prices and thereby reduce output and employment.
It is important to be careful in using this argument, how- ever. What is relevant is not so much the price elasticity of demand for individual firms’ products, but rather for the products of the low-paid sector as a whole. If one firm alone raised its prices, it might well lose a considerable number of sales. But with minimum wage legislation applying to all firms, if all the firms in an industry or sector put up their prices, demand for any one firm would fall much less. Here the problem of consumers switching away from a firm’s products, and hence of that firm being forced to reduce its workforce, would mainly occur (a) if there were cheaper competitor products from abroad, where the new mini- mum wage legislation would not apply, or (b) if other firms produced the products with more capital-intensive tech- niques, involving fewer workers to whom the minimum wage legislation applied.
Minimum wages and monopsony employers In an imperfect labour market where the employer has some influence over rates of pay, the impact of the national min- imum wage on levels of employment is even less clear-cut.
The situation is illustrated in Figure 18.11 (which is sim- ilar to Figure 18.9 on page 306). A monopsonistic employer will employ Q1 workers: where MCL2 is equal to MRPL. At this point the firm is maximising its return from the labour it employs. Remember that the MCL curve lies above the supply of labour curve (ACL), since the additional cost of employing one more unit of labour involves paying all existing employees the new wage. The wage rate paid by the monopsonist will be W1.
If the minimum wage is set above W1 (but below W2), the level of employment within the firm is likely to grow! Why should this be so? The reason is that the minimum wage cannot be bid down by the monopsonist cutting back on its workforce. Assume, for example, that the minimum wage was set at a rate of W3. The minimum wage rate is thus both the new ACL2 and also the new MCL2: the additional cost of employing one more worker (up to Q2) is simply the min- imum wage rate. The MCL2 = ACL2 line is thus a horizontal straight line up to the original supply curve (S1 = AC1). The level of employment that maximises the monopsonist’s profits will be found from the intersection of this new MCL = ACL line with the MRPL curve: namely, an employment level of Q2. In fact, with a wage rate anywhere between W1 and W2 this intersection will be to the right of Q1: i.e. the imposition of a minimum wage rate will increase the level of employment.
Clearly, if the minimum wage rate were very high, then, other things being equal, the level of employment would fall. This would occur in Figure 18.11 if the minimum wage rate were above W3. But even this argument is not clear-cut, given that (a) a higher wage rate may increase labour pro- ductivity by improving worker motivation and (b) other firms, with which the firm might compete in the product market, will also be faced with paying the higher minimum wage rate. The resulting rise in prices is likely to shift the MRPL curve to the right.
On the other hand, to the extent that the imposition of a minimum wage rate reduces a firm’s profits, this may lead it to cut down on investment, which may threaten long-term employment prospects.
Evidence on the effect of minimum wages Which of the views concerning the effects of a national minimum wage are we to believe? Evidence from various countries suggests that modest increases in the minimum wage have had a neutral effect upon employment. It has been found that there exists a ‘range of indeterminacy’ over which wage rates can fluctuate with little impact upon lev- els of employment. Even above this ‘range’, research find- ings have suggested that, whereas some employers might reduce the quantity of labour they employ, others might respond to their higher wage bill, and hence higher costs, by improving productive efficiency.
Effect of a minimum wage under monopsony
Figure 18.11
O Q of labour
W1
W3
W2
£
Q1 Q2
S1 (= ACL1)
MCL2 = ACL2
MRPL
MCL1
Pause for thought
1. If an increase in wage rates for the low paid led to their being more motivated, how would this affect the mar- ginal revenue product and the demand for such workers? What implications does your answer have for the effect on employment in such cases?
2. If minimum wages encourage employers to substitute machines for workers, will this necessarily lead to higher long-term unemployment in (a) that industry and (b) the economy in general?
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Since the introduction of the minimum wage in the UK in 1999, there is little evidence to suggest that employers have responded by employing fewer workers. In fact, until 2008 unemployment rates fell, despite the minimum wage rising relative to both median and medial hourly wage rate. This, however, can be explained by a buoyant economy and increasing labour market flexibility (see section 18.4).
With the recession of 2009/10, however, many employ- ers were claiming that it would be difficult to pay the mini- mum wage without reducing their workforce, given falling demand for their products and, in some cases, falling prices. Also, firms may make significant cuts in employment if the minimum wage were to rise substantially. Indeed, the min- imum wage fell as a percentage of both median and mean hourly wage rates from 2008. The issue here is how high can the minimum wage be set before unemployment begins to rise?
Gender and the labour market Women earn less than men. How much less depends on how earnings are measured, but on the most widely used definition, mean gross earnings per hour, women in the UK earned some 14 per cent less per hour than men in 2014 (see Figure 18.12). This is based on figures in the Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings (ASHE). As the chart
shows, the gender wage gap has narrowed in recent years. And this trend has been continuing for much longer. Women typically earned 37 per cent less in 1970, 26 per cent less by 1980, 23 per cent less by 1990 and 20 per cent less by 2000.
A similar picture of gender inequality in pay can be seen throughout the EU. In 2013, women’s gross average hourly pay was 16.4 per cent less than men’s. The figure varies from one country to another. For example, in Germany women earned 21.6 per cent less, in France 15.2 per cent less and in Italy 7.3 less. This gender pay gap exists, despite females doing better at school and university than their male coun- terparts. You can read more about the gender pay gap in a 2014 report, produced by the European Commission.12
The inequality between male and female earnings can in part be explained by the fact that men and women are occu- pationally segregated. Seeing that women predominate in poorly paid occupations, the difference in earnings is some- what to be expected. But if you consider Table 18.1, you can see that quite substantial earning differentials persist within particular occupations, partly because a smaller proportion of women are in senior positions.
KI 32 p 343
Mean gross hourly earnings of full-time employeesFigure 18.12
Note: 2015 figures are provisional; breaks in series in 2004, 2006 and 2011
Source: Based on data in ASHE 1997 to 2015 selected estimates, Tables 2 and 6 (National Statistics, 2015)
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12 Tackling the Gender Pay Gap in the European Union (Publications Office of the European Union, 2014).
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Average gross hourly pay, excluding overtime, for selected occupations, full-time UK employees on adult rates, 2014
Table 18.1
Occupation
Men Women
£ per hour Women’s pay as % of men’s
Chief executives and senior officials 51.27 36.88 71.9
Medical practitioners 36.50 28.91 79.2
Solicitors 41.27 33.74 81.8
Laboratory technicians 13.14 10.96 83.4
Senior police officers 29.83 25.12 84.2
Librarians 17.13 14.44 84.3
Accountants 22.57 19.16 84.9
Communication operators 15.11 13.95 92.3
Management consultants and business analysts 23.69 21.96 92.7
Sales and retail assistants 8.74 8.12 92.9
Secondary school teachers 22.83 21.24 93.0
Assemblers and routine operatives 8.86 8.34 94.1
Hairdressers, barbers 7.91 7.55 95.4
Nurses 17.36 16.62 95.7
Bar staff 7.04 6.75 95.9
Social workers 17.45 16.76 96.0
Chefs 8.79 8.63 98.2
All occupations 16.77 14.39 85.8
Average gross weekly pay (incl. overtime) 673.00 539.20 80.1
Average weekly hours worked (incl. overtime) 40.20 37.50
Average weekly overtime 1.40 0.60
Source: Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings (National Statistics, 2015)
So why has this inequality persisted? There are a number of possible reasons:
■ The marginal productivity of labour in typically female occupations may be lower than in typically male occupa- tions. This may in small part be due to simple questions of physical strength. More often, however, it is due to the fact that women tend to work in more labour-intensive occupations. If there is less capital equipment per female worker than there is per male worker, then the marginal product of a woman is likely to be less than that of a man. Evidence from the EU as a whole suggests that occupational segregation is a significant factor in explaining pay differences.
■ Many women take career breaks to have children. For this reason, employers are sometimes more willing to invest money in training men (thereby increasing their marginal productivity), and more willing to promote men.
■ Women tend to be less geographically mobile than men. If social norms are such that the man’s job is seen as somehow more ‘important’ than the woman’s,
then a couple will often move if that is necessary for the man to get promotion. The woman, however, will have to settle for whatever job she can get in the same locality as her partner. Additionally this may reduce a woman’s bargaining power when negotiating for wage increases in her current job, if her employer knows that her outside options are more limited than a man’s would be.
■ A smaller proportion of women workers are members of unions than men. Even when they are members of unions, they are often in jobs where unions are weak (e.g. clothing industry workers, shop assistants and sec- retaries).
■ Part-time workers (mainly women) have less bargaining power, less influence and less chance of obtaining pro- motion.
■ C u s t o m a n d p r a c t i c e . D e s p i t e e q u a l p a y l e g i s l a - tion, many jobs done wholly or mainly by women continue to be low paid, irrespective of questions of productivity.
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■ Prejudice. In many jobs women are discriminated against when it comes to promotion, especially to senior positions. A report published in 2015 for the UK govern- ment13 confirmed that women remain seriously under- represented in boardrooms. Of the FTSE 100 companies, only 23.5 per cent of board members were women (but nearly double the figure of 12.5 per cent in 2011). This phenomenon is known as the ‘glass ceiling’ and it is very difficult to legislate against. Businesses can simply claim that the ‘better’ person was promoted or that women do not put themselves forward. The report suggests various measures to increase the number of female board mem- bers, including discussions with chairmen on the issue, Women on Boards conferences, pressure from investors and requiring companies to report on their diversity policies.
Which of the above reasons could be counted as economi- cally ‘irrational’ (i.e. paying different wage rates to women and men for other than purely economic reasons)? Certainly the last two would qualify. Paying different wage rates on these grounds would not be in the profit interests of the employer.
Some of the others, however, are more difficult to clas- sify. The causes of inequality in wage rates may be traced back beyond the workplace: perhaps to the educational sys- tem, or to a culture which discourages women from being so aggressive in seeking promotion or to more generous maternity than paternity leave. Even if it is a manifestation of profit-maximising behaviour by employers that women in some circumstances are paid less than their male coun- terparts, the reason why it is more profitable for employers to pay men more than women may indeed reflect discrimi- nation elsewhere or at some other point in time.
13 ‘Women on Boards’, Davies Review Annual Report 2015 (GOV.UK. March 2015).
Pause for thought
If we were to look at weekly rather than hourly pay and included the effects of overtime, what do you think would hap- pen to the pay differentials in Table 18.1?
Pause for thought
If employers were forced to give genuinely equal pay for equal work, how would this affect the employment of women and men? What would determine the magnitude of these effects?
THE FLEXIBLE FIRM AND THE MARKET FOR LABOUR18.4
The past 30 years have seen sweeping changes in the ways that firms organise their workforce. Three world recessions com- bined with rapid changes in technology have led many firms to question the wisdom of appointing workers on a perma- nent basis to specific jobs. Instead, they want to have the great- est flexibility possible to respond to new situations. If demand falls, they want to be able to ‘shed’ labour without facing large redundancy costs. If demand rises, they want rapid access to additional labour supplies. If technology changes, say with the introduction of new computerised processes, they want to have the flexibility to move workers around, or to take on new workers in some areas and lose workers in others.
What many firms seek, therefore, is flexibility in employ- ing and allocating labour. What countries are experiencing is an increasingly flexible labour market, as workers and employment agencies respond to the new ‘flexible firm’.
There are three main types of flexibility in the use of labour:
■ Functional flexibility. This is where an employer is able to transfer labour between different tasks within the produc- tion process. It contrasts with traditional forms of organisa- tion where people were employed to do a specific job, and then stuck to it. A functionally flexible labour force will tend to be multi-skilled and relatively highly trained.
■ Numerical flexibility. This is where the firm is able to adjust the size and composition of its workforce accord- ing to changing market conditions. To achieve this, the firm is likely to employ a large proportion of its labour on a part-time or casual basis, or even subcontract out specialist requirements, rather than employing such labour skills itself.
■ Financial flexibility. This is where the firm has flexibility in its wage costs. In large part it is a result of functional and numerical flexibility. Financial flexibility can be achieved by rewarding individual effort and productivity rather than paying a given rate for a particular job. Such rates of pay are increasingly negotiated at the local level rather than being nationally set. The result is not only a widening of pay dif- ferentials between skilled and unskilled workers, but also growing differentials in pay between workers within the same industry but in different parts of the country.
KI 6 p 37
Definitions
Functional flexibility Where employers can switch workers from job to job as requirements change.
Numerical flexibility Where employers can change the size of their workforce as their labour requirements change.
Financial flexibility Where employers can vary their wage costs by changing the composition of their work- force or the terms on which workers are employed.
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Flexible firm. A firm that has the flexibility to respond to changing market conditions by changing the com- position of its workforce and its working practices.
Figure 18.13 shows how these three forms of flexibility are reflected in the organisation of a flexible firm, an organisa- tion quite different from that of the traditional firm.
The flexible firmFigure 18.13
Second peripheral gr
ou
p
Firs t peripheral group
Nu merica
l flexibility Se
con dary labour market
Core group Primary labour market Functional flexibility
Delayed recruitment
Publicsubsidy trainees
Short-
term
contracts
Jo b
sh ari
ng
Pa rt
tim e
Self-employment
S ubcontracting
Increased outsourcing
A ge
nc y
te m
po ra
rie s
14 Margaret Deery and Leo K. Jago, The Core and the Periphery: An Examination of the Flexible Workforce Model in the Hotel Industry (Centre for Hospitality and Tourism Research, Victoria University, Melbourne, 2002).
Definitions
Flexible firm A firm that has the flexibility to respond to changing market conditions.
Primary labour market The market for permanent full- time core workers.
Secondary labour market The market for peripheral workers, usually employed on a temporary or part-time basis, or a less secure ‘permanent’ basis.
KEY IDEA
26
The most significant difference is that the labour force is segmented. The core group, drawn from the primary labour market, will be composed of functionally flexible workers, who have relatively secure employment and are generally on full-time permanent contracts. Such workers will be relatively well paid and receive wages reflecting their scarce skills.
T h e p e r i p h e r y , d r a w n f r o m t h e s e c o n d a r y l a b o u r market, is more fragmented than the core, and can be subdivided into a first and a second peripheral group. The first peripheral group is composed of workers with a lower level of skill than those in the core, skills that tend to be general rather than firm-specific. Thus workers in the first peripheral group can usually be drawn from the external labour market. Such workers may be employed on full-time contracts, but they will generally face less secure employment than those workers in the core. An example is workers in the hotel industry, many of whom
have little job security and who are on short-term or zero-hour contracts.14
The business gains a greater level of numerical flexibility by drawing labour from the second peripheral group. Here workers are employed on a variety of short-term, part-time contracts, often through a recruitment agency. Some of these workers may be working from home, or online from another country, such as India, where wage rates are much lower. Workers in the second peripheral group have little job security.
As well as supplementing the level of labour in the first peripheral group, the second periphery can also provide
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high-level specialist skills that supplement the core. In this instance the business can subcontract or hire self-employed labour, minimising its commitment to such workers. The business thereby gains both functional and numerical flexi- bility simultaneously.
Pause for thought
How is the advent of flexible firms likely to alter the gender balance of employment and unemployment?
in Europe and North America. In Japan, flexibility has been part of the business way of life for many years and was cru- cial in shaping the country’s economic success in the 1970s and 1980s. In fact we now talk of a Japanese model of busi- ness organisation, which many of its competitors seek to emulate.
The model is based around four principles:
■ Total quality management (TQM). This involves all employees working towards continuously improving all aspects of quality, both of the finished product and of methods of production.
■ Elimination of waste. According to the ‘just-in-time’ (JIT) principle, businesses should take delivery of just sufficient quantities of raw materials and parts, at the
BOX 18.3 THE INTERNET AND LABOUR MOBILITY
Online flexibility
mean employers receive large numbers of applications from unsuitable candidates, so it can be helpful also to use technology to help manage the application forms.16
A large number of companies have been established which provide software that can manage e-recruitment processes: e.g. jobtrain.co.uk and recruitactive.com. These companies offer services such as managing the application process, online psychometric testing, online advertising etc. Helene Cavalli, Vice President of Marketing at Lee Hecht Harrison said:
I was really excited to see how many job seekers are active on social media . . . As strong advocates, we spend a lot of time coaching job seekers on how to develop a sold social media strategy. While it isn’t the only strategy for finding a job, it’s becoming increasingly important.17
There are big benefits for job seekers too. It may lead to increased spatial search for employment. For example, work- ers based in London no longer have to travel to Manchester and scout around; they can peruse jobs online. It can also widen the range of industries that firms and individuals might target. So, shipyard workers might look to use their welding skills in the offshore industry. It can also enhance the likelihood of matching the skills of the unem- ployed with job vacancies and so lower the average length of time it takes to fill a vacancy. The days of pounding the streets, looking in employment agency windows, or circling a vacancy in the newspaper with a pen are not over, but the opportunity afforded by online recruitment is dramatically enhancing labour market flexibility.
1. Explain how a flexible firm’s flexibility would be enhanced by online recruitment.
2. If a firm is trying to achieve flexibility in its use of labour, do you think this would be harder or easier in a period of recession? Explain why.
A firm may wish to be flexible, but is the labour market suffi- ciently flexible to meet the firm’s needs? It is all well and good a firm looking to expand employment in a prosperous period, but how will it find the individuals it needs, whether they be self-employed, subcontracted or added to the core labour group? This question becomes far more critical, the more highly skilled (and hence scarce) the workers that the firm requires. Generally, it is the core/skilled workers that flexible firms find most difficulty in recruiting. A solution to enhancing labour market flexibility, it seems, may lie in the development of online recruitment technolo- gies and there are many firms emerging in this area. Keynote, a market research company, reported that in 2012, 44 per cent of survey respondents had used the Internet for job search.15 Firms not only have their own online vacancy boards but are also using social networking sites to target different audiences. Four per cent of respondents had used social media sites to search for jobs. This figure is expected to increase in coming years. Many candidates use online sites such as Monster.co.uk and Fish4jobs.com to register for job alerts by e-mail or mobile phone and to register their CV. On the down- side, Keynote reports that use of e-recruitment is leading to increased numbers of unsuitable candidates applying for vacan- cies. Filtering out these candidates wastes time and money. The Internet improves the efficiency with which informa- tion is relayed to the employers and suppliers of labour and increases their search horizons. As well as reaching a wider and more targeted audience, recruitment costs are lowered and the recruitment cycle is shortened and made more effi- cient by the use of Internet technologies. According to the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development:
Technology plays an increasingly important role in recruitment, ranging from attracting candidates through to the selection process. Electronic techniques are also being used to slim down the number of potential candidates. In particular, using online recruitment can
KI 26 p 317
15‘E-Recruitment market assessment 2012’ (Keynote, 2012), www.keynote.co.uk/market-intelligence/view/product/ 10553/e-recruitment
16‘Selection methods’, CIPD Factsheet (CIPD, 2013). 17Jacquelyn Smith, ‘How social media can help (or hurt) you in your job search’,
Forbes, 16 April 2013.
The Japanese model The application of new flexible working patterns is becom- ing more prevalent in businesses in the UK and elsewhere
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S U M M A R Y 3 1 9
right time and place. Stocks are kept to a minimum and hence the whole system of production runs with little, if any, slack. For example, supermarkets today have smaller storerooms relative to the total shopping area than they did in the past, and take more frequent deliveries.
■ A belief in the superiority of team work in the core group. Collective effort is a vital element in Japanese working practices. Team work is seen not only to enhance indi- vidual performance, but also to involve the individual in the running of the business, and thus to create a sense of commitment.
■ Functional and numerical flexibility. Both are seen as vital components in maintaining high levels of productivity.
The principles of this model are now widely accepted as being important in creating and maintaining a competitive business in a competitive marketplace.
Within the EU, the UK has been one of the most suc- cessful in cutting unemployment and creating jobs. Much of this has been attributed to increased labour market flex- ibility. As a result, other EU countries, such as Italy and Germany, continue to seek to emulate many of the meas- ures the UK has adopted.
SUMMARY
1a The UK labour market has undergone many changes with the growth of technology, changes in the social structure and the movement towards service-sector employment. Other changes include the rise in part-time working; the growth in female employment levels; a rise in the proportion of tem- porary, short-term contracts and casual employment.
1b Wages in a competitive labour market are determined by the interaction of demand and supply. The individual’s supply of labour will be determined by the substitution and income effects from a given increase in the wage rate. At low wage levels, it is likely that individuals will substitute work for leisure. At high wage levels, it is pos- sible that individuals will work less and consume more leisure time, giving a backward-bending supply curve of labour by the individual.
1c The elasticity of labour supply will largely depend upon the geographical and occupational mobility of labour. The more readily labour can transfer between jobs and regions, the more elastic the supply.
1d The demand for labour is traditionally assumed to be based upon labour’s productivity. Marginal productivity theory assumes that the employer will demand labour up to the point where the cost of employing one additional worker (MC
L ) is equal to the revenue earned from the
output of that worker (MRP L ). The firm’s demand curve for
labour is its MRP L curve.
1e The elasticity of demand for labour is determined by: the price elasticity of demand for the good that labour pro- duces; the substitutability of labour for other factors; the proportion of wages to total costs; and time.
2a In an imperfect labour market, where a business has monopoly power in employing labour, it is known as a monopsonist. Such a firm will employ workers to the point where the MRP
L = MC
L . Since the wage is below the
MC L , the monopsonist, other things being equal, will
employ fewer workers at a lower wage than would be employed in a perfectly competitive labour market.
2b If a union has monopoly power, its power to raise wages will be limited if the employer operates under perfect or monopolistic competition in the goods market. A rise in wage rates will force the employer to cut back on employ- ment, unless there is a corresponding rise in productivity.
2c In a situation of bilateral monopoly (where a monopoly union faces a monopsony employer), the union may have considerable scope to raise wages above the monopsony level, without the employer wishing to reduce the level
of employment. There is no unique equilibrium wage. The wage will depend on the outcome of a process of collec- tive bargaining between union and management.
2d The efficiency wage hypothesis states that business might hold wages above the market-clearing wage rate so as to: reduce shirking; reduce labour turnover; improve the quality of labour recruited; and stimulate worker morale. The level of efficiency wage will be deter- mined largely by the type of job the worker does, and the level and scarcity of skill they possess.
3a Low pay is difficult to define. There is no accepted defini- tion. The widening disparity in wages between high- and low-income earners is due to: unemployment resulting from recession; unemployment resulting from a shift in technology; the growth in part-time employment; and changes in labour market legislation.
3b A statutory minimum wage is one way of tackling the problem of low pay. It is argued, however, that in a per- fect labour market, where employers are forced to accept the wage as determined by the marketplace, any attempt to impose a minimum wage above this level will create unemployment. In an imperfect labour market, where an employer has some monopsonistic power, the impact of a minimum wage is uncertain. The impact will depend largely upon how much workers are currently paid below their MRP and whether a higher wage encourages them to work more productively.
3c Differences between male and female earnings between occupations can in part be explained by differences in the types of work that men and women do; they are occu- pationally segregated. Differences within occupations are less easily accounted for. It would seem that some measure of discrimination is being practised.
4a Changes in technology have had a massive impact upon the process of production and the experience of work. Labour markets and business organisations have become more flexible: functionally, numerically and financially. The flex- ible firm will incorporate these different forms of flexibility into its business operations, with a core workforce, supple- mented by workers and skills drawn from a periphery, who are likely to be on part-time and temporary contracts.
4b The application of the flexible firm model is closely mir- rored in the practices of Japanese business. Commitments to improve quality, reduce waste, build teamwork and introduce flexible labour markets are seen as key compo- nents in the success of Japanese business organisation.
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REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 If a firm faces a shortage of workers with very specific skills, it may decide to undertake the necessary train- ing itself. If, on the other hand, it faces a shortage of unskilled workers, it may well offer a small wage increase in order to obtain the extra labour. In the first case it is responding to an increase in demand for labour by attempting to shift the supply curve. In the second case it is merely allowing a movement along the supply curve. Use a demand and supply diagram to illustrate each case. Given that elasticity of supply is different in each case, do you think that these are the best policies for the firm to follow?
2 The wage rate a firm has to pay and the output it can produce varies with the number of workers as follows (all figures are hourly):
Number of workers 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Wage rate (AC L ) (£) 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Total output (TPP L ) 10 22 32 40 46 50 52 52
Assume that output sells at £2 per unit. a) Copy the table and add additional rows for TC
L , MC
L ,
TRP L and MRP
L . Put the figures for MC
L and MRP
L in the
spaces between the columns. b) How many workers will the firm employ in order to
maximise profits? c) What will be its hourly wage bill at this level of
employment? d) How much hourly revenue will it earn at this level of
employment? e) Assuming that the firm faces other (fixed) costs of
£30 per hour, how much hourly profit will it make? f) Assume that the workers now form a union and that
the firm agrees to pay the negotiated wage rate to all employees. What is the maximum to which the hourly wage rate could rise without causing the firm to try to reduce employment below that in (b) above? (See Figure 18.9.)
g) What would be the firm’s hourly profit now? 3 If, unlike a perfectly competitive employer, a monopso-
nist has to pay a higher wage to attract more workers, why, other things being equal, will a monopsonist pay a lower wage than a perfectly competitive employer?
4 The following are figures for a monopsonist employer:
Number of
workers (1)
Wage rate (£) (2)
Total cost of
labour (£) (3)
Marginal cost of
labour (£) (4)
Marginal revenue
product (£) (5)
1 100 100 110 230
2 105 210 120 240
3 110 230 240
4 115 230
5 120 210
6 125 190
7 130 170
8 135 150
9 140 130
10 145
Fill in the missing figures for columns (3) and (4). How many workers should the firm employ if it wishes to max- imise profits?
5 To what extent could a trade union succeed in gaining a pay increase from an employer with no loss in employment?
6 Do any of the following contradict marginal produc- tivity theory: wage scales related to length of service (incremental scales), nationally negotiated wage rates, discrimination, firms taking the lead from other firms in determining this year’s pay increase?
7 Using the analysis of sections 18.1 and 18.2, explain why a Premier League footballer will be paid such a high wage.
8 Apply the same analysis to top handball, lacrosse or bad- minton players. Why are they paid a relatively low wage compared to Premier League footballers, despite their exceptional talent and skill?
9 What is the efficiency wage hypothesis? Explain what employers might gain from paying wages above the mar- ket-clearing level.
10 ‘Minimum wages will cause unemployment.’ Is this so? 11 How might we explain why men earn more than women? 12 Identify the potential costs and benefits of the flexible
firm to (a) employers and (b) employees.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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Investment and the employment of capital
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ What determines the amount of capital a firm will employ? ■ How can a firm judge whether a proposed investment should go ahead? What techniques are there for investment
appraisal? ■ How can investment be financed? What types of financial institution are involved in financing investment? ■ What are the relative merits of alternative sources of finance? ■ What are the functions of the stock market? ■ Is the stock market efficient as a means of allocating capital?
THE PRICING OF CAPITAL AND CAPITAL SERVICES 19.1
Capital includes all manufactured products that are used to produce goods and services. Thus capital includes such diverse items as a blast furnace, a bus, a cinema projector, a computer, a factory building and a screwdriver.
The capital goods described above are physical assets and are known as physical capital. The word ‘capital’ is also used to refer to various paper assets, such as shares and bonds. These are the means by which firms raise finance to purchase physical capital, and are known as financial capi- tal. Being merely paper assets, however, they do not count as factors of production. Nevertheless, financial markets have an important role in determining the level of invest- ment in physical capital, and we shall be examining these markets in the final two sections of this chapter.
The price of capital versus the price of capital services A feature of most manufactured factors of production is that they last a period of time. A machine may last 10
years; a factory may last 20 years or more. This leads to an important distinction: the income for the owner from sell- ing capital and the income from using it or hiring it out.
■ Income can be earned from selling capital and this is known as its price . It is a once-and-for-all payment. Thus a factory might sell for £1 million, a machine for £20 000 or a screwdriver for £1.
■ Income can be gained from using capital, for example as part of the production process and this is known as its return . Alternatively, income can be gained from hiring out capital and this is known as its rental . This income therefore represents the value or price of the services of capital, expressed per period of time. Thus a firm might have to pay a rental of £1000 per year for a photocopier.
Obviously the price of capital will be linked to the value of its services: to its return. A highly productive machine will sell for a higher price than one producing a lower out- put and hence yielding a lower return.
19 C
h a
p te
r
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(a) Perfectly competitive factor market; (b) firm with monopsony power in factor marketFigure 19.1
£
O
£
PK1
QK1 O
PK2MCK
QK2
MRPK MRPK
MCK
Quantity of capital Quantity of capital (a) (b)
ACK 5 S
The discussion of the rewards to capital leads to a very important distinction: that between stocks and flows.
A stock is a quantity of something held. You may have £1000 in a savings account. A factory may contain 100 machines. These are both stocks: they are quantities held at a given point in time. A flow is an increase or decrease in quan- tity over a specified time period. You may save £10 per month. The factory may invest in another 20 machines next year.
Stocks and flows. A stock is a quantity of something at a given point in time. A flow is an increase or decrease in something over a specified period of time. This is an important distinction and a common cause of confusion.
KEY IDEA
27
Pause for thought
Which of the following are stocks and which are flows? a. Unemployment. b. Redundancies. c. Profits. d. A firm’s stock market valuation. e. The value of property after a period of inflation.
The profit-maximising employment of capital On the demand side, the same rules apply for capital as for labour, if a firm wishes to maximise profits. Namely, it should demand additional capital (K) up to the point where the marginal cost of capital equals its marginal revenue product: MC K = MRP K. This same rule applies whether the firm is buying the capital outright, or merely hiring it.
Figure 19.1 illustrates the two cases of perfect compe- tition and monopsony. In both diagrams the MRP curve slopes downwards. This is just another illustration of the law of diminishing returns, but this time applied to capital. If a firm increases the amount of capital while holding other factors constant, diminishing returns to capital will occur. Diminishing returns will equally apply whether the firm is buying the extra capital or hiring it.
In diagram (a) the firm is a price taker. The capital price is given at PK1 Profits are maximised at QK1 where MRPK = PK (since PK = MCK).
In diagram (b) the firm has monopsony power. The price it pays for capital will vary, therefore, with the amount it uses. The firm will again buy or hire capital to the point where MRPK = MCK. In this case, it will mean using QK1 at a price of PK1
What is the difference when applying these princi- ples between buying capital and hiring it? Although the
KI 4 p 25
KI 20 p 142
Wages, rental and interest are all rewards to flows. Wages are the amount paid not to purchase a person (as a slave!), but for the services of that person’s labour for a period of time. Rental is the amount paid per period of time to use the services of machinery or equipment, not to buy it outright. Likewise interest is the reward paid to people per year for the use of their money.
An important example of stocks and flows arises with capital and investment. If a firm has 100 machines, that is a stock of capital. It may choose to build up its stock by investing. Investment is a flow concept. The firm may choose to invest in 10 new machines each year. This may not add 10 to the stock of machines, however, as some may be wearing out (a negative flow).
Definitions
Stock The quantity of something held.
Flow An increase or decrease in quantity over a specified period.
Marginal cost of capital The cost of one additional unit of capital.
Marginal revenue product The additional revenue earned from employing one additional unit of capital.
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MRPK = MCK rule remains the same, there are differences. As far as buying capital is concerned, MCK is the extra outlay for the firm in purchasing one more unit of capital – say, a machine – and MRPK is all the revenue produced by that machine over its whole life (but measured in terms of what
this is worth when purchased: see section 19.3). In the case of hiring the machine, MCK is the extra outlay for the firm in rental per period of time, while MRPK is the extra revenue earned from it per period of time.
THE DEMAND FOR AND SUPPLY OF CAPITAL SERVICES19.2
In this section we will consider the hiring of capital equip- ment for a given period of time.
Demand for capital services The analysis is virtually identical to that of the demand for labour. As with labour we can distinguish between an individual firm’s demand for capital services (K) and the whole-market demand for capital services.
Individual firm’s demand Take the case of a small painting and decorating firm that requires some scaffolding in order to complete a job. It could use ladders, but the job would take longer to com- plete. It goes along to a company that hires out scaffolding and is quoted a daily rate.
If it hires the scaffolding for one day, it can perhaps shorten the job by two or three days. If it hires it for a second day, it can perhaps save another one or two days. Hiring it for additional days may save extra still. But diminishing returns are occurring: the longer the scaffolding is up, the less intensively it will be used, and the less additional time it will save. Perhaps for some of the time it will be used when ladders could have been used equally easily.
The time saved allows the firm to take on extra work. Thus each extra day the scaffolding is hired gives the firm extra revenue. This is the scaffolding’s marginal revenue
KI 27 p 322
product of capital (MRPK). Diminishing returns to the scaf- folding mean that the MRPK curve has the normal down- ward-sloping shape (see Figure 19.1).
Market demand The market demand for capital services depends on the demand by individual firms (determined by the productiv- ity of the capital and the price of the product it produces). The higher the MRPK for individual firms, the greater will be the market demand.
Supply of capital services It is necessary to distinguish (a) the supply to a single firm, (b) the supply by a single firm and (c) the market supply.
Supply to a single firm This is illustrated in Figure 19.2(a). The small firm renting capital equipment is probably a price taker. If so, it faces a horizontal supply curve at the going rental rate (Re). This is the firm’s ACK and MCK curve. If, however, it has monop- sony power, it will face an upward-sloping supply curve as in Figure 19.1(b).
Supply by a single firm This is illustrated in Figure 19.2(c). Here the firm supplying the capital equipment is likely to be a price taker, facing a
Long-run equilibrium rental rate for the services of a particular type of capital: (a) individual user of capi- tal services; (b) market for capital services; (c) individual supplier of capital services
Figure 19.2
R en
ta l r
at e
(£ )
Re Re Re
O O O
R en
ta l r
at e
(£ )
R en
ta l r
at e
(£ )
Quantity per period (a)
Q1 Qe
MRPK
MCK 5 S
D
S
D
Quantity per period (b)
Quantity per period (c)
Q2
S 5 MC
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horizontal demand curve. It has to accept the going rental rate (Re) established in the market. If it tries to charge more, then customers are likely to turn to rival suppliers.
It will maximise profit by supplying an amount Q 2, where the market rental rate is equal to the marginal cost of supplying the equipment. This is the profit-maximis- ing rule for perfect competition that we established on page 179.
There is a problem, however, in working out the mar- ginal cost of renting out capital equipment: the piece of equipment probably cost a lot to buy in the first place, but lasts a long time. How are these large costs to be appor- tioned to each new rental? The answer is that it depends on the time period under consideration.
The short run. In the short run the hire company is not buy- ing any new equipment: it is simply hiring out its existing equipment. In the case of our scaffolding firm, the marginal costs of doing this will include the following:
■ Depreciation. Scaffolding has second-hand value. Each time the scaffolding is hired out it deteriorates, and thus its second-hand value falls. This loss in value is called ‘depreciation’.
■ Maintenance and handling. When equipment is hired out, it can get damaged and thus incur repair costs. The equipment might need servicing. Also, hiring out equip- ment involves labour time (e.g. in the office) and possi- bly transport costs.
curve will be relatively elastic, or if it is a price taker itself (i.e. if the scaffolding firm simply buys scaffolding at the market price), the supply curve will be horizontal (i.e. per- fectly elastic). This long-run supply curve will be vertically higher than the short-run curve, since the long-run MC includes the cost of purchasing each additional piece of equipment.
Market supply This is illustrated in Figure 19.2(b). The market supply curve of capital services is the sum of the quantities supplied by all the individual firms.
In the short run, the market supply will be relatively inelastic, given that it takes time to manufacture new equipment and that stocks of equipment currently held by manufacturers are likely to be relatively small. More- o v e r , h i r e c o m p a n i e s m a y b e u n w i l l i n g t o p u r c h a s e (expensive) new equipment immediately there is a rise in demand: after all, the upsurge in demand may turn out to be short lived.
In the long run, the supply curve will be more elastic because extra capital equipment can be produced.
Determination of the price of capital services As Figure 19.2(b) shows, in a perfect market the market rental rate for capital services will be determined by the interaction of market demand and supply.
If there is monopsony power on the part of the users of hired capital, this will have the effect of depressing the rental rate below the MRPK (see Figure 19.1(b)), as we saw in the case of a monopsony buyer of labour. If, on the other hand, there is monopoly power on the part of hire companies, the analysis is similar to that of monopoly in the goods market (see Figure 11.5 on page 185). The firm, by reducing the supply of capital for hire, can drive up the rental rate. It will maximise profit where the marginal revenue from hiring out the equipment is equal to the marginal cost of so doing: at a rental rate (price) above the marginal cost.
KI 11 p 59
Pause for thought
Assume now that the firm has monopoly power in hiring out equipment, and thus faces a downward-sloping demand curve. Draw in two such demand curves on a diagram like Figure 19.2(c), one crossing the MC curve in the horizontal section, and one in the vertical section. How much will the firm supply in each case and at what price? (You will need to draw in MR curves too.) Is the MC curve still the supply curve?
These marginal costs are likely to rise relatively slowly. In other words, for each extra day a piece of equipment is hired out, the company will incur the same or only slightly higher additional costs. This gives a relatively flat supply curve of capital services in Figure 19.2(c) up to the hire company’s maximum capacity. Once the scaffolding firm is hiring out all its scaffolding, the supply curve becomes vertical.
The long run. In the long run, the hire company will con- sider purchasing additional equipment. It can therefore supply as much as it likes in the long run. The supply
Pause for thought
What will happen to the demand for capital services and the equilibrium rental if the price of some other factor, say labour, changes? Assume that wage rates fall. Trace through the effects on a three-section diagram like that of Figure 19.2. (Clue: a fall in wages will have two significant effects: it will reduce costs and hence the price of the product, so that more will be sold; and it will make labour cheaper relative to capi- tal. How will these two things affect the demand for capital?)
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The alternative to hiring capital is to buy it outright. This sec- tion examines the demand and supply of capital for purchase.
The demand for capital: investment How many computers will an engineering firm want to buy? Should a steelworks install another blast furnace? Should a removal firm buy another furniture lorry? Should it buy another warehouse? These are all investment deci- sions. Investment is the purchasing of additional capital.
The demand for capital, or ‘investment demand’, by a profit-maximising firm is based on exactly the same prin- ciples as the demand for labour or the demand for capital services. The firm must weigh up the marginal revenue product of that investment (i.e. the money it will earn for the firm) against its marginal cost.
However, capital is durable. It goes on producing goods, and hence yielding revenue for the firm, for a considera- ble period of time. Calculating these benefits, therefore, involves taking account of their timing.
There are two ways of approaching this question of timing: the present value approach and the rate of return approach. In both cases the firm is comparing the marginal benefits with the marginal costs of the investment.
Present value approach To work out the benefit of an investment (its MRP), the firm must estimate all the future earnings it will bring and then convert them to a present value. Let us take a simple example.
Assume that a firm is considering buying a machine. It will produce profits of £1000 per year for four years and then wear out and sell for £1000 as scrap. What is the benefit of this machine to the firm? At first sight the answer would seem to be £5000. This, after all, is the total income earned from the machine. Unfortunately, it is not as simple as this. The rea- son is that money earned in the future is less beneficial to the firm than having the same amount of money today: after all, if the firm has the money today, it can earn interest on it by putting it in the bank or reinvesting it in some other project. (Note that this has nothing to do with inflation. In the case we are considering, we are assuming constant prices.)
To illustrate this, assume that you have £100 today and can earn 10 per cent interest by putting it in a bank. In one year’s time that £100 will have grown to £110, in two years’ time to £121, in three years’ time to £133.10, and so on. This process is known as compounding.
It follows that, if someone offered to give you £121 in two years’ time, it would be no better than giving you £100 today, since, with interest, £100 would grow to £121 in two years. What we say, then, is that with a 10 per cent interest rate, £121 in two years’ time has a present value of £100.
The procedure of reducing future values back to a pres- ent value is known as discounting.
KI 27 p 322
KI 4 p 25
INVESTMENT APPRAISAL19.3
When we do discounting, the rate which we use is called the rate of discount: in this case 10 per cent. The formula for discounting is given by:
KI 28 p 325
The principle of discounting. People generally prefer to have benefits today than in the future. Thus future benefits have to be reduced (discounted) to give them a present value.
KEY IDEA
28
Where PV is the present value Xt is the earnings from the investment in year t r is the rate of discount (expressed as a deci-
mal: i.e. 10 per cent = 0.1) ∑ is the sum of each of the years’ discounted
earnings. So what is the present value of the investment in the machine that produced £1000 for four years and then is sold as scrap for £1000 at the end of the four years? Accord- ing to the formula it is:
Definitions
Investment The purchase by the firm of equipment or materials that will add to its stock of capital.
Present value approach to appraising investment This involves estimating the value now of a flow of future ben- efits (or costs).
Rate of return approach The benefits from investment are calculated as a percentage of the costs of investment. This rate is then compared to the rate at which money has to be borrowed in order to see whether the invest- ment should be undertaken.
Compounding The process of adding interest each year to an initial capital sum.
Discounting The process of reducing the value of future flows to give them a present valuation.
Rate of discount The rate that is used to reduce future values to present values.
PV = a Xt( 1 + r )t
£ £ ££ 1000 1.1
+ 1000 ( 1.1 )2
+ 1000 ( 1.1 )3
+ 2000 ( 1.1 )4
= £909 + £826 + £751 + £1366 = £3852
Thus the present value of the investment (i.e. its MRP) is £3852, not £5000 as it might seem at first sight. In other words, if the firm had £3852 today and deposited it in a bank at a 10 per cent interest rate, the firm would earn exactly the same as it would by investing in the machine.
So is the investment worthwhile? It is now simply a question of comparing the £3852 benefit with the cost of buying the machine. If the machine costs less than £3852, it will be worth buying. If it costs more, the firm would be
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BOX 19.1 INVESTING IN ROADS
The assessment of costs and benefits
are more difficult. The current method of evaluating them is based on the amount people are prepared to pay to reduce the risks of accidents. This clearly has the drawback that people are often unaware of the risks of accidents or of the extent of the resulting pain and suffering. The following figures are used to value each casualty pre- vented (in 2013 prices, up-rated each year for inflation, changes in fuel costs, etc.):
■ fatal: £1 742 988 ■ serious non-fatal: £195 863 ■ slight: £15 099.
The human cost element for each type of accident in 2013 prices is valued at £1 152 221, £158 611 and £11 621 respec- tively.1 Other costs include lost output and medical and ambulance costs.
Estimating the costs of the scheme (relative to the exist- ing network) There are two main categories of cost: construction costs and additional road maintenance costs. If the new scheme results in a saving in road maintenance compared with merely retain- ing the existing network, then the maintenance costs will be negative.
The analysis The costs and benefits of the scheme are assessed for the period of construction and for a standard life (in the UK this is 30 years). The costs and benefits are discounted back to a present value. The rate of discount recommended by the UK Treasury is 3.5 per cent. If the discounted benefits exceed the discounted costs, there is a positive net present value, and the scheme is regarded as justified on economic grounds. If there is more than one scheme, then their net present values will be compared so as to identify the preferable scheme. It is only at this final stage that environmental considerations are taken into account. In other words, they are not included in the calculation of costs and benefits, but may have some influence in determining the choice between schemes. Clearly, if a socially efficient allocation of road space is to be determined, such externalities need to be included in the cost and benefit calculations. If you are interested in finding out more about the approach used to assess new road investment, then you may want to visit the Department for Transport’s website and in particular read through the economic analysis of the Road Investment Strategy.
Are there any other drawbacks of using a willingness to pay principle to evaluate human costs?
KI 28 p 325
In the UK, the Department of Transport uses the following procedure to evaluate new road schemes, a procedure very similar to that used in many countries.
Estimating demand The first thing to be done is to estimate likely future traffic flows. These are based on the government’s National Road Traf- fic Forecast. This makes two predictions: a ‘low-growth case’, based on the assumption of low economic growth and high fuel prices, and a ‘high-growth case’, based on the assumption of high economic growth and low fuel prices. The actual growth in traffic, therefore, is likely to lie between the two.
Identifying possible schemes Various road construction and improvement schemes are constantly under examination by the government, especially in parts of the network where traffic growth is predicted to be high and where congestion is likely to occur. In each case forecasts are then made of the likely use of the new roads and the diversion of traffic away from existing parts of the network. Again, two forecasts are made in each case: a ‘low- growth’ and a ‘high-growth’ one.
The use of cost–benefit analysis The costs and benefits of each scheme are assigned monetary values and are compared with those of merely maintaining the existing network. The government uses a computer pro- gram known as COBA to assist it in the calculations.
Estimating the benefits of a scheme (relative to the exist- ing network) Three types of benefit are included in the analysis:
■ Time saved. This is broken down into two categories: working time and non-working time (including travelling to and from work). The evaluation of working time is based on average national wage rates, while that of non-working time is based on surveys and the examination of traveller behaviour (the aim being to assess the value placed by the traveller on time saved). This results in non-working time per minute being given a value of approximately a quarter of that given to working time.
■ Reductions in vehicle operating costs. These include: fuel, oil, tyres, maintenance and depreciation from usage. There will be savings if the scheme reduces the distance of journeys or allows a more economical speed to be maintained.
■ Reductions in accidents. There are two types of benefit here: (a) the reduction in the human costs of casualties (divided into three categories – fatal, serious non-fatal and slight); and (b) the reduction in monetary costs, such as lost output, vehicle repair or replacement, medical costs and police, fire service and ambulance costs.
The reductions in monetary costs are relatively easy to esti- mate. The human benefits from the reduction in casualties
1 Reported Road Casualties Great Britain: 2013 (Department for Transport, September 2014), pp. 250 and 252.
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better off keeping its money in the bank and earning the 10 per cent rate of interest.
The difference between the present value of the benefits (PVb) of the investment and its cost (C) is known as the net present value (NPV).
NPV = PVb - C
If the NPV is positive, the investment is worthwhile.
Rate of return approach The alternative approach when estimating whether an investment is worthwhile is to calculate the investment’s rate of return. This rate of return is known as the firm’s marginal efficiency of capital (MEC) or internal rate of return (IRR).
We use the same formula as for calculating present value:
company may be lucky and have a major strike, but it may simply drill dry well after dry well. If it does get a major strike and hence earn a large return on its investment, these prof- its will not be competed away by competitors prospecting in other fields, because they too still run the risk of drilling dry holes.
How is this risk accounted for when calculating the ben- efits of an investment? The answer is to use a higher rate of discount. The higher the risk, the bigger the premium that must be added to the rate.
The supply of capital It is important to distinguish between the supply of physical capital and the supply of finance to be used by firms for the purchase of capital.
Supply of physical capital. The principles here are just the same as those in the goods market. It does not matter whether a firm is supplying lorries (capital) or cars (a con- sumer good): it will still produce up to the point where MC = MR if it wishes to maximise profits.
Supply of finance. When firms borrow to invest, this creates a demand for finance (or ‘loanable funds’). The supply of loanable funds comes from the deposits that individuals and firms make in financial institutions. These deposits are savings, the level of which depends on the rate of interest that depositors receive. The higher the rate of interest, the more people will be encouraged to save. This is illustrated by an upward-sloping supply curve of loanable funds, as shown in Figure 19.3.
Saving also depends on the level of people’s incomes, their expectations of future price changes, and their general level of ‘thriftiness’ (their willingness to forgo present consumption in order to be able to have more in the future). A change in any of these other determinants will shift the supply curve.
Determination of the rate of interest The rate of interest is determined by the interaction of sup- ply and demand in the market for loanable funds. This is illustrated in Figure 19.3.
As we have seen, supply represents accumulated savings. The demand curve includes the demand by households for credit and the demand by firms for funds to finance their investment. This demand curve slopes downward for two
KI 11 p 59
Definitions
Net present value of an investment (NPV) The dis- counted benefits of an investment minus the cost of the investment.
Marginal efficiency of capital (MEC) or internal rate of return (IRR) The rate of return of an investment: the discount rate that makes the net present value of an investment equal to zero.
PV = a Xt( 1 + r )t
Pause for thought
What is the present value of a machine that lasts three years, earns £100 in year 1, £200 in year 2, and £200 in year 3, and then has a scrap value of £100? Assume that the rate of discount is 5 per cent. If the machine costs £500, is the investment worthwhile? Would it be worthwhile if the rate of discount were 10 per cent?
and then calculate what value of r would make the PV equal to the cost of investment: in other words, the rate of discount that would make the investment just break even. Say this worked out at 5 per cent. What we would be say- ing is that the investment will just cover its costs if the cur- rent rate of interest (rate of discount) is 5 per cent. In other words, this investment is equivalent to receiving 20 per cent interest: it has a 5 per cent rate of return (IRR).
So should the investment go ahead? Yes, if the actual rate of interest (i) is less than 5 per cent. In such a case the firm is better off investing its money in this project than keeping its money in the bank: i.e. if IRR 7 i, the invest- ment should go ahead.
This is just one more application of the general rule that if MRPK 7 MCK then more capital should be used: only in this case MRPK is expressed as a rate of return (IRR), and the MCK is expressed as a rate of interest (i).
The risks of investment One of the problems with investment is that the future is uncertain. The return on an investment will depend on the value of the goods it produces, which will depend on the goods market. For example, the return on investment in the car industry will depend on the demand and price of cars. But future markets cannot be predicted with accuracy: they depend on consumer tastes, the actions of rivals and the whole state of the economy. Investment is thus risky.
Risk may also be incurred in terms of the output from an investment. Take the case of prospecting for oil. An oil
KI 28 p 325
KI 14 p 82
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BOX 19.2 THE RATIOS TO MEASURE SUCCESS
Using numbers to decide
Whenever a firm makes a decision, numerous factors will be considered. Market opportunities will be analysed, the actions of competitors predicted and the economic environment studied. However, crucial to any decision will be the health of the business itself. Owners and managers will need to look at all the firm’s numbers before taking any action and there are some ratios that will give a business some key information. We typically classify ratios into groups based on the informa- tion that they show. In this box, we split the ratios into three categories and outline the main ratios within each.
Profitability ratios These ratios do exactly what they suggest: they provide infor- mation about a business’s profitability. By measuring a firm’s ability to generate earnings and profits, they indicate the success of a firm over time and provide a means of comparison with its competitors. The three main ratios are:
■ Gross Profit Margin: this measures the ratio of gross profit to sales revenue. Gross profit is calculated by subtracting the variable costs of goods sold from gross revenue and so measures the profitability of a company before fixed costs (overheads) have been taken into account. It is expressed as a percentage and is calculated as:
Gross Profit Margin = Gross profit
Sales turnover * 100
High gross and net profit margins are good indicators that a firm is performing effectively, but looking at these two ratios separately can often be misleading. For example, if a firm’s gross profit margin is rising, but its net profit margin is fall- ing, then it means that the firm is generating more profit from its sales, but that its costs are increasing at an even faster rate. That is, the company is becoming inefficient. Just as it is important to examine the trends in profit margins, analysing a firm’s ROCE over time is also essential and an upward trend suggests that the firm is earning more in rev- enue for every £1 of capital employed in the business. Profit margins and ROCE should always be compared between firms within an industry and it is always worth remembering that what is seen as a high profit margin or ROCE in one industry may be a low one in another industry.
1. What steps might a firm take to improve (a) gross profit margin, (b) net profit margin and (c) ROCE?
Financial efficiency ratios These are ratios that analyse the efficiency with which a busi- ness manages its resources and assets. Once again, there are three key ratios:
■ Asset Turnover: this ratio looks at the assets (or resources) that a firm has and analyses the amount of sales that are generated from this asset base. Consider a pizza kitchen that has a given level of assets (e.g. work-space, ovens). This ratio will measure the level of sales generated relative to this asset base. The higher the sales, the more efficiently is this firm using its assets; so a higher asset turnover figure is a good indicator of financial efficiency. It is calculated as:
Asset Turnover = Sales
Net assets * 100
■ Stock Turnover: this measures the frequency with which a firm orders in new stock. Holding stock can be extremely costly, as it means that money has already been spent on purchasing or producing the items, but no income has been received from their sale. Thus, a higher figure for stock turnover implies that less money is tied up in stock. This particular ratio will vary significantly from one indus- try to another and you would expect some industries to have a very high level of stock turnover, due to the nature of the products they are selling. For example, firms whose sales are subject to fluctuation (due, say, to the weather) may need to hold higher stocks. Therefore, although it is
■ Net Profit Margin: this measures the ratio of net profit to sales revenue. Net profit is revenue minus all costs: that is, not only the variable costs of production, but also fixed costs, such as rent, insurance, heating and lighting, salaries (unrelated to output) and also taxes. It gives us information about how effective a firm is in turning sales into profits and thus whether or not a business adds value during the production process. Given its close relationship to gross profit margin, it is important that these first two profitability ratios are compared, as they provide key in- formation about a firm’s financial performance. Net profit margin is calculated as:
Net Profit Margin = Net profit
Sales turnover * 100
■ Return on Capital Employed (ROCE): this measures the effi- ciency with which a business uses its funds to generate re- turns. Capital employed refers to the company’s total assets minus its current liabilities and the ROCE is calculated as:
ROCE = Earnings ( before interest and taxes )
Capital employed * 100
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THE RATIOS TO MEASURE SUCCESS
Using numbers to decide
suggested that a higher figure for stock turnover is better, it is not always the case. Stock turnover is calculated as:
Stock Turnover = Cost of sales
Average stock held
■ Debtor and Creditor Days: these two ratios measure the effectiveness of a firm in collecting payments from and making payments to other traders. Many businesses offer trade credit, where you can buy something today, but pay for it later. Such incentives can be crucial, but it can cause problems when you are the firm offering the trade credit. Debtor days show how long a firm’s customers on average take to pay their bill and creditor days show how long a firm takes to pay the bills that it owes. As you will probably realise, comparing these two figures is essential. Ideally, debtor days should be lower than creditor days, as this implies that firm A receives the money it is owed before it has to make payments to those to whom it owes money. They are calculated as follows:
Debtor Days = Trade debtors
Revenue * 365
and
Creditor Days = Trade payables
Cost of sales * 365
With the business environment under continuing financial pressure, using resources efficiently is vitally important for most firms. Businesses in all sectors will want to analyse trends in these financial efficiency ratios, as a means of iden- tifying areas where improvements can be made.
2. What type of figure would you expect a greengrocer to have for its stock turnover? How might this compare with a fur- niture store?
3. What are the advantages and disadvantages of offering trade credit?
Liquidity ratios Many businesses have debts, but the key question is whether they have the ability to repay these debts. We have already considered two key ratios; gearing and the debt/equity ratio. Two additional liquidity ratios provide further information:
■ Current Ratio: this ratio is a basic measure of how a firm’s current assets compare with its current liabilities. If a
firm’s assets are higher than its liabilities, this suggests that the firm has sufficient funds for the day-to-day run- ning of the business. It is calculated as:
Current Ratio = Current assests
Current liabilities
■ Acid Test Ratio (or Quick Ratio): this is a very similar to the current ratio. However, instead of comparing all current assets with liabilities, the acid test ratio excludes stocks, sometimes called ‘inventories’ (e.g. raw materials), as these cannot readily be turned into cash and hence are termed ‘illiquid’. They would first have to be made into the finished product before any cash could be earned. The calculation is therefore very similar to the one above:
Acid Test Ratio = Current assests - Stock
Current liabilities
Some businesses will need to carry much higher levels of stocks (or ‘inventories’) than others and will therefore have a low acid test ratio relative to their current ratio. Thus most manufacturers will need to have a much higher proportion of stocks than most service-sector firms, such as solicitors or accountants. This does not make their businesses necessarily more risky. Ratios need to be judged, therefore, according to what would be expected in a particular industry. With weak trading conditions across the economy following the banking crisis of 2007/8, liquidity is a word that has been used many times in recent years, as all firms need cash to sur- vive. A current ratio of between 1.5 and 2 suggests that a firm has sufficient cash, without having excessive working capital. Again, comparing this ratio over time and with other firms in the same sector is important to give an indication of relative performance.
4. Would you expect the Current Ratio or the Acid Test to have a higher figure for any given firm?
While the ratios discussed should never be analysed independently and can give misleading results if they are not interpreted correctly, they remain a good numerical measure of business performance. Before undertaking any changes relating to market penetration, scale of operation, diversification, etc., a firm will consider the above ratios (and many more) to ensure that it is making the best use of its existing resources and that it has sufficient funds to carry out its plans.
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reasons. First, households will borrow more at lower rates of interest. It effectively makes goods cheaper for them to buy. Second, it reflects the falling rate of return on invest- ment as investment increases. This is simply due to dimin- ishing returns to investment. As rates of interest fall, it will now become profitable for firms to invest in projects that have a lower rate of return: the quantity of loanable funds demanded thus rises.
Equilibrium will be achieved where demand equals sup- ply at an interest rate of ie and a quantity of loanable funds £e.
How will this market adjust to a change in demand or sup- ply? Assume that there is a rise in demand for capital equip- ment, due, say, to an improvement in technology which increases the productivity of capital. There is thus an increase in demand for loanable funds. The demand curve shifts to the right in Figure 19.3. The equilibrium rate of interest will rise and this will encourage more savings. The end result is that more money will be spent on capital equipment.
Calculating the costs of capital When calculating the net present value or internal rate of return of an investment, it is clearly important for the firm to estimate the cost of the investment. The cost includes both the cost of the equipment that the firm buys and the costs of raising the finance to pay for the investment.
A firm can finance investment from three major sources:
■ retaining profits; ■ borrowing from the banking sector – either domestic or
overseas; ■ issuing new shares (equities) or debentures (fixed-
interest loan stock).
It is quite common for a firm to raise finance for a par- ticular project from a mixture of all three sources. The prob- lem is that each source of finance will have a different cost. What is needed, then, for each project is a weighted average
of the interest rate (or equivalent) charged or implied by each component of finance.
For investment financed by retained profits, the opportu- nity cost depends on what would have been done with the profits as the next best alternative. It might be the interest forgone by not putting the money into a bank or other finan- cial institution, or by not purchasing assets. If the next best alternative was to distribute the profits to shareholders, then the opportunity cost would be the cost associated with the increased risks of the firm’s share price falling, and the conse- quent risks of a takeover by another company. (Share prices would fall if shareholders, disillusioned with the reduced div- idends, sold their shares.) For a bank loan, or for debentures, the cost is simply the rate of interest paid on the loan. The only estimation problem here is that of forecasting future rates of interest on loans where the rate of interest is variable.
For equity finance, the cost is the rate of return that must be paid to shareholders to persuade them not to sell their shares. This will depend on the rate of return on shares elsewhere. The greater the return on shares generally, the higher must be the dividends paid by any given firm in order to persuade its shareholders not to switch into other companies’ shares.
Leverage and the cost of capital The cost of capital will increase as the risks for those sup- plying finance to the company increase: they will need a higher rate of return to warrant incurring the higher risks. One of the most important determinants of the risk to sup- pliers of finance is the company’s leverage. Leverage is a measure of the extent to which the company relies on debt finance (i.e. loans) as opposed to equity finance.
There are two common measures of leverage. The first is the gearing ratio. This is the ratio of debt finance (deben- tures and borrowing from banks) to total finance. The other is the debt/equity ratio. This is the ratio of debt finance to equity finance.
The greater the company’s leverage, the higher will be the risks to creditors and hence the higher will be the inter- est charged (see Figure 19.4). But why should this be so? The reason is that interest on loans (bank loans and debentures) has to be paid, irrespective of the company’s profits. If there is a downturn in the company’s profits then, if it has ‘low gearing’ (i.e. a low debt/equity ratio), it can simply cut its dividends and as a result will find it relatively easy to make
KI 3 p 23
Definitions
Leverage The extent to which a company relies upon debt finance as opposed to equity finance.
Gearing ratio The ratio of debt finance to total finance.
Debt/equity ratio The ratio of debt finance to equity finance.
Risk premium As a business’s gearing rises, investors require a higher average dividend from their investment.
The market for loanable fundsFigure 19.3
% r
at e
pe r y
ea r
ie
£e
S
D
O
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The debt/equity ratioFigure 19.4
Cost of capital (%)
Ratio of debt to equity
Cost of equity
Cost of debt
Weighted average cost of capital
O X
its interest payments. If, however, it is ‘highly geared’, it may find it impossible to pay all the interest due, even by cutting dividends, in which case it will be forced into receivership.
Given that a highly geared company poses greater risks to creditors, they will demand a higher interest rate to com- pensate. Similarly with shareholders: given that dividends
are likely to fluctuate more with a highly geared company, shareholders will require a higher average dividend over the years. In other words, investors in a highly geared company – whether banks, debenture holders or shareholders – will demand a higher risk premium. As gearing increases, so the risk premium, and hence the average cost of capital, will rise at an accelerating rate (see Figure 19.4).
KI 14 p 82
FINANCING INVESTMENT19.4
It is often claimed that the UK has ‘fair weather’ bankers: that is, bankers who are prepared to lend when things are going well, but less inclined to lend when times are hard. This criticism has intensified in recent years, with banks accused of holding back recovery in the economy by being reluctant to lend to many businesses, especially SMEs. They are also accused of taking a short-term perspective in their lending practices and of being over-eager to charge high rates of interest on loans, thereby discouraging investment.
But the problem for business does not end there. Deal- ers on the stock market are also accused of focusing their speculative behaviour on short-run returns (see Boxes 4.2 and 5.4), thereby generating volatility in share prices and creating business caution, as firms seek ways of maintaining shareholder confidence in their stock (usually through pay- ing high dividends).
In this section we will consider the sources from which business might draw finance, and the roles played by the various UK financial institutions. We will assess the extent to which ‘short-termism’ is an endemic problem in the cap- ital market.
Sources of business finance The firm can finance growth by borrowing, by retaining profits or by a new issue of shares (see section 19.3).
Internal funds As we noted (see Chapter 15), the largest source of finance for investment in the UK is firms’ own internal funds (i.e. retained profits). Given that business profitability depends in large part on the general state of the economy, internal funds as a source of business finance are likely to show con- siderable cyclical variation. When profits are squeezed in a recession, this source of investment will decline – but so also will the demand for investment: after all, what is the point in investing if your market is declining?
Furthermore, if retained profits are used, the firm will have less profit available to pay out in dividends. This could cause shareholders to consider selling their shares, which could cause a fall in share prices.
External funds Other sources of finance, which include borrowing and the issue of shares and debentures, are known as ‘external funds’. These are then categorised as short-term, medi- um-term or long-term sources of finance.
Short-term finance. This is usually in the form of a short-term bank loan or overdraft facility, and is used by firms as a form of working capital to aid them in their day-to-day business oper- ations. Another way of borrowing for a short period of time is for a firm to issue commercial bills of exchange (see page 522).
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Medium-term finance. Again, this is provided largely by banks and is usually in the form of a loan with set repay- ment targets. It is common for such loans to be made at a fixed rate of interest, with repayments being designed to fit in with the business’s expected cash flow. Bank lending tends to be the most volatile source of business finance, and has been particularly sensitive to the state of the economy. While part of the reason is the lower demand for loans dur- ing a recession, part of the reason is the caution of banks in granting loans if prospects for the economy are poor.
The more money that is borrowed, the greater the repay- ments required and hence the more difficult it becomes for a firm to maintain the level of dividends to shareholders. Once again, shareholders may decide to sell their shares, pushing the share price down.
Long-term finance. Especially in the UK, this tends to be acquired through the stock and bond markets. The pro- portion of business financing from this source clearly depends on the state of the stock market. In the late 1990s, with a buoyant stock market, the proportion of funds obtained through share issue increased. Then with a decline in stock market prices from 2000 to 2003, this pro- portion fell, only to rise again as the stock market surged ahead after 2004. From late 2007 through to early 2009, however, with growing worries about difficulties of raising finance following the ‘credit crunch’ (see Chapter 28) and fears of an impending recession, the stock market plum- meted once more. The stock market did recover, though it took quite a few years to return to the pre-crisis level, as we saw in Box 4.3.
Despite the traditional reliance on the stock market for external long-term sources of finance in the UK, there has been a growing involvement of banks in recent years, though criticisms of their caution and short-termism still remain. This change does provide a more similar approach to other European countries, notably Germany and France. In these countries, banks provide a significant amount of long-term, fixed interest rate finance. While this tends to increase companies’ gearing ratios and thus increases the risk of bankruptcy, it does provide a much more stable source of finance and creates an environment where banks are much more committed to the long-run health of com- panies. For this reason the net effect may be to reduce the risks associated with financing investment.
Other sources of long-term finance include various forms of grants from government, local authorities and the EU, often for specific purposes, such as R&D or training, or just for SMEs. Another source is ‘venture capital’, where an established business or a ‘business angel’ invests in a new or small business seeking to expand in exchange for a share of the business.
Another source of finance is that from outside the coun- try. This might be direct investment by externally based companies in the domestic economy or from foreign finan- cial institutions. In either case, a major determinant of the
amount of finance from this source is the current state of the economy and predictions of its future state relative to other countries. One of the major considerations here is anticipated changes in the exchange rate (see Chapter 27). If the exchange rate is expected to rise, this will increase the value of any given profit in terms of foreign currency. As would be expected, this source of finance is particularly volatile.
Conflict between financing growth and shareholders’ interests Whether a firm chooses to raise finance for growth through retained profits, the issue of new shares or borrowing, there could be an adverse effect on dividends and thus on the firm’s share price.
Shareholders are concerned with their dividends and if they see their dividends fall as a result of the firm’s decision to grow, they may choose to sell their shares, unless they are confident that long-run profits and hence dividends will rise again. If shareholders do sell their shares, the sup- ply curve of shares will shift to the right, pushing the share price down.
Firms must therefore weigh up the benefits of growth with the potential costs of a falling share price. The prob- lem is that if share prices fall too far, firms may become susceptible to being taken over and of certain managers losing their jobs. This is known as the takeover constraint (section 15.2, page 244), and to avoid it, growth-maximising firms need to ensure that they have sufficient profits to dis- tribute in the short run. This is the idea of profit ‘satisfic- ing’: making sufficient profits to keep shareholders happy, as we discussed in Chapter 14.
The role of the financial sector Before we look at the financial institutions operating within the UK, and assess their differing financial roles, it should be noted that they all have the common function of provid- ing a link between those who wish to lend and those who wish to borrow. In other words, they act as the mechanism whereby the supply of funds is matched to the demand for funds.
As financial intermediaries, these institutions provide four important services.
Definitions
Takeover constraint The effect that the fear of being taken over has on a firm’s willingness to undertake pro- jects that reduce distributed profits
Financial intermediaries The general name for finan- cial institutions (banks, building societies, etc.) which act as a means of channelling funds from depositors to borrowers.
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BOX 19.3 FINANCING INNOVATION
A flourishing domestic economy is, in no small part, the result of firms successfully innovating and responding to the changing conditions and technologies within the market- place. Through such adaptation and innovation the economy prospers, stimulating growth, income and employment. Conversely, an economy that fails to innovate and respond to change is likely to be set upon the rocky road to stagnation and decline. Given the stark contrast in these alternative realities, not only is the development of new ideas and their diffusion through- out the economy crucial to its vitality, but also it is essential that the financial system supports such innovation, and does so in the most efficient way. It must ensure not only that finance is available, but also that it goes to those projects with the greatest potential. Unfortunately, the projects with the greatest potential may involve considerable risk and uncertainty. Because of this, the private sector may be unwilling to fund their development. It may also be unwilling to finance various forms of research, where the outcomes are uncertain: something that is inevita- ble in much basic research. As a result of this reluctance by the private sector, innovation funding has traditionally operated at three levels:
■ Level one: government financing of ‘upstream’ or basic research, where outcomes are likely to yield few if any financial returns.
■ Level two: self-financed business R&D (i.e. financed out of ploughed-back profit), where the profitability of such R&D activity is difficult to assess, especially by those outside of the business, and thus where banks and other financial institutions would be reluctant to provide finance.
■ Level three: external financing using accepted financial assessment criteria for risk and uncertainty.
In this traditional model, the state’s role in financing inno- vation and investment does not end at the level of basic research. It will also compensate for market failures at later stages of the innovation-financing process. For example, it may adopt measures to improve the self-financing capacity of firms (e.g. tax relief), or measures to facilitate easier access to external finance (e.g. interest rate subsidies), or measures to extend and protect the ownership of intellectual property rights (e.g. tightening up and/or extending patent or copy- right legislation).
The offshore wind generation sector The offshore wind generation sector is an excellent example of a sector that has been moving through the levels. When compared to onshore facilities, offshore wind farms offer considerable potential. There is more energy to capture and planning regulations are less restrictive. However, this potential needs to be offset against the high costs of offshore production. At present these costs remain prohibitively high. However, the technology is improving rapidly and costs are expected to decline substantially. Seen as ‘the most scalable of the UK’s bulk renewable tech- nologies’, offshore wind has huge potential to help meet the UK’s 2020 green energy targets. The UK’s existing capacity has increased significantly, but further investment of between
£16 and £21 billion is needed by 2020 to deliver 10GW of capacity. The private sector has been unwilling to invest in this sector, due to the high degree of risk and uncertainty, given the emerging nature of this technology. As such, public subsidy has been essential to meet the required degree of investment and this has occurred over the past 15 years. This public investment has led to the UK becoming the world leader in offshore wind in terms of its capacity and the UK is now con- sistently ranked as the best place in the world to invest in this new means of generating energy. While this success does not mean the removal of public sub- sidy and investment, a growing number of international equity investors have already invested in UK operational or construc- tion projects in the sector. As the technology continues to develop and becomes more commercially viable, the sector will move into level three and the government subsidy may well be fully removed. Further details of the UK’ investment in offshore wind can be found in a UK Trade and Investment report.2
Effects of financial liberalisation The traditional model of financing innovation appears to be changing and, along with it, the role of governments in the process is diminishing. The most significant of these changes can be found in the lib- eralisation of global finance. Three of the major effects of this on innovation financing are as follows:
■ Channels of finance have diversified, widening the range of potential investment sources.
■ Financial innovations have increased the ability of poten- tial innovators to locate and negotiate favourable financial deals.
■ Government regulations over capital market activities have diminished.
The implications of these changes have been to increase the efficiency and flexibility of the financial system. This has resulted in a reduction in international differences in the costs of capital for any businesses having access to global financing. Projects with high earning potential, but high risk, have been able to raise finance from a wider range of sources, national and international. Although such financial globalisation has not removed the need for state support, it appears that financial changes are certainly diminishing its significance as a supporter of innova- tion finance.
1. What market failures could account for a less than optimal amount of innovation in the absence of government support?
2. If financial markets were perfectly competitive and could price risk accurately, would there be any case at all for gov- ernment support of innovation?
2UK Offshore Wind: Opportunities for Trade and Investment (UK Trade and Investment, 2014).
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Expert advice Financial intermediaries can advise their customers on financial matters: on the best way of investing their funds and on alternative ways of obtaining finance. This should help to encourage the flow of savings and the efficient use of them. As far as businesses are concerned, banks often play a central role in advising on investment and on possi- ble mergers and acquisitions. They also support small firms, for example in assisting with the development of business plans. There is considerable competition between banks in terms of the advisory services that they offer to businesses.
Expertise in channelling funds Financial intermediaries have the specialist knowledge to be able to channel funds to those areas that yield the high- est return. This too encourages the flow of saving as it gives savers the confidence that their savings will earn a good rate of interest. Financial intermediaries help to ensure that pro- jects that are potentially profitable, at least in the short run, are able to obtain finance. They thereby help to increase allocative efficiency.
Maturity transformation Many people and firms want to borrow money for long periods of time, and yet many depositors want to be able to withdraw their deposits on demand or at short notice. If people had to rely on borrowing directly from other people, there would be a problem: the lenders would not be pre- pared to lend for a long enough period. If you had £100 000 of savings, would you be prepared to lend it to a friend to buy a house if the friend was going to take 25 years to pay it back? Even if there was no risk whatsoever of your friend defaulting, most people would be totally unwilling to tie up their savings for so long.
This is where a bank or building society comes in. It borrows money from a vast number of small savers, who are able to withdraw their money on demand or at short notice. It then lends the money to house purchasers for a long period of time by granting mortgages (typically these are paid back over 20 to 30 years).
This process whereby financial intermediaries lend for longer periods of time than they borrow is known as matu- rity transformation. They are able to do this because with a large number of depositors it is highly unlikely that they would all want to withdraw their deposits at the same time. On any one day, although some people will be withdrawing money, others will be making new deposits.
There is still the problem, however, that long-term loans by banks, especially to industry, often carry greater risks. With banking tradition, especially in the UK, being to err on the side of caution, this can limit the extent to which maturity transformation takes place, and can result in a less than optimum amount of investment finance, when viewed from a long-term perspective.
Pause for thought
What dangers are there in maturity transformation for (a) financial institutions; (b) society generally?
Pause for thought
Which of the above are examples of economies of scale?
Definitions
Maturity transformation The transformation of depos- its into loans of a longer maturity.
Risk transformation The process whereby banks can spread the risks of lending by having a large number of borrowers.
Retail banking Branch, telephone, postal and Internet banking for individuals and businesses at published rates of interest and charges. Retail banking involves the oper- ation of extensive branch networks.
Wholesale banking Where banks deal in large-scale deposits and loans, mainly with companies and other banks and financial institutions. Interest rates and charges may be negotiable.
Risk transformation You may be unwilling to lend money directly to another person in case they do not pay up. You are unwilling to take the risk. Financial intermediaries, however, by lending to large numbers of people, are willing to risk the odd case of default. They can absorb the loss because of the inter- est they earn on all the other loans. This spreading of risk is known as risk transformation. What is more, financial intermediaries may have the expertise to be able to assess just how risky a loan is.
KI 14 p 82
In addition to channelling funds from depositors to bor- rowers, certain financial institutions have another impor- tant function. This is to provide a means of transmitting payments. Thus, by the use of debit cards, credit cards, cheques, standing orders, etc., money can be transferred from one person or institution to another without having to rely on cash.
The banking system Banking can be divided into two main types: retail banking and wholesale banking. Most banks today conduct both types of business and are thus known as ‘universal banks’.
Retail banking. This is the business conducted by the familiar high street banks, such as Barclays, Lloyds, HSBC, Royal Bank of Scotland, NatWest (part of the RBS group), Santander and
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TSB. They operate bank accounts for individuals and busi- nesses, attracting deposits and granting loans at published rates of interest. Some of these accounts are accessed through the banks’ branches and some via telephone or Internet banking.
Wholesale banking. This involves receiving large deposits from and making large loans to companies or other banks and financial institutions; these are known as wholesale deposits and loans.
As far as companies are concerned, these may be for short periods of time to account for the non-matching of a firm’s payments and receipts from its business. They may be for longer periods of time, for various investment purposes. As wholesale deposits and loans involve very large sums of money, banks compete against each other for them and negotiate individual terms with the firm to suit the firm’s particular requirements.
In the past, there were many independent wholesale banks, known as investment banks. These included famous names such as Morgan Stanley, Rothschild, S. G. Hambros and Goldman Sachs. Since the deregulation of the mid-1980s, banks have diversified their business, now providing a range of financial services, such as insurance, share dealing, pensions, mortgages and estate agency. We have also seen many of the independent investment banks merging with universal banks, so that they now conduct both retail and wholesale activities.
Concerns about universal banks. One of the major causes of the banking crisis of 2008 was the growth in dealing in highly complex financial products by the investment arms of these universal banks. Many of these products bundled up sound assets with highly risky ones, such as mortgage loans to bor- rowers in the USA who had little chance of repaying, especially with the fall in US house prices. These ‘toxic’ assets caused seri- ous problems for many banks and forced governments around
the world to intervene to rescue ailing banks (we look at this in more detail in Chapter 28).
The UK’s Coalition government set up the Independ- ent Commission on Banking (ICB) in 2010. It was charged with investigating the structure of the banking system and proposed functional separation, whereby retail banking was ring-fenced from wholesale banking. It was argued that, for the stability of the financial system, it was necessary to isolate the core activities of retail banks from the potential contagion from risky wholesale banking activities.
T h e p r i n c i p a l r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s o f t h e I C B w e r e accepted and the Financial Services (Banking Reform) Act became law in December 2013. The Act defines core activ- ities as facilities for accepting deposits, facilities for with- drawing money or making payments from deposit accounts and the provision of overdraft facilities. It gives regulators the power to exercise ring-fencing rules to ensure the effec- tive provision of core activities. These include restricting the power of a ring-fenced body to enter into contracts and payments with other members of the banking group. The Act also gives the regulator restructuring powers so as to split banks up to safeguard their future.
Inter-bank lending. Banks also lend and borrow wholesale funds to and from each other. Banks that are short of funds borrow large sums from others with surplus funds, thus ensuring that the banking sector as a whole does not have funds surplus to its requirements. The rate at which they lend to each other is known as the IBOR (inter-bank offer rate). The IBOR has a major influence on the other rates that banks charge. In the eurozone, the IBOR is known as Euribor. In the UK, it is known as LIBOR (where ‘L’ stands for ‘London’). As inter-bank loans can be anything from overnight to 12 months, the IBOR will vary from one length of loan to another. You can read about the revelations regarding the fixing of LIBOR on the Sloman News Site, in the blog post Liability for LIBOR.
KI 14 p 82
THE STOCK MARKET19.5
In this section, we will look at the role of the stock mar- ket and consider the advantages and limitations of raising finance through it. We will also consider whether the stock market is efficient.
The role of the Stock Exchange The London Stock Exchange operates as both a primary and secondary market in capital.
T h e p r i m a r y m a r k e t . A s a p r i m a r y m a r k e t t h e S t o c k Exchange provides a means for public limited com- panies (see page 40) to raise finance by issuing new s h a r e s , w h e t h e r t o n e w s h a r e h o l d e r s o r t o e x i s t i n g
ones. To raise finance on the Stock Exchange a business must be ‘listed’. The Listing Agreement involves direc- tors agreeing to abide by a strict set of rules governing
Definitions
Wholesale deposits and loans Large-scale deposits and loans made by and to firms at negotiated interest rates.
Primary market in capital Where shares are sold by the issuer of the shares (i.e. the firm) and where, there- fore, finance is channelled directly from the purchasers (i.e. the shareholders) to the firm.
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behaviour and levels of reporting to shareholders. Com- panies must have at least three years’ trading experience and make at least 25 per cent of their shares available to the public.
At the end of March 2015, there were 982 UK and 298 international companies on the Main Market List, with a market value of £4.3 trillion. During 2014, companies on this list raised £26.2 billion of equity capital on the London Stock Exchange, £3.6 billion of which was raised by inter- national companies.
As well as those on the Main Market List, there are some 1008 companies on what is known as the Alternative Investment Market (AIM). Companies listed here tend to be young but with growth potential, and do not have to meet the strict criteria or pay such high costs as companies on the Main Market List.
In 2014, companies on the AIM list raised £5.9 billion of new capital, which is higher than in 2013 when £3.9 billion was raised and despite year on year growth, it is still considerably down on 2007 when £16.2 billion was raised. The reason for this fall had been the persistence of economic uncertainty created by the recession that began in 2008.
The secondary market. As a secondary market, the Stock Exchange operates as a market where investors can sell existing shares to one another. In 2014, on an average day’s trading, around £4.6 billion worth of trades in listed equi- ties took place.
The advantages and disadvantages of using the stock market to raise capital As a market for raising capital the stock market has a num- ber of advantages:
■ It brings together those who wish to invest and those who seek investment. It thus represents a way that sav- ings can be mobilised to create output, and does so in a relatively low-cost way.
■ Firms that are listed on the stock exchange are sub- ject to strict regulations. This is likely to stimulate investor confidence, making it easier for business to raise finance.
■ The process of merger and acquisition is facilitated by having a share system. It enables business more effec- tively to pursue this as a growth strategy.
The main weaknesses of the stock market for raising capital are:
■ The cost to a business of getting listed can be immense, not only in a financial sense, but also in being open to public scrutiny. Directors’ and senior managers’ deci- sions will often be driven by how the market is likely to react, rather than by what they perceive to be in the business’s best interests. They always have to think
Definitions
Secondary market in capital Where shareholders sell shares to others. This is thus a market in ‘second-hand’ shares.
Short-termism Where firms and investors take decisions based on the likely short-term performance of a com- pany, rather than on its long-term prospects. Firms may thus sacrifice long-term profits and growth for the sake of quick return.
Efficient (capital) market hypothesis The hypoth- esis that new information about a company’s current or future performance will be quickly and accurately reflected in its share price.
Efficient capital markets. Capital markets are efficient when the prices of shares accurately reflect informa- tion about companies’ current and expected future performance.
KEY IDEA
29
about the reactions of those large shareholders in the City that control a large proportion of their shares.
■ It is often claimed that the stock market suffers from short-termism. Investors on the Stock Exchange are more concerned with a company’s short-term perfor- mance and its share value. In responding to this, the business might neglect its long-term performance and potential.
Is the stock market efficient? One of the arguments made in favour of the stock market is that it acts as an arena within which share values can be accurately or efficiently priced. If new information comes on to the market concerning a business and its perfor- mance, this will be quickly and rationally transferred into the business’s share value. This is known as the efficient market hypothesis. So, for example, if an investment analyst found that, in terms of its actual and expected dividends, a particular share was under-priced and thus represented a ‘bargain’, the analyst would advise investors to buy. As peo- ple then bought the shares, their price would rise, pushing their value up to their full worth. So by attempting to gain from inefficiently priced securities, investors will encourage the market to become more efficient.
KI 29 p 336
So how efficient is the stock market in pricing securities? Is information rationally and quickly conveyed into the share’s price? Or are investors able to prosper from the stock market’s inefficiencies?
We can identify three levels of efficiency.
Weak form of efficiency. Share prices often move in cycles which do not reflect the underlying performance of the firm. If information is imperfect, those with a better under- standing of such cycles gain from buying shares at the
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trough and selling them at the peak of the cycles. They are taking advantage of the market’s inefficiency.
The technical analysis used by investment analysts to track share cycles is a complex science, but more and more analysts are using the techniques. As they do so and knowl- edge becomes more perfect, so the market will become more efficient and the cycles will tend to disappear. But why?
As more people buy a company’s shares as the price falls towards its trough, so this extra demand will prevent the price falling so far. Similarly, as people sell as the price rises towards its peak, so this extra supply will prevent the price rising so far. This is an example of stabilising specula- tion (see pages 77–9). As more and more people react in this way, so the cycle all but disappears. When this happens, weak efficiency has been achieved.
The semi-strong form of efficiency. Semi-strong efficiency is when share prices adjust fully to publicly available infor- mation. In practice, not all investors will interpret such information correctly: their knowledge is imperfect. But as investors become more and more sophisticated, and as more and more advice is available to shareholders (through stockbrokers, newspapers, published accounts, etc.), and as many shares are purchased by professional fund managers, so the interpretation of public information becomes more and more perfect and the market becomes more and more efficient in the semi-strong sense.
If the market were efficient in the semi-strong sense, then no gain could be made from studying a company’s performance and prospects, as any such information would already be included in the current share price. In selecting shares, you would do just as well by pinning the financial pages of a newspaper on the wall, throwing darts at them, and buying the shares the darts hit!
The strong form of efficiency. If the stock market showed the strong form of efficiency, then share prices would fully reflect all available information – whether public or not. For this to be so, all ‘inside’ information would have to be reflected in the share price the moment the information is available.
If the market is not efficient at this level, then people who have access to privileged information will be able to make large returns from their investments by acting on such information. For example, directors of a company would know if the company was soon to announce better than expected profits. In the meantime, they could gain by buying shares in the company, knowing that the share price would rise when the information about the profits became public. Gains made from such ‘insider dealing’ are illegal, but proving whether individuals are engaging in it
Pause for thought
Would the stock market be more efficient if insider dealing were made legal?
is very difficult. Nevertheless, there are people in prison for insider dealing: so it does happen!
Given the penalties for insider dealing and the amount of private information that firms possess, it is unlikely that all such information will be reflected in share prices. Thus the strong form of stock market efficiency is unlikely to hold.
If stock markets were fully efficient, the expected returns from every share would be the same. The return is referred to as the yield: this is measured as the dividends paid on the share as a percentage of the share’s market price. For example, if you hold shares whose market price is £1 per share and you receive an annual dividend of 3p per share, then the yield on the shares is 3 per cent. But why should the expected returns on shares be the same? If any share was expected to yield a higher-than-average return, people would buy it; its price would rise and its yield would corre- spondingly fall.
It is only unanticipated information, therefore, that would cause share prices to deviate from that which reflected expected average yields. Such information must, by its nature, be random, and as such would cause share prices to deviate randomly from their expected price, or follow what we call a random walk. Evidence suggests that share prices do tend to follow random patterns.
KI 29 p 336
Definitions
Weak efficiency (of share markets) Where share deal- ing prevents cyclical movements in shares.
Semi-strong efficiency (of share markets) Where share prices adjust quickly, fully and accurately to publicly available information.
Strong efficiency (of share markets) Where share prices adjust quickly, fully and accurately to all available infor- mation, both public and that available only to insiders.
Yield on a share The dividend received per share expressed as a percentage of the current market price of the share.
Random walk Where fluctuations in the value of a share away from its ‘correct’ value are random: i.e. have no systematic pattern. When charted over time, these share price movements would appear like a ‘random walk’: like the path of someone staggering along drunk!
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SUMMARY
1a We need to distinguish between factor prices and factor services. A factor’s price is income from its sale, whereas a factor’s service is the income from its use.
1b The profit-maximising employment of capital will be at the point where the marginal cost of capital equals the marginal revenue product.
2a The demand for capital services will be equal to MRP K . As
a result of diminishing returns, this will decline as more capital is used.
2b The supply of capital services to a firm will be horizontal or upward sloping, depending on whether the firm is per- fectly competitive or has monopsony power.
2c The supply curve of capital services by a firm in the short run will be relatively elastic up to capacity supply. In the long run, the supply curve will be very elastic, but at a higher rental rate than in the short run, given that the cost of purchasing the equipment must be taken into account in the rental rate.
2d The market supply of capital services is likely to be highly inelastic in the short run, given that capital equipment tends to have very specific uses and cannot normally be transferred from one use to another. In the long run it will be more elastic.
2e The price of capital services is determined by the interac- tion of demand and supply.
3a The demand for capital for purchase will depend on the return it earns for the firm. To calculate the return, all future earnings from the investment have to be reduced to present value by discounting at a market rate of inter- est. If the present value exceeds the cost of the invest- ment, the investment is worthwhile. Alternatively, a rate of return from the investment (IRR) can be calculated and then this can be compared with the return that the firm could have earned by investing elsewhere.
3b The supply of finance for investment depends on the supply of loanable funds, which in turn depends, in large part, on the rate of interest.
3c The rate of interest is determined by the demand and supply of loanable funds.
3d The costs of capital supplied to the firm will rise the more it is in debt, and hence the more risky the investment becomes.
4a Business finance can come from internal and external sources. Sources external to the firm include borrowing, the issue of shares, venture capital and government grants.
4b The role of the financial sector is to act as a financial intermediary between those who wish to borrow and those who wish to lend.
4c UK financial institutions specialise in different types of deposit taking and lending. It is useful to distinguish between retail and wholesale banking.
5a The stock market operates as both a primary and second- ary market in capital. As a primary market it channels finance to companies as people purchase new shares. It is also a market for existing shares.
5b It helps to stimulate growth and investment by bringing together companies and people who want to invest in them. By regulating firms and by keeping transaction costs of investment low, it helps to ensure that invest- ment is efficient.
5c It does impose costs on firms, as it is expensive for firms to be listed and the public exposure may make them too keen to ‘please’ the market. It can also foster short- termism.
5d The stock market is relatively efficient. It achieves weak efficiency by reducing cyclical movements in share prices. It achieves semi-strong efficiency by allowing share prices to respond quickly and fully to publicly available information. Whether it achieves strong efficiency by adjusting quickly and fully to all information (both public and insider), however, is more doubtful.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Draw the MRP K , AC
K and MC
K curves for a firm which has
monopsony power when hiring capital equipment. Mark the amount of capital equipment it will choose to hire and show what hire charge it will pay.
2 Using a diagram like Figure 19.2, demonstrate what will happen under perfect competition (in the short run) when there is an increase in the productivity of a particular type of capital. Consider the effects on the
M19_SLOM2103_07_SE_C19.indd 338 4/25/16 1:21 PM
W E B R E F E R E N C E S 3 3 9
ADDITIONAL PART G CASE STUDIES IN THE ECONOMICS FOR BUSINESS MyEconLab (www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman)
G.1 Labour market trends. This case study describes the changing patterns of employment in the UK, from the rise in service-sector employment and fall in manufacturing employment, to the rise in part-time working and a rise in female participation rates.
G.2 Stocks and flows. This examines one of the most important distinctions in economics and one which we shall come across on several occasions.
G.3 Poverty in the past. Extreme poverty in Victorian England.
G.4 The rise and decline of the labour movement. A brief history of trade unions in the UK.
G.5 How useful is marginal productivity theory? How accurately does the theory describe employment decisions by firms?
G.6 Profit sharing. An examination of the case for and against profit sharing as a means of rewarding workers.
G.7 How can we define poverty? This examines different definitions of poverty and, in particular, distinguishes between absolute and relative measures of poverty.
G.8 How to reverse the UK’s increased inequality. Recommendations of the Rowntree Foundation.
G.9 Net present value in cost–benefit analysis. A numerical example using discounting techniques to show how net present value is calculated.
G.10 Catastrophic risk. This examines the difficulties in assigning a monetary value to the remote chance of a catastrophe happening (such as an explosion at a nuclear power station).
WEBSITES RELEVANT TO PART G
Numbers and sections refer to websites listed in the Web appendix and hotlinked from this text’s website at www.pearsoned .co.uk/sloman
■ For news articles relevant to Part G, see the Economics News Articles link from the text’s website.
■ For general news on labour and capital markets, see websites in section A, and particularly A1–5, 7, 8, 21–26, 35, 36. See also A38–44 for links to economics news articles from newspapers worldwide.
■ For data on labour markets, see links in B1 or 3, especially to Labour Market Trends on the National Statistics site. Also see B9 and links in B19. Also see the labour topic in B33 and the resources > statistics links in H3.
■ For information on international labour standards and employment rights, see site H3.
■ Site I11 contains links to Labour Economics. You can search for data on Labour Economics in site J5.
■ Links to the TUC and Confederation of British Industry sites can be found at E32 and 33.
■ For information on poverty and inequality, see sites B18; E9, 13, 31, 40; G5.
■ For information on taxes, benefits and the redistribution of income, see E9, 30, 36; G5, 13. See also The Virtual Chancellor at D1.
■ For information on stock markets, see sites F18 and A3, 31, 40; G5.
■ Sites I8, 11, 14, 18 contain links to Financial Economics and Markets.
■ For student resources relevant to Part G, see sites C1–7, 9, 10, 19; D3, 7, 8, 12–14, 16–18, 20.
demand, price (rental rate) and quantity supplied of the services of this type of capital. In what way will the long- run effect differ from the short-run one that you have illustrated?
3 If capital supply is totally inelastic, what determines the rental value of capital equipment in the short run?
4 Suppose an investment costs £12 000 and yields £5000 per year for three years. At the end of the three years, the equipment has no value. Work out whether the invest- ment will be profitable if the rate of discount is: (a) 5% (b) 10% (c) 20%.
5 If a project’s costs occur throughout the life of the pro- ject, how will this affect the appraisal of whether the project is profitable?
6 What factors would cause a rise in the market rate of interest?
7 What is meant by the two terms ‘gearing ratio’ and ‘debt/ equity ratio’? What is their significance?
8 Explain the various roles that financial intermediaries play within the finance sector.
9 In what circumstances is the stock market likely to be ‘efficient’ in the various senses of the term?
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The relationship between government and business
The Financial Times, 6 January 2015
Global fines for price-fixing hit $5.3bn record high By Caroline Binham, Legal Correspondent
Fines meted out to companies for price-fixing reached a record high in 2014, as antitrust author- ities cracked down on cartels that rigged the markets for products ranging from auto parts to sausages.
Competition agencies across the world levied fines totalling $5.3bn last year, a 31 per cent increase on 2013’s own record-breaking total. Several author- ities in emerging markets and Europe took their most rigorous action to date against individual and corporate cartel members, according to data compiled by Allen & Overy, the law firm.
France and Germany both imposed their highest fines, with French authorities levying a $1.2bn penalty on a single cartel, and Germany fining three cartels nearly $1bn in total.
Hotels and bistros were revealed as the preferred venue for price-fixing deals. Investigators found that the price of wurst was being rigged by a cartel that included leading makers Herta, Böklunder, and Wiesenhof, which met at the Atlantic hotel in Hamburg. Similarly, French authorities raided a Parisian restaurant as part of a probe into the price fixing of household and personal-care prod- ucts, involving such companies as L’Oréal and Unilever.
Brazil emerged as one of the toughest enforcers of competition law, imposing fines of $1.6bn over the year, including its highest ever single fine of $1.4bn, levied on a cement cartel. A Brazilian court also imposed the longest jail sentence for price-fixing last year, ordering a Brazilian execu- tive found guilty of bid rigging between two air- lines to spend more than 10 years in prison and pay a $156m fine.
‘Individual accountability is slowly becoming a mantra of more and more authorities globally, with antitrust offenders now facing prison time on multiple continents,’ said John Terzaken, an antitrust partner at A&O. ‘This is a particularly sobering reality for senior executives responsible for global business lines, who risk severe sanc- tions for their own conduct as well as for wilfully ignoring violations of their subordinates.’...
Auto-parts makers across the globe have also come under scrutiny from competition authori- ties, in what Mr Terzaken called ‘unquestionably the broadest and deepest international cartel case on record.’ Agencies from the EU, South Korea, China and Canada fined companies ranging from SKF of Sweden to Hitachi and Mitsubishi of Japan, as part of parallel probes into the industry in 2014.
The FT Reports . . .
H Part
© The Financial Times Limited 2015. All Rights Reserved.
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Despite the fact that most countries today can be classified as ‘market economies’, governments nevertheless intervene substantially in the activities of business in order to protect the interests of consumers, workers or the environment.
Firms might collude to fix prices, use misleading advertising, create pollution, pro- duce unsafe products, or use unacceptable employment practices. In such cases, gov- ernment is expected to intervene to correct for the failings of the market system: for example, by outlawing collusion, by establishing advertising standards, by taxing or otherwise penalising polluting firms, by imposing safety standards on firms’ behaviour and products, or by protecting employment rights.
In Part H, we explore the relationship between business and government. In Chapter 20 we will consider how markets might fail to achieve ideal outcomes, and what gov- ernment can do to correct such problems. We will also consider how far firms should go in adopting a more socially responsible position.
In Chapter 21 we will focus upon the relationship between the government and the individual firm, and consider three policy areas: monopolies and oligopolies, research and technology, and training. In their attempt to control price fixing by monopolies and oligopolies, competition authorities in many countries may impose fines on firms, as the Financial Times article shows.
In Chapter 22, we will broaden our analysis and look at government policy aimed at the level of the market, and its impact upon all firms. Here we will consider environmental policy, transport policy and the issue of privatisation and regulation.
Perhaps, like Neelie Kroes (see the quote above), you believe that markets need gov- ernment intervention in order to make them more efficient. There is, however, a prob- lem. Unless government intervention is carefully designed, it can have unintended consequences. The ‘cure’ might even be worse than the ‘disease’.
While I have been a lifelong capitalist, I could never accept that laissez faire is a good solution for a society. It was John Ralston Saul who said that ‘unregulated competition is just a naïve metaphor for anarchy’ – we don’t need that. What we need are regulated markets. And the challenge is to maximise our prosperity by finding the most efficient ways to regulate them.
Neelie Kroes, European Commission Competition Commis- sioner, ‘Competition, the crisis and the road to recovery’, Address at the Economic Club of Toronto, 30 March 2009
Key terms
Social efficiency Equity Market failure Externalities Private and social costs and
benefits Deadweight welfare loss Public goods Free-rider problem Merit goods Government intervention Coase theorem Laissez-faire Social responsibility Competition policy Restrictive practices Technology policy Training policy Environmental policy Green taxes Tradable permits Cost–benefit analysis Road pricing Transport policy Privatisation Regulation Price-cap regulation Deregulation Franchising
M20_SLOM2103_07_SE_C20.indd 341 4/25/16 1:21 PM
Reasons for government intervention in the market
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ To what extent does business meet the interests of consumers and society in general? ■ In what sense are perfect markets ‘socially efficient’ and why do most markets fail to achieve social efficiency? ■ In what ways do governments intervene in markets and attempt to influence business behaviour? ■ Can taxation be used to correct the shortcomings of markets, or is it better to use the law? ■ What are the drawbacks of government intervention? ■ What is meant by ‘corporate social responsibility’ and what determines firms’ attitudes towards society and the environment? ■ What is the relationship between business ethics and business performance?
MARKETS AND THE ROLE OF GOVERNMENT 20.1
Government intervention and social objectives In order to decide the optimum amount of government intervention, it is first necessary to identify the various social goals that intervention is designed to meet. Two of the major objectives of government intervention identified by economists are social efficiency and equity .
Social efficiency. If the marginal benefits to society – or ‘mar- ginal social benefits’ ( MSB ) – of producing any given good or service exceed the marginal costs to society or ‘marginal
social costs’ ( MSC ), it is said to be socially efficient to pro- duce more. For example, if people’s gains from having addi- tional motorways exceed all the additional costs to society (both financial and non-financial) then it is socially effi- cient to construct more motorways.
If, however, the marginal social costs of producing any good or service exceed the marginal social benefits, then it is socially efficient to produce less.
It follows that if the marginal social benefits of any activ- ity are equal to the marginal social costs, then the current level is the optimum. To summarise: for social efficiency in the production of any good or service:
MSB 7 MSC S produce more MSC 7 MSB S produce less MSB = MSC S keep production at its current level
Similar rules apply to consumption. For example, if the marginal social benefits of consuming more of any good or
Definitions
Social efficiency Production and consumption at the point where MSB = MSC . Equity The fair distribution of a society’s resources.
C h
a p
te r20
M20_SLOM2103_07_SE_C20.indd 342 4/25/16 2:12 PM
Equity. Most people would argue that the free market fails to lead to a fair distribution of resources, if it results in some people living in great affluence while others live in dire poverty. Clearly what constitutes ‘fairness’ is a highly con- tentious issue: those on the political right generally have a quite different view from those on the political left. Never- theless, most people would argue that the government does have some duty to redistribute incomes from the rich to the poor through the tax and benefit system, and perhaps to provide various forms of legal protection for the poor (such as a minimum wage rate).
Although our prime concern in this chapter is the question of social efficiency, we will be touching on questions of dis- tribution too.
Equity is where income is distributed in a way that is considered to be fair or just. Note that an equitable distribution is not the same as a totally equal distribu- tion and that different people have different views on what is equitable.
KEY IDEA
32
service exceed the marginal social costs, then society would benefit from more of the good being consumed.
Social efficiency is an example of ‘allocative efficiency’: in other words, the best allocation of resources between alternative uses.
In the real world, the market rarely leads to social effi- ciency: the marginal social benefits of most goods and ser- vices do not equal the marginal social costs. In this chapter we examine why the free market fails to lead to social effi- ciency and what the government can do to rectify the situ- ation. We also examine why the government itself may fail to achieve social efficiency.
Allocative efficiency in any activity is achieved where any reallocation would lead to a decline in net benefit. It is achieved where marginal benefit equals marginal cost. Private efficiency is achieved where marginal private benefit equals marginal private cost (MB = MC). Social efficiency is achieved where marginal social benefit equals marginal social cost (MSB = MSC).
KEY IDEA
30
TYPES OF MARKET FAILURE20.2
Market power W h e n e v e r m a r k e t s a r e i m p e r f e c t , w h e t h e r a s p u r e monopoly or monopsony or whether as some form of imperfect competition, the market will fail to equate MSB and MSC.
Let us assume that all the costs and benefits to society accrue solely to the firm and its customers (we drop this assumption in the section on externalities below). This means that the firm’s marginal cost is the marginal social cost (MC = MSC) and the price (AR), i.e. what consumers are willing to pay for one more unit, is the marginal social ben- efit (AR = MSB).
Take the case of monopoly. A monopoly will produce less than the socially efficient output. This is illustrated in Figure 20.1. A monopoly faces a downward-sloping demand curve, and therefore marginal revenue (MR) is below aver- age revenue (= MSB).
Profits are maximised at an output of Q1, where marginal revenue equals marginal cost (see Figure 11.6 on page 185). If there are no other sources of market failure, the socially efficient output will be at the higher level of Q 2, where MSB = MSC.
Deadweight loss under monopoly One way of analysing the welfare loss that occurs in any market is to use the concepts of consumer and producer sur- plus. The two concepts are illustrated in Figure 20.2. The diagram shows an industry which is initially under perfect
KI 21 p 175
KI 31 p 343
The monopolist producing less than the socially efficient level of output
Figure 20.1
P1
Q1 Q2
MC1
MC 5 MSC
MSB 5 MSC
AR(D) 5 MSB
£
QO MR
Markets generally fail to achieve social efficiency. There are various types of market failure. Market fail- ures provide one of the major justifications for govern- ment intervention in the economy.
KEY IDEA
31
2 0 . 2 T Y P E S O F M A R K E T F A I L U R E 3 4 3
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3 4 4 C H A P T E R 2 0 R E A S O N S F O R G O V E R N M E N T I N T E R V E N T I O N I N T H E M A R K E T
competition and then becomes a monopoly (but faces the same revenue and cost curves).
Consumer surplus. Consumer surplus from a good is the dif- ference between the total utility (satisfaction) received by consumers and their total expenditure on the good (see pages 91–2). It can be thought of as the difference between the maximum amount people are willing to pay for a good and the price they actually do pay. Under perfect competition the industry will produce an output of Qpc at a price of Ppc, where MC(= S) = P(= AR): i.e. at point a. Consumers’ total utility is given by the area under the demand (MU) curve (the sum of all the areas 1–7). Consumers’ total expenditure is Ppc × Qpc (areas 4 + 5 + 6 + 7). Consumers’ surplus is thus the area between the price and the demand curve (areas 1 + 2 + 3).
Producer surplus. Producer surplus is similar to profit. It is the difference between total revenue and total variable cost. (It will be more than profit if there are any fixed costs.) It can be thought of as the difference between the minimum price required in order for a firm to supply a good and the price that is actually paid. Total revenue is Ppc × Qpc (areas 4 + 5 + 6 + 7). Total variable cost is the area under the MC curve (areas 6 + 7). The reason for this is that each point on the marginal cost curve shows what the last unit costs to produce. The area under the MC curve thus gives all the marginal costs starting from an output of zero to the current output: i.e. it gives total variable costs. Producer surplus is thus the area between the price and the MC curve (areas 4 + 5).
Total (private) surplus. Total consumer plus producer surplus is therefore the area between the demand and MC curves. This is shown by the total shaded area (areas 1 + 2 + 3 + 4 + 5).
The effect of monopoly on total surplus What happens when the industry is under monopoly? The firm will produce where MC = MR, at an output of Qm and a price of Pm (at point b on the demand curve). Total revenue
is Pm × Qm (areas 2 + 4 + 6). Total cost is the area under the MC curve (area 6). Thus the producer surplus is areas 2 + 4. This is clearly a larger surplus than under perfect competi- tion (since area 2 is larger than area 5): monopoly profits are larger than profits under perfect competition.
Consumer surplus, however, will be much smaller. With consumption at Qm, total utility is given by areas 1 + 2 + 4 + 6, whereas consumer expenditure is given by areas 2 + 4 + 6. Consumer surplus, then, is simply area 1. (Note that area 2 has been transformed from consumer surplus to producer surplus.)
Total surplus under monopoly is therefore areas 1 + 2 + 4: a smaller surplus than under perfect competition. ‘Monop- olisation’ of the industry has resulted in a loss of total sur- plus of areas 3 + 5. The producer’s gain has been more than offset by the consumers’ loss. This loss of surplus is known as deadweight welfare loss of monopoly.
Externalities Markets tend to work more effectively when the bene- fits and costs to the consumers and producers directly involved in the transaction are the same as the benefits and costs to society. But this may not always be the case. There may be benefits or costs to people other than the con- sumer or producer. We call these benefits and costs exter- nal benefits and external costs. Together, we refer to them as externalities.
So far in this text it has been assumed that there are no externalities. As far as consumption is concerned, we have assumed that the only people who benefit are the customers
KI 31 p 343
Definitions
Consumer surplus The difference between the max- imum a person would have been prepared to pay for a good (i.e. the utility measured in money terms) over what that person actually pays. Total consumer surplus equals total utility minus total expenditure.
Producer surplus The difference between the minimum price required for a firm to supply a good and the price that is actually paid. Total producer surplus is the excess of firms’ total revenue over total (variable) costs.
Deadweight welfare loss The reduction in total surplus (consumer plus producer surplus) below the maximum amount that is possible.
External benefits Benefits from production (or con- sumption) experienced by people other than the producer (or consumer) directly involved in the transaction.
External costs Costs of production (or consumption) borne by people other than the producer (or consumer) directly involved in the transaction.
Externalities Costs or benefits of production or con- sumption experienced by people other than the producers and consumers directly involved in the transaction. They are sometimes referred to as ‘spillover’ or ‘third-party’ costs or benefits.
Deadweight loss from monopolyFigure 20.2
Pm Ppc
1
2
4
6
Qm Qpc
MC (5 S under perfect competition)
AR 5 D
£
QO MR
b a3
5
7
M20_SLOM2103_07_SE_C20.indd 344 4/25/16 1:21 PM
who purchase the good and derive pleasure from it. We used consumer surplus as a way of measuring consumers’ satisfaction or benefit from consuming the product.
Likewise we have assumed that all the opportunity costs to society in the production of a good are incurred by the firm producing it. These include the payments for the time/effort of the workers in the form of wages, the cost of raw materi- als and the opportunity cost of using capital goods. Society misses out on the best alternative things that these factor inputs could have produced. We used producer surplus as a way of measuring the benefit to firms from production.
External effects of consumption and production. But sometimes consumption and production do affect other people. In this case the marginal social benefit (MSB) will be different from the marginal private benefit (MPB) and/or the marginal social cost (MSC) will be different from the marginal private cost (MPC).
Take the case of consumption. Imagine a situation where your consumption of a good has either a positive or negative impact on people around you (other than the firm that sold you the good). This could be on other consumers or other firms. In other words there are either external benefits or costs of your actions. In this situation the full benefit to society from your consumption of the good are different from the private benefits that you receive. These external or ‘third-party’ effects are called consumption externalities. When we add consump- tion externalities to private benefits we get social benefits.
Now imagine a situation where you are the owner of a firm. Each unit you produce generates costs or benefits that are experienced by your firm. However, production may also gen- erate benefits or costs for other people. These could be the gen- eral public, other than your direct consumers, or other firms that are not your suppliers or customers. Once again, there are external benefits or costs, but this time from the firm’s actions. The full costs or benefits to society from the produc- tion of the good in this case are different from the private costs borne by the firm. These external effects are called production externalities. When we add production externalities to private costs we get social costs.
In a market environment, where everyone is acting purely in their own interests, these externalities will not be taken into account; neither consumers nor firms make any payments or receive any compensation from other people not directly involved in the market transaction.
In the following section we will consider four different types of externality. Each one will be considered in isola- tion, although it would be possible to have more than one in any particular market. It will be assumed in each case that, apart from the existence of an externality, the market is otherwise perfect.
External costs of production (MSC + MPC) with no external costs/benefits of consumption (MSB = MPB) When firms in the chemical industry dump waste into a river or pollute the air, the community bears additional costs to those borne by the firms. There are marginal external costs (MECP) of chemical production. This is illustrated in Figure 20.3. In this example we assume that they begin with the first unit of production and increase at a constant rate.
The marginal social costs (MSC) of chemical production will equal the marginal private costs (MPC) plus the MECP. This means that the MSC curve is above the MPC curve. The vertical distance between them is equal to the MECP. It is also assumed that there are no externalities in consumption, which means that the marginal social benefit (MSB) curve is the same as the marginal private benefit (MPB) curve.
Firms will maximise profit where M(P)C = MR. But under perfect competition, firms are price takers and thus can sell as much as they choose at the market price. Thus, for them, P = AR = MR (see section 11.2 on pages 178–9). This makes the industry MPC curve also the market supply curve, since at any price, firms will choose to supply the output where price equals marginal cost. Thus in Figure 20.3, S = MPC.
The market demand curve will be the sum of individuals’ demand curves, which are equal to their marginal utility curves (see Figure 6.3 on page 93). In the context of con- sumption, marginal utility is the same thing as marginal private benefit. As we are assuming there are no externali- ties on the consumption side, D = MPB = MSB.
Definitions
Consumption externalities Spillover effects on other people of consumers’ consumption.
Social benefits Private benefits plus consumption externalities.
Production externalities Spillover effects on other people of firms’ production.
Social costs Private costs plus production externalities.
Externalities are costs or benefits experienced by peo- ple not directly involved in the market transaction that created them. Where these exist, even an otherwise perfect market will fail to achieve social efficiency.
KEY IDEA
33
Negative externalities in productionFigure 20.3
QpcQ*
MSCpc
Ppc
O
D 5 MPB 5 MSB
P*
MECP
S 5 MPCb
ac
MSC 5 MPC + MECP
Quantity of chemicals
C os
ts a
nd b
en efi
ts
Deadweight welfare loss
2 0 . 2 T Y P E S O F M A R K E T F A I L U R E 3 4 5
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3 4 6 C H A P T E R 2 0 R E A S O N S F O R G O V E R N M E N T I N T E R V E N T I O N I N T H E M A R K E T
Competitive market forces, with producers and consum- ers only responding to private costs and benefits, will result in a market equilibrium at point a in Figure 20.3: i.e. where demand equals supply. The market equilibrium price is Ppc, while the market equilibrium quantity is Qpc.
At Ppc, MPB is equal to MSB. The market price reflects both the private and social benefits from the last unit con- sumed. However, the presence of external costs in produc- tion means that MSC 7 MPC.
The socially optimal output would be Q*, where P = MSB = MSC. This is illustrated at point c and clearly shows how external costs of production in a perfectly competitive mar- ket result in overproduction: i.e. Qpc 7 Q*. From society’s point of view, too much waste is being dumped in rivers.
The deadweight welfare loss caused by this overproduc- tion is illustrated by the area abc. This is where the MSC of the units produced and consumed between Qpc and Q
* are greater than the MSB they provide.
One of the reasons why external costs cause problems in a free-market economy is because no one has legal owner- ship of factors such as the air or rivers. Therefore, nobody has the ability either to prevent or to charge for their use as a dumping ground for waste. Such a ‘market’ is missing. Control must, therefore, be left to the government, local authorities or regulators.
Other examples of external costs of production include extensive farming that destroys hedgerows and wildlife, and global warming caused by CO2 emissions from power stations.
External benefits of production (MSC * MPC) with no external costs/benefits of consumption (MSB = MPB) If companies in the forestry industry plant new woodlands, there is a benefit not only to the companies themselves, but also to the world through a reduction of CO2 in the atmosphere (forests are a carbon sink). In this case there are marginal external benefits (MEBP) of production. These are shown in Figure 20.4. We assume that they begin with
the first tree planted but that the marginal benefit declines with each additional tree. In other words, the MEBP is a downward-sloping line.
Given these positive externalities, the marginal social cost (MSC) of providing timber is less than the marginal private cost: MSC = MPC - MEBP. This means that the MSC curve is below the MPC curve. The vertical distance between the curves is equal to the MEBP. Once again, it is assumed that there are no externalities in consumption so that MSB = MPB.
Competitive market forces will result in an equilibrium output of Qpc, where market demand (= MPB) equals mar- ket supply (= MPC) (point a). The socially efficient level of output, however, is Q*: i.e. where MSB = MSC (point c). The external benefits of production thus result in a level of out- put below the socially efficient level. From society’s point of view not enough trees are being planted. The deadweight welfare loss caused by this underproduction is illustrated by the area abc. Output is not being produced between Qpc and Q* even though MSB 7 MSC.
Another example of external benefits in production is that of research and development. An interesting recent example has been the development of touch-screen tech- nology for tablets and mobile phones. If other firms have access to the results of the research, then clearly the benefits extend beyond the firm which finances it. Since the firm only receives the private benefits, it may conduct a less than opti- mal amount of research. In turn, this may reduce the pace of innovation and so negatively affect economic growth over the longer term.
Pause for thought
Why are marginal external benefits typically likely to decline as output increases? Why in some cases might marginal exter- nal benefits be constant at all levels of output or even increase as more is produced?
Positive externalities in productionFigure 20.4
S 5 MPC
D 5 MPB 5 MSB
MSC 5 MPC 2 MEBP
MEBP
MSCpc
Ppc P*
C os
ts a
nd b
en efi
ts
a
Deadweight welfare loss
Qpc Q*O Quantity of trees
c
b
M20_SLOM2103_07_SE_C20.indd 346 4/25/16 1:21 PM
External costs of consumption (MSB * MB) with no external costs/benefits of production (MSC = MPC) Drinking alcohol can sometimes lead to marginal exter- nal costs of consumption. For example, there are the extra nightly policing costs to deal with the increased chance of social disorder. Public health costs may also be greater as a direct consequence of people’s drinking behaviour: e.g. through an increase in hospitalisations. It may also lead to a number of alcohol-related road accidents. These marginal external costs of consumption (MECc) result in the marginal social benefit of alcohol consumption being lower than the marginal private benefit: i.e. MSB = MPB - MECc.
This is illustrated in Figure 20.5, where the MSB curve is below the MPB curve. In this example it is assumed that there are no externalities in production so that MSC = MPC.
Competitive market forces will result in an equilibrium output of Qpc (point a) whereas the socially efficient level of output is Q*: i.e. where MSB = MSC (point c). The exter- nal costs of consumption result in level of output above the socially efficient level: i.e. Qpc 7 Q
*. From society’s point of view, too much alcohol is being produced and consumed.
The deadweight welfare loss caused by this overconsump- tion is illustrated by the area abc.
Other possible examples of negative externalities of con- sumption include taking a journey by car, noisy radios in public places, the smoke from cigarettes and litter.
External benefits of consumption (MSB + MPB) with no external costs/benefits of production (MSC = MPC) How do people travel to a city centre to go shopping on a Saturday? How do people travel to a football match? If they use the train, then other people benefit, as there is less congestion and exhaust fumes and fewer accidents on the roads. These marginal external benefits of consumption (MEBc) result in the marginal social benefit of rail travel being greater than the marginal private benefit (i.e. MSB = MPB + MEBc).
This is illustrated in Figure 20.6, where the MSB curve is above the MPB curve. The vertical distance between the curves is equal to the MEBc. Once again it is assumed that there are no externalities in production so that MSC = MPC.
Negative externalities in consumptionFigure 20.5
S 5 MPC 5 MSC
S 5 MPB
MSB 5 MPB 2 MECc
MECc
Deadweight welfare loss
QpcQ*O Quantity of alcohol
MSCpc
Ppc P*
C os
ts a
nd b
en efi
ts
c b
a
Positive externalities in consumptionFigure 20.6
D 5 MPB
S 5 MPC 5 MSC
MSB 5 MPB 1 MEBC
MEBC Qpc Q*O Quantity of rail miles
MSCpc
Ppc P*
C os
ts a
nd b
en efi
ts
Deadweight welfare loss
c
a
b
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External benefits of consumption result in a level of out- put below the socially efficient level i.e. Qpc 6 Q
*. From soci- ety’s point of view not enough journeys are being made on the train. The deadweight welfare caused by this undercon- sumption is illustrated by the area abc.
Other examples of external benefits of consumption include the beneficial effects for other people from some- one using a deodorant, parents getting their children vac- cinated, somebody wearing attractive clothing and people planting flowers in their front garden.
To summarise: whenever there are external benefits, there will be too little produced or consumed. Whenever there
are external costs, there will be too much produced or con- sumed. The market will not equate MSB and MSC.
The above arguments have been developed in the con- text of perfect competition with prices determined by demand and supply. Externalities can also occur in all other types of market.
Pause for thought
Give other examples of each of the four types of externality.
BOX 20.1 CAN THE MARKET PROVIDE ADEQUATE PROTECTION FOR THE ENVIRONMENT?
from their own personal use of ‘non-friendly’ aerosols would be absolutely minute. The answer is that many people have a social conscience. They do sometimes take into account the effect their actions have on other people. They are not totally selfish. They like to do their own little bit, however small, towards protecting the environment. Nevertheless, to rely on people’s consciences may be a very unsatisfactory method of controlling pollution. In a market environment where people are all the time being encouraged to consume more and more goods and where materialism is the religion of the age, there would have to be a massive shift towards ‘green thinking’ if the market were to be a sufficient answer to the problem of pollution. Certain types of environmental problem may get high priority in the media, such as global warming or toxic waste. However, the sheer range of polluting activities makes reliance on peo- ple’s awareness of the problems and their social consciences far too arbitrary.
The table gives the costs and benefits for a perfectly competi- tive industry where the activities of the firms create a certain amount of pollution. (It is assumed that the costs of this pollution to society can be accurately measured.) a. What is the perfectly competitive market price and
output? b. What is the socially efficient level of output? c. Why might the marginal pollution costs increase in the
way illustrated in this example?
In recent years people have become acutely aware of the dam- age being done to the environment by pollution. But if the tipping of chemicals and sewage into the rivers and seas and the spewing of toxic gases into the atmosphere cause so much damage, why does it continue? If we all suffer from these activities, both consumers and producers alike, then why will a pure market system not deal with the problem? After all, a market should respond to people’s interests. The reason is that the costs of pollution are largely external costs. They are borne by society at large and only very slightly (if at all) by the polluter. If, for example, 10 000 people suffer from the smoke from a factory (including the factory owner), then that owner will bear only approximately 1/10 000 of the suffering. That personal cost may be quite insignificant when the owner is deciding whether the factory is profitable. And if the owner lives far away, the personal cost of the pollution will be zero. Thus the social costs of polluting activities exceed the private costs. If people behave selfishly and only take into account the effect their actions have on themselves, there will be an overproduction of polluting activities. Thus it is argued that governments must intervene to prevent or regulate pollution, or alternatively to tax the polluting activities or subsidise measures to reduce the pollution (see section 22.1). But if people are purely selfish, why do they buy ‘green’ prod- ucts? Why do they buy, for example, ‘ozone-friendly’ aero- sols? After all, the amount of damage done to the ozone layer
KI 33 p 345
Output (000s units)
Price per unit (MSB)
(£)
Marginal (private) costs to the firm
(MC) (£)
Marginal external (pollution) costs
(MEC) (£)
Marginal social costs (MSC = MC + MEC)
(£)
1 180 30 20 50
2 160 30 22 52
3 140 35 25 60
4 120 45 30 75
5 100 60 40 100
6 80 80 55 135
7 60 105 77 182
8 40 135 110 245
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Public goods There is a category of goods where the positive external- ities are so great that the free market, whether perfect or imperfect, may not produce at all. They are called public goods. In order to understand exactly what a public good is it is important to discuss two of their key characteristics – non-rivalry and non-excludability. Before looking specifi- cally at public goods, let us explore the concepts of rivalry and excludability.
The degree of rivalry Rivalry occurs when one person’s consumption of a good reduces the amount of it available for other consumers. Goods vary in their degree of rivalry.
Perfectly rivalrous goods. At one extreme are goods that are perfectly rivalrous. A good has this characteristic if as one or more people increase their consumption of the product, it prevents all other or ‘rival’ consumers from enjoying it. This is typical with non-durable goods such as food, alcohol and fuel. For example, imagine that you have purchased a bar of chocolate for your own consumption. Each chunk of the chocolate bar that you eat means that there is less avail- able for other or ‘rival’ consumers to enjoy. They cannot eat the same piece that you have eaten! The good gets ‘used up’ when it is consumed.
Many durable goods such as mobile phones also have the property of being rivalrous. For example if you use your mobile phone it usually prevents other people from using it. Although the mobile phone does not get ‘used up’, only one person can usually consume the benefits it provides at a time: i.e. sending a text or calling someone.
Perfectly non-rivalrous goods. At the other extreme are goods that are perfectly non-rivalrous. A good has this characteristic if as one or more people increase their con- sumption of the product it has no impact on the abil- ity of other or ‘rival’ consumers to enjoy the good. For example, imagine that you turn on either your tablet or television to watch a live football match or an episode of your favourite TV programme. Your decision to watch the programme has no impact on the ability of other people to enjoy watching the same programme on a different device. The television set may be rivalrous but the broad- cast is not.
Goods with a degree of rivalry and non-rivalry. In reality, many goods and services will be neither perfectly rival nor non-ri- val. For example, it may be possible for more than one person to enjoy watching a video clip on a mobile phone. However a ‘crowding effect’ will soon occur. As additional people try watching the video it will prevent others from seeing it on the same phone.
There are a number of goods and services that may have the characteristic of being relatively non-rival with low numbers of consumers before becoming more rivalrous at
high levels of consumption. For example, some goods cover a relatively small geographic range. Here overcrowding, and hence rivalry, will set in with relatively few consumers. Viewing a carnival procession, for example, may be non-ri- valrous with just a few people watching, but quickly any given location along the route will become crowded and getting a good view becomes rivalrous. In other cases, such as access to the Internet, rivalry might only set in beyond very high levels of usage, when global demand is exception- ally high.
Rather than trying to categorise many goods as either rival or non-rival it makes more sense to think of them as hav- ing different degrees of rivalry. They could be placed on a scale of rivalry as illustrated along the horizontal axis in Figure 20.7.
The ease of excludability Excludability occurs when the supplier of a good can restrict who consumes it. This is the case for goods sold in the mar- ket. Suppliers only allow those consumers who are prepared to pay for the good to have it. For those goods already in the hands of consumers, excludability occurs when they can prevent other people benefiting too. Just as with rivalry, goods vary in their ease of excludability.
Easily excludable goods. At one extreme some goods have the property of being very easily excludable. In this case a rel- atively low-cost and effective system can be implemented which guarantees that only those people who have paid for the good are able to enjoy the benefits it provides. The system must also prevent anyone who does not pay from obtaining any of the benefits that consuming the good provides. For example, although television broadcasts have a high degree of non-rivalry, a relatively straightfor- ward and reasonably effective system of encryption could
Definitions
Public good A good or service that has the features of non-rivalry and non-excludability.
Non-rivalry Where the consumption of a good or service by one person will not prevent others from enjoying it.
Non-excludability Where it is too costly to implement a system that would effectively prevent people who have not paid from enjoying the benefits from consuming a good.
Pause for thought
How rivalrous in consumption are each of the following: (a) a can of drink; (b) public transport; (c) a commercial radio broadcast; (d) the sight of flowers in a public park?
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be implemented to exclude non-payers from watching the programmes. If this was not possible then pay television channels and pay per view broadcasting could not exist. YouTube has also introduced a number of subscription channels.
Advances in technology may also change the ease of excludability for any given good or service over time.
Perfectly non-excludable goods. At the other extreme there may be some goods for which excludability is impossible: i.e. they have the property of being non-excludable. A good has this characteristic if it is too costly or simply not feasible to implement a system that would effectively prevent those people who have not paid from enjoying the benefits it pro- vides.
In some circumstances it may be theoretically possible to exclude non-payers but in reality the transaction costs involved are too great. For example, it may be very difficult to prevent anyone from fishing in the open ocean or enjoy- ing the benefits of walking in a country park.
Once again, many goods will be neither perfectly excludable nor non-excludable. In these cases it makes more sense to think about the differing levels of ease with which non-pay- ers can be excluded from consuming the good. This is also illustrated in Figure 20.7, this time along the vertical axis.
Pure private goods Good X in Figure 20.7 is a pure private good. It is very easy to exclude any non-payers from consuming the product, while it is also perfectly rivalrous. A pure private good is one where the benefits can be enjoyed only by the consumer who owns (or rents) them.
In reality many goods will be close to point X and have significant degrees of rivalry and ease of excludability. Prod- ucts that fall into this category can normally be provided by the market mechanism.
Pure public goods Good Z in Figure 20.7 has the characteristics of being per- fectly non-rival and completely non-excludable. This is a known as a pure public good. Once a given quantity of a pure public good is produced, everyone can obtain the same level of benefits it provides. Therefore the marginal cost of supplying another customer with a given quantity of a public good is zero. However, this should not be confused with the marginal cost of producing another unit of the good. This would involve using additional resources; so the marginal cost of producing another unit would be positive.
Another way to think about the characteristics of pure public goods is that they cannot be sold in separate units to different customers. For example, it is impossible for you to consume 5 units of a pure public good while somebody else consumes an additional 2 units of the good. Once 5 units are produced for one person’s consumption, those same 5 units are freely available for everyone else to consume.
There is some debate whether pure public goods actually exist or whether they are purely a theoretical idea. Perhaps one of the closest real-world examples is that of national defence. Once a given investment in national defence has been made, additional people can often benefit from the protection it provides at no additional cost. It would also be very difficult to exclude anyone within a country from obtaining the benefits from the increase in security.
Impure public goods Good W in Figure 20.7 is an example of an impure public good. It has a low level of rivalry, without being perfectly rivalrous, and it is difficult, but not impossible, to exclude non-payers. In reality, many public goods will fall into this category, with some being more impure than others. We will see later that as the degree of rivalry and ease of exclud- ability fall it becomes increasingly difficult for the good to be provided by the market mechanism.
Good Y has a low degree of rivalry but exclusion is rel- atively easy. This is called a club good. Wireless Internet
Pause for thought
To what extent is national defence a pure public good? Can it ever be rivalrous or excludable in consumption?
Definitions
Pure public good A good or service which has the fea- tures of being perfectly non-rivalrous and completely non-excludable and as a result would not be provided by the free market.
Impure public good A good that is partially non- rivalrous and non-excludable.
Club good A good which has a low degree of rivalry but is easily excludable.
Figure 20.7
E1
R1 HighLow
Pure private good
Common good
Club good
Impure public good
Pure public good
Y X
W
Z V
Degree of rivalry
H ig
h Lo
w E
as e
of e
xc lu
da bi
lit y
Different degrees of rivalry and ease of excludability
M20_SLOM2103_07_SE_C20.indd 350 4/25/16 1:21 PM
connection in a café could be an example of a club good if a password is required.
Good V has a high degree of rivalry but the exclusion of non-payers is very difficult. This is called a common good or resource. Examples include cutting down trees in the rain- forests and fishing in the open ocean.
The efficient level of output for a pure public good The socially efficient level of output is the quantity at which the marginal social benefit is equal to the marginal social cost. In a competitive market without externalities the marginal social benefit curve is the same as the market demand curve.
The market demand curve for a private good illustrates the sum of all the quantities demanded by all consumers at each possible price. Different consumers will each want to purchase varying amounts at each price. These different individual demands at each price are simply added together in order to derive the market demand curve for a private good. This is known as horizontal aggregation or summa- tion of individual demand curves.
The market demand curve for a pure public good cannot be derived in the same way, because consumers are unable to purchase and consume different quantities of the good. Once a given amount of a pure public good is produced for one customer, every other customer can consume that same amount at no additional cost.
Therefore, instead of thinking about how much people are willing to buy at each different price, we have to work
out how much people are willing to pay in total for each pos- sible level of output. In other words, we have to add together the maximum amount each consumer is willing to pay for each possible level of output. This is illustrated in Figure 20.8
To keep the example simple, it is assumed that there are just two consumers of the public good – Dean and Jon. In most real-world examples there would be many more. The maximum amount Dean would be willing to pay to con- sume the tenth unit of the good is illustrated at point a on his demand curve (DD) and is £30. The maximum amount Jon would be willing to pay for the tenth unit of the good is illustrated at point b on his demand curve (DJ) and is £50.
Therefore if we simply add these willingness-to-pay fig- ures together we obtain the marginal benefit to society from producing the tenth unit of the public good. This is illus- trated at point c and is £80. This provides us with one point on the marginal social benefit curve. If we continue this exercise for each different level of output, the marginal social benefit (MSB) can be derived as illustrated in Figure 20.8. The curve has been derived in this example by vertically aggregat- ing Dean and Jon’s individual demand curves: MSB = DD + DJ.
Producing a public good would normally have the same characteristics as producing a private good. Costs would vary with output in a very similar manner. Therefore the marginal cost (MC) for the market as a whole would be derived in the same way as it would be for a private good: i.e. by adding together the quantities that each firm would want to supply at each price – the horizontal summation of all the individual firms’ marginal cost curves. Hence it is drawn as an upward-sloping line.
Definition
Common good or resource A good or resource that has a high degree of rivalry but the exclusion of non-payers is difficult.
Pause for thought
Where would you place each of the following in Figure 20.7: (a) an inner city road at 3.00am (b) an inner city road at 8.00 am (c) a toll motorway at 3.00am (d) a toll motorway at 8.00 am?
Socially efficient output level of a pure public goodFigure 20.8
MSB 5 DM 5 DD 1 DJ
f
e
d
160
10 20
80
100
50 60
30
16
32 20 12M
ar gi
na l b
en efi
t a nd
m ar
gi na
l c os
t
O Quantity of the public good
a
b
c
g
h
DJ
DD MC = 2Q
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Assuming there are no externalities in production, the private marginal cost curve is the same as the social mar- ginal cost curve (MC = MSC). The socially efficient quan- tity can be found where MC = MSB which is at point f at an output of 16.
Provision of pure public goods and the free-rider problem Assume a private firm produced 16 units of the good and charged Jon a price of £20 per unit (point e) and Dean £12 per unit (point d). These prices would equal their
maximum willingness to pay for 16 units. If Jon acts in a perfectly rational and selfish manner we can predict that he will not pay for the good. Why? Because once the
BOX 20.2 THE TRAGEDY OF THE COMMONS
AC 5 MC
MRP
B3B2B1
£
ARP
Equilibrium
O Number of boats
Optimum for boat operators collectively
(maximum profits)
The depletion of common resources
the use of this common resource, say, in terms of the number of fishing boats per day. The average cost of operating a boat (e.g. the wages of the crew and the fuel) is taken to be constant and is thus equal to the marginal cost. For the sake of simplicity, the price of fish is also assumed to be constant. As the number of boats increases and fish stocks decline, so each extra boat entering will add less and less to the total catch. The revenue added by each extra boat – the marginal revenue product (MRP) – thus declines. Eventually, at point B
2 , no more
fish can be caught: MRP = 0. The catch is at the maximum. The average revenue product (ARP) is the revenue earned per boat: i.e. the total value of the catch divided by the number of boats. The average and marginal revenue product curves have to be interpreted with care. Say one additional boat enters the fish- ing ground. The MRP curve shows the extra revenue accruing to the boat operators collectively. It does not show the rev- enue actually earned by the additional boat. The extra boat gets an average catch (which has been reduced somewhat because of the additional boat) and hence gains the average revenue product of all the boats. What will be the equilibrium? Note first that the optimal num- ber of boats for the boat operators collectively is B
1 , where
the marginal cost of an extra boat equals its marginal revenue product. In other words, this maximises the collective profit. At point B
1 , however, there will be an incentive for extra boats
to enter the fishery because the average revenue product (that is, the return that an additional boat gets) is greater than the cost of operating the boat. More boats will enter as long as the value earned by each boat (ARP) is greater than the cost of operating it: as long as the ARP curve is above the AC = MC line. Equilibrium is reached with B
3 boats: considerably above the collective profit-max-
imising number. Note also that the way the diagram is drawn, marginal revenue product is negative. The last boat has decreased the total value of the catch. In many parts of the world, fish stocks have become so severely depleted that governments, individually or collec- tively, have had to act. Measures have included quotas on catches or the number of boats, minimum net mesh sizes (to allow young fish to escape), or banning fishing altogether in certain areas or for certain species.
To what extent can the following be regarded as common resources: (a) rainforests; (b) children’s playgrounds in public parks; (c) silence in a library; (d) the Internet?
Common resources are not owned but are available free of charge to anyone. Examples include the air we breathe and the oceans for fishing. Like public goods, they are non- excludable. For example, in the absence of intervention, fish- ing boats can take as many fish as they are able from the open seas. There is no ‘owner’ of the fish to stop them. As long as there are plentiful stocks of fish, there is no problem. But as more people fish the seas, so fish stocks are likely to run down. This is where common resources differ from public goods. There is rivalry. One person’s use of a common resource diminishes the amount available for others. This result is an overuse of common resources. This is why many fish stocks are severely depleted, why rainforests are disap- pearing (cut down for timber or firewood), why many roads are congested and why the atmosphere is so polluted (being used as a common ‘dump’ for emissions). In each case, a resource that is freely available is overused. This has become known as the tragedy of the commons. How can we analyse the overuse of common resources? The simplest way is in terms of externalities. When I use a common resource, I am reducing the amount available for others. I am imposing a cost on other people: an external cost. If I am moti- vated by self-interest, I will not take these external costs into account. Overuse of the resource thus occurs. Another way of analysing it is to examine the effect of one per- son’s use of a resource on other people’s output. Take the case of fishing grounds. In the diagram the horizontal axis measures
KI 33 P 345
Definition
Tragedy of the commons When resources are commonly available at no charge, people are likely to overexploit them.
KI 3 P 23
Fishing in open-access fishing grounds
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16 units are produced he can consume them whether he has paid for them or not. He can act as a free-rider by enjoying the benefits of a good which have been paid for by Dean.
Unfortunately for Jon, if Dean thinks the same way, then he will not pay for the good either. If neither of them pays for the good, then the firm will not generate any reve- nue and quickly go out of business. As a result, both Dean and Jon will be worse off. Because of the free- riding prob- lem, firms cannot produce the good and make a profit in a private market; so the output will be zero. The social inef- ficiency this creates can be illustrated by the area of dead- weight welfare loss in Figure 20.8 – i.e. the shaded area fgh.
With just two people it may be possible for the consum- ers to agree on contribution levels. However, as the num- ber of people who benefit from the public good gets larger, free-riding becomes more likely. This will make it increas- ingly difficult for private firms to produce public goods in an unregulated market without any government support. If they charge a price they are in effect asking for a voluntary contribution from each customer who can consume the good whether they have paid or not. If no voluntary contri- butions are forthcoming, then the good will not be provided.
The more closely an impure public good resembles a pure public good, the more likely the free-riding problem becomes. It is then increasingly unlikely that the market mechanism will produce the socially efficient level of the good. In these circumstances the good may have to be provided by the gov- ernment or by the government subsidising private firms. (Note that not all goods and services produced by the public sector come into the category of public goods and services: thus education and health are publicly provided, but they can be, and indeed are, privately provided as well.)
Ignorance and uncertainty Perfect competition assumes that consumers, firms and fac- tor suppliers have perfect knowledge of costs and benefits.
In the real world there is often a great deal of ignorance and uncertainty. Thus people are unable to equate marginal benefit with marginal cost.
Consumers purchase many goods only once or a few times in a lifetime. Cars, washing machines, televisions and other consumer durables fall into this category. Consumers may not be aware of the quality of such goods until they have purchased them, by which time it is too late. Adver- tising may contribute to people’s ignorance by misleading them as to the benefits of a good.
Firms are often ignorant of market opportunities, prices, costs, the productivity of workers (especially white-collar workers), the activity of rivals, etc. Many economic deci- sions are based on expected future conditions. Since the future can never be known for certain, many decisions may turn out to be wrong.
Asymmetric information One form of imperfect information is when the different sides in an economic relationship have different amounts of information. This is known as ‘asymmetric information’ (see pages 37–8) and is at the heart of the principal–agent problem.
Take the case of a firm (the principal) using the services of a bank (the agent) to finance its investments. The bank is likely to have a much better knowledge of its range of prod- ucts and of the current state of financial markets and may mis-sell products to the firm in order to earn a larger profit for the bank. For example, it could provide loans at fixed rates of interest, knowing that rates were likely to fall. The firm would end up being locked into paying a higher rate of interest than if it had taken out a variable rate loan and the bank would consequently make more profit. This prac- tice came to light in 2012, with banks accused of mis-selling such products to some 28 000 SMEs.
Immobility of factors and time lags in response Even under conditions of perfect competition, factors may be very slow to respond to changes in demand or supply. Labour, for example, may be highly immobile both occupationally and geographically. This can lead to large price changes and hence to large supernormal profits and high wages for those in the sectors of rising demand or falling costs. The long run may be a very long time coming!
In the meantime, there will be further changes in the conditions of demand and supply. Thus the economy is in a constant state of disequilibrium and the long run never comes. As firms and consumers respond to market signals
KI 7 p 38
The free-rider problem. This occurs when people are able to enjoy the benefits from consuming a good that someone else has bought without having to pay anything towards the cost of providing it themselves. This problem can lead to a situation where a good or service is not produced even though the benefits to society outweigh the costs of producing it.
KEY IDEA
34
Pause for thought
When studying at school, college or university students are often asked to produce assessed group work. To what extent is group work an example of an impure public good? How could any potential free-riding problems be overcome?
Definition
Free-rider problem When people enjoy the benefits from consuming a good without paying anything towards the cost of providing it.
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and move towards equilibrium, so the equilibrium position moves and the social optimum is never achieved.
Whenever monopoly/monopsony power exists, the problem is made worse as firms or unions put up barriers to the entry of new firms or factors of production.
Protecting people’s interests The government may feel that people need protecting from poor economic decisions that they make on their own behalf. It may feel that in a free market people will consume too many harmful things. This may be a particular prob- lem when the benefit from consuming a good is immediate while the costs happen at some point in the future. People may put too much weight on the immediate benefits and
too little on the long-run costs of their decisions. Products where this might be an issue include tobacco, alcohol and fast/unhealthy food.
If the government wants to discourage consumption of these goods, it can put taxes on them. In more extreme cases it could make various activities illegal: activities such as prostitution, certain types of gambling, and the sale and consumption of drugs.
On the other hand, the government may feel that people consume too little of things that are good for them: things such as education, health care and sports facilities. Such goods are known as merit goods. The government could either provide them free or subsidise their production.
The problem of time lags. Many economic actions can take a long time to take effect. This can cause prob- lems of instability and an inability of the economy to achieve social efficiency.
KEY IDEA
35
Definition
Merit goods Goods which the government feels that people will under-consume and which therefore ought to be subsidised or provided free.
GOVERNMENT INTERVENTION IN THE MARKET20.3
Faced with all the problems of the free market, what is a government to do?
There are several policy instruments that the govern- ment can use. At one extreme, it can totally replace the market by providing goods and services itself. At the other extreme, it can merely seek to persuade producers, consum- ers or workers to act differently. Between the two extremes the government has a number of instruments it can use to change the way markets operate. These include taxes, subsi- dies, laws and regulatory bodies. In this section we examine these different forms of government intervention.
Taxes and subsidies When there are imperfections in the market, social effi- ciency will not be achieved. Marginal social benefit (MSB) will not equal marginal social cost (MSC). A different level of output would be more desirable.
Taxes and subsidies can be used to correct these imper- fections. Essentially the approach is to tax those goods or activities where the market produces too much, and subsi- dise those where the market produces too little.
Taxes and subsidies to correct for monopoly. If the problem of monopoly that the government wishes to tackle is that of
excessive profits, it can impose a lump-sum tax on the monop- olist: that is, a tax of a fixed absolute amount irrespective of how much the monopolist produces, or the price it charges. Since a lump-sum tax is an additional fixed cost to the firm, and hence will not affect the firm’s marginal cost, it will not reduce the amount that the monopolist produces (which would be the case with a per-unit tax). An example of such a tax was the ‘windfall tax’ imposed by the UK Labour govern- ment in 1997. This was on the profits of various privatised utilities. Then, in 2005, there was another tax on the ‘excess’ profits of oil companies operating in the North Sea. These had been the result of large increases in world oil prices.
If the government is concerned that the monopolist pro- duces less than the socially efficient output, it could give the monopolist a per-unit subsidy (which would encourage the monopolist to produce more). But would this not increase the monopolist’s profit? The answer to this is to impose a harsh lump-sum tax in addition to the subsidy. The tax would not undo the subsidy’s benefit of encouraging the monop- olist to produce more, but it could be used to reduce the monopolist’s profits below the original (i.e. pre-subsidy) level.
Taxes and subsidies to correct externalities. The rule here is simple: the government should impose a tax equal to the marginal external cost (or grant a subsidy equal to the marginal external benefit). This is known as a Pigouvian tax (or Pigouvian subsidy) named after the economist Arthur Pigou.
Previously we examined the impact of external costs of pollution created by the chemical industry as a whole. We will now focus on one firm in that industry, which otherwise
KI 31 p 343
KI 33 p 345
Government intervention may be able to rectify various failings of the market. Government intervention in the market can be used to achieve various economic objec- tives which may not be best achieved by the market. Governments, however, are not perfect, and their actions may bring adverse as well as beneficial consequences.
KEY IDEA
36
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is perfectly competitive. Our firm is thus a price taker. Assume that this particular chemical company emits smoke from a chimney and thus pollutes the atmosphere. This cre- ates external costs for the people who breathe in the smoke. The marginal social cost of producing the chemicals thus exceeds the marginal private cost to the firm: MSC 7 MC.
This is illustrated in Figure 20.9. In this example it is assumed the marginal external pollution cost begins with the first unit of production but remains constant. Hence the MECP is drawn as a horizontal line. The vertical distance between the MC and MSC curves is equal to the MECP. The firm produces Q1 where P = MC (its profit-maximising out- put), but in doing so takes no account of the external pollu- tion costs it imposes on society.
If the government now imposes a tax on production equal to the marginal pollution cost, it will effectively ‘internalise’ the externality. The firm will have to pay an amount equal to the external cost it creates. It will therefore now maximise profits at Q2, which is the socially optimum output where MSB = MSC.
Advantages of taxes and subsidies Many economists favour the tax/subsidy solution to market imperfections (especially the problem of externalities) because it still allows the market to operate. It forces firms to take on board the full social costs and benefits of their actions. It is also adjustable according to the magnitude of the problem.
What is more, by taxing firms for polluting, say, they are encouraged to find cleaner ways of producing. The tax thus acts as an incentive over the longer run to reduce pollution: the more a firm can reduce its pollution, the more taxes it can save.
Likewise, when good practices are subsidised, firms are given the incentive to adopt more good practices.
Disadvantages of taxes and subsidies
Infeasible to use different tax and subsidy rates. Each firm pro- duces different levels and types of externality and operates
under different degrees of imperfect competition. It would be expensive and administratively very difficult, if not impossible, to charge every offending firm its own particu- lar tax rate (or grant every relevant firm its own particular rate of subsidy).
Lack of knowledge. Even if a government did decide to charge a tax equal to each offending firm’s marginal exter- nal costs, it would still have the problem of measuring that cost and apportioning blame. The damage to lakes and forests from acid rain has been a major concern since the beginning of the 1980s. But just how serious is that dam- age? What is its current monetary cost? How long lasting is the damage?
Just what and who are to blame? These are questions that cannot be answered precisely. It is thus impossible to fix the ‘correct’ pollution tax on, say, a particular coal-fired power station.
Despite these problems, it is nevertheless possible to charge firms by the amount of a particular emission. For example, firms could be charged for chimney smoke by so many parts per million of a given pollutant. Although it is difficult to ‘fine-tune’ such a system so that the charge reflects the pre- cise number of people affected by the pollutant and by how much, it does go some way to internalising the externality.
Changes in property rights One cause of market failure is the limited nature of property rights. If someone dumps a load of rubble in your garden, you can insist that it is removed and claim compensation for the disutility it has caused you. If, however, someone dumps a load of rubble in his or her own garden, which is next door to yours, what can you do? You can still see it from your window. It is still an eyesore. But you have no property rights over the next-door garden.
Property rights define who owns property, to what uses it can be put, the rights other people have over it and how it may be transferred. By extending these rights, individu- als may be able to prevent other people imposing costs on them, or charge them for doing so.
KI 9 p 51
KI 8 p 42
KI 33 p 345
Pause for thought
Why is it easier to use taxes and subsidies to tackle the prob- lem of car exhaust pollution than to tackle the problem of peak-time traffic congestion in cities?
Using taxes to correct a distortion: an individual firm
Figure 20.9
D (5MSB)
MECP
MC 5 SMSC
Optimum tax 5 MECP 5 MSC 2 MC
Q1Q2O Quantity of chemicals
P
MCC os
ts a
nd b
en efi
ts
Pause for thought
If the sufferers had no property rights, show how it would still be in their interests to ‘bribe’ the firm to produce the socially efficient level of output.
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1Named after Ronald Coase, who developed the theory. See his article, ‘The problem of social cost’, Journal of Law and Economics, vol. 3 (1960), pp. 1–44.
The socially efficient compensation rate would be one that was equal to the marginal external cost (and would have the same effect as the government charging a tax on the firm of that amount (see Figure 20.9). The Coase theo- rem1 states that when there are well-defined property rights and there are no bargaining or negotiation costs, then the socially efficient charge will be levied. But why?
Let us take the case of river pollution by a chemical works that imposes a cost on people fishing in the river. If property rights to the river were now given to the fishing community, they could impose a charge on the chemical works per unit of output. If they charged less than the marginal external cost, they would suffer more from the last unit (in terms of lost fish) than they were being compensated. If they charged more, and thereby caused the firm to cut back its output below the socially efficient level, they would be sacrificing a level of compensation that would be greater than the mar- ginal suffering. It will be in the sufferers’ best interests, there- fore, to charge an amount equal to the marginal externality.
Alternatively the property rights to the river could be awarded to the chemical works. In this situation the fishing community could offer payments to the firm on condition that it did not pollute the river.
One interesting result is that the efficient solution to the problem caused by the externality does not depend on which party is assigned the property rights: i.e. the fishing community or the chemical works. All that matters is that the property rights are fully assigned to either one or the other and that there are no bargaining costs.
In most instances, however, this type of solution is totally impractical. It is impractical when many people are slightly inconvenienced, especially if there are many culprits impos- ing the costs. For example, if I were disturbed by noisy lor- ries outside my home, it would not be practical to negotiate with every haulage company involved. What if I wanted to ban the lorries from the street, but my next-door neighbour wanted to charge them 10p per journey? Who gets their way?
The extension of private property rights becomes a more practical solution where the culprits are few in number, are easily identifiable and impose clearly defined costs. Thus a noise abatement act could be passed which allowed me to prevent my neighbours playing noisy radios, having noisy parties or otherwise disturbing the peace in my home. The onus would be on me to report them. Or I could agree not to report them if they paid me adequate compensation.
But even in cases where only a few people are involved, there may still be the problem of litigation. I may have to incur the time and expense of taking people to court. Jus- tice may not be free, and there is thus a conflict with equity. The rich can afford ‘better’ justice. They can employ top lawyers. Thus even if I have a right to sue a large company for dumping toxic waste near me, I may not have the legal muscle to win.
Finally, there is the broader question of equity. Although the socially efficient outcome does not depend on who the property rights are assigned to, the equity of the outcome will. The extension of private property rights may favour the rich (who tend to have more property) at the expense of the poor. Ramblers may get great pleasure from strolling across a great country estate, along public rights of way. This may annoy the owner. If the owner’s property rights were now extended to exclude the ramblers, is this a social gain?
Of course, equity considerations can also be dealt with by altering property rights, but in a different way. Public property like parks, open spaces, libraries and historic build- ings could be extended. Also the property of the rich could be redistributed to the poor. Here it is less a question of the rights that ownership confers, and more a question of alter- ing the ownership itself.
Laws prohibiting or regulating undesirable structures or behaviour Laws are frequently used to correct market imperfections. Laws can be of three main types: those that prohibit or reg- ulate behaviour that imposes external costs; those that pre- vent firms providing false or misleading information; and those that prevent or regulate monopolies and oligopolies (see Chapter 21).
Advantages of legal restrictions
■ They are usually simple and clear to understand and are often relatively easy to administer. For example, various polluting activities could be banned or restricted by plac- ing quotas on the amounts firms can produce.
KI 32 p 343
Definition
Coase theorem When there are well-defined property rights and zero bargaining costs, then negotiations between the party creating the externality and the party affected by the externality can bring about the socially efficient market quantity.
Government surplus (from a tax on a good) The total tax revenue earned by the government from sales of a good.
Excess burden (of a tax on a good) The amount by which the loss in consumer plus producer surplus exceeds the government surplus.
Pause for thought
Would it be a good idea to extend countries’ territorial waters in order to bring key open seas fishing grounds within coun- tries’ territory? Could it help to solve the problem of overfishing?
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BOX 20.3 DEADWEIGHT LOSS FROM TAXES ON GOODS AND SERVICES
The excess burden of taxes
to area 6 (the lower grey area). Does this mean, therefore, that total surplus falls by areas 2 + 3 + 4 + 5? The answer is no, because there is a gain to the government from the tax revenue (and hence a gain to the population from the result- ing government expenditure). The revenue from the tax is known as the government surplus. It is given by areas 2 + 4 (the blue area). But even after including government surplus there is still a fall in total surplus of areas 3 + 5 (the pink area). This is the deadweight loss of the tax. It is sometimes known as the excess burden of the tax. Does this loss of total surplus from taxation imply that taxes on goods to fund subsidies are always a ‘bad thing’? The answer is no. A comparison would have to be made between the negative impact of the tax in one market with the positive impact of the subsidy it funded in the other market. We have also assumed that there were no market failures in the market where the tax was imposed. This might not be true. For exam- ple, if there is a negative externality then the tax could have a positive impact on social efficiency in the market in which it was implemented. In the real world of imperfect markets and inequality, taxes can do more good than harm. As we have shown in this sec- tion, they can help to correct for externalities. They can also be used as a means of redistributing incomes. Nevertheless, the excess burden of taxes is something that ideally ought to be considered when weighing up the desirability of imposing taxes on goods and services, or of increasing their rate.
1. How would the burden of taxation change if (a) demand was more inelastic and (b) supply was more inelastic?
2. How far can an economist contribute to this highly polit- ical debate over the desirability of an excise tax?
Subsidies can be used to correct for social inefficiencies caused by positive externalities, monopoly power and public goods. However, the government might have to impose or raise taxes on other goods in order to finance any subsidies. These taxes might have adverse effects themselves. One such effect is the deadweight loss that results when taxes are imposed on goods and services in a perfectly competitive market. The diagram shows the demand and supply of a particular good. Equilibrium is initially at a price of P
1 and a level of
sales of Q 1 (i.e. where D = S). Now an excise tax is imposed
on this market in order to raise revenue to fund a subsidy in another market. The supply curve shifts upwards by the amount of the tax, to S + tax. Equilibrium price rises to P
2 and
equilibrium quantity falls to Q 2 . Producers receive an after-tax
price of P 2 – tax.
Consumer surplus falls from areas 1 + 2 + 3, to area 1 (the upper grey area). Producer surplus falls from areas 4 + 5 + 6
S 1 tax
Q1 QQ2
S
D
£
P2
P2 2 tax
P1
O
1
6
4
2 3 5
■ When the danger is very great, it might be much safer to ban various practices altogether (e.g. the use of vari- ous toxic chemicals) rather than to rely on taxes or on individuals attempting to assert their property rights through the civil courts.
■ When a decision needs to be taken quickly, it might be possible to invoke emergency action. For example, in a city like Athens it has been found to be simpler to ban or restrict the use of private cars during a chemical smog emergency than to tax their use.
■ Because consumers suffer from imperfect information, consumer protection laws can make it illegal for firms to sell shoddy or unsafe goods, or to make false or mislead- ing claims about their products.
Disadvantages of legal restrictions The main problem is that legal restrictions tend to be a rather blunt weapon. If, for example, a firm were required to reduce the effluent of a toxic chemical to 20 tonnes per week, there would be no incentive for the firm to reduce it
further. With a tax on the effluent, however, the more the firm reduced the effluent, the less tax it would pay. Thus with a system of taxes there is a continuing incentive to cut pollution, to improve safety, or whatever.
Regulatory bodies Rather than using the blunt weapon of general legisla- tion to ban or restrict various activities, a more ‘subtle’ approach can be adopted. This involves the use of various regulatory bodies. Having identified possible cases where action might be required (e.g. potential cases of pollution, misleading information or the abuse of monopoly power), the regulatory body would probably conduct an investi- gation and then prepare a report containing its findings and recommendations. It might also have the power to enforce its decisions or this might be up to some higher authority.
An example of such a body is the Competition and Markets Authority, the work of which will be examined in section 21.1. Other examples are the bodies set up to regu-
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late the privatised utilities: e.g. Ofwat (the Office of Water Services) and Ofgem (the Office of Gas and Electricity Mar- kets). These are examined in section 22.3.
The advantage of this approach is that a case-by-case method can be used and, as a result, the most appropriate solution adopted. However, investigations may be expen- sive and time-consuming; only a few cases may be exam- ined; and offending firms may make various promises of good behaviour which, if not followed up by the regulatory body, may not in fact be carried out.
Price controls Price controls can be used either to raise prices above, or to reduce them below, the free-market level.
The government, or another body, could set prices below the market level to prevent a monopoly or oligopoly from charging prices above the socially efficient level. This is one of the major roles of the regulatory bodies for the privatised utilities. Typically, an industry has not been allowed to raise its prices by more than a certain amount below the rate of inflation (as we shall see in section 22.3). However, above-in- flation increases are permitted where it can be argued to be in the wider social interest to do so. For example, in recent years water companies have been permitted to raise some charges by more than inflation to fund investment in infrastructure.
The government could set prices above the competitive market equilibrium to reduce the level of social inefficiency caused by a negative externality. An efficient outcome would be reached if a minimum price was set at a level where the marginal social benefit was equal to the marginal social cost. Governments have considered introducing minimum unit prices for alcohol in order to correct for the external costs of consumption.
Price controls could be used with the objective of redis- tributing incomes. Thus (high) farm prices can be used to protect the incomes of farmers, and minimum wage legis- lation can help those on low incomes. On the consumption side, low maximum rents might be put in place with the intention of helping those on low incomes afford housing. However, as was argued in Box 4.3, price controls can cause shortages and surpluses.
Provision of information When ignorance is a reason for market failure, the direct provision of information by the government or one of its
agencies may help to correct that failure. An example is the information on jobs provided by job centres to those look- ing for work. They thus help the labour market to work bet- ter and increase the elasticity of supply of labour. Another example is the provision of consumer information: for example, on the effects of smoking, or of eating certain food- stuffs. Another is the provision of government statistics on prices, costs, employment, sales trends, etc. This enables firms to plan with greater certainty.
The direct provision of goods and services In the case of public goods and services, such as streets, pavements, seaside illuminations and national defence, the market mechanism may fail to provide the socially efficient amount because of the free-riding problem. Gov- ernments may have to finance the optimal provision of the public good by requiring compulsory payments from members of society. One way of obtaining the compulsory payments is through the central/local tax system. Cen- tral government, local government or some other public agency could then manage the production of the goods and services directly. Alternatively, they could pay private firms to do so.
The government could also provide goods and services directly which are not public goods. Examples include health and education. There are four reasons why such things are provided free or at well below cost.
Social justice. Society may feel that these things should not be provided according to ability to pay. Rather they should be provided as of right: an equal right based on need.
Large positive externalities. People other than the consumer may benefit substantially. If a person decides to get treat- ment for an infectious disease, other people benefit by not being infected. A free health service thus helps to combat the spread of disease.
Dependants. If education were not free, and if the quality of education depended on the amount spent, and if parents could choose how much or little to buy, then the qual- ity of children’s education would depend not just on their parents’ income, but also on how much they cared. A gov- ernment may choose to provide such things free in order to protect children from ‘bad’ parents. A similar argument is used for providing free prescriptions and dental treatment for all children.
Ignorance. Consumers may not realise how much they will benefit. If they have to pay, they may choose (unwisely) to go without. Providing health care free may persuade peo- ple to consult their doctors before a complaint becomes serious.
KI 32 p 343
KI 33 p 345
KI 36 p 354
KI 8 p 42
Pause for thought
What other forms of intervention are likely to be necessary to back up the work of regulatory bodies?
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Government intervention in the market can itself lead to problems. The case for less government intervention is not that the market is the perfect means of achieving given social goals, but rather that the problems created by inter- vention are greater than the problems overcome by that intervention.
Drawbacks of government intervention Shortages and surpluses. If the government intervenes by fix- ing prices at levels other than the equilibrium, this will cre- ate either shortages or surpluses.
If the price is fixed below the equilibrium, there will be a shortage. For example, if the rent of council houses is fixed below the equilibrium in order to provide cheap housing for poor people, demand will exceed supply. In the case of such shortages the government will have to adopt a system of waiting lists, or rationing, or giving certain people prefer- ential treatment. Alternatively it will have to allow alloca- tion to be on a first-come, first-served basis or allow queues to develop. Underground markets are likely to occur.
If the price is fixed above the equilibrium price, there will be a surplus. For example, if the price of food is fixed above the equilibrium in order to support farmers’ incomes, sup- ply will exceed demand. Either government will have to purchase such surpluses and then perhaps store them, throw them away or sell them cheaply in another market, or it will have to ration suppliers by allowing them to produce only a certain quota, or allow them to sell to whomever they can.
Poor information. The government may not know the full costs and benefits of its policies. It may genuinely wish to pursue the interests of consumers or any other group and yet may be unaware of people’s wishes or misinterpret their behaviour.
Bureaucracy and inefficiency. Government intervention involves administrative costs. The more wide-reaching and detailed the intervention, the greater the number of people and material resources that will be involved. These resources may be used wastefully.
Lack of market incentives. If government intervention removes market forces or cushions their effect (by the use of subsidies, welfare provisions, guaranteed prices or wages, etc.), it may remove certain useful incentives. Subsidies may allow inefficient firms to survive. Welfare payments may discourage effort. The market may be imperfect, but it does tend to encourage efficiency by allowing the efficient to receive greater rewards.
Shifts in government policy. The economic efficiency of indus- try may suffer if government intervention changes too fre- quently. It makes it difficult for firms to plan if they cannot predict tax rates, subsidies, price and wage controls, etc.
Lack of freedom for the individual. Government intervention involves a loss of freedom for individuals to make economic choices. The argument is not just that the pursuit of indi- vidual gain is seen to lead to the social good, but that it is desirable in itself that individuals should be as free as pos- sible to pursue their own interests with the minimum of government interference: that minimum being largely con- fined to the maintenance of laws consistent with the pro- tection of life, liberty and property.
Advantages of the free market Although markets in the real world are not perfect, even imperfect markets can be argued to have positive advan- tages over government provision or even government reg- ulation. These might include the following.
Automatic adjustments. Government intervention requires administration. A free-market economy, on the other hand, leads to the automatic, albeit imperfect, adjustment to demand and supply changes.
Dynamic advantages of capitalism. The chances of making high monopoly/oligopoly profits will encourage entrepre- neurs to invest in new products and new techniques. Prices may be high initially, but consumers will gain from the extra choice of products. Furthermore, if profits are high, new firms will sooner or later break into the market and competition will ensue.
A high degree of competition even under monopoly/oligop- oly. Even though an industry at first sight may seem to be highly monopolistic, competitive forces may still work as a result of the following:
■ A fear that excessively high profits might encourage firms to attempt to break into the industry (assuming that the market is contestable).
■ Competition from closely related industries (e.g. coach services for rail services, or electricity for gas).
■ The threat of foreign competition. ■ Countervailing powers (see page 204). Large powerful
producers often sell to large powerful buyers. For exam- ple, the power of detergent manufacturers to drive up the price of washing powder is countered by the power of supermarket chains to drive down the price at which they purchase it. Thus power is to some extent neutralised.
■ The competition for corporate control (see page 188).
KI 8 p 42
KI 9 p 51
KI 10 p 52
KI 9 p 51
THE CASE FOR LESS GOVERNMENT INTERVENTION20.4
Pause for thought
Are there any features of the free market that would discour- age innovation?
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It is often assumed that firms are simply concerned to max- imise profits: that they are not concerned with broader issues of corporate social responsibility (CSR). What this assumption means is that firms are only concerned with the interests of shareholders (or managers) and are not con- cerned for the well-being of the community at large.
It is then argued, however, that competitive forces could result in society benefiting from the self-interested behav- iour of firms: i.e. that profit maximisation will lead to social efficiency under conditions of perfect competition and the absence of externalities.
But, as we have seen, in the real world markets are not perfect and there are often considerable externalities. In such cases, a lack of social responsibility on the part of firms can have profoundly adverse effects on society. Indeed, many forms of market failure can be attributed directly to business practices that could not be classified as ‘socially responsible’: advertising campaigns that seek to misinform, or in some way deceive the consumer; monopoly produc- ers exploiting their monopoly position through charging excessively high prices; the conscious decision to ignore water and air pollution limits, knowing that the chances of being caught are slim.
So should businesses be concerned only with profit, or should they take broader social issues into account? If they do behave in an anti-social way, is the only answer to rely on government intervention, or are there any social pres- sures that can be brought to bear to persuade businesses to modify their behaviour?
Two views of corporate social responsibility The classical view. According to this view, business manag- ers are responsible only to their shareholders, and as such should be concerned solely with profit maximisation. If managers in their business decisions take into account a wider set of social responsibilities, not only will they tend to undermine the market mechanism, but also they will be making social policy decisions in fields where they may have little skill or expertise. If being socially responsible ultimately reduces profits, then the shareholder loses and managers have failed to discharge their duty. By diluting their purpose in pursuit of social goals, businesses extend their influence over society as a whole, which cannot be good given the lack of public accountability to which busi- ness leaders are subject.
The socioeconomic view. This view argues that the role of modern business has changed, and that society expects business to adhere to certain moral and social responsibil- ities. Modern businesses are seen as more than economic institutions, as they are actively involved in society’s social, political and legal environments. As such, all businesses
KI 33 p 345
FIRMS AND SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY20.5
are responsible not only to their shareholders but also to all stakeholders. Stakeholders are all those affected by the business’s operations: not only shareholders, but also work- ers, customers, suppliers, creditors and people living in the neighbourhood. Given the far-reaching environmental effects of many businesses, stakeholding might extend to the whole of society.
In this view of corporate social responsibility, it is not just a moral argument that managers should take into account broader social and environmental issues, but also a financial one. It is argued that a business will maximise profits over the long term only if its various social responsi- bilities are taken into account. If a business is seen as ignor- ing the interests of the wider community and failing to protect society’s welfare, then this will be ‘bad for business’: the firm’s reputation and image will suffer.
In many top corporations, environmental scanning is now an integral part of the planning process. This involves the business surveying changing political, economic, social, technological, environmental and legal trends in the exter- nal environment in order to remain in tune with consumer concerns (see section 1.1). For example, the general public’s growing concern over ‘green’ issues has significantly influ- enced many businesses’ product development programmes and R&D strategies (see Box 20.4). The more successful a business is in being able to associate the image of ‘environ- mentally friendly’ to a particular product or brand, the more likely it is to enhance its sales or establish a measure of brand loyalty, and thereby to strengthen its competitive position.
Several companies in recent years have made great play of their social responsibility. For instance, in 2007, Marks and Spencer launched its ‘Plan A’. The original plan centred on meeting 100 social and environmental targets across five areas: climate change, waste, natural resources, ethical trad- ing and health and well-being. In 2010, M&S announced that it was adding a further 80 commitments and extending some of its original commitments.2
2http://plana.marksandspencer.com/about
Definitions
Corporate social responsibility Where a firm takes into account the interests and concerns of a community rather than just its shareholders.
Stakeholder An individual affected by the operations of a business.
Environmental scanning Where a business surveys political, economic, social, technological, environmental and legal trends in the external environment to aid its decision-making process.
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What we increasingly observe today is business feel- ing that it is not enough to be seen merely complying with laws on the environment, product standards or workplace conditions: i.e. just to be doing the legal minimum. Hence, there is a growing philosophy of ‘compliance plus’ which motivates businesses to compete against each other in terms of their social image.
The virtue matrix: generating corporate social responsibility In an article in the Harvard Business Review,3 Roger L. Martin developed a framework for analysing corporate social responsibility and the factors that influence it. The framework is the ‘virtue matrix’ and an adaptation of it is illustrated in Figure 20.10.
The matrix is divided into four cells, each of which shows types of action taken by a firm that have social effects.
The civil foundation The bottom two cells are in what is termed the civil founda- tion. They refer to socially responsible actions that society expects firms to take, and firms will normally do so.
Cell 1 refers to actions in response to laws and regula- tions. For example, firms may control the emissions of toxic waste because they are obliged to do so by law. Similarly, they may provide a clean and safe environment for their workers because of health and safety legislation.
Cell 2 refers to the types of behaviour expected of firms by society and where firms would come in for criticism, or even condemnation, if they did not abide by these social norms. For example, employers may operate flexible work- ing hours or set up nursery facilities to help workers with
3Roger L. Martin, ‘The virtue matrix: calculating the return on corporate responsibility’, Harvard Business Review (March 2002).
small children; manufacturers may landscape the surround- ings to their factories or build factories of a pleasant design so as to make them more attractive to local residents and visitors. They are not obliged to take such actions by law, but feel that it is expected of them.
A key point about actions in the civil foundation is that they are likely to be consistent with the aim of profit maxi- misation or maximising shareholder value. In other words, shareholders’ and society’s interests are likely to coincide. This is obvious in the case of abiding by the law. Except in cases where breaking the law can go undetected, firms must abide by the law if they are to avoid prosecution with all the risks to profits that this entails. But abiding by social norms (cell 2) is also likely to contribute towards profit. The extra costs associated with such actions will probably be recouped from extra sales associated with achieving a good public image or extra productivity from a contented workforce.
The frontier The top two cells represent the frontier. These refer to activ- ities that are not directly in the interests of shareholders, but have a moral or social motivation.
Cell 3 represents those actions that are not immedi- ately profitable, but could possibly become so in the future because of positive reactions from consumers, employees, competitors or government. To quote from Martin: ‘When Prudential allowed people with AIDS to tap the death benefits in their life assurance policies to pay for medical expenses, the move generated so much goodwill that com- peting insurers soon offered [such] settlements as well. Very quickly, corporate behavior that had seemed radical became business as usual throughout the insurance indus- try.’4 Generally activities in cell 3 are risky and the willing- ness of firms to engage in them depends on their attitudes towards risk.
Cell 4 represents the most radical departure from share- holders’ interests. Here managers take action that benefits society but at the expense of profit. Managers are not always ruthless profit maximisers (see Chapter 14). They can be motivated by a range of objectives. One of these is ‘to do the right thing’ by employees, customers or society generally. For example, improving working conditions for employees is seen not just as a way of improving productivity, but also as a moral duty towards the workforce. Likewise managers may control toxic emissions beyond the legal minimum requirement because of their genuine concern for the envi- ronment.
The development of corporate social responsibility over time Pressures from various stakeholders are likely to increase corporate social responsibility over time. These pressures are
The ‘virtue matrix’: generating corporate social responsibility
Figure 20.10
Response to social norms
Response to laws and
regulations
Socially beneficial and
potentially profitable
Socially beneficial and unprofitable
CIVIL FOUNDATION
THE ‘FRONTIER’
4Ibid., p. 8.
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summarised in Figure 20.11. They come from three sources: from the primary stakeholders, such as shareholders, employees, customers and suppliers; from secondary stake- holders, such as the government and other local, national and international organisations; and from changes to the whole civil foundation, with its norms and values and what is regarded as ‘acceptable’ corporate behaviour.
These pressures have tended to grow over time. This has resulted in the boundary between the civil foundation and the frontier moving upwards as activities that start in the frontier and then are copied by competitor firms become the norm. The norms of corporate behaviour in Victorian Britain would seem totally unacceptable in Britain today. The long hours, child labour, appalling working condi- tions, lack of redress for grievances, the filthy conditions of the workplace, the smoke and other pollution pouring from factories are not only illegal nowadays, but totally alien to the norms of society.
Although the boundary tends to move upwards, this is not necessarily the case. Martin gives the example of Russia in the immediate post-communist period, where a collapse of the old order and the development of ‘cowboy’ capital-
ism led to a decline in standards and the non-enforcement of many regulations governing things such as working con- ditions and child labour. Many developing countries have a very much lower boundary, which is constantly in danger of being pushed lower by ruthless forces of globalisation and non-representative governments conniving in the process.
Another factor leading to the development of corporate social responsibility is the movement of activities from cell 4 to cell 3. Activities that start as socially desirable but unprof- itable tend to become profitable as consumers come to expect firms to behave in socially responsible ways and punish firms that do not by boycotting their products. Thus companies such as Nestlé, McDonald’s and Nike have been very con- cerned to ‘clean up’ their corporate image because of adverse publicity. Of course, part of the reaction of companies to social pressure may be simply to improve their public relations, but part may be a genuine improvement in their behaviour.
Globalisation and corporate social responsibility As the world economy becomes ever more intertwined, many companies in rich countries, with a relatively deep civil foundation, are outsourcing much of their production
Pressures on companies to be more socially responsibleFigure 20.11
Primary stakeholders’ concerns Impact of secondary stakeholders
Social/ethical/institutional pressures
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to developing countries, which have a relatively shallow and less secure civil foundation. This can have the effect of either levelling up or levelling down. Nike and Gap, which produce much of their footwear and clothing in South East Asia, have been accused of operating sweatshops in these countries, with low wages and poor working conditions – a case of levelling down to the civil foundation of these developing countries. Nike and Gap reply that, compared with other factories in these countries, pay and conditions are better – a case of levelling up.
Economic performance and social responsibility If corporate social responsibility has grown as a business objective, has this in any way impinged upon business performance? Studies, empirical and otherwise, suggest that rather than detracting from business performance and harming shareholder value, in fact the opposite appears to be the case. Corporate social responsibility appears to offer a positive contribution to business performance, especially over the longer term.
The following factors have been identified as some of the positive economic benefits that firms have gained from adopting a more socially responsible position.
Improved economic performance A large number of studies have attempted to identify and evaluate the economic returns from social responsibility. Fac- tors that have been considered include business growth rates, stock prices and sales and revenue. A survey by van Beurden and Gössling5 evaluated the findings of 34 studies that con- sidered the link between business ethics and enhanced prof- its. They concluded that 23 studies showed a positive link, 9 suggested neutral effects or were inconclusive, and the remaining 2 suggested that there was a negative relationship.
Although this evidence would on balance favour an argument that corporate social responsibility is good business practice, the whole area of linking ethics and responsibility to profit is a contentious one. When consid- ering ethics and social responsibility, what are we including within this definition? Is the business merely complying with a business code, developed either within the busi- ness or by a third party? Such codes essentially state ‘what is not acceptable business behaviour’, such as taking bribes or pursuing anti-competitive behaviour. They can be seen as lying in the civil foundation. Or does the understanding of an ‘ethical business’ go further and entail positive social actions, ranging from giving money to good causes to con- tributing to particular programmes in which the business has competency? For example, a pharmaceutical company might develop a drug that benefits the populations of the
5P. van Beurden and T. Gössling, ‘The worth of values – a literature review on the relation between corporate social and financial performance’, Journal of Business Ethics, vol. 82, no. 2, October 2008, pp. 407–24.
world’s poorest countries, with no possibility of profit. Such actions lie in the frontier.
So at what level do we identify an ethical business, and to what degree might this level of responsibility influence profitability?
The concept of profitability is also contentious, most crucially in respect to the time frame over which the assess- ment takes place. Linking long-run profitability with an ethical or socially responsible programme is fraught with difficulties. How are all the other factors that influence busi- ness performance over the longer term accounted for? How do you attribute a given percentage or contribution to profit to the adoption of a more socially responsible business position? Can it ever be this precise, or are we merely left with intimating that a link exists, and is this good enough?
Enhancing the brand Related to profitability is the issue of how far corporate social responsibility enhances brand image and the firm’s reputation. This would not only strengthen consumer loy- alty but also aid the firm in raising finance and attracting trading partners.
Surveys have identified that the ethical dimension of the firm is becoming increasingly important in consumer buying decisions. For example, The Co-operative’s Ethical Consumer Markets Report shows that the total value of ethical consumerism, where consumer decisions, including those concerning financial investments, are motivated by concerns over human rights, social justice, the environment or animal welfare, was some £47.2 billion in 2012. This was 250 per cent higher than in 2000 (in nominal terms), when ethical consumerism was recorded at £13.5 billion.
The survey also shows that the proportion of people who purchased a product at least once a year for ethical reasons rose from 27 per cent in 2000 to 42 per cent in 2012.6 The report also shows that, in 2012, 50 per cent of people sur- veyed avoided buying a product or service from a company because of its reputation; the comparable figure in 2000 was 44 per cent. Moreover, 24 per cent of people had actively campaigned on a social or environmental issue in 2012 compared with 15 per cent in 2000.
Thus, environmental responsibility and active participa- tion in the community are the social factors most likely to influence consumers’ purchasing behaviour.
6Co-operative Bank, The Ethical Consumer Markets Report (2012).
Definition
Ethical consumerism Where consumers’ decisions about what to buy are influenced by ethical concerns such as the producer’s human rights record and care for the environment.
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Firms may be further encouraged to develop the social image of their brand with the increasing number of awards given to recognise and promote corporate social responsibil- ity. ‘Most admired companies’ lists, such as those presented by Management Today in the UK and Fortune in America, are based on criteria such as reputation for ethics and hon- esty, use of corporate assets, and community and environ- mental responsibility. The public relations and marketing potential that can be gained from such awards help firms to strengthen further their socially responsible image.
Attracting and retaining employees It increasingly appears to be the case that companies with clear ethical and social positions find it easier not only to recruit, but to hold on to their employees. In a number of surveys of graduate employment intentions, students have claimed that they would be prepared to take a lower salary in order to work for a business with high ethical standards and a commitment to socially responsible business practices.
An international survey in 2005 in 15 European, Middle Eastern and African countries7 showed that 28 per cent of job seekers considered the ethical conduct and values of an employer to be an important factor in deciding whether to apply for work there. Top of the list was security and stabil- ity (47 per cent), followed by pay (42 per cent).
Access to capital Investment in ethically screened investment funds has grown rapidly in recent years. This has been driven not only by the demands of shareholders for ethical funds, but also by a realisation from investors generally that socially responsi- ble business has the potential to be hugely profitable.
The Co-operative’s 2012 Ethical Consumer Markets Report shows that the value of funds invested by households in ethical financial products had risen from £6.5 billion in 2000 to £21.1 billion in 2011, an increase of 225 per cent.
The likelihood of returns being lower in ethically screened funds has been questioned by a number of papers.8
KI 9 p 51
7What Makes a Great Employer? (MORI survey for Manpower, October 2005). 8See, for example, MISTRA, The Foundation for Strategic Environmental Research, Screening of Screening Companies (2001) and P. Rivoli, ‘Making a difference or making a statement? Finance research and socially responsi- ble investment’, Business Ethics Quarterly vol. 13, no. 3, 2003, pp. 271–87.
Indeed, evidence shows that investing in ethical funds in the UK, USA, Germany and Canada does not lead to returns that are significantly different from those obtained from conventional funds.9 It is difficult to ascertain precisely why this is. However, it could be that environmental per- formance is a good indicator of general management qual- ity, which is the main determinant of stock price.
Social responsibility appears not only to bring a range of benefits to business and society, but also to be generally profitable. It is likely to enhance business performance, strengthen brand image, reduce employee turnover and increase access to stock market funds. Box 20.4 gives an example of a company that built its reputation on being socially and environmentally responsible – The Body Shop. (See also Box 16.2 on page 270.)
However, perhaps what is even more important is the cost of not being socially responsible. In 2010, the massive oil spill from the Deepwater Horizon rig in the Gulf of Mexico, which killed 11 workers, was blamed on poor safety standards and taking excessive risks with the environ- ment. From the blowout on 20 April to the final capping in August, some 4.9 million barrels of oil leaked into the Gulf, causing immense environmental damage and destroying the livelihoods of people in the fishing and tourist indus- tries. It cost the owner, BP, some $3.5 billion in contain- ment and clear-up operations, although the final cost to the company could be many times that amount. Its reputation plummeted in the USA, with motorists boycotting fuel sta- tions. Its share price plummeted from £628 in April 2010 to £296 just three months later.
Despite the concern about cases like this and evidence that firms are increasingly competing with others over their social image, there are still many firms and consumers who care relatively little about the social or natural environ- ment. There is thus a strong case for government interven- tion to correct market failures.
9See R. Bauer, J. Derwall and R. Otten, ‘The ethical mutual fund perfor- mance debate: new evidence from Canada’, Journal of Business Ethics, vol. 70, 2007, pp. 111–124; and R. Bauer, K. Koedijk and R. Otten, ‘Internation- al evidence on ethical mutual fund performance and investment style’, Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 29, 2005, pp. 1751–67.
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BOX 20.4 THE BODY SHOP
Is it ‘worth it’?
boycott of the company. Three weeks after the sale, the daily BrandIndex recorded an 11 point drop in The Body Shop’s consumer satisfaction rating from 25 to 14. There were a number of reasons for this. L’Oréal’s animal-test- ing policies conflict with those of The Body Shop and L’Oréal has been accused of being involved in price fixing with other French perfume houses. L’Oréal’s part-owner, Nestlé, has also been subject to various criticisms for ethical misconduct, including promoting formula milk to mothers with babies in poor countries rather than breast milk and using slave labour in cocoa farms in West Africa. Anita Roddick, however, believed that, by taking over The Body Shop, L’Oréal would develop a more ethical approach to business. L’Oréal publicly recognised that it would have to develop its ethical policies. Sadly, Anita Roddick died in 2007 and so has not been able to witness changes. L’Oréal though has begun to address its ethical approach. It adopted a new Code of Business Ethics in 2007 and it is gaining some external accreditation for its approach to sustainability and ethics. Notably, L’Oréal was ranked as one of the world’s 100 most ethical companies by Ethisphere in 2007. It has also allowed The Body Shop to con- tinue with its ethical policies of no animal testing and 100 per cent vegetarian ingredients. However, L’Oréal, and with it The Body Shop, continues to attract criticism. Although animal testing for cosmetics is now banned in the EU, L’Oréal still continues to engage in such practices in other countries, including in its own research facil- ity in China. For this reason, animal rights campaigners con- tinue to urge a boycott of all L’Oréal products, including those sold by The Body Shop. Nevertheless, in its ‘Sharing beauty with all’ sustainability commitment announced in October 2013, L’Oréal announced that ‘By 2020, we will innovate so that 100% of products have an environmental or social benefit’. L’Oréal has injected greater finance into The Body Shop aimed at improving the marketing of products. In autumn 2006 a transactional website was launched and there have been greater press marketing campaigns. And new store designs have helped to boost sales. Although profits fell quite dra- matically from €64 million in 2007 to €36 million in 2008 as recession hit the high street, since then profits have risen (as we saw at the beginning of the box). So, it is probably too early to answer the question of ‘Why did L’Oréal acquire the Body Shop?’ with the answer from its own advertising slogan, ‘Because they’re worth it’ – but time will tell.
1. What assumptions has The Body Shop made about the ‘rational consumer’?
2. How has The Body Shop’s economic performance been affected by its attitudes towards ethical issues? (You could do an Internet search to find further evidence about its per- formance and the effects of its sale to L’Oréal.)
The Body Shop shot to fame in the 1980s. It stood for environ- mental awareness and an ethical approach to business. But its success had as much to do with what it sold as what it stood for. It sold natural cosmetics, Raspberry Ripple Bathing Bub- bles and Camomile Shampoo, products that were immensely popular with consumers. Its profits increased from a little over €1.7 million in 1985 to nearly €64 million in 2007 and €71.9 million in 2013 and €65.3 million in 2014. Sales, meanwhile, grew even more dramati- cally, from €8.4 million to €873.4 million in 2014. By the end of 2014, The Body Shop had over 2800 stores in over 60 countries. What makes this success so remarkable is that The Body Shop did virtually no advertising. Its promotion has largely stemmed from the activities and environmental campaigning of its founder, Anita Roddick, and the company’s uncompro- mising claims that it sold only ‘green’ products and conducted its business operations with high ethical standards. It actively supported green causes, such as saving whales and protecting rainforests, and it refused to allow its products to be tested on animals. Perhaps most surprising in the world of big busi- ness was its high-profile initiative ‘trade not aid’, whereby it claimed to pay ‘fair’ prices for its ingredients, especially those supplied from people in developing countries, who were open to exploitation by large companies. The growth strategy of The Body Shop, since its founding in 1976, has focused upon developing a distinctive and highly innovative product range, and at the same time identifying such products with major social issues of the day such as the environment and animal rights. Its initial expansion was based on a process of franchising.
… franchising. We didn’t know what it was, but all these women came to us and said, ‘if you can do this and you can’t even read a balance sheet, then we can do it’. I had a cabal of female friends all around Brighton, Hove and Chichester, and they started opening little units, all called the Body Shop. I just supplied them with gallons of products – we only had 19 different products, but we made it look like more as we sold them in five different sizes!10
In 1984 the company went public. In the 1990s, however, sales growth was less rapid and in 1998 Anita Roddick stepped down as chief executive, but for a while she and her husband remained as co-chairmen. In 2003 she was awarded a knight- hood and became Dame Anita Roddick. Sales began to grow rapidly from 2004 to 2006 from €553 million to €709 million.
Acquisition of The Body Shop by L’Oréal A dramatic strategic event occurred in 2006 when The Body Shop was sold to the French cosmetics giant L’Oréal, which was 26 per cent owned by Nestlé. The event resulted in the magazine, Ethical Consumer, downgrading The Body Shop’s ethical rating from 11 out of 20 to a mere 2.5 and calling for a
10Anita Roddick interview, Startups.co.uk
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SUMMARY
1 Government intervention in the market sets out to attain two goals: social efficiency and equity. Social efficiency is achieved at the point where the marginal benefits to society for either production or consumption are equal to the marginal costs of either production or consumption. Issues of equity are difficult to judge due to the subjec- tive assessment of what is, and what is not, a fair distri- bution of resources.
2a Monopoly power will (other things being equal) lead to a level of output below the socially efficient level. It will lead to a deadweight welfare loss: a loss of consumer plus producer surplus.
2b Externalities are spillover costs or benefits. Whenever there are external costs, the market will (other things being equal) lead to a level of production and consump- tion above the socially efficient level. Whenever there are external benefits, the market will (other things being equal) lead to a level of production and consumption below the socially efficient level.
2c Public goods will be underprovided by the market or in the case of pure public goods will not be provided at all. The problem is that they have large external benefits relative to private benefits, and without government intervention it would not be possible to prevent people having a ‘free ride’ and thereby escaping contributing to their cost of production.
2d Ignorance and uncertainty may prevent people from con- suming or producing at the levels they would otherwise choose. Information may sometimes be provided (at a price) by the market, but it may be imperfect; in some cases it may not be available at all.
2e Markets may respond sluggishly to changes in demand and supply. The time lags in adjustment can lead to a permanent state of disequilibrium and to problems of instability.
2f In a free market there may be inadequate provision for dependants and an inadequate output of merit goods.
3a Taxes and subsidies are one means of correcting market distortions. They can be used to affect monopoly price, output and profit. Subsidies can be used to persuade a monopolist to increase output to the competitive level. Lump-sum taxes can be used to reduce monopoly profits without affecting price or output.
3b Externalities can be corrected by imposing tax rates equal to the size of the marginal external cost, and granting rates of subsidy equal to marginal external benefits.
3c Taxes and subsidies have the advantages of ‘internalising’ externalities and of providing incentives to reduce exter- nal costs. On the other hand, they may be impractical to use when different rates are required for each case, or when it is impossible to know the full effects of the activi- ties that the taxes or subsidies are being used to correct.
3d An extension of property rights may allow individuals to prevent others from imposing costs on them. This is not practical, however, when many people are affected to a small degree, or where several people are affected but differ in their attitudes towards what they want doing about the ‘problem’.
3e Laws can be used to regulate activities that impose exter- nal costs, to regulate monopolies and oligopolies, and to provide consumer protection. Legal controls are often simpler and easier to operate than taxes, and are safer when the danger is potentially great. However, they tend to be rather a blunt weapon.
3f Regulatory bodies can be set up to monitor and con- trol activities that are against the public interest (e.g. anti-competitive behaviour of oligopolists). They can conduct investigations of specific cases, but these may be expensive and time-consuming, and may not be acted on by the authorities.
3g The government may provide information in cases where the private sector fails to provide an adequate level. It may also provide goods and services directly. These could be either public goods or other goods where the govern- ment feels that provision by the market is inadequate. The government could also influence production in pub- licly owned industries.
4a Government intervention in the market may lead to shortages or surpluses; it may be based on poor infor- mation; it may be costly in terms of administration; it may stifle incentives; it may be disruptive if government policies change too frequently; it may not represent the majority of voters’ interests if the government is elected by a minority, or if voters did not fully understand the issues at election time, or if the policies were not in the government’s manifesto; it may remove certain liberties.
4b By contrast, a free market leads to automatic adjust- ments to changes in economic conditions; the prospect of monopoly/oligopoly profits may stimulate risk taking and hence research and development and innovation, and this advantage may outweigh any problems of resource misallocation; there may still be a high degree of actual or potential competition under monopoly and oligopoly.
5a There are two views of corporate social responsibility (CSR). The first states that it should be of no concern to business, which would do best for society by serving the interests of its shareholders. Social policy should be left to politicians. The alternative view is that business needs to consider the impact of its actions upon society, and to take changing social and political considerations into account when making decisions. This, anyway, is gener- ally good business.
5b The virtue matrix is a means of illustrating the drivers of CSR. Firms will take socially responsible actions if they are required to by law or if social norms dictate. These pressures on firms represent the ‘civil foundation’. Some firms will take corporate social responsibility further and thus move into the ‘frontier’. Here they may do things that are socially beneficial and may only possibly lead to higher profits, or may even clearly reduce profits. As firms become more socially responsible over time and as social pressures on business increase, so the civil foun- dation is likely to grow.
5c Evidence suggests that economic performance is likely to be enhanced as the corporate responsibility of firms grows.
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R E V I E W Q U E S T I O N S 3 6 7
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Assume that a firm discharges waste into a river. As a result, the marginal social costs (MSC) are greater than the firm’s marginal (private) costs (MC). The following table shows how MC, MSC, AR and MR vary with output.
Output 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
MC(£) 23 21 23 25 27 30 35 42
MSC(£) 35 34 38 42 46 52 60 72
TR(£) 60 102 138 168 195 219 238 252
AR(£) 60 51 46 42 39 36.5 34 31.5
MR(£) 60 42 36 30 27 24 19 14
a) How much will the firm produce if it seeks to maximise profits?
b) What is the socially efficient level of output (assuming no externalities on the demand side)?
c) How much is the marginal external cost at this level of output?
d) What size tax would be necessary for the firm to reduce its output to the socially efficient level?
e) Why is the tax less than the marginal externality? f) Why might it be equitable to impose a lump-sum tax
on this firm? g) Why will a lump-sum tax not affect the firm’s output
(assuming that in the long run the firm can still make at least normal profit)?
2 Distinguish between publicly provided goods, public goods and merit goods.
3 Name some goods or services provided by the government or local authorities that are not public goods.
4 Some roads could be regarded as a public good, but some could be provided by the market. Which types of road could be provided by the market? Why? Would it be a good idea?
5 Assume that you wanted the information given in (a)–(h) below. In which cases could you (i) buy perfect informa- tion; (ii) buy imperfect information; (iii) be able to obtain information without paying for it; (iv) not be able to obtain information?
a) Which washing machine is the most reliable? b) Which of two jobs that are vacant is the most
satisfying? c) Which builder will repair my roof most cheaply? d) Which builder will make the best job of repairing my
roof? e) Which builder is best value for money? f) How big a mortgage would it be wise for me to take
out? g) What course of higher education should I follow? h) What brand of washing powder washes whiter?
In which cases are there non-monetary costs to you of finding out the information? How can you know whether the information you acquire is accurate or not?
6 Make a list of pieces of information a firm might want to know and consider whether it could buy the information and how reliable that information might be.
7 Why might it be better to ban certain activities that cause environmental damage rather than to tax them?
8 Consider the advantages and disadvantages of extending property rights so that everyone would have the right to prevent people imposing any costs on them whatsoever (or charging them to do so).
9 How suitable are legal restrictions in the following cases? a) Ensuring adequate vehicle safety (e.g. that tyres
have sufficient tread or that the vehicle is roadworthy).
b) Reducing traffic congestion. c) Preventing the use of monopoly power. d) Ensuring that mergers are in the public interest. e) Ensuring that firms charge a price equal to marginal
cost. 10 Evaluate the following statement: ‘Despite the weak-
nesses of a free market, the replacing of the market by the government generally makes the problem worse.’
11 In what ways might business be socially responsible? 12 What economic costs and benefits might a business expe-
rience if it decided to adopt a more socially responsible position? How might such costs and benefits change over the longer term?
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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Government and the firm
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How do governments attempt to prevent both the abuse of monopoly power and collusion by oligopolists through competi- tion policy?
■ How effective is competition policy? ■ Why does a free market fail to achieve the optimal amount of research and development? ■ What can the government do to encourage technological development and innovation? ■ Why is training so important for a country’s economic performance? ■ Why do governments pursue a training policy and not just leave it to employers? ■ How do training policies differ between countries?
COMPETITION POLICY 21.1
Competition, monopoly and the public interest Most markets in the real world are imperfect, with firms having varying degrees of market power. But will this power be against the public interest? This question has been addressed by successive governments in framing legislation to deal with monopolies and oligopolies.
It might be thought that market power is always ‘a bad thing’, certainly as far as the consumer is concerned. After all, it enables firms to make supernormal profit, thereby
‘exploiting’ the consumer. The greater the firm’s power, the higher prices will be relative to the costs of produc- tion. Also, a lack of competition removes the incentive to become more efficient.
But market power is not necessarily a bad thing. Firms may not fully exploit their position of power – perhaps for fear that very high profits would eventually lead to other firms overcoming entry barriers, or perhaps because they are not aggressive profit maximisers. Even if they do make large supernormal profits, they may still charge a lower price than more competitive sectors of the industry because
KI 21 p 175
In this chapter we shall consider the relationship between government and the individual firm. This relationship is not simply one of regulation and control, but can involve the active intervention of government in attempting to improve the economic performance of business. We shall consider government attitudes and policy towards enhancing research and technology development, and training, as well as the more punitive area of business reg- ulation through the use of monopolies and mergers legislation.
KI 36 p 354
C h
a p
te r 21
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of their economies of scale. Finally, they may use their profits for research and development and for capital invest- ment. The consumer might then benefit from improved products at lower prices.
Competition policy could seek to ban various struc- tures. For example, it could ban mergers leading to market share of more than a certain amount. Most countries, how- ever, prefer to focus on whether the practices of particular monopolists or oligopolists are anti-competitive. Some of these practices may be made illegal, such as price fixing by oligopolists; others may be assessed on a case-by-case approach to determine whether or not they should be per- mitted. Such an approach does not presume that the mere possession of power is against the public interest, but rather that certain uses of that power may be.
There are three possible targets of competition policy:
■ monopoly policy – the abuse of the existing power of monopolies and oligopolies;
■ merger policy – the growth of power through mergers and acquisitions;
■ restrictive practices policy – oligopolistic collusion.
Competition policy in the European Union Relevant EU legislation is contained in Articles 101 and 102 of the 2009 Treaty of the Functioning of the European Union. Additional regulations covering mergers came into force in 1990 and were amended in 2004. Further minor amendments have been put in place since then, which have focused on specific market regulation.
Article 101 is concerned with restrictive practices and Article 102 with the abuse of market power. The Arti- cles predominately apply to firms trading between EU members and so do not cover monopolies or oligopolies operating solely within a member country. The policy is implemented by the European Commission. If any firm appears to be breaking the provisions of either of the Arti- cles, the Commission can refer it to the European Court of Justice.
EU restrictive practices policy Article 101 covers agreements between firms, joint decisions and concerted practices which prevent, restrict or distort competition. In other words it covers all types of oligopo- listic collusion that are judged to be against the interests of consumers.
Article 101 is designed to prevent collusive behaviour rather than oligopolistic structures (i.e. the simple existence of co-operation between firms).
Practices considered anti-competitive include firms col- luding to do any of the following:
■ fix prices (i.e. above competitive levels); ■ limit production, markets, technical development or
investment; ■ share out markets or sources of supply;
■ charge discriminatory prices or operate discriminatory trading conditions, such as to benefit the colluding par- ties and disadvantage others;
■ make other firms who sign contracts with any of the colluding firms accept unfavourable obligations which, by their nature, have no connection with the subject of such contracts.
If companies are found guilty of undertaking any of these anti-competitive practices that are in contravention of Arti- cle 101, they are subject to financial penalties. Box 21.1 lists some of the cases that were settled in 2014.
The size of any fine imposed on an organisation depends on a number of factors. Initially the authorities calculate the firm’s annual sales of the product or products that were affected by the activities that restricted competition. These are referred to as the ‘relevant sales’. For example, in the paper envelope case referred to in Box 21.1 the Com- mission estimated that the company ‘Bong’ had made sales worth €140 million from the cartel activities it had under- taken with four other companies.
The initial size of the basic fine is then calculated by tak- ing a percentage of the value of these annual relevant sales. The percentage figure can be up to a maximum of 30 per cent but is usually in the range of 15 to 20 per cent in most cases. The final figure chosen by the authorities depends on how severe they consider the case to be. The level of severity depends on factors such as the market shares of the compa- nies involved and the size of the geographical area affected by the practices.
Once this initial figure has been calculated it is then adjusted to take into account the duration of the activities that have been judged to be in contravention of Article 101. For example, a cartel that existed for five years is judged to be five times more damaging than one that only lasted a year. In this case, the initial figure would be increased by a ‘multiplier’ of five.
An additional amount is then added to the size of the fine and is known as an ‘entry fee’. This is once again calcu- lated as a percentage of the value of the firm’s relevant sales. However, this figure is not multiplied by the duration of the cartel agreement.
Once this additional amount has been added, more adjustments can be made for either aggravating or mitigat- ing factors. For example, the fine on a company could be increased if it was a repeat offender or was seen as the ring leader. Alternatively, the fine could be reduced if the firm was judged to have been far less actively involved in the cartel’s activities.
The final size of the basic fine imposed on a firm is capped and cannot be greater than 10 per cent of that firm’s annual total turnover. If the products/geographical area affected by the restrictive practices are only a small frac- tion of a firm’s total sales, then this limit is unlikely to be reached. It is only in cases where the cartel activities make up a large fraction of the firm’s turnover that the cap would
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have an effect. This was the case in the paper envelope investigation discussed in Box 21.1.
Once a figure has finally been reached for the size of the basic fine, firms can take actions that reduce the amount they have to pay. For example, if members of a cartel come forward with information that helps the Commission with its investigations, then they can receive a percentage reduc- tion. This is referred to as a ‘Leniency Notice’.
In order to qualify for a Leniency Notice, firms would have to provide detailed information about cartel meetings and exactly how the anti-competitive practices operated. The first company to supply this type of information can receive a reduction of up to 100 per cent: i.e. they obtain full immunity and do not have to pay anything. The second company to come forward with this type of information can receive a reduction of up to 50 per cent, the third up to 30 per cent and any firm after this can receive reductions of up to 20 per cent.
Another discount is applied if firms accept the Com- mission’s decision and the size of any financial penalties imposed on them. This is referred to as a Settlement. If a firm enters into a ‘Settlement Discussion’ it can obtain a 10 per cent reduction in the size of the fine. The advantage of a Settlement is that it speeds up the final decision process and hence reduces the administrative costs to the parties involved. It also removes the potential legal costs to both parties if a firm appeals against the decision and takes its case to court.
The aim of all these reductions is to encourage the co- operation of firms. There is a prisoner’s dilemma game here. Although the optimum position for firms collectively might be for them all to refuse to co-operate and make it difficult for the Commission to uncover cartel activity, firms have an incentive to be the first to own up and thereby escape or minimise the fines. The Nash equilibrium, therefore, is one where cartel activity is reduced.
EU monopoly policy Article 102 relates to the abuse of market power and has also been extended to cover mergers. As with Article 101, it is the behaviour of firms that is the target of the legisla- tion. The following are cited as examples of abuses of mar- ket power. As you can see, they are very similar to those in Article 101.
■ Charging unfairly high prices to consumers, or paying unfairly low prices to suppliers.
■ Limiting production, markets or technical develop- ments to the detriment of consumers.
■ Using price discrimination or other discriminatory prac- tices to the detriment of certain parties.
■ Making other firms that sign contracts with it accept unfavourable obligations which, by their nature, have no connection with the subject of such contracts.
Under Article 102, such practices can be banned and firms can be fined where they are found to have abused a
dominant position (see Box 11.3 for an example in relation to Microsoft). A firm does not need to have some specified minimum market share before Article 102 can be invoked. Instead, if firms are able to conduct anti-competitive practices, it is simply assumed that they must be in a posi- tion of market power. This approach seems sensible, given the difficulties of identifying the boundaries of a market, in terms of either geography or type of product.
EU merger policy Under current regulations (2004), mergers that would sig- nificantly reduce competition in the EU are prohibited. For example, a merger could be blocked if there were concerns that the new firm would have significant market power that might lead to higher prices for consumers.
Therefore the EU investigates ‘large’ mergers that have an ‘EU dimension’. A merger is judged as having an ‘EU dimen- sion’ when no more than two-thirds of each firm’s EU-wide business is conducted in a single member state. If a firm does conduct more than two-thirds of its business in one country then investigation of the merger would be the responsibility of that member state’s competition authority.
A merger is deemed as ‘large’ if it exceeds either one of two turnover thresholds. These thresholds include combi- nations of both worldwide and EU sales. They also relate to both the sales of individual firms and the combined sales of the firms involved in the merger.
The first threshold is exceeded if (a) the firms involved have combined worldwide sales greater than €5 billion; and (b) at least two of the firms individually have sales of more than €250 million within the EU. The second threshold is exceeded if (a) the firms involved have combined world- wide sales of more than €2.5 billion; (b) in each of at least three member states, combined sales of all firms involved are greater than €100 million; (c) in each of those three member states, at least two of the firms each have domestic sales greater than €25 million; and (d) EU-wide sales of each of at least two firms is greater than €100 million.
If either of these thresholds is exceeded and the merger is judged to have an EU dimension, then formal notification of the merger has to be made by the firms to the European Commission. There were 337 notifications in 2015 and the figure has been around 300 per year since 2000.
Once a notification is made the Commission must carry out a preliminary investigation (Phase 1), which is nor- mally completed within 25 working days. At the end of Phase 1 the majority of cases (over 90 per cent) are usually settled and the merger is either allowed to proceed uncon- ditionally or with some minor stipulations attached.
In a small number of cases, competition concerns are raised at the end of Phase 1 and a decision is made to con- duct a formal investigation into the potential impact of the merger (Phase 2). In 2015, eleven of the 337 notifications made to the European Commission were referred to this part of the process. The more in-depth Phase 2 investiga- tions must normally be completed within 90 working days
KI 24 p 206
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or 110 in more complex cases. The whole process is over- seen by a Chief Competition Economist and a panel that scrutinises the investigating team’s conclusions.
At the end of Phase 2 there are three possibilities: (a) the merger is allowed to proceed with no conditions attached; (b) the merger is allowed to proceed subject to certain con- ditions being met; (c) the merger is prohibited.
The process of EU merger control is thus very rapid and administratively inexpensive. The regulations are also potentially quite tough. Mergers are disallowed if they result in ‘a concentration which would significantly impede effective competition, in particular by the creation or strengthening of a dominant position’. But the regula- tions are also flexible, since they recognise that mergers may be in the interests of consumers if they result in cost reduc- tions. In such cases, they are permitted.
This flexibility has led to criticism that the Commission has been too easily persuaded by firms, allowing mergers to go ahead with few, if any, restrictions. Indeed, since the current merger control measures were put in place in 1990, over 6063 mergers have been notified, but only around 240 have been referred to Phase 2 of the process and, of these, only 24 had been prohibited (as of December 2015). No mergers were prevented from taking place in either 2014 or 2015, while just two cases were prohibited in 2013. These were Ryanair’s proposed takeover of Aer Lingus and UPS’s proposed takeover of TNT Express.
This issue highlights a problem for EU policy mak- ers: there is a trade-off between encouraging competition within the EU and supporting European companies to become world leaders. The ability to compete in world mar- kets normally requires that companies are large, which may well lead to them having monopoly power within the EU.
UK competition policy There have been substantial changes to UK competition policy since the first legislation was introduced in 1948. The current approach is based on the 1998 Competition Act and the 2002 Enterprise Act, together with Part 3 of the 2013 Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Act.
The Competition Act brought UK policy in line with EU policy, detailed above. The Act has two key sets (or ‘chapters’) of prohibitions. Chapter I prohibits various restrictive prac- tices, and mirrors EU Article 101. Chapter II prohibits various abuses of monopoly power, and mirrors EU Article 102.
The Enterprise Act strengthened the Competition Act and introduced new measures for the control of mergers.
Under the 1998 and 2002 Acts, the body charged with ensuring that the prohibitions were carried out was the
Office of Fair Trading (OFT). The OFT could investigate any firms suspected of engaging in one or more of the prohib- ited practices. Its officers had the power to enter and search premises and could require the production and explanation of documents. When the OFT decided that an infringement of one of the prohibitions had occurred, it would be able to direct the offending firms to modify their behaviour or cease their practices altogether.
The Competition Act also set up a Competition Com- mission (CC) to which the OFT could refer cases for fur- ther investigation. The CC was charged with determining whether the structure of an industry or the practices of firms within it were detrimental to competition.
The Enterprise Act made the OFT and CC independent of government. It also set up a Markets and Policy Initia- tives Division (MPI) of the OFT. This carried out investi- gations into particular markets suspected of not working in the best interests of consumers. The MPI’s investiga- tions could lead to the OFT enforcing its findings if anti- competitive practices were taking place (see below). Alter- natively, the MPI could refer the case to the CC or make proposals to the government for changes in the law.
If a case was referred to the Competition Commission, it would carry out an investigation to establish whether com- petition had been adversely affected. If it found that it was, it would decide on the appropriate remedies, such as pro- hibiting various practices.
Firms affected by an OFT or CC ruling had the right of appeal to the Competition Appeal Tribunal (CAT), which could uphold or quash the original decision. The CAT is entirely independent of the CC and OFT.
The Competition and Markets Authority. Following the out- come of a consultation on the links between competition and economic growth, the government introduced the 2013 Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Act. While retaining the principles and broad procedures of the 1998 and 2002 Acts, the 2013 Act resulted in the setting up of a new unified body – the Competition and Markets Authority (CMA). Since April 2014, the CMA has undertaken much of the work that was previously carried out by the OFT and CC. This has involved taking over any investigations that had been instigated by the OFT or were being carried out by the CC.
It is hoped that the new combined organisation will be able to deploy its resources more effectively. In particular, a key rationale for the change is the belief that it will reduce the duplication of processes that occurred when there were two separate competition bodies. Less duplication should lead to lower administration costs.
Another key aim of the change was to reduce the length of time it takes to carry out investigations and reach final deci- sions. A number of new statutory limits have been placed on the length of time the CMA has to complete its studies.
Some specific amendments have also been made to both restrictive practices and merger policy. These will be dis- cussed in the following sections.
Pause for thought
To what extent is Article 102 consistent with both these points of view?
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UK restrictive practices policy The 1998 Competition Act brought UK restrictive practices policy more into line with EU policy. For example, the way fines were calculated and implemented for anti-competi- tive behaviour was changed so that it was more comparable to the method used by the European Commission: i.e. the penalties imposed could be up to 10 per cent of the firm’s annual turnover.
The 2002 Enterprise Act made it a criminal offence to engage in cartel agreements (i.e. horizontal, rather than ver- tical, collusive agreements between firms), irrespective of whether there are appreciable effects on competition. Con- victed offenders can receive a prison sentence of up to five years and/or an unlimited fine. Prosecutions can be brought by the Serious Fraud Office or the CMA. The CMA also has substantial powers to enter premises, seize documents and require people to answer questions or provide information.
It was anticipated at the time of the 2002 Act that it would result in between six and ten prosecutions/year. In reality, the authorities found it more difficult to implement and only two cases were prosecuted between 2002 and 2013, and only one of those successfully: three UK execu- tives were jailed in 2008 for their part in operating a cartel in the marine hose industry. In order to address this issue the 2013 Act included a number of legal amendments to try to make it easier for the CMA to bring successful prosecu- tions against executives involved in cartel behaviour.
The types of practices that constitute ‘cartel agreements’ were also made more consistent with EU policy: e.g. price fix- ing, limiting supply, sharing out markets, limiting supply or bid-rigging. Each of these is discussed in more detail below:
■ Horizontal price-fixing agreements. These are agree- ments between competitors to set one or more of the following: fixed prices, minimum prices, the amount or percentage by which prices may be increased, or a range outside which prices may not move. The object is to restrict price competition and thus to keep prices higher than they would otherwise be.
■ Agreements to share out markets. These may be by geo- graphical area, type or size of customer, or nature of out- let. By limiting or even eliminating competition within each part of the market, such agreements can be an effec- tive means of keeping prices high (or quality low).
■ Agreements to limit production. This may involve out- put quotas or a looser agreement not to increase output wherever this would drive down prices.
■ Agreements to limit or co-ordinate investment. By restraining capacity, this will help firms to keep output down and prices up.
■ Collusive tendering. This is where two or more firms put in a tender for a contract at secretly agreed (high) prices. A well-known case throughout most of the 1980s and 1990s was that of firms supplying ready-mixed concrete agreeing on prices they would tender to local authorities (see Case study H.5 in MyEconLab).
■ Agreements between purchasers. These could be to reduce prices paid to suppliers. For example, large super- markets could collude to keep prices to farmers low. An alternative form of agreement would be to deal with cer- tain suppliers only.
■ Agreements to boycott suppliers or distributors that deal with competitors to the colluding firms.
In the case of other types of agreement, the CMA has the discretion to decide, on a case-by-case basis, whether or not competition is appreciably restricted, and whether, therefore, they should be terminated or the firms should be exempted. Such cases include the following:
■ Vertical price-fixing agreements. These are price agree- ments between purchasing firms and their suppliers. An example of this is resale price maintenance. This is where a manufacturer or distributor sets the price for retailers to charge. It may well distribute a price list to retailers (e.g. a car manufacturer may distribute a price list to car show- rooms). Resale price maintenance is a way of preventing competition between retailers driving down retail prices and ultimately the price they pay to the manufacturer. Both manufacturers and retailers, therefore, are likely to gain from resale price maintenance.
■ Agreements to exchange information that could have the effect of reducing competition. For example, if pro- ducers exchange information on their price intentions, it is a way of allowing price leadership, a form of tacit collusion, to continue.
UK monopoly policy Under the Chapter II prohibition of the 1998 Competition Act, it is illegal for a dominant firm to exercise its market power in such a way as to reduce competition. Any sus- pected case is investigated by the CMA, which uses a two- stage process in deciding whether an abuse has taken place.
The first stage is to establish whether a firm has a posi- tion of dominance. The firm does not literally have to be a monopoly. Rather, ‘dominance’ normally involves the firm
Pause for thought
Are all such agreements necessarily against the interests of consumers?
Definitions
Collusive tendering Where two or more firms secretly agree on the prices they will tender for a contract. These prices will be above those which would be put in under a genuinely competitive tendering process.
Resale price maintenance Where the manufacturer of a product (legally) insists that the product should be sold at a specified retail price.
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having at least a 40 per cent share of the market (national or local, whichever is appropriate), although this figure will vary from industry to industry. Also dominance depends on the barriers to entry to new competitors. The higher the barriers to the entry of new firms, the less contestable will be the market (see section 11.4), and the more dominant a firm is likely to be for any given current market share.
If the firm is deemed to be dominant, the second stage involves the CMA having to decide whether the firm’s prac- tices constitute an abuse of its position. As with restrictive practices, Chapter II follows EU legislation. It specifies the same four types of market abuse as does Article 102 (see above). Within these four categories, the CMA identifies the following practices as being overtly anti-competitive:
■ Charging excessively high prices. These are prices above those the firm would charge if it faced effective competi- tion. One sign of excessively high prices is abnormally high rates of profit.
■ Price discrimination. This is regarded as an abuse only to the extent that the higher prices are excessive or the lower prices are used to exclude competitors.
■ Predatory pricing. This is where prices are set at loss-making levels, so as to drive competitors out of business (see page 287). The test is to look at the dominant firm’s price in relation to its average costs. If its price is below aver- age variable cost, predation would be assumed. If its price is above average variable cost, but below average total cost, then the Director General would need to establish whether the reason was to eliminate a competitor.
In November 2008 the OFT decided that Cardiff Bus engaged in predatory conduct intended to eliminate a competitor, 2 Travel, during the period April 2004 to February 2005. Before 2 Travel’s entry into the market, Cardiff Bus had a substantial market share, carrying 80 000 passengers per day. However, ‘Cardiff Bus responded to the introduction of a new no-frills bus service by another bus company, 2 Travel, by introducing its own no-frills bus services which ran on the same routes, at similar times as 2 Travel’s services and made a loss for Cardiff Bus. Shortly after 2 Travel’s exit from the market Cardiff Bus withdrew its own no-frills services’.1
■ Vertical restraints. This is where a supplying firm imposes conditions on a purchasing firm (or vice versa). For example, a manufacturer may impose rules on retail- ers about displaying the product or the provision of after-sales service, or it may refuse to supply certain out- lets (e.g. perfume manufacturers refusing to supply dis- count chains, such as Superdrug). Another example is tie-in sales. This is where a firm controlling the supply of a first product insists that its customers buy a second product from it rather than from its rivals.
The simple existence of any of these practices may not constitute an abuse. The CMA has to decide whether their effect is to restrict competition. This may require a detailed investigation to establish whether competition is restricted or distorted. If this is found to be the case, the CMA decides what actions must be taken to remedy the situation.
UK merger policy The framework for merger policy is set out in the 2002 Enterprise Act. This Act made two significant changes.
F i r s t , m u c h o f t h e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g p o w e r w a s removed from government ministers. Prior to this Act the competition authorities made recommendations but these could be overruled by a minister. The final judge- ment is now left to the authorities apart from a few excep- tional circumstances when a minister can still intervene. These are cases where the proposed merger would have an impact on national security, media plurality or the stability of the financial system. For example, the gov- ernment intervened in 2008 and allowed the proposed merger between Lloyds TSB and the troubled bank HBOS to go ahead, overruling any objections raised by the com- petition authorities.
Second, the criterion used to assess mergers was changed. Previously they were judged using a broad public interest test. The authorities had to take into account ‘all matters which appear to them in the particular circumstances to be relevant’. This was changed in the 2002 Act so that the assessment was made solely on competition issues. More specifically, a merger could be prevented if it was likely to result in a substantial lessening of competition (SLC).
A merger or takeover is investigated by the CMA if the target company has a UK turnover that exceeds £70 mil- lion, or if the merger results in the new company having a market share of 25 per cent or more.
One unusual aspect of UK policy is that there are no obligations on the participating firms to pre-notify the authorities about a merger that meets either of these two conditions. A voluntary notice can be made or the CMA can initiate an investigation following information received from third parties. Between 2010 and 2014 around 30–40 per cent of merger investigations were instigated by the authorities as no notification had been made by the firms involved.
A merger can also be completed before it has been officially cleared by the CMA. If the CMA then decides to prevent the merger, the firms face the costs of having
KI 23 p 197
1‘Cardiff Bus engaged in predatory conduct against competitor, OFT decides’, OFT press release, 133/08, 18 November 2008. In this instance, the OFT decid- ed not to fine Cardiff Bus because its turnover did not exceed £50 million at the time of the infringement of Chapter II of the Competition Act 1998.
Definitions
Vertical restraints Conditions imposed by one firm on another which is either its supplier or its customer.
Tie-in-sales Where a firm is only prepared to sell a first product on the condition that its customers buy a second product from it.
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BOX 21.1 FROM PAPER ENVELOPES TO CANNED MUSHROOMS: THE UMPIRE STRIKES BACK
EU procedures for dealing with cartels
EU competition policy applies to companies operating in two or more EU countries. The policy is implemented by the Euro- pean Commission, which has the power to levy substantial fines on companies found to be in breach of the legislation. In 2008, in order to simplify administrative processes and to reduce the number of cases going to the courts, new settle- ment procedures were introduced. If, on seeing the evidence against them, firms co-operate, then fines can be reduced by 10 per cent. Meanwhile, firms that have participated in a cartel but that reveal details of its existence can be granted either immunity or further reductions in fines through a Leniency Notice (see pages 369-70). The following table summarises six cases that were settled in 2014.
Date Industry/sector
Number of firms involved
Commission fine (€m)
December 2014 Paper envelopes 5 19.485
October 2014 Interest rate derivatives
4 32.355
September 2014 Smart card chips 4 138.048
June 2014 Canned mushrooms 3 32.225
April 2014 Steel abrasives 4 30.707
April 2014 High voltage power cables
11 301.639
Fixing prices at a mini-golf meeting In September 2010, the European Commission began an investigation into the market for both standardised and cus- tomised paper envelopes in the EU. In December 2014, the Commission found Bong (of Sweden), GPV and Hamelin (of France), Mayer-Kuvert (of Germany) and Tompla (of Spain) guilty of participating in activities that restricted competition in this market. The meetings at which the details of the cartel arrangements were discussed were referred to by the partici- pating firms as ‘golf’ or ‘mini-golf’ meetings!
The cartel arrangements directly affected the market for enve- lopes in Denmark, France, Germany, Norway, Sweden and the UK. The firms were judged to have been involved in the follow- ing restrictive practices that were in violation of Article 101:
■ allocating customers amongst members of the cartel: i.e. agreeing not to target customers that ‘belonged’ to other firms;
■ agreeing on price increases; ■ co-ordinating responses to tenders initiated by major
European customers; ■ exchanging commercially sensitive information on cus-
tomers and sales volumes.
Public versions of the documents that outline the decisions made by the European Commission often do not disclose information that is considered to be commercially sensitive. This means that in many reports details about the value of sales directly affected by the anti-competitive practices are omitted. However, in the envelope case this information was published and is illustrated in the first row of the next table. The proportion of the value of sales used to calculate the size of the fine was set at 15 per cent in this case (see table row 2). Four out of the five firms began taking part in the cartel on 8 October 2003 and their involvement in anti-com- petitive activities lasted until 22 April 2008. Therefore for these firms the duration multiplier (row 3) was set at 4.5. Hamelin was judged to have entered the cartel a month later than the other participants so the multiplier in their case was set at 4.416. A percentage rate of 15 per cent was also used to calculate the entry fee (row 5). The final figures for the basic amounts of the fine are illustrated in the last row of the table, which the Commission rounded down to the nearest €1000. It was considered to be an exceptional case as the sales of envelopes affected by the cartel activities made up a large fraction of each firm’s total turnover. Therefore the basic fines would exceed the 10 per cent cap on turnover set by the authorities. The fines were reduced in a way that took account of (a) the value of affected sales for each firm as a
to split the business back into two separate entities. The 2013 Act increased the CMA’s power to force companies to reverse integration activities undertaken prior to an investigation.
In other respects UK policy is similar to EU policy. The CMA conducts a preliminary or Phase 1 investigation to see whether competition is likely to be threatened. The 2013 Act introduced a statutory deadline of 40 working days to complete Phase 1 of the process. Prior to this, deadlines had been non-binding and were often not met. The Act also gave the CMA greater information-gathering powers in Phase 1 investigations.
At the end of the 40-day period the CMA has to decide whether there is a significant chance that the merger would result in a substantial lessening of competition (SLC). If the
CMA concludes that this might be the case, it begins Phase 2 of the process – a much more in-depth assessment. If no SLC issues are raised, the merger is allowed to go ahead.
In 2014/15 only six out of the 82 Phase 1 cases were referred for a Phase 2 investigation; 63 cases were cleared unconditionally, while 10 cases were judged not to qualify. One example in February 2015 was the acquisition of 143 stores by Vodafone from Phones4U. This was cleared by the CMA after a Phase 1 investigation.
There is a 24-week statutory time limit for Phase 2 deci- sions to be made. This can be extended in special circum- stances by up to eight weeks. The membership of the team that carries out Phase 2 of the process differs from that which carried out Phase 1 of the investigation. The rea- soning behind this is that it is thought to be useful to get a
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FROM PAPER ENVELOPES TO CANNED MUSHROOMS: THE UMPIRE STRIKES BACK
EU procedures for dealing with cartels
proportion of their turnover and (b) the level of involvement in the restrictive practices. Unfortunately the size of each firm’s basic fine, after these adjustments, are not published in the non-confidential report. Under the Commission’s 2006 Leniency Notice we do know that Tompla received a 50 per cent reduction in the size of its adjusted basic fine, Hamelin received a reduction of 25 per cent and Mayer-Kuvert received a reduction of 10 per cent. All five firms obtained an additional 10 per cent reduction for agreeing to the Settlements and not taking their cases to court. Two firms also claimed that they were unable to pay the fine without getting into serious final difficulties and were granted a further reduction. The final sizes of the fines paid by the companies are illustrated in the table below.
Firm Fine (€)
Bong 3 118 000
GPV 1 651 000
Hamelin 4 996 000
Mayer-Kuvert 4 991 000
Tompla 4 729 000
Commissioner Margrethe Vestager in charge of competition policy said: ‘Everybody uses envelopes. When cartelists raise the prices of everyday household objects they do so at the expense of millions of Europeans. The Commission’s fight against cartels penalises such behaviour and also acts as a deterrent, protecting consumers from harm. On this case we have closed the envelope, sealed it and returned it to the sender with a clear message: don’t cheat your customers, don’t cartelise.’2
Why might global cartels be harder to identify and eradicate than cartels solely located within the domestic economy? What problems does this raise for competition policy?
Bong GPV group Hamelin Mayer-Kuvert Tompla
1. Value of relevant sales (€) 140 000 000 125 086 629 185 521 000 70 023 181 143 316 000
2. Percentage (15%) of the value of relevant sales (€)
21 000 000 18 762 994 27 828 150 10 503 477 21 497 400
3. Duration multiplier 4.5 4.5 4.416 4.5 4.5
4. Duration multiplier × 15% of sales (€) 94 500 000 84 433 473 122 889 110 47 265 646 96 738 300
5. Entry fee (€)(= row 2)) 21 000 000 18 762 994 27 828 150 10 503 477 21 497 400 6. Basic fine (€)(= rows 4 + 5 rounded down to
nearest €1000) 115 500 000 103 196 000 150 717 000 57 769 000 118 235 000
2‘Antitrust: Commission fines five envelope producers over €19.4 million in cartel settlement’, Press Release, European Commission (11 December 2014).
‘fresh pair of eyes’ to look at a case. At the end of Phase 2 the CMA has to make one of the following decisions:
Unconditional clearance of the merger. In 2014/15 this hap- pened in 2 out of the 4 cases. For example, in September 2015 the acquisition of 99p Stores Ltd by Poundland plc was cleared after a Phase 2 investigation.
Conditional clearance subject to the firms taking certain actions that are legally binding. These are referred to as ‘remedies’. Four out of the 12 cases in 2013/14 involved remedies.
An example of a remedy is a firm having to sell off parts of the company it has acquired to maintain an acceptable level of competition. For example, the acqui- sition of City Screen by Cineworld raised certain issues for the competition authorities. In particular it was
judged that it would cause a substantial lessening of competition in three areas – Aberdeen, Bury St Edmunds and Cambridge. This could lead to limited choice and higher prices for cinema-goers. The acquisition was only allowed to proceed on the condition that Cineworld sold one of the cinemas it owned in each of these three areas to a company approved by the authorities. The acquisi- tion was finally cleared by the CMA in February 2015, when Cineworld sold one of its cinemas in Cambridge to an independent operator. The sale of Cineworld-owned cinemas in Aberdeen and Bury St Edmunds had already been approved in 2014.
Prohibition of the merger. In the 11 years between 2004/05 and 2014/15 only nine mergers were prohibited out of the 114 Phase 2 investigations that took place.
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Assessment of EU and UK competition policy With UK competition legislation having been brought in line with EU legislation, it is possible to consider the two together.
It is generally agreed by commentators that the policy is correct to concentrate on anti-competitive practices and their effects rather than simply on the existence of agree- ments or on the size of a firm’s market share. After all, economic power is only a problem when it is abused. When, by contrast, it enables firms to achieve economies of scale, or more finance for investment, the result can be to the benefit of consumers. In other words, the assumption that structure determines conduct and performance (see pages 14–15 and 176–7) is not necessarily true, and certainly it is not necessarily true that market power is always bad or competitive industries are always good.
Secondly, most commentators favour the system of certain practices being prohibited, with fines applicable to the first offence. This acts as an important deterrent to anti-competitive behaviour.
Similar conclusions have been reached in the USA, where the application of competition law has undergone changes in recent years. In the past, the focus was on the structure of an industry. Under the Sherman Act of 1890, oligopolistic collusion in the ‘restraint of trade’ was made illegal, as was
any attempt to establish a monopoly. Although, under the Clayton Act of 1914, various potentially anti-competitive practices (such as price discrimination) were only illegal when they substantially lessened competition, the appli- cation of these two ‘anti-trust’ laws was largely directed to breaking up large firms. Today, the approach is to focus on efficiency, rather than on market share; and on the effects on consumers of any collusion or co-operation between firms, rather than on the simple collusion itself.
A problem with any policy to deal with collusion is the difficulty in rooting it out. When firms do all their deals ‘behind closed doors’ and are careful not to keep records or give clues, then collusion can be very hard to spot. The cases that have come to light, such as that of collusive ten- dering between firms supplying ready-mixed concrete, may be just the tip of an iceberg.
Merger policy remains the most controversial part of competition policy, with criticisms that far too many are allowed to go ahead. Specific areas of contention with UK policy are whether: (a) firms should be forced to notify the authorities of proposed mergers and be prevented from undertaking any integration activities until the merger is cleared; (b) there should be a return to a broad public inter- est test rather than judging mergers purely by their impact on competition.
POLICIES TOWARDS RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT (R&D)21.2
The impact of technology, not only on the practice of business but also on the economy in general, is vividly illustrated by the development and use of the Internet. In 1997, worldwide some 40 million people and 25 000 firms used the Internet. By 2014, there were over 3 billion users (around 40 per cent of the world’s population).
The commercial possibilities of the Internet range from the selling of information and services to global forms of catalogue shopping. The Internet is just one example of how technology and technological change are shap- ing the whole structure and organisation of business (see Chapter 3) on the flat organisation), the experience of work for the worker, and the productivity of business and hence the competitive performance of national economies.
If a business fails to embrace new technology, its pro- ductivity and profitability will almost certainly lag behind those businesses that do.
It is the same for countries. Unless they embrace new technology, the productivity gap between them and those that do is likely to widen. Once such a gap has been opened, it will prove very difficult to close. Those countries ahead in the technological race will tend to get further ahead as the dynamic forces of technology enhance their competitive- ness, improve their profits and provide yet greater poten- tial for technological advance. In other words, the rate of
technological advance can have dramatic effects on a coun- try’s living standards. This helps to explain why under- standing the nature and drivers of technological advance is an important part of the literature on long-term economic growth. So how can countries compete more effectively in the technological race? Technology policy refers to a series of government initiatives to affect the process of technological change and its rate of adoption. The nature of the policy will depend on which stage of the introduction of new technol- ogy it is designed to affect. Three stages can be identified:
■ Invention. In this initial stage, research leads to new ideas and new products. Sometimes the ideas arise from gen- eral research; sometimes the research is directed towards a particular goal, such as the development of a new type of car engine or computer chip.
■ Innovation. In this stage, the new ideas are put into prac- tice. A firm will introduce the new technology, and will hopefully gain a commercial advantage from so doing.
Definition
Technology policy Involves government initiatives to affect the process and rate of technological change.
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■ Diffusion. In the final stage, the new products and pro- cesses are copied, and possibly adapted, by competitor firms. The effects of the new technology thus spread throughout the economy, affecting general productivity levels and competitiveness.
Technology policy can be focused on any or all of these stages of technological change.
Technological change and market failure Why is a technology policy needed in the first place? The main reason is that the market system might fail to provide those factors vital to initiate technological change, and there are a number of reasons for this, including the following.
R&D free riders. If an individual business can benefit from the results of other businesses conducting R&D, with all its asso- ciated costs and risks, then it is less likely to conduct R&D itself. It will simply ‘free ride’ on such activity. R&D spend- ing might be an example of a positive externality in produc- tion. As a consequence, it would be in the interest of the firm conducting R&D to keep its findings secret or under some kind of property right, such as a patent, so as to gain as much competitive advantage as possible from its investment.
Although it is desirable to encourage firms to conduct R&D, and for this purpose it may be necessary to have a strict patent system in force, it is also desirable that there is the maximum social benefit from such R&D. This would occur only if such findings were widely disseminated. It is thus important that technology policy finds the optimum balance between the two objectives of (a) encouraging individual firms to conduct research and (b) disseminating the results.
Monopolistic and oligopolistic market structures. The more a market is dominated by a few large producers, the less incentive they will have to conduct R&D and innovate as a means of reducing costs or developing innovative new products or experiences for consumers. The problem is most acute under monopoly. Nevertheless, despite a lower incentive to innovate, the higher profits of firms with monopoly power will at least provide a source of finance that might enable them to conduct more research. The problems of having to borrow money to finance R&D are discussed below.
Duplication. Not only is it likely that there is too little R&D being conducted, there is also the danger that resources may be wasted in duplicating research. The more firms there are conducting R&D, the greater the likelihood of some form of duplication. Given the scarcity of R&D resources, any duplica- tion would be a highly inefficient way to organise production.
Risk and uncertainty. Because the payoffs from R&D activity are so uncertain, there will tend to be a natural caution on the part of both the business conducting R&D and (if dif- ferent) the financier. Only R&D activity which has a clear
market potential, or is of low risk, is likely to be considered. It has been found that financial markets in particular will tend to adopt a risk-averting strategy and fail to provide an adequate pool of long-term funds. (This is another manifes- tation of the ‘short-termism’ we considered in section 19.4.)
Forms of intervention Attempts to correct the above market failures and develop a technology policy might include the use of the following.
The patent system. The strengthening of legal rights over the development of new products will encourage businesses to conduct R&D, as they will be able to reap greater rewards from successful R&D investment.
Public provision. In an attempt to overcome the free-rider problem and the inefficiency of R&D duplication, gov- ernment might provide R&D itself, either through its own research institutions or via funding to universities and other research organisations. This is of particular impor- tance in the case of basic research, where the potential out- comes are far less certain than those of applied research.
R&D subsidies. If the government provided subsidies to businesses conducting R&D activity, it would not only reduce the cost and hence the risk for business, but could also ensure that the outcome from the R&D activity is more rapidly diffused throughout the economy than might oth- erwise be expected. This would help improve general levels of technological innovation.
Co-operative R&D. Given that the benefits of technological developments are of widespread use, the government could encourage co-operative R&D. The government could take various roles here, from being actively involved in the R&D process to acting as a facilitator, bringing private-sector businesses together. The key advantages of this policy are that it will not only reduce the potential for duplication, but also encourage the pooling of scarce R&D resources.
Diffusion policies. Such policies tend to be of two types: the pro- vision of information concerning new technology, and the use of subsidies to encourage businesses to adopt new technology.
Other policies. A wide range of other policies, primarily adopted for other purposes, might also influence R&D. These might include: education and training policy; com- petition policy; national defence policies and initiatives; and policies on standards and compatibility.
KI 34 p 353
KI 33 p 345
KI 14 p 82
Pause for thought
Before you read on, can you identify the main forms of inter- vention the government might use in order to encourage and support R&D?
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Technology policy in the UK and EU The UK’s poor technological performance since 1945 can be attributed to many factors, from a lack of entrepreneur- ial vision on the part of business to the excessive short-ter- mism of the UK’s financial institutions. There also appears to have been a failure on the part of government to initiate suitable strategies to overcome such problems.
In the UK, the attitude towards technology policy has tended to be market-driven, with the role of government relatively limited. More interventionist strategies have typically been kept to a minimum, focusing largely on mil- itary and defence technologies. Recent UK governments
have looked to provide financial support for R&D by ena- bling companies to reduce their profits liable to corpo- ration tax by a proportion of their R&D expenditure (see section 31.2).
Despite a sizeable number of UK-based companies reg- ularly making a list of the world’s largest R&D-spending companies, the UK’s R&D performance compares less favourably when measured relative to GDP. In part, this reflects the limited R&D expenditure by government. But, it also reflects the low R&D intensity across the private sec- tor. In other words, total R&D expenditure by British firms is low relative to the income generated by sales (see Box 21.2). Since 1995, UK gross expenditure on research and
BOX 21.2 THE R&D SCOREBOARD
For many years, it has been suggested that the UK’s poor international competitive record has been in no small part due to its failure to invest in research and development. The UK’s R&D intensity – that is, the ratio of R&D spending to sales – has been considerably lower than that of its main economic rivals. Each year the European Union publishes the EU Industrial R&D Investment Scoreboard. This gives details of the R&D expendi- tures by the top R&D spending companies both in the EU and worldwide. It also investigates emerging trends and patterns in R&D spending. The data used in the majority of the report is based on the 2500 largest R&D-spending companies in the world. Of these 2500 firms, 633 were based in the EU, while 1867 were based outside the EU. A separate part of the report focuses on the top 1000 R&D investing companies based in the EU. Out of these 1000 firms, 258 were based in the UK, 221 were based in Germany and 120 were based in France. Here we look at some of the patterns that emerge from the 2014 Scoreboard, which looks at 2013 data.
Geographical concentration During 2013, R&D spending by the world’s top 2500 compa- nies rose by 4.9 per cent to €538.5 billion. This followed a 6.8 per cent per cent increase in 2012. However, there were significant geographic differences in growth rates. The 804 US companies in the sample reported an increase of 5 per cent, the 387 Japanese companies reported an increase of 5.5 per cent while the 633 EU companies reported a lower increase of 2.5 per cent. The best performing countries in the world were South Korea with a growth rate of 16.6 per cent and China with a growth rate 9.8 per cent. The three biggest R&D investing countries in the EU are Ger- many, the UK and France. However, there were big differences in their performance in 2013. The German companies in the sample reported a growth rate of 6 per cent, while the UK companies reported a growth rate of 5.2 per cent. However, the French companies in the sample reported a decrease of R&D spending of 3.4 per cent.
R&D intensity Across the highest-spending 2500 companies, R&D intensity stood at 3.2 per cent in 2013. In other words, the value of R&D expenditure was equivalent to 3.2 per cent of their sales. The figure for EU companies only was 2.7 per cent, which compares unfavourably to the USA, which had a figure of 5 per cent. The UK had one of the lowest rates in the EU with an intensity figure of approxi- mately 1.5 per cent.
R&D by firm and sector R&D spending is concentrated amongst a relatively small number of firms. The top 100 companies accounted for 53.1 per cent of the total R&D spending of the 2500 firms in the study. The table below shows the ranking of the biggest 20 R&D spending companies worldwide. Volkswagen came top of the list spending over €11.7 billion, with Samsung in second place spending over €10 billion. The top ranked UK-based companies were GlaxoSmithKline in 21st place, spending just over €4 billion, and Astrazeneca in 37th place, spending €3.2 billion. The table also illustrates the intensity of R&D, as measured relative to sales. Based on this measure Intel would be top of the table with Volkswagen in 15th place. Interestingly, a number of companies which were considered the most inno- vative in the world in 2014 in surveys carried out by organisa- tions such as the Boston Consulting Group are not in the top 20 R&D investors. This includes Apple and Amazon. R&D investment is also heavily concentrated in three out of the 40 industrial sectors: Pharmaceuticals and biotech- nology (18 per cent), Technology hardware and equipment (16.1 per cent) and Automobiles and parts (15.5 per cent). These three sectors alone accounted for nearly 50 per cent of the total R&D investment by the Scoreboard companies. Out of the top 20 companies listed in the table, eight were in Automobile and parts, six were in the Pharmaceutical
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THE R&D SCOREBOARD
and biotechnology and two were in Technology hard- ware and equipment sectors. Both of the top-ranked UK companies were in the Pharmaceuticals and biotechnol- ogy sector. The sectors with the fastest growth of R&D investment in 2013 were Construction and materials (13.6 per cent) followed by Software and computer services (11.4 per cent).
Research and development by firm
Sector Country Expenditure (€m) Intensity (% of net)
Volkswagen Germany 11 743.0 6.0
Samsung Electronics S. Korea 10 154.9 6.5
Microsoft USA 8252.5 13.1
Intel USA 7694.1 20.1
Novartis Switzerland 7173.5 17.1
Roche Switzerland 7076.2 18.6
Toyota Motors Japan 6269.9 3.5
Johnson & Johnson USA 5933.6 11.5
Google USA 5735.6 13.2
Daimler Germany 5379.0 4.6
General Motors USA 5220.8 4.6
Merck US USA 5165.0 16.2
BMW Germany 4792.0 6.3
Sanofi-Aventis France 4757.0 14.4
Pfizer USA 4750.2 12.7
Robert Bosch Germany 4653.0 10.1
Ford Motor USA 4640.7 4.4
Cisco Systems USA 4563.8 13.4
Siemens Germany 4556.0 6.0
Honda Motor Japan 4366.7 5.4
Source: Based on data from 2014 EU Industrial R&D Investment Scoreboard (European Commission)
1. What are the economic costs and benefits of R&D spending to the national economy? Distinguish between the short and long run.
2. R&D is only one indicator, albeit an important one, of innovation potential. What other factors are likely to affect innovation?
3. What is the economic case for and against government intervention in the field of R&D?
development as a percentage of GDP has been lower than that of its main economic rivals (see Figure 21.1). For instance, the UK’s share of R&D expenditure in GDP has typically been only 72 per cent of that in Germany and only 57 per cent of that in Japan.
As Figure 21.1 shows, the aggregate level of R&D spend- ing across the 27 member states of the EU is relatively low, averaging only 1.75 per cent of GDP since 1995. Member countries, however, have been encouraged to invest 3 per cent of their GDP in R&D (2 per cent private investment, 1 per cent public finding). The principal EU fund for allo- cating funds for R&D is the EU Framework for Research and Technological Development. The budget for the Seventh
Framework Programme from 2007 to 2013 was €50.5 bil- lion, while that for the Eighth Framework Programme from 2014 to 2020 has been raised to €80 billion.
The framework programmes are designed, amongst other things, to foster collaboration in research, including between academia and industry, to fund frontier science, help develop knowledge and science clusters, provide scholarships for young researchers and to fund R&D by small businesses. In doing so, the intention is to improve the EU’s competitive stance and to promote new growth and jobs. The hope is that this interventionist approach will raise the productive potential of the wider EU economy not only in the short term, but also in the longer term.
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Gross expenditure on R&D as a percentage of GDPFigure 21.1
Note: EU 28 = the 28 member countries of the European Union Source: Based on data in Main Science and Technology Indicators (OECD, 2016)
1.50
1.75
2.00
2.25
2.50
2.75
3.00
3.25
3.50
3.75
1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013
% o
f G
D P
France Japan USA
Germany UK EU-28
POLICIES TOWARDS TRAINING21.3
It is generally recognised by economists and politicians alike that improvements in training and education can yield sig- nificant supply-side gains. Indeed, the UK’s failure to invest as much in training as many of its major competitors is seen as a key explanation for the country’s poor economic perfor- mance since the early 1970s. OECD figures3 show that in the UK in 2012 the percentage of the population aged 25 to 64 with at least upper secondary education, such as A-levels or vocational equivalents, was 78 per cent. Although this figure was above the OECD average of 75 per cent, it was below the figures of 86 per cent in Germany and 89 per cent in the USA.
Training and economic performance Training and economic performance are linked in three main ways.
Labour productivity. In various studies comparing the pro- ductivity of UK and German industry, education and train- ing was seen as the principal reason for the productivity gap between the two countries.
Innovation and change. A key factor in shaping a firm’s willingness to introduce new products or processes will
be the adaptability and skills of its workforce. If the firm has to spend a lot of money on retraining, or on attract- ing skilled workers away from other firms, the costs may prove prohibitive.
Costs of production. A shortage of skilled workers will quickly create labour bottlenecks and cause production costs to increase. This will stifle economic growth.
Training policy If training is financed by the employer, the benefits will become an externality if the employees leave to work elsewhere. Society will have obtained benefits from the training that have not been captured by the firm which financed it. The free market, therefore, will provide less than the optimal amount of training. The more mobile the labour force, and the more ‘transferable’ the skills acquired from training, the more likely it is that workers will leave, and the less willing will firms be to invest in training.
In the UK, there is a high level of labour turnover. What is more, wage differentials between skilled and unskilled workers are narrower than in many other coun- tries, and so there is less incentive for workers to train.
KI 33 p 345
3Education at a Glance 2014 (OECD, 2015).
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How can increased training be achieved? There are sev- eral different approaches:
■ Workers could be encouraged to stay with their employer so that employers would be more willing to invest in training. Externalities would be reduced.
■ Firms could pass the costs on to the employee while they were training. They could do this by paying the trainee a wage below the value of their work or their marginal revenue product. Regulation and minimum wage legis- lation may make this more difficult.
■ The government could provide subsidies for training. Alternatively, the government or some other agency could provide education and training directly.
■ Firms could co-operate to prevent ‘poaching’ and set up industry-wide training programmes, perhaps in partner- ship with the government and unions.
Training policy in various countries As far as the first approach is concerned, most countries have seen a movement towards greater labour mobility. The rise in the ‘flexible firm’ (see page 317) has involved the employment of fewer permanent workers and more part- time and temporary workers.
Some countries, such as Japan and Germany, however, have a generally lower rate of labour turnover than most. In Japan, in particular, it is common for workers to stay with one employer throughout their career. There the rela- tionship between employer and employee extends well beyond a simple short-term economic arrangement. Work- ers give loyalty and commitment to their employer, which in return virtually guarantees long-term employment and provides various fringe benefits (such as housing, child care, holiday schemes and health care). It is not surprising that Japanese firms invest highly in training.
In the USA, labour turnover is very high and yet there is little in the way of industry-wide training. Instead, by having a high percentage of young people in further and higher education, the US government hopes that sufficient numbers and quality of workers are available for industry. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Devel- opment (OECD) publishes entry rates to tertiary education on an internationally comparable basis. As of 2012, the data indicated that 71 per cent of young adults in the US population will enter higher education over their lifetime. This was slightly higher than in the UK where the figure was 67 per cent. The percentage of the population taking vocational training courses is very low. Total public-sector expenditure on all types of training programmes averaged just 0.05 per cent of GDP between 2005 and 2010.
In Germany, the 2012 OECD data indicated that 53 per cent of young adults will enter higher education over their lifetime. This figure is considerably lower than in the USA (and the UK). However, public-sector expenditure on training accounts for 0.3 per cent of GDP, six times larger than the share in the USA. Three-quarters of this training is
categorised as institutional training, whereby young people who do not enter higher education embark on some form of apprenticeship, attending college for part of the week and receiving work-based training for the rest.
In the German model, the state, unions and employers’ associations work closely in determining training provi- sion, and they have developed a set of vocational qualifica- tions based around the apprenticeship system. Given that virtually all firms are involved in training, the ‘free-rider’ problem of firms poaching labour without themselves pay- ing for training is virtually eliminated. The result is that the German workforce is highly skilled. Many of the skills, however, are highly specific. This is a problem when the demand for particular skills declines.
The UK approach There has been considerable concern in the UK about the quantity and appropriateness of training. For instance, in 2004 the then Labour government set up a committee under Lord Leitch to consider the most effective forms of training for increasing economic prosperity and produc- tivity, and improving social justice. The report looked at the UK record on skills training and came to some rather gloomy conclusions. Some of the key observations were that:
■ The UK had a relatively poor productivity performance and lagged behind some of its major rivals. At the time output per worker per hour was over 10 per cent lower than in Germany and the USA.
■ An important factor that helped to explain this rela- tively poor productivity performance was the UK’s low level of skills.
■ The proportion of adults in the UK without a basic school-leaving qualification was double that of Canada and Germany.
■ Over 5 million people of working age in the UK had no qualifications at all.
■ One in six adults did not have the literacy skills expected of an 11-year-old.
The Leitch Committee stated in its interim report that the UK had to ‘raise its game’. So to what extent has the UK approach to training evolved?
The institutional arrangements introduced to support the provision of training in the UK have changed frequently over the past 25 years. Some people have argued that they have been changed far too frequently and this has created a very complicated system. The following section will discuss some of the major reforms.
The approach adopted by the Conservative government elected in 1979 was initially influenced by its free-market approach. Training was left largely to employers. How- ever, with growing worries over the UK’s productivity gap (see Box 31.2 for empirical evidence), the government set up Training and Enterprise Councils (TECs) in 1988. The
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TECs identified regional skills needs, organised training and financed work-based training schemes.
In 2001, the then Labour government replaced the TECs with the Learning and Skills Council (LSC). In total the LSC had a budget of over £10 billion and was responsible for planning and funding training in sixth forms and further education colleges, work-based training for young people aged 16 to 24 (‘Apprenticeships’ and ‘Advanced Appren- ticeships’), adult and community learning, the provision of information, advice and guidance for adults, and develop- ing links between education and business.
In addition, a support service called ‘Connexions’ was established and funded by the government. It offered careers, training and employment advice and support for young people between the ages of 13 and 19.
In March 2008 it was announced that the LSC was to be abolished. Its previous responsibilities were split between two new organisations – the Skills Funding Agency (SFA) and the Young Peoples Funding Agency (YPFA). The SFA took over the role of supporting and allocating government money for training, while the YPFA managed the provi- sion of further education for 16–19-year-olds in England. Both the SFA and the YPFA were established in April 2010. The YPFA only lasted two years before being abolished in March 2012.
The Educational Funding Agency. The YPFA was replaced by the Education Funding Agency (EFA). The EFA took over other responsibilities as well as those of the YPFA. As of April 2015 it is responsible for distributing government funding for state education in England for all 3–19-year- olds. It also has responsibility for managing the estates of schools and colleges. It distributes over £50 billion of gov- ernment spending and funds every state school place in the country.
The Skills Funding Agency. The role of the SFA has also evolved since it was first established. The National Appren- ticeship Service that was created in 2009 to manage appren- ticeship frameworks is now a division of the SFA.
As of April 2015 the SFA is responsible for distributing over £4 billion of government spending to fund skills train- ing. It allocates money to over 1000 colleges, private train- ing organisations and employers.
The National Careers Service. The ‘Connexions’ careers ser- vice was replaced by the National Careers Service (NCS) in April 2012. The NCS also replaced Next Step, the adult
advisory service, and so brought access to careers advice for both young people and adults together into one organ- isation. Advisers are available both online and by phone. People aged 19 and over can also make face-to-face appoint- ments. The NCS has also become a division of the SFA.
Qualifications The past 25 years have seen various new vocational qualifi- cations introduced. The National Vocational Qualification (NVQ) was launched in 1991 specifically to support work- place learning for young people. A young person works for an employer and receives on-the-job training. They also attend college on an occasional basis. The NVQ is awarded when they have achieved sufficient competence. In addition, the government launched General National Vocational Qualifications (GNVQs). These further-educa- tion qualifications were aimed to bridge the gap between education and work, by ensuring that education was more work relevant.
The GNVQ system was modelled on that in France, where a clear vocational educational route is seen as the key to reducing skills shortages. At the age of 14, French students can choose to pursue academic or vocational edu- cation routes. The vocational route provides high-level, broad-based skills (unlike in Germany, where skills tend to be more job specific).
However, GNVQs were competing alongside other well-es- tablished vocational qualifications such as City and Guilds and BTEC certificates and diplomas. Such competition led to the withdrawal of the GNVQ by October 2007. The NVQ sur- vives largely because it complements other vocational qualifi- cations, for example on apprenticeship schemes.
In 2008, 14–19 diplomas were launched. By 2011, these were offered in 14 vocational areas or ‘lines of learning’, such as engineering, IT, hair and beauty studies, retail business, construction and hospitality. They were studied in schools or colleges. All diplomas are available at three levels: Foundation (level 1), Higher (level 2: equivalent to GCSE grades A* to C) and Advanced (level 3: equivalent to 31/2 A-levels).
The Wolf Report. In 2010 the government commissioned a review of vocational education led by Professor Alison Wolf.4 The final report published in 2011 was quite critical of many of the courses that governments had introduced. The study suggested that around 350 000 16–19-year-olds were working towards vocational qualifications that were of little or no value and were not recognised by employers.
The report blamed the incentive structure created by league tables that had caused colleges and schools to enrol people on courses that would boost league table positions but would not help them to get a job. With over 5000 vocational qualifications, it concluded that the whole system had
Pause for thought
What advantages and drawbacks are there in leaving training provision to employers? Clue: think about how training pro- vision might be influenced by the business cycle (the cycle of booms and recessions in the economy).
4Alison Wolf, Review of Vocational Education – The Wolf Report (GOV.UK, March 2011).
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become far too complex and should be simplified as soon as possible. It also recommended that the government should fund coherent study programmes rather than just qualifica- tions. It also called for greater employer involvement in the design of qualifications and courses.
Following the publication of this review, the Department of Education abolished 14–19 diplomas in August 2013. The SFA also removed the funding from 1800 vocational qualifi- cations in July 2013. It announced that a further 1000 quali- fications would have their funding removed in 2014.
The government unveiled 142 new ‘Tech level’ voca- tional qualifications in December 2013. These qualifi- cations are supported by leading businesses and trade organisations such as Vauxhall, Procter & Gamble and Kawasaki. Only vocational qualifications that have ‘Tech level’ status will be counted in school and college league tables. The government also announced new broader based vocational qualifications called Applied General Qualifica- tions, which have the support of some universities.
The report also stressed the importance of young people obtaining English and Maths at grades A* to C in order for them to be successful in the labour market. It noted that only 4 per cent of those students who failed to get grade C or above in Maths and English by the age of 16 achieved this outcome during their 16–18 education. Another rec- ommendation of the report was that everyone who fails to get at least a ‘C’ in GCSE English or Maths must continue to study those subjects post-16.
It has also been widely accepted across the political spec- trum that all young people should continue in learning
until they are 18. The age to which all young people must continue in either education or training was increased to 17 in 2013 and 18 in 2015.
Apprenticeships A second important and influential review commissioned by the government was carried out by Doug Richard.5 This review focused on the apprenticeship system. An apprentice- ship is a paid job where the employee receives both off- and on-the-job training. The government currently subsidises some of the training costs of an apprenticeship if it meets certain quality standards. These are known as ‘Apprentice- ship Frameworks’ and they have become an increasingly important part of government policy on training.
The growth, and more recent decline, in the number of people starting on government-funded apprenticeships in England is illustrated in Figure 21.2. There were 244 900 starts in 2014/15, which was an increase of 23 300 on the number in 2007/8, but a decline from the peak of 515 000 in 2011/12. On average, apprenticeships last longer than a year, so the numbers starting are less than the total num- ber on the scheme. The total number in England in 2013/14 was 852 000. The amount spent by the government on funding the scheme was just under £1.5 billion.
Figure 21.2 also clearly illustrates how apprenticeships have formed an important plank of training not only for
5Doug Richard, The Richard Review of Apprenticeships (School for Startups, November, 2012).
Total government-funded apprenticeship starts, EnglandFigure 21.2
Source: Based on data from BIS FE data library: apprenticeships (BIS, 2015)
25+ 19–24 Under 19
0
50 000
100 000
150 000
200 000
250 000
300 000
350 000
400 000
450 000
500 000
550 000
2005/6 2006/7 2007/8 2008/9 2009/0 2010/1 2011/2 2012/3 2013/4 2014/5
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BOX 21.3 RADICAL CHANGES TO APPRENTICESHIPS
Tackling the UK’s skills shortage?
In October 2013 the government announced a number of proposals to change the way apprenticeships are structured and funded. These proposals followed the recommendations of the Richard review.6
The existing funding arrangements The government funds part of the cost of providing appren- ticeships as long as they meet certain quality standards. These are called Apprenticeship Frameworks. As of April 2015, the size of the subsidy paid by the government is dependent on a number of factors including the age of the apprentice and the framework being followed. The impact of age on the size of the subsidy is shown in the table below.
Age of apprentice % of course fee subsidised
16–18 100
19–23 50
24 and over Up to 50
The size of the course fee being either fully or partly funded by the government depends on which of the 200 available frameworks the apprentice is following. Each framework specifies the qualifications that must be taken in order to successfully complete a particular apprenticeship. The Skills Funding Agency publishes a list of over 3500 of these eli- gible qualifications with fees ranging from over £10 000 to less than a £100. This results in large variations in the total course fees for each of the different frameworks. The table below illustrates the average level of public funding per Advanced Apprenticeship for some of the different subject groups.
Subject/framework group Level 3
Retail and Commercial Enterprise £3 700
Business, Administration and Law £3 900
Information and Communication Technology £10 200
Construction, Planning and Built Environment £14 700
Engineering and Manufacturing Technologies £20 000
The important role of training providers In about 10 per cent of apprenticeship frameworks the subsidy is paid directly to the firm. This is usually the case in larger organisations that have their own training staff capable of providing any off-the-job training. However, the majority of firms do not have their own specialist staff and so have to use an external training organisation instead. These external training organisations can be of two different types: independent training providers or colleges of further education. When they are involved, external training providers carry out the majority of the work in organising and delivering an apprenticeship. This includes:
■ Discussing timetables for the training and developing training plans to fit the needs of both the employer and employee.
■ Managing the recruitment process and shortlisting suita- ble candidates for interview.
■ Managing the paperwork once potential apprentices has been selected.
■ Providing the training and claiming the subsidy payment from the government.
■ Claiming money from the firm for that part of any course fees not covered by the government subsidy: i.e. for apprentices aged 19 and over.
■ Providing ongoing assessment and advice to both the employer and apprentice.
Criticisms of the system The Richard review made a number of criticisms of the apprenticeship framework system. Given the significant role played by training providers, he argued that in the majority of apprenticeships firms take a very passive role. Instead of being actively involved in designing the content of the train- ing, the evidence suggested that firms treated the frameworks as state-managed programmes. They saw their role as one of simply offering work placements to people on a govern- ment-run training scheme. Evidence to support this argument came from data on apprenticeships for people aged 19 and over. In theory the course fees on these programmes should be co-funded by the government and the employer. However, only 11 per cent of employers paid any training fees, which suggests only limited involvement.6Ibid.
young people but also for older age groups too. In 2014/15, 36 per cent of all apprenticeship starts were aged 25 or over.
The skills and training received on an apprenticeship. These can be broken down into a number of different areas. There is a competency element that measures work-based skills. This normally involves the apprentice taking National Voca- tional Qualifications.
There is also an element that develops and measures the theoretical knowledge that underpins the practical
skills. This will involve the apprentice taking a Technical Certificate.
Another area to the training is one that develops and tests transferable skills, such as numeracy and literacy. This may involve the apprentice studying and passing qualifica- tions in Maths and English at GCSE level.
A final element focuses on activities other than those that result in a qualification. This includes the apprentice gaining an understanding of employee rights and respon- sibilities.
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RADICAL CHANGES TO APPRENTICESHIPS
Tackling the UK’s skills shortage?
Richard argued that in order for the apprenticeship system to deliver the high-quality training required for a successful economy, it was vital to get employers more actively involved. In particular it was extremely important that employers should take a leading role in managing and designing high- value training programmes that met their skill requirements.
Changes to funding and the trailblazers Following the recommendations of the Richard review, the government announced a number of radical proposals to change the way apprenticeship frameworks are funded. One of these proposals is that the subsidy for course fees should be paid directly to the firm rather than the training provider. Another suggestion was to change the way the size of course fees were decided. Instead of these being set at a national
level by the SFA, it is proposed that they are determined at a local level following negotiations between the firm and the training provider. The key rationale behind these changes is to try and get firms more directly involved in decisions about the relevance, quality and cost of training. Changes were also proposed to the method used to calculate the size of the subsidy. Firms would now be expected to pay course fees to the relevant training provider. They would then be able to claim back £2 off the government for every £1 spent on fees up to a maximum limit or cap. The government proposed five different levels for this cap. Firms might also be able to claim some additional payments based on the age of the apprentice, the size of the firm and whether the person successfully completes the apprenticeship. These payments are illustrated in the table below.
7‘More than 700 employers to design top quality apprenticeships’, Press Release, Department of Business, Innovation and Skills (23 October 2014).
Cap 1 Cap 2 Cap 3 Cap 4 Cap 5
Size of the cap £2000 £3000 £6000 £8 000 £18 000
Employer contribution if money is claimed up to the maximum cap
£1000 £1500 £3000 £4 000 £9 000
Additional payments Apprentice aged 16–18 Firm employs < 50 Successful completion
£600 £500 £500
£900 £500 £500
£1800 £900 £900
£2 400 £1 200 £1 200
£5 400 £2 700 £2 700
Maximum size of government subsidy £3600 £4900 £9600 £12 800 £28 800
The government also launched the ‘Trailblazers’ initiative in October 2013. Trailblazers are groups of leading employers within a sector, who work together to determine the content of new apprenticeship standards. In March 2014 the govern- ment published the first 20 standards developed in phase 1 of the initiative. It hoped that these new employer-designed standard will eventually replace the frameworks. Business Secretary Vince Cable said: ‘Our reforms have empowered businesses large and small to design and deliver world-beating apprenticeships that offer a real route to a successful career.’7
However, some people have expressed concerns about the potential impact of these changes. The reforms move much
of the administrative burden of the system from training pro- viders back on to firms. Some fear these potential extra costs will deter many employees from becoming involved and result in a significant reduction in the number of apprenticeships. This maybe particularly true for small and medium-sized enterprises. The requirement to fund some of the course fees of 16–18-year-old apprentices might also deter firms from recruiting younger people.
1. What is the economic rationale for governments to finance the training provided to apprentices?
2. The government subsidises course fees for qualifications taken by a trainee as part of an apprenticeship. However, course fees only represent one element of the costs of train- ing a worker. What are the other economic costs?
3. Explain some of the potential impacts of the funding changes on the provision of apprenticeships.
Apprenticeships can be taken at three different levels.
■ Intermediate apprenticeships – level 2 qualifications, equivalent to 5 GCSEs.
■ Advanced apprenticeships – level 3 qualifications, equiv- alent to 2 A levels.
■ Higher apprenticeships – level 4 qualifications and above.
Increasing the provision of Higher Apprenticeships has been a policy priority for the government in recent years. A Higher Apprenticeship Fund of £25 million was used to
finance the development of 29 Higher Apprenticeship pro- jects and 20 000 new starts. A further £40 million of funding for the scheme was announced in the Autumn Statement of 2013. In 2014/15 only 3 per cent of apprenticeships were at a higher level – see Figure 21.3.
Funding was also made available to encourage smaller firms to hire apprentices. The Apprenticeship Grant for Employers of 16–24-year-olds is a scheme that pays £1500 to firms employing 50 or fewer employees if they take on an apprentice. To be eligible the firm must not have taken on an apprentice in the previous 12 months.
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Apprenticeship starts by level, EnglandFigure 21.3
Source: Based on data from BIS FE data library: apprenticeships (BIS, 2015)
Higher Advanced Intermediate
0 50 000
100 000 150 000 200 000 250 000 300 000 350 000 400 000 450 000 500 000 550 000 600 000
20 09
/1 0
20 10
/1 1
20 11
/1 2
20 12
/1 3
20 13
/1 4
20 14
/1 5
The Richard review recommended a move away from Apprenticeship Frameworks based on groups of qualifica- tions towards a more rounded approach. In particular it called for greater involvement and input from employers in the design of the frameworks. More details of changes being made to the system as a result of the Richard review are dis- cussed in Box 21.3.
UK governments have introduced a whole range of initia- tives to take on the challenges posed by the Leitch Review. The OECD data suggest that the UK’s performance has improved. However, the 2012 data show that, even after all these changes, the UK’s skills performance lags behind some of its leading international rivals. For example, in 2012 the proportion of 25–64-year-olds whose highest level of educational attainment is below upper secondary level was 22 per cent in the UK. The corresponding figures for the USA and Germany were 11 per cent and 14 per cent respec- tively. We await with interest the extent to which the UK performance improves over the next few years.
SUMMARY
1a Competition policy in most countries recognises that monopolies, mergers and restrictive practices can bring both costs and benefits to the consumer. Generally, though, restrictive practices tend to be more damaging to consumers’ interests than simple monopoly power or mergers.
1b European Union legislation applies to firms trading between EU countries. Article 101 applies to restrictive practices. Article 102 applies to dominant firms. There are also separate merger control provisions.
1c UK legislation is largely covered by the 1998 Competi- tion Act, the 2002 Enterprise Act and Part 3 of the 2013 Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Act. The Chapter I prohibition of the 1998 Act applies to restrictive prac- tices and is similar to Article 101. The Chapter II prohi- bition applies to dominant firms and is similar to Article 102. The 2002 Act made certain cartel agreements a criminal offence and required mergers over a certain size to be investigated by the Office of Fair Trading with possible reference to the Competition Commission. Both the OFT and CC were made independent of government. The 2013 Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Act merged the OFT and CC to create the Competition and Markets Authority (CMA).
1d The focus of both EU and UK legislation is on anti-com- petitive practices rather than on the simple existence of agreements between firms or market dominance. Prac- tices that are found after investigation to be detrimental to competition are prohibited and heavy fines can be imposed, even for a first offence. Since 2008 the EU has operated a streamlined settlement procedure for firms suspected of operating in cartels. Co-operation results in fines being reduced and firms acting as ‘whistle-blowers’ can receive immunity from fines.
2a The importance of technology in determining national eco- nomic success is growing. There is now a need for govern-
ment to formulate a technology policy to ensure that the national economy has every chance to remain competitive.
2b Technological change, when left to the market, is unlikely to proceed rapidly enough or to a socially desirable level. Reasons for this include R&D free riders, monopolistic market structures, duplication of R&D activ- ities, and risk and uncertainty.
2c Government technology policy might involve interven- tion at different levels of the technology process (inven- tion, innovation and diffusion). Such intervention might involve extending ownership rights over new products, providing R&D directly or using subsidies to encourage third parties. Government might also act in an advisory/ co-ordinating capacity.
2d Technology policy in the UK has tended to emphasise the market as the principal provider of technological change. Where possible, government’s role has been kept to a minimum. Within the EU, policy has been more interventionist and a wide range of initiatives have been launched to encourage greater levels of R&D.
3a A well-trained workforce contributes to economic per- formance by enhancing productivity, encouraging and enabling change and, in respect to supplying scarce skills to the workplace, helps to reduce wage costs.
3b Training policy in the UK has gone through numerous changes in the past 25 years. At times the level of government intervention has increased and at other times training provision has been predominately left to employers. The result of all the changes seems to be a system that delivers less than the optimum amount of training. In other countries, such as Germany, the state plays a far greater role in training provision.
3c The apprenticeship system has become a very important part of the UK government’s policy on vocational train- ing. The number of employees doing an apprenticeship has increased rapidly over the past few years.
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R E V I E W Q U E S T I O N S 3 8 7
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Try to formulate a definition of the public interest. 2 What are the advantages and disadvantages of the cur-
rent system of controlling restrictive practices? 3 What problems are likely to arise in identifying which
firms’ practices are anti-competitive? Should regula- tors take firms’ assurances into account when deciding whether to grant an exemption?
4 If anti-monopoly legislation is effective enough, is there ever any need to prevent mergers from going ahead?
5 Discuss some of the problems involved in defining the relevant market for the purposes of competition policy.
6 If two or more firms were charging similar prices, what types of evidence would you look for to prove that this was collusion rather than mere coincidence?
7 Should governments or regulators always attempt to elimi- nate the supernormal profits of monopolists/oligopolists?
8 We can distinguish three clear stages in the development and application of technology: invention, innovation and diffusion. How might forms of technology policy interven- tion change at each stage of this process?
9 Governments and educationalists generally regard it as desirable that trainees acquire transferable skills. Why may many employers disagree?
10 There are externalities (benefits) when employers provide training. What externalities are there from the under- going of training by the individual? Do they imply that individuals will choose to receive more or less than the socially optimal amount of training?
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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Government and the market
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ Why is a free market unlikely to lead to environmentally sustainable development? ■ What policies can governments pursue to protect the environment and what are their impacts on business? ■ What determines the allocation of road space? ■ What are the best policies for reducing traffic congestion? ■ What forms has privatisation taken and has it been beneficial? ■ How are privatised industries regulated and how has competition been increased in these industries?
ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY 22.1
Scarcely a day goes by without some environmental issue or other featuring in the news: another warning about global warming; a company fined for illegally dumping waste; a drought or flood blamed on pollution/global warming; smog in some major cities. Also attempts by pol- icy makers to improve the environment are often contro- versial and hit the headlines: for example, the impact of government climate change policies on the size of people’s energy bills.
Why does the environment appear to be so misused and policies that attempt to improve the situation so controver- sial? To answer these questions we have to understand the nature of the economic relationship between humans and the natural world.
The environment as a resource We all benefit from the environment in three ways:
■ as an amenity to be enjoyed; ■ as a source of primary products (food, raw materials and
other resources); ■ as a place where we can dump waste.
Unfortunately these three different uses are often in con- flict with each other. For example, we extract and burn fos- sil fuels such as coal, oil and gas, for power generation and industrial uses. However, the extraction of these fuels may have a negative impact on the amenity value of the envi- ronment. One only has to think of some of the concerns
In the previous chapter we considered examples of the relationship between the government and the individual firm. In this chapter we turn to examine government policy at the level of the whole market. Although such poli- cies are generally directed at a whole industry or sector, they nevertheless still affect individual businesses, and indeed the effects may well vary from one firm to another.
C h
a p
te r22
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raised by people about the impact of drilling for shale gas on their local communities. The burning of fossil fuels also cre- ates greenhouse gases that are emitted into the atmosphere and cause climate change. Some of the CO2 gets absorbed into the oceans, which increases their level of acidity and kills marine life.
Policies that try to reduce our current use of the envi- ronment as a source of primary products and/or reduce the volume of emissions we generate come at cost. These higher costs are often passed on to consumers in the form of higher prices – an outcome they often dislike and complain about.
The subject of environmental degradation lies clearly within the realm of economics, since it is a direct conse- quence of production and consumption decisions. So how can economic analysis help us to understand the nature of the problem and design effective policies that will result in the optimal use of the environment? What will be the impact of these policies on business?
Market failures An unregulated market system may fail to provide adequate protection of the environment for a number of reasons.
Externalities. Pollution could be classified as a ‘negative externality’ of production or consumption, as we saw in section 20.2. In the case of production, there are mar- ginal external costs (MEC), which means that the marginal social costs (MSC) are greater than the marginal private costs (MC) to the polluter. The failure of the market system to equate MSC and marginal social benefit (MSB) is due to either consumers or firms lacking the appropriate property rights.
The environment as a common resource. The air, the seas and many other parts of the environment are not privately owned. It is argued that they are a global ‘commons’. As such, it is extremely difficult to exclude non-payers from consuming the benefits they provide. Because of this prop- erty of ‘non-excludability’ (see page 349), the environment can often be consumed at a zero price. If the price of any good or service to the user is zero, there is no incentive to economise on its use.
Many parts of the environment, however, are scarce: there is rivalry in their use. As people increase their use of the environment, it may prevent other or rival consumers from enjoying it. Overfishing in the open oceans can lead to the depletion of fish stocks (see Box 20.2 on page 352).
Ignorance. There have been many cases of people causing environmental damage without realising it, especially when the effects build up over a long time. Even when the problems are known to scientists, consumers and producers may not appreciate the full environmental costs of their actions. Firms may want to act in a more ‘environmentally friendly’ manner but lack the appropriate knowledge to do so.
Intergenerational problems. The environmentally harm- ful effects of many activities are long term, whereas the benefits are immediate. Thus consumers and firms are frequently prepared to continue with various practices and leave future generations to worry about their environ- mental consequences. The problem, then, is a reflection of the importance that people attach to the present relative to the future.
In order to ensure that the environment is taken suffi- ciently into account by both firms and consumers, the government must intervene. It must devise an appropriate environmental policy.
Such a policy will involve measures to ensure that at least a specified minimum level of environmental quality is achieved. Ideally, the policy would ensure that all exter- nalities are fully ‘internalised’. This means that firms and consumers are forced to pay the full costs of production or consumption: i.e. their marginal private costs plus any external costs. It also needs to make sure that the effects of actions taken by the current generation on the welfare of future generations are fully taken into account when devis- ing policy. For more detail see Box 22.1.
Problems with policy intervention Valuing the environment The principal difficulty facing government in constructing its environmental policy is that of valuing the environment and hence of estimating the costs of its pollution. If policy is based upon the principle that the polluter pays, then an accurate assessment of pollution costs is vital if the policy is to establish a socially efficient level of production.
Three common methods used for valuing environ- mental damage are: the financial costs to other users; revealed preferences; and ‘contingent valuation’ (or stated preference).
The financial costs to other users. In this method, environ- mental costs are calculated by considering the financial costs imposed on other businesses or individuals by pollut- ing activities. For example, if firm A feeds chemical waste into a local stream, then firm B, which is downstream and requires a clean water supply, may have to introduce a water purification process. The expense of this to firm B can be seen as an external cost of firm A.
The main problem with this method is that not all exter- nal costs entail a direct financial cost for the sufferers. Many external costs may therefore be overlooked.
KI 33 p 345
KI 31 p 343
KI 28 p 325
Definition
Environmental policy Initiatives by government to ensure a specified minimum level of environmental quality.
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Revealed preferences. If the direct financial costs of pollution are difficult to identify, let alone calculate, then an alterna- tive approach to valuing the environment might be to con- sider how individuals or businesses change their behaviour in response to environmental changes. Such changes in behav- iour frequently carry a financial cost, which makes calcula- tion easier. For example, the building of a new superstore on a greenfield site overlooked by your house might cause you to move. Moving house entails a financial cost, including the
loss in value of your property resulting from the opening of the store. Clearly, in such a case, by choosing to move you would be regarding the cost of moving to be less than the cost to you of the deterioration in your environment.
Contingency valuation. In this method, people likely to be affected are asked to evaluate the effect on them of any proposed change to their environment. In the case of the superstore, local residents might be asked how much they
BOX 22.1 A STERN REBUKE ABOUT CLIMATE CHANGE INACTION
Economists can offer solutions, but they can’t solve the problem
The analysis of global warming is not just for climate scientists. Economists have a major part to play in examining its causes and consequences and the possible solutions. And these solutions are likely to have a major impact on business. Perhaps the most influential study of climate change in recent times was the Stern Review. This was an independent review led by Sir Nicholas Stern, the then head of the Government Economic Service and former chief economist of the World Bank. Here was an economist using the methods of economics to analyse perhaps the most serious problem facing the world.
Climate change presents a unique challenge for economics: it is the greatest and widest-ranging market failure ever seen. The economic analysis must therefore be global, deal with long time horizons, have the economics of risk and uncertainty at centre stage, and examine the possibility of major, non-marginal change.1
Dealing with long time horizons presents some interesting problems. The benefits to society from acting on climate change today will occur in the future. The problem is that the cost of these policies will be felt today: e.g. higher prices and less consumption. In order to carry out an assessment of envi- ronmental policies the future benefits need to be discounted so that they can be compared with the current costs. The problem is in choosing the most appropriate social discount rate. Unfortunately many economists disagree!
What makes matters worse is that the results obtained from any economic assessment that involve costs and benefits over such a long period of time are very sensitive to the dis- count rate used. Stern used a relatively low social discount rate, which meant that the future benefits and costs were more highly valued. Other economists criticised the report, claiming that a much higher discount rate should have been chosen.
First the bad news According to the Stern Report, if no action were taken, global temperatures would rise by some 2–3°C within the next 50 years. As a result the world economy would shrink by an aver- age of up to 20 per cent. The economies of the countries most seriously affected by floods, drought and crop failure could shrink by considerably more. Rising sea levels could displace some 200 million people; droughts could create tens or even hundreds of millions of ‘climate refugees’. Because of the low discount rate used, these future costs were weighted heavily.
KI 28 p 325
Then the good However, Stern concluded that these consequences could be averted – and at relatively low cost – if action were taken early enough. According to the report, a sacrifice of just 1 per cent of global GDP (global income) could be enough to stabi- lise greenhouse gases to a sustainable level. To achieve this, action would need to be taken to cut emissions from their various sources (see the chart). This would involve a mixture of four things:
■ Reducing consumer demand for emissions-intensive goods and services.
■ Increased efficiency, which can save both money and emissions.
■ Action on non-energy emissions, such as avoiding deforestation.
■ Switching to lower-carbon technologies for power, heat and transport.
As one might expect from a report produced by an economist, the policy proposals focused on altering incentives. This could involve taxing polluting activities; subsidising green alterna- tives, including the development of green technology; estab- lishing a price for carbon through trading carbon (see section on tradable permits on pages 395–6) and regulating its production; and encouraging behavioural change through education, better labelling of products and encouraging public debate.
Heeding the warnings? So, nearly 10 years after the Stern Report, how much pro- gress has been made? The OECD is very concerned about the environmental impact on growth and is pressing for a global response. So are national governments therefore acting with urgency? In 2014, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) issued its Fifth Assessment Report (AR5)2 – the first one had been published in 1990. This major document consists of three working group reports and an overarching synthesis. The first working group looked at the physical science; the second considered impacts, adaptation and vulnerability; while the third focused on mitigation of climate change. Economists contributed substantially to both the second and third groups.
1 Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change (TSO, 2006). 2 The Fifth Assessment Report (AR5) (IPCC, 2014).
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would be willing to pay in order for the development not to take place, or alternatively, how much they would need to be compensated if it were to take place.
The principal concern with this method is how reliable the answers to the questionnaires would be. There are two major problems:
■ Ignorance. People will not know just how much they will suffer until the project goes ahead.
■ Dishonesty. People will tend to exaggerate the compensa- tion they would need. After all, if compensation is actu- ally going to be paid, people will want to get as much as possible. But even if it is not, the more people exaggerate the costs to them, the more likely it is that they can get the project stopped.
These problems can be lessened if people who have a l r e a d y e x p e r i e n c e d a s i m i l a r p r o j e c t e l s e w h e r e a r e
KI 8 p 42
A STERN REBUKE ABOUT CLIMATE CHANGE INACTION
Economists can offer solutions, but they can’t solve the problem
The report on impact3 confirmed that the effects of climate change are already occurring on all continents and across the oceans. It concluded that the world is ill-prepared for risks from a changing climate. As with Stern, it stated that that there are currently opportu- nities to respond to such risks, though this will be difficult to manage with high levels of warming. The report details the impacts of climate change to date, the future risks from a changing climate, and the opportunities for effective action to reduce risks. It identifies vulnerable people, industries and ecosystems around the world. It finds that risk from a changing climate comes from vulnerability (lack of preparedness) and exposure (people or assets in harm’s way) overlapping with hazards (triggering climate events or trends). Each of these three components can be a target for smart actions to decrease risk. Adaptation to reduce the risks from a changing climate is now starting to occur, but with a stronger focus on reacting to past
Industry (14%)
Other energy related (5%)
Waste (3%)
Agriculture (14%)
Land use (18%)
Buildings (8%)
Total emissions in 2000: 42 GtCO2e.
Energy emissions are mostly CO2 (some non-CO2 in industry and other energy related).
Non-energy emissions are CO2 (land use) and non-CO2 (agriculture and waste).
Transport (14%)
Power (24%)
ENERGY EMISSIONS
NON-ENERGY EMISSIONS
Greenhouse gas emissions in 2000, by source
Source: Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change. Office of Climate Change (OCC) (Stem Review, 2006), Executive Summary, Figure 1 based on data drawn from World Resources Institute Climate Analysis Indicators Tool (CAIT) online database version 3.0
events than on preparing for a changing future. According to Chris Field, the Co-Chair of Working Group II:
Climate-change adaptation is not an exotic agenda that has never been tried. Governments, firms, and communities around the world are building experience with adaptation. This experience forms a starting point for bolder, more ambitious adaptations that will be important, as climate and society continue to change.4
Less than a month after this report, the working group on mit- igation published its own findings.5It summarised the diverse options open to policy makers and reaffirmed the conclusion that the worst effects of climate can be prevented, if action is taken. Part of the Mitigation report takes the form of a summary for policy makers. It acknowledges that substantial reductions in emissions will require major changes in investment patterns. The report finds that some progress in policy development has been achieved, particularly at a national level. These policies are often at sectoral level and involve the regulatory, finan- cial and information measures that economists have recom- mended for some time. There is, however, a substantial time lag between the imple- mentation of policies and the impact on the environment. AR5 found that since 2008 emission growth has not yet deviated from the previous trend. Of course, a major characteristic of climate change is that it is not restricted by national boundaries. This highlights the potential for international cooperation. Attempts to reach international agreement on tackling climate change are examined in Case study H.22 in MyEconLab.
1. Would it be in the interests of a business to reduce its car- bon emissions if this involved it in increased costs?
2. How is the concept of ‘opportunity cost’ relevant in analys- ing the impact of business decisions on the environment?
3. The Stern Report was produced in 2006. Why has progress to date been slow? Does this reflect a lack of political will or scepticism about the extent of climate change?
3 Climate Change 2014: Impacts, Adaptation, and Vulnerability, from Working Group II of the IPCC (IPCC, 2014). 4 www.unep.org/newscentre/Default.aspx?DocumentID=2764&ArticleID=10773 5 Climate Change 2014: Mitigation from Climate Change, from Working Group III of the IPCC (IPCC, 2014).
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questioned. They are more knowledgeable and have less to gain from being dishonest.
Research on contingency valuation has focused heavily on the questioning process and how monetary values of costs and benefits might be accurately established. Of all the methods, contingency valuation has grown most in popularity over recent years, despite its limitations.
Other problems As well as the problems of value, other aspects of environ- mental damage make policy making particularly difficult. These include the following:
■ Spatial issues. The place where pollution is produced and the places where it is deposited may be geographically very far apart. Pollution crosses borders (e.g. acid rain) or can be global (e.g. greenhouse gases). In both cases, national policies might be of little value, especially if you are a receiver of others’ pollution! In such circumstances, international agreements would be needed, and these can be very difficult to reach.
■ Temporal issues. Environmental problems such as acid rain and the depletion of the ozone layer have been occurring over many decades. Thus the full effect of pollution on the environment may be identifiable only in the long term. As a consequence, policy initiatives are required to be forward looking and proactive, if the cumulative effects of pollution are to be avoided. Most policy tends to be reactive, however, dealing only with problems as they arise. In such cases, damage to the environment may have already been done.
■ Irreversibility issues. Much environmental damage might be irreversible: once a species is extinct, for example, it cannot normally be reintroduced.
Environmental policy options Environmental policy can take many forms. However, it is useful to put the different types of policy into three broad categories: (a) those that attempt to work through the market by changing property rights or by changing market signals (e.g. through the use of charges, taxes or subsidies); (b) those that involve the use of laws, regulations and controls (e.g. legal limits on the volume of sulphur dioxide emissions); (c) those that attempt to combine the approaches (e.g. ‘cap and trade’). The following sections will examine each of these three categories in more detail.
Market-based policies Extending private property rights If those suffering from pollution, or causing it, are granted property rights, they can charge the polluters for the right to pollute. According to the Coase theorem (see pages 355-6) this could result in the socially efficient level of output being produced. For example, if the sufferers are awarded the property rights, they can impose a charge
on the polluter that is greater than the sufferers’ marginal pollution cost but less than the polluter’s marginal profit. Similarly, if the polluting firm is given the right to pollute, victims could offer a payment to persuade it not to pollute.
Extending property rights in this way is normally impractical whenever there are many polluters and many victims. But the principle of the victims paying polluters to reduce pollution is sometimes followed by governments. Thus, under Article 11 of the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, the developed countries agreed to provide financial assistance to the developing countries to help them reduce green- house gas emissions.
Introducing charges for the use of the environment We previously discussed how the environment can be thought of as a common or natural resource where the user pays no price. For example, the emissions created by a coal-burning power station can be spewed into the atmosphere at no cost to the firm even though it imposes costs on society. A firm could also use resources from the environment in its production process at a zero price. For example it could extract water, cut down trees for timber or extract minerals out of the ground (assuming it owned or rented the land). With a zero price these resources will tend to be depleted at rate that is not optimal for society: i.e. too quickly.
To overcome these problems the government could introduce charges for the use of the environment which would otherwise be free to the user.
Environmental (‘green’) taxes and subsidies Rather than charging for the use of the environment, a tax could be imposed on the output (or consumption) of a good whenever external environmental costs are generated. Such taxes are known as green taxes. In this case, the good already has a price but it does not fully reflect the full costs to society.
To achieve the socially efficient output level the rate of tax should be equal to the marginal external cost (see Figure 20.9 on page 355). As such, it should fully internalise the costs of the externality.
An alternative is to subsidise activities that reduce pollu- tion (such as the installation of loft insulation). Here the rate of subsidy should be equal to the marginal external benefit.
Taxes and charges have the advantage of relating the size of the penalty to the amount of pollution. This means that there is continuous pressure to cut down on production or consump- tion of polluting products or activities in order to save tax.
KI 36 p 354
Definition
Green tax A tax on output or consumption to charge for the adverse effect on the environment. The socially efficient level of a green tax is equal to the marginal envi- ronmental cost of production.
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Types of environmental taxes and chargesTable 22.1
Motor fuels Leaded/unleaded Diesel (quality differential) Carbon/energy taxation Sulphur tax
Other energy products Carbon/energy tax Sulphur tax or charge NO
2 charge
Methane charge Agricultural inputs
Fertilisers Pesticides Manure
Vehicle-related taxation Sales tax depends on car size Road tax depends on car size
Other goods Batteries Plastic carrier bags Glass containers Drink cans Tyres CFCs/halons Disposable razors/cameras Lubricant oil charge Oil pollutant charge Solvents
Waste disposal Municipal waste charges Waste-disposal charges Hazardous waste charges Landfill tax or charges Duties on waste water
Air transport Noise charges Aviation fuels
Water Water charges Sewage charges Water effluent charges Manure charges
Direct tax provisions Tax relief on green investment Taxation on free company cars Employer-paid commuting expenses taxable Employer-paid parking expenses taxable Commuter use of public transport tax deductible
One approach is to modify existing taxes. In most developed countries there are now higher taxes on high-emission cars.
Increasingly, however, countries are introducing new ‘green’ taxes or charges in order to discourage pollution as goods are produced, consumed or disposed of. Table 22.1 shows the wide range of green taxes and charges used around the world and Figure 22.1 shows green tax revenues as a percentage of GDP in various countries.
As you can see, they are higher than average in the Netherlands and the Scandinavian nations, reflecting the strength of their environmental concerns. They are lowest in the USA. By far the largest green tax revenues come from fuel taxes. Fuel taxes are relatively high in the UK and so, therefore, are green tax revenues.
Problems with taxes and charges There are various problems with using taxes and charges in the fight against pollution.
Identifying the socially efficient tax rate. It will be difficult to identify the marginal pollution cost of each firm, given that each one is likely to produce different amounts of pollutants for any given level of output. Even if two firms produce identical amounts of pollutants, the environmen- tal damage might be quite different, because the ability of the environment to cope with it will differ between the two locations. Also, the number of people suffering will differ (a factor that is very important when considering the human impact of pollution). What is more, the harmful effects are likely to build up over time, and predicting these effects is fraught with difficulty.
Problems of demand inelasticity. The less elastic the demand for the product at its current price, the less effective will a tax be in cutting production and hence in cutting pollution. Thus taxes on petrol would have to be very high indeed to make significant reductions in the consumption of petrol and hence
significant reductions in the exhaust gases that contribute towards global warming and acid rain.
Redistributive effects. The poor spend a higher proportion of their income on domestic fuel than the rich. A ‘carbon tax’ on such fuel will, therefore, have the effect of redistributing incomes away from the poor. The poor also spend a larger proportion of their income on food than do the rich. Taxes on agriculture, designed to reduce intensive use of fertilisers and pesticides, will again tend to hit the poor proportion- ately more than the rich.
However, not all green taxes hit the poor more than the rich. The rich spend a higher proportion of their income on motoring than the poor. Thus petrol and other motoring taxes could help to reduce inequality.
Problems with international trade. If a country imposes pollu- tion taxes on its industries, its products will become less com- petitive in world trade. To compensate for this, the industries may need to be given tax rebates for exports. Also taxes would need to be imposed on imports of competitors’ prod- ucts from countries where there is no equivalent green tax.
Evidence on the adverse effect of environmental taxes on a country’s exports is inconclusive, however. Over the long term, in countries with high environmental taxes (or other tough environmental measures), firms will be stimulated to invest in low-pollution processes and products. This will later give such countries a competitive advantage if other countries then impose tougher environmental standards.
Effects on employment. Reduced output in the industries affected by green taxes will lead to a reduction in employ- ment. If, however, the effect was to encourage investment in new cleaner technology, employment might not fall. Further- more, employment opportunities could be generated else- where if the extra revenues from the green taxes were spent on alternative products, such as buses and trains rather than cars.
KI 9 p 51
KI 12 p 68
KI 32 p 343
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Non-market-based policies Command-and-control systems (laws and regulations) The traditional way of tackling pollution has been to set maximum permitted levels of emission or resource use, or minimum acceptable levels of environmental quality, and then to fine firms contravening these limits. Measures of this type are known as command-and-control (CAC) sys- tems. Clearly, there have to be inspectors to monitor the amount of pollution, and the fines have to be large enough to deter firms from exceeding the limit.
Virtually all countries have environmental regulations of one sort or another. For example, the EU has over 200 items of legislation covering areas such as air and water pollution, noise, the marketing and use of dangerous chem- icals, waste management, the environmental impacts of new projects (such as power stations, roads and quarries), recycling, depletion of the ozone layer and global warming.
Typically there are three approaches to devising CAC systems.6
■ Technology-based standards. The focus could be on the amount of pollution generated, irrespective of its envi- ronmental impact. As technology for reducing pollut- ants improves, so tougher standards could be imposed, based on the ‘best available technology’ (as long as the cost was not excessive). Thus car manufacturers could be required to ensure that new car engines meet lower CO2 emission levels as the technology enabled them to do so.
■ Ambient-based standards. Here the focus is on the envi- ronmental impact. For example, standards could be set for air or water purity. Depending on the location and the number of polluters in that area, a given standard would be achieved with different levels of discharge. If the object is a cleaner environment, then this approach is more efficient than technology-based standards.
■ Social-impact standards. Here the focus is on the effect on people. Thus tougher standards would be imposed in densely populated areas. Whether this approach is more efficient than that of ambient-based standards depends on the approach to sustainability. If the objective is to achieve social efficiency, then human-impact standards are preferable. If the objective is to protect the environ- ment for its own sake (a ‘deeper green’ approach), then ambient standards would be preferable.
Green tax revenues as a percentage of GDPFigure 22.1
Source: Based on data in Environmentally Related Taxes Database (OECD, 2015)
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6See R. K. Turner, D. Pearce and I. Bateman, Environmental Economics (Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1994), p. 198.
Definitions
Command-and-control (CAC) systems The use of laws or regulations backed up by inspections and penalties (such as fines) for non-compliance.
Technology-based standards Pollution control that requires firms’ emissions to reflect the levels that could be achieved from using the best available pollution control technology.
Ambient-based standards Pollution control that requires firms to meet minimum standards for the envi- ronment (e.g. air or water quality).
Social-impact standards Pollution control that focuses on the effects on people (e.g. on health or happiness).
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Assessing CAC systems. Given the uncertainty over the envi- ronmental impacts of pollutants, especially over the longer term, it is often better to play safe and set tough emissions or ambient standards. These could always be relaxed at a later stage if the effects turn out not to be so damaging, but it might be too late to reverse damage if the effects turn out to be more serious. Taxes may be a more sophisticated means of reaching a socially efficient output, but CAC methods are usually more straightforward to devise, easier to understand by firms and easier to implement.
Where command-and-control systems are weak is that they fail to offer business any incentive to do better than the legally specified level. By contrast, with a pollution tax, the lower the pollution level, the less tax there will be to pay. There is thus a continuing incentive for businesses progressively to cut pollution levels and introduce cleaner technology.
Voluntary agreements Rather than imposing laws and regulations, the govern- ment can seek to enter into voluntary agreements (VAs) with firms for them to cut pollution. Such agreements may involve a formal contract, and hence be legally binding, or they may be looser commitments by firms. VAs will be helped if (a) companies believe that this will improve their image with customers and hence improve sales; (b) there is an underlying threat by the government of introducing laws and regulations should VAs fail
Firms often prefer VAs to regulations, because they can negotiate such agreements to suit their own particular cir- cumstances and build them into their planning. The result is that the firms may be able to meet environmental objec- tives at a lower cost. This clearly helps their competitive position.
The effectiveness of VAs depends on how tightly specified the agreements are and how easy they are for government inspectors to monitor. It also depends on there being genu- ine goodwill from firms. Without it, they may try to draw up agreements in a way that allows them to cut emissions by less than the level originally intended by the government.
Education People’s attitudes are very important in determining the environmental consequences of their actions. Fortunately for the environment, people are not always out to simply maximise their own self-interest. If they were, then why would they buy more expensive ‘green’ products, such as environmentally friendly detergents? The answer is that many people like to do their bit, however small, towards protecting the environment. There is evidence that atti- tudes have changed markedly over the past few years.
This is where education can come in. If children, and adults for that matter, were made more aware of environ- mental issues and the consequences of their actions, then people’s consumption habits could change and more pressure would be put on firms to improve their ‘green credentials’.
Tradable permits (a CAC and market based system) A policy measure that has grown in popularity in recent years is that of tradable permits, also known as a ‘cap-and- trade’ system. This is a combination of command-and-con- trol and market-based systems.
Capping pollution Initially some criteria have to be set in order to determine which factories, power plants and installations will be cov- ered by the scheme. Policy makers then have to set a limit or ‘cap’ on the total volume of pollution these organisations will be collectively allowed to produce before any financial penalties are incurred.
The biggest cap-and-trade system in the world is the Euro- pean Union’s Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) – for more details see Box 22.2. It covers energy-intensive installations in four broad sectors that have emissions above certain thresh- old levels. The four sectors are energy (electricity, oil, coal), ferrous metals (iron, steel), minerals (cement, glass, ceramics) and wood pulp (paper and card). In 2013, the EU set a total cap on the aggregate CO2 emissions produced by organisations in these sectors of 2 084 301 856 tonnes. The cap decreases by 38,264,246 tonnes (1.74% of the average total quantity of allowances issued annually between 2008 and 2012) per year until 2020.
Once an aggregate cap has been set, pollution permits, sometimes called allowances, are either issued or sold to the firms. Each allowance held by a firm gives it the right to pro- duce a given volume of pollution. The maximum allowance value of all the permits issued by the authorities in a given year should be equal to the size of the aggregate cap set on total pollution.
The number of permits allocated to an individual plant, factory or installation is often based on its current level of pollution. The number of allowances awarded in subse- quent years of the scheme is then calculated by requiring all firms to reduce their pollution levels by the same per- centage. This approach is known as grandfathering. The major criticism of this method is that it seems to be unfair on those firms that have already invested in cleaner tech- nology. Why should they be required to make the same
KI 8 p 42
KI 9 p 51
Definitions
Tradable permits Firms are issued or sold permits by the authorities that give them the right to produce a given level of pollution. Firms that do not have permits to match their pollution levels can purchase additional per- mits to cover the difference, while those that reduce their pollution levels can sell any surplus permits for a profit.
Grandfathering Where the number of emission permits allocated to a firm is based on its current levels of emission (e.g. permitted levels for all firms could be 80 per cent of their current emission levels).
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reductions in the future as firms currently using older pol- luting technology?
All firms covered by the scheme must monitor and report the pollution level caused by their production activity. At the end of the year they must then submit enough allowances to the authorities to match the level of pollution they have caused. Each allowance can only be used once. If a firm fails to submit enough allowances then it is subject to heavy fines.
Trading under a cap-and-trade system So far only the ‘cap’ part of the ‘cap-and-trade’ system has been explained. The ‘trade’ part of the scheme refers to the ability of firms to buy and sell allowances in a secondary market once they have been allocated by the authorities. However, in what circumstances would a firm wish either to buy or to sell an allowance?
Take the example of an organisation that estimates it will not have enough permits at the end of the year to match its forecast level of pollution. It has two options. Firstly, it could invest in new technology that reduces the level of pollution created by its production process. Alternatively it could leave its production process unchanged and purchase extra permits. Obviously its final decision will depend on the rel- ative cost of introducing more energy-efficient technology versus the price of purchasing any additional permits.
In order to buy allowances in the secondary market there must be other firms that have excess permits and hence are willing to sell. These may be firms which have recently made large investments in a more energy-efficient production process. If an organisation forecasts that it will have more permits than the number required, then it can sell the excess allowances in the secondary market.
The price that firms pay either to buy or to sell the allow- ances in the secondary market will depend on the levels of demand and supply. The levels of demand and supply will be heavily influenced by the initial number of permits allocated by the authorities, the state of the economy and developments in technology.
The principle of tradable permits can be used as the basis of international agreements on pollution reduction. Each country could be required to achieve a certain percentage reduction in a pollutant (e.g. CO2 or SO2), but any country exceeding its reduction could sell its right to these emis- sions to other (presumably richer) countries. A similar prin- ciple can be adopted for using natural resources. Thus fish quotas could be assigned to fishing boats or fleets or coun- tries. Any parts of these quotas not used could then be sold.
Assessing the system of tradable permits It is argued that one major advantage of the cap-and-trade system over most CAC methods is that it can reduce pollu- tion at a much lower cost to society. This can be illustrated by using the following simple example.
Assume there are just two firms which each own one plant that pollutes the environment. Firm A and B’s produc- tion processes currently result in 2000 tonnes of CO2 being emitted into the atmosphere each year – 1000 tonnes by each firm. Decreasing emissions of CO2 would cost firm A £100 per tonne, whereas it would cost firm B £200 per tonne.
Assume that the government wishes to reduce emissions from 2000 to 1600 tonnes. It could set an emissions cap on both firms of 800 tonnes of CO2. Each would be given per- mits for that amount. Without the possibility of trading the permits, firm A would have to spend £20 000 to comply with the cap (200 tonnes * £100), while firm B would have to spend £40 000 (200 tonnes * £200). Thus the cost to society of reducing total emissions from 2000 to 1600 tonnes is £60 000.
With trading, however, the cost can be reduced below £60 000. If the two firms traded permits at a price somewhere between £100 and £200 per tonne, say £150, both could gain. Firm A would have an incentive to reduce its emissions to 600 tonnes, costing £40 000 (400 * £100). It could then sell the unused permits (200 tonnes) to firm B for £30 000 (200 * £150), which could then maintain emissions at 1000 tonnes. The net cost to firm A is now only £10 000 (£40 000 – £30 000), rather than the £20 000 from reducing its production to 800 without trade. The cost to Firm B is £30 000, rather than the £40 000 from reducing its production to 800.
Society will have achieved the same total reduction in pol- lution (i.e. from 2000 tonnes to 1600 tonnes) but at a much lower cost: i.e. £40 000 instead of £60 000. The lower increase in costs means that price increases in the sector for consum- ers will be lower than they would otherwise have been.
In theory the same outcome could be obtained in a CAC system if the policy makers knew the compliance costs of the different firms. In this case, an emission standard of 600 tonnes could be placed on firm A and a 1000 tonnes on firm B. However, this would require the authorities collecting enormous amounts of detailed information on plant-specific costs in order to calculate the appropriate emissions standard for each business. The cap-and-trade system allows policy makers to achieve the same outcome without the need to col- lect such large amounts of detailed information.
An interesting comparison can also be made between green taxes/charges and tradable permits. With the cap-and-trade scheme, the authorities determine the quantity of pollution, while the market determines the price. With a green tax, the authorities determine the price of pollution, while the market determines the quantity. In certain circumstances green taxes and tradable permits will produce the same outcome.
KI 22 p 181
Pause for thought
1. To what extent will the introduction of tradable permits lead to a lower level of total pollution (as opposed to its redistribution)?
2. What determines the size of the administrative costs of a sys- tem of tradable permits? For what reasons might green taxes be cheaper to administer than a system of tradable permits?
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Environmental policy in the UK and EU
UK policy In the UK, current policy is embodied in the 1990 Environ- mental Protection Act, the 1995 Environment Act (which set up the Environment Agency), the 2003 Waste and Emissions Trading Act and the 2005 Neighbourhoods and Environ- ment Act. The Acts are an attempt to establish an integrated pollution control strategy. This has been the approach in other European countries, notably the Netherlands.
F o l l o w i n g a n u m b e r o f e n e r g y W h i t e P a p e r s a n d Reviews, the UK government introduced the Climate Change and Sustainable Energy Act and Climate Change Programme in 2006. This obliged government to report to Parliament on greenhouse gas emissions and measures taken to reduce these emissions.
In 2008 the Climate Change Act established legally binding targets on the UK to achieve reductions in green- house gases of at least 80 per cent by 2050 on 1990 levels, and a 26 per cent reduction in carbon dioxide emissions by 2020. A key policy to help the UK achieve these reduc- tions is its involvement in the EU ETS. The Climate Change Levy (CCL) was also introduced on 1 April 2001 with the aim of reducing emissions. The CCL is a tax on the use of energy by businesses in the industrial, commer- cial, agricultural and public services sectors. It is added to the company’s fuel bill for electricity, gas, liquefied petro- leum and solid fuels. For 2015/16 the rate per kilowatt hour was set at 0.554 pence for electricity and 0.193 pence for gas. The rate per kilogram was set at 1.240 pence for liquefied petroleum and 1.240 pence for any other taxable commodity covered by the scheme. It is estimated that the CCL adds around 3 to 6 per cent to the energy bills of the affected companies.
The CCL has been criticised on a number of grounds. Some people argued that it would have been more effective to introduce an upstream tax on energy production rather than a downstream tax on energy consumption by busi- ness. The government in 2001 favoured the downstream approach as it argued that the charges could be targeted on business, leaving households exempt from the tax. However, some of the increase in costs is likely to have been passed on to consumers in the form of higher prices. The policy has also been criticised because the CCL rates do not reflect the carbon content of the fuels.
Reductions in the main rates of the CCL can be obtained by businesses if they enter into a voluntary Climate Change Agreement (CCA) with the Environment Agency. Approximately 9000 sites have entered into these agree- ments spread across 54 sectors. The agreements set targets for firms to increase energy efficiency and reduce CO2 emis- sions. If the targets are achieved, the organisation can claim up to a 90 per cent reduction in the CCL for electricity and 65 per cent for their use of other energy sources.
Another important government policy to reduce emis- sions is the Renewals Obligation (RO). Introduced in 2002,
it places an obligation on UK electricity suppliers to source a certain proportion of the electricity they provide to custom- ers using renewable energy sources. The proportion is set by the government each year and increases annually. The Energy Company Obligation (ECO) was also introduced in January 2013 to reduce domestic energy consumption by placing obligations on large energy suppliers to fund energy improvements in people’s homes – e.g. installing insulation. In 2013 it was estimated that the expense to the industry of meeting the RO added around £30 to the aver- age household energy bill while the cost of meeting ECO added a further £47.
In the Autumn Statement of 2011 the government announced its plans to introduce a carbon price floor. This was prompted by concerns about the volatility and rela- tively low prices for EUAs in the EU ETS. It has been argued that a stable price of £30 per tonne of CO2 emissions is required for strong enough incentives for investment in low-carbon electricity generation. The aim of the carbon price floor was to ensure that electricity power generators burning fossil fuels paid a minimum price of around £16 per tonne of CO2 they emitted in 2013/14. The minimum price was set to increase by £2 per year so by 2020 it would be £30 per tonne.
The policy works by charging suppliers of coal and gas to the electricity market a ‘top-up’ tax if the price of EUAs falls below the carbon price floor. This ‘top-up’ tax is added to the existing Climate Change Levy (CCL) and is called the carbon price support (CPS) rate of the CCL. The rate is based on the carbon content of primary fuels.
The precise size of the tax is actually set two years in advance. It is calculated by comparing the two-year future traded price of EUAs with the carbon price floor. The tax is set as the difference between these two figures: i.e. the car- bon price floor minus the future traded price of EUAs. In 2013 the tax was set at £4.94 per tonne of CO2.
Given that the CPS rates are set in advance and the EUA price fluctuates it is not a strict price cap. For exam- ple, if the EUR price falls in the future then the actual car- bon price paid will be below the minimum price set by the government.
Because the carbon price floor was only introduced in the UK there were concerns that it was harming the competitiveness of UK firms. As a result the Chancellor announced in the 2014 Budget that the carbon price floor would remain frozen at £18 for the foreseeable future rather than increasing at the rate of £2 per year.
The challenge for the government continues to be one of finding policies that reduce emissions while being mindful of their impact on energy prices and the competitiveness of UK firms.
EU policy A major plank of EU environmental policy is its carbon trad- ing scheme. The broader framework for environmental pol- icy has typically been detailed in EU Environment Action
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BOX 22.2 TRADING OUR WAY OUT OF CLIMATE CHANGE
The EU carbon trading system
The EU introduced a carbon Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) in January 2005 as its principal policy to meet envi- ronmental targets set by the international treaty, the Kyoto Protocol (which entered into force in February 2005). Article 17 of this treaty supported the use of emissions trading and a similar scheme had already reduced emissions of both sulphur dioxide and nitrous oxide in the USA. The EU ETS created a market in carbon permits or allowances. Its ultimate objective is to give companies greater financial incentives to reduce their emissions of CO
2 .
Phases I and II The first phase of the scheme ran from January 2005 until December 2007. Around 12 000 industrial plants across 27 countries were allocated approximately 2.2 billion CO
2
permits, called Emission Unit Allowances (EUAs). Each EUA issued to a firm gives it the right to emit 1 tonne of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. The factories covered by the scheme were collectively responsible for around 40 per cent of the EU’s CO
2 emissions each year.
Companies that do not have enough EUAs to match their annual emissions can purchase additional EUAs to cover the difference, while those that reduce their emissions are able to sell any surplus EUAs for a profit. Companies are able to trade directly with each other or via brokers operating throughout Europe. At the end of December 2007 all existing allowances became invalid and the second Trading Period began, to last until the end of 2012. Although this was run under the same general principles as Trading Period 1, it also allowed companies to use ‘Joint Implementation’ and ‘Clean Development Mechanism’ credits earned under the Kyoto Protocol’s pro- ject-based mechanisms (see Case study H.22 in MyEconLab). In other words, companies could offset emissions in the EU against emission reductions they achieve in countries out- side the EU.
Phase III Phase III of the EU ETS came into operation on 1 January 2013. It built on the experience gained from operating Phases I and II of the system and included two significant changes.
Move to an EU-wide cap. The cap on total emissions in both Phases I and II of the system were set in a decentralised man- ner. Each member state had to develop a National Allocation Plan (NAP). The NAP set out the total cap on emissions for that country, the total quantity of EUAs that would be issued and how they would be assigned to each industrial plant or factory. Each NAP had to be approved by the European Commission before it could be implemented. The numerous NAPs have been replaced in Phase III of the EU ETS by a single EU-wide cap on the volume of emissions and on the total number of EUAs to be issued. The size of this EU-wide cap is to
be reduced by 38 264 246 tonnes per year so that emissions in 2020 are 21 per cent lower than 2005.
Move to auctioning permits. In Phase I and II of the EU ETS the majority of EUAs were freely allocated to the plants and factories covered by the scheme. The grandfathering method (see page 395) was used to determine the number of EUAs each factory would receive: i.e. it was based on their current emissions. The European Commission allowed member states to auction up to a maximum of 5 per cent of the EUAs in Phase 1 and 10 per cent in Phase II. However this option was sel- dom chosen. In Phase III a big increase is planned in the proportion of EUAs that are auctioned. Since 2013 most of the firms in the power sector have already had to purchase all of their allow- ances by auction. The average in other sectors is planned to increase from 20 per cent in 2013 to 70 per cent by 2020. Only firms in manufacturing and the power industry in certain member states will continue to be allocated the majority of their allowances at no charge. It has also been recommended by the EU that half of the revenue generated from the auctions should be used to fund measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
In December 2009, the EU also agreed to a ‘20/20/20’ package to tackle climate change. This would involve cutting greenhouse gases by 20 per cent by 2020 compared with 1990 levels, raising the use of renewable energy sources to 20 per cent of total energy usage and cutting energy consumption by 20 per cent. Much of the emissions reductions would be achieved by tighter caps under the ETS, with binding national targets for non-ETS sectors, such as agriculture, transport, buildings and services. However, over half of the reductions could be achieved by international carbon trading, where permits could be bought from abroad: e.g. under the Clean Develop- ment Mechanism.
Assessing the ETS The introduction of the world’s largest market-based policy to address climate change was welcomed by many economists and policy makers. However, others have raised concerns about both the operation of the scheme and its likely impact on overall emissions.
The size of the cap. What matters crucially for the impact of the scheme is the total number of permits issued by the authorities: i.e. the size of the overall cap. If the supply of the permits exceeds demand in the secondary market then the price will be relatively low and firms will lack the necessary incentives to invest in new energy-efficient technology. Some people have argued that the number of EUAs issued in the past has been far too generous. One reason for this
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TRADING OUR WAY OUT OF CLIMATE CHANGE
The EU carbon trading system
may have been the decentralised manner in which the EUAs were allocated through the NAPs. This gave some coun- tries a strong incentive to game the system by setting an aggregate cap in its NAP that was greater than the volume of emissions actually being produced. By doing this, costs could be kept down for firms operating in that country, which would help to maintain its national economic com- petitiveness. Another reason why the number of EUAs may have been too great is because of successful lobbying of governments by firms. In particular, they may have exaggerated claims about the potential negative impact of issuing fewer EUAs on their costs and future competitiveness. This over-allocation of EUAs clearly seems to have been a problem in Phase I of the scheme. Emission levels across the EU actually rose by 1.9 per cent while the price of EUAs fell from a peak of €30 to just €0.02. The scrutiny of NAPs by the EU became more rigorous in Phase II of the scheme and the cap on emissions was tightened by 7 per cent. However, there were still big variations between countries, and it appears that the Commission still had lim- ited capacity to check the accuracy of each NAP. Phase III of the system seems to have addressed some of these issues with the removal of the NAPs and the introduction of a single EU-wide cap.
Move from free allocation of permits to auctions. Another major issue with Phases I and II of the scheme was that the majority of EUAs were freely allocated to plants and factories. It was argued by many policy makers that this was important because firms needed time to adjust gradually to a system where they would have to start paying for the pollution they generated. Some people were particularly concerned that selling the permits for a positive price would have large adverse effects on some firms’ costs. This might make it increasingly difficult for them to compete with companies outside the EU. However, after the system was introduced, there were accusations that firms in the power sector had simply used the free allocation of permits to make ‘windfall profits’. The increasing use of auctioning in Phase III of the scheme has been adopted to address this issue. It is also assumed that, after eight years of experience with permits, firms will be better able to adapt to having to buy EUAs.
Other concerns included:
■ The annual rate of decline in the number of EUAs issued being determined at the beginning of the trading period. Although this provides certainty for firms, it also reduced the ability of the scheme to respond to changing conditions.
■ This was clearly illustrated during the global economic downturn. The reduction in industrial output resulted in
much lower emissions and this put downward pressure on the price of EUAs. With EUAs trading at such a low price there was very little incentive for firms to reduce their pol- lution levels. This led to some debate about whether the cap should be tightened within Phase II to take account of this, though this did not in fact happen.
■ Some countries appearing to have set tough targets in their NAPs, while others appearing to have ‘gamed’ the system. This raised issues about the equity of the scheme.
■ A perceived lack of willingness to prosecute those infring- ing the rules.
■ Credits earned through Credit Development Mechanisms and Joint Implementation coming from new investments that would have taken place anyway. These ‘bogus’ credits then enabled companies to maintain their emission levels.
Transport emissions. From 2012 the EU ETS scheme was also extended to aircraft emissions. Originally the scheme was supposed to cover emissions from all flights either arriving or departing from airports in the EU. Following a huge out- cry from the aviation industry, the scheme was temporarily amended so that it would only include flights where both arrival and departure were at EU airports. This was known as ‘Stop the Clock’ and an initial cap was set at 86 million tonnes of CO
2 .
Plans to bring shipping emissions within the scheme have been delayed. Shipping is a large and growing source of emissions. As a first step towards cutting these, the European Commission has proposed that owners of large ships using EU ports should report their verified emissions from 2018. Simi- larly, road transport, responsible for around 20 per cent of all emissions, remains outside the scheme.
Overall, it is still difficult to assess the impact of the ETS, even though we are now well inside Phase 3 of the scheme. Disag- gregating the effect of emission allowances from the effects of other economic factors and policy changes is enormously complicated. However, there is general agreement that the systems and processes set in place do have the potential to be effective. The question remains, however, whether there is the political will to tighten the cap in order to reduce emis- sions further.
Consider a situation where all firms are of identical size and each is allocated credits that allows it to produce 10 per cent less than its current emissions. How would this compare with a situation where permits are allocated to 90 per cent of firms only? Consider both efficiency and equity in your answer.
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Programmes. There have been a series of such programmes since 1973. The Seventh Programme came into force in Jan- uary 2014 and will run until 2020. The programme identifies three priority areas to which environmental policy should be directed: protect, conserve and enhance the EU’s natural capital; boost resource-efficient, low-carbon growth; reduce threats to human health and well-being linked to pollution, chemical substances and the impacts of climate change.
Natural capital refers to the soil, productive land, seas/ fresh water, clean air and biodiversity of the EU. In order to transform the EU into a resource-efficient, low-carbon economy, the programme identifies three key require- ments: full delivery of the climate and energy package to achieve the 20-20-20 targets; significant improvements to the environmental performance of products; reductions
in the environmental impact of consumption such as cut- ting food waste. The third priority on human health and well-being is in response to a study by the World Health Organization which estimated that up to 20 per cent of all deaths in Europe could be caused by environmental factors.
The programme also includes four objectives that will help it to deliver on its three key priory areas. These ‘ena- bling’ objectives are: better implementation of existing leg- islation; improving the knowledge base and making it more available for EU citizens and policy makers; better invest- ments for the environment based on market signals that reflect the true costs to the environment; full integration of environmental requirements into other policies. This will involve systematically assessing the environmental impact of any policy initiatives.
TRANSPORT POLICY22.2
Traffic congestion is a problem faced by many countries, especially in large cities and at certain peak times. This problem has become more acute as our lives have become increasingly dominated by the motor car. Sitting in a traffic jam is both time-wasting and frustrating. It adds considera- bly to the costs and stress of modern living.
And it is not only the motorist that suffers. Congested streets make life less pleasant for the pedestrian, and increased traffic leads to increased accidents. What is more, the inexorable growth of traffic has led to significant prob- lems of pollution. Traffic is noisy and car fumes are unpleas- ant and lead to substantial environmental damage.
Between 1960 and 2013 road traffic in Great Britain rose by 338 per cent, whereas the length of public roads rose by only 26 per cent (albeit some roads were widened). Most passenger and freight transport is by road. In 2013, just under 90 per cent of passenger kilometres and 68 per cent of domestic freight tonnage kilometres in Great Britain were by road, whereas rail accounted for a mere 9 per cent of passenger traffic and 9 per cent of freight tonnage. Of
road passenger kilometres, 92 per cent was by car in 2013, and, as Table 22.2 shows, this proportion has grown signifi- cantly up to 2010 before showing a slight fall in the last few years. Average weekly household expenditure on transport in 2013 was £70.40, equating to 14 per cent of total expend- iture. Out of this total figure on transport, households spent £15.70 (22 per cent) on petrol, £5.70 (8 per cent) on repairs and services, £8.30 (12 per cent) on the purchase of new cars and vans, £12 (17 per cent) on the purchase of old cars and vans and £15.30 (22 per cent) on train/bus fares.
But should the government do anything about the prob- lem? Is traffic congestion a price worth paying for the bene- fits we gain from using cars? Or are there things that can be done to ease the problem without greatly inconveniencing the traveller?
The existing system of allocating road space The allocation of road space depends on both demand and supply. Demand is by individuals who base their decisions
Passenger transport in Great Britain: percentage of passenger kilometres by mode of transportTable 22.2
Year Cars, vans and
taxis Motor cycles Buses and
coaches Bicycles Rail Air
1960 49 4 28 4 14 0.3
1970 74 1 15 1 9 0.5
1980 79 2 11 1 7 0.6
1990 85 1 7 1 6 0.8
2000 85 1 6 1 6 1.0
2014 83 1 5 1 10 1.1
Source: Transport Statistics Great Britain 2015 (Department for Transport, National Statistics 2015). Contains public-sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence (OGL) v1.0. http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence
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7See Environmentally Related Taxes in OECD Countries: Issues and Strategies (OECD, 2001), pp. 99–103.
Increase in car ownership in various European countriesFigure 22.2
Source: Based on data in EU Transport in Figures (European Commission, 2015)
Belgium Sweden France
Spain UK Italy
200
250
300
350
400
450
500
550
600
650
1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010
C ar
s pe
r th
ou sa
nd p
op ul
at io
n
on largely private considerations. Supply, by contrast, is usually by the central government or local authorities. Let us examine each in turn.
Demand for road space (by car users) The demand for road space can be seen largely as a derived demand. What people want is not the car journey for its own sake, but to get to their destination. The greater the benefit they gain at their destination, the greater the bene- fit they gain from using their car to get there.
The demand for road space, like the demand for other goods and services, has a number of determinants. If con- gestion is to be reduced, it is important to know how responsive demand is to a change in any of these: it is important to consider the various elasticities of demand.
Price. This is the marginal cost to the motorist of a journey. It includes petrol, oil, maintenance, depreciation and any toll charges.
The price elasticity of demand for motoring at current prices seems to be relatively low. There can thus be a sub- stantial rise in the price of petrol and there will be only a modest fall in traffic.
Estimates of the short-run price elasticity of demand for road fuel in industrialised countries typically range from −0.15 to −0.28. Long-run elasticities are somewhat higher, but are still generally inelastic. 7 The low price
KI 12 p 68
elasticity of demand suggests that any schemes to tackle traffic congestion that merely involve raising the costs of motoring will have only limited success.
In addition to the monetary costs, there are also the time costs of travel. Data from the Department for Transport indicated that in 2013 the average time spent travelling to work by car in Great Britain was 26 minutes. However, if the workplace was in central London this figure increased to 55 minutes. The opportunity cost of sitting in a car is the next best alternative activity you could have pursued dur- ing this time – relaxing, working, sleeping or even studying economics! Congestion by increasing the duration of the journey increases the opportunity cost.
Income. The demand for road space also depends on peo- ple’s income. As incomes rise, so car ownership and hence car usage increase substantially. Demand is elastic with respect to income. Figure 22.2 shows the increase in car ownership in various countries.
Price of substitutes. If bus and train fares came down, people might switch from travelling by car. However, the cross- price elasticity of demand is likely to be relatively low. For many journeys people regard bus and trains as a poor sub- stitute for travelling in their own car. Cars are often consid- ered to be more comfortable and convenient.
The price of substitutes also includes the time taken to travel by these alternatives. The quicker a train journey is
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compared with a car journey, the lower will be its time cost to the traveller and thus more people will switch from car to rail. Data from the Department of Transport showed that on average in 2013 69 per cent of people travelled to work by car. However, if the workplace was in central London then this figure fell to 9 per cent. Most journeys instead, 69 per cent, were made by train.
Price of complements. Demand for road space will depend on the price of cars. The higher the price of cars, the fewer people will own cars and so there will not be so many on the road.
Demand will also depend on the price of complemen- tary services, such as parking. A rise in car parking charges will reduce the demand for car journeys. But here again the cross-elasticity is likely to be relatively low. In most cases, the motorist will either pay the higher charge or park else- where, such as in side streets.
Tastes/utility. Another factor explaining the preference of many people for travelling by car is the pleasure they gain from driving compared with alternative modes of trans- port. Car ownership is regarded by many people as highly desirable, and once accustomed to travelling in their own car, most people are highly reluctant to give it up.
One important feature of the demand for road space is the very large fluctuations. There will be periods of peak demand, such as during the rush hour or at holiday week- ends. At such times, roads can get very congested with driv- ers spending hours at a standstill. At other times, however, the same roads may be virtually empty.
Supply of road space The supply of road space can be examined in two contexts: the short run and the long run.
The short run. In the short run, the supply of road space is constant. When there is no congestion, supply is more than enough to satisfy demand. There is spare road capacity. At times of congestion, however, there is pressure on this fixed supply. Maximum supply for any given road is reached at the point where there is the maximum flow of vehicles per minute along the road.
The long run. In the long run, the authorities can build new roads or improve existing ones. This will require an assess- ment of the costs and benefits of such schemes.
Identifying a socially efficient level of road usage (short run) The existing system of government provision of roads and private ownership of cars is unlikely to lead to an optimum allocation of road space. So how do we set about identifying just what the social optimum is?
In the short run, the supply of road space is fixed. The question of the short-run optimum allocation of road space, therefore, is one of the optimum usage of existing road space. It is a question of consumption rather than sup- ply. For this reason we must focus on the road user, rather than on road provision.
A socially efficient level of consumption occurs where the marginal social benefit of consumption equals its mar- ginal social cost (MSB = MSC). So what are the marginal social benefits and costs of using a car?
Marginal social benefit of road usage Marginal social benefit equals marginal private benefit plus any externalities.
Marginal private benefit is the direct benefit to the car user and is reflected in the demand for car journeys, the determinants of which we examined above. External ben- efits are few. The one major exception occurs when drivers give lifts to other people.
Marginal social cost of road usage Marginal social cost equals marginal private cost plus any externalities.
Marginal private costs to the motorist were identified when we looked at demand. They include the costs of pet- rol, wear and tear, and tolls. They also include the time costs of travel.
There may also be substantial external costs. These include the following.
Congestion costs: time. When a person uses a car on a con- gested road, it will add to the congestion. This will therefore slow down the traffic even more and increase the journey time of other car users.
Congestion costs: monetary. Congestion increases fuel con- sumption, and the stopping and starting increases the costs of wear and tear. So when a motorist adds to congestion, there will be additional monetary costs imposed on other motorists.
Environmental costs. When motorists use a road, they reduce the quality of the environment for others. Cars emit fumes and create noise. This is bad enough for pedestrians and other car users, but can be particularly distressing for peo- ple living along the road. Driving can cause accidents, a problem that increases as drivers become more impatient as a result of delays. Also, as we saw in section 22.1, exhaust emissions contribute to global warming and acid rain. In
KI 20 p 142
KI 33 p 345
Pause for thought
Go through each of the determinants we have identified so far and show how the respective elasticity of demand makes the problem of traffic congestion difficult to tackle.
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2012 road transport in the UK generated 108 million tonnes of CO2 emissions. This was 19 per cent of total domestic emissions of 575 million tonnes.
The socially efficient level of road usage The optimum level of road use is where the marginal social benefit is equal to the marginal social cost. In Fig- ure 22.3 costs and benefits are shown on the vertical axis and are measured in money terms. Thus any non-mone- tary costs or benefits (such as time costs) must be given a monetary value. The horizontal axis measures road usage in terms of cars per minute passing a specified point on the road.
For simplicity it is assumed that there are no external benefits from car use and that therefore marginal private and marginal social benefits are the same. The MSB curve is shown as downward sloping. The reason for this is that different road users put a different value on this particular journey. If the marginal (private) cost of making the jour- ney were high, only those for whom the journey had a high marginal benefit would travel along the road. If the mar- ginal cost of making the journey fell, more people would make the journey: people would choose to make the jour- ney at the point at which the marginal cost of using their car had fallen to the level of their marginal benefit. Thus the greater the number of cars in a given time period, the lower the marginal benefit.
The marginal (private) cost curve (MC) is likely to be constant up to the level of traffic flow at which congestion begins to occur. This is shown as point a in Figure 22.3. Beyond this point, marginal cost is likely to rise as time costs increase and as fuel consumption rises.
The marginal social cost curve (MSC) is drawn above the marginal private cost curve. The vertical difference between the two represents the external costs. Up to point b, exter- nal costs are simply the environmental costs. It is assumed that these environmental external costs remain constant. Beyond point b, there are also external congestion costs,
KI 30 p 343
Actual and optimum road usageFigure 22.3
Cars per minute
C os
ts a
nd b
en efi
ts (£
)
MSB
d b
a e
c
MSC MC (private)
Q1Q2O
since additional road users slow down the journey of other road users. These external costs get progressively greater as the level of traffic increases.
The actual level of traffic flow will be at Q1, where mar- ginal private costs and benefits are equal (point e). The socially efficient level of traffic flow, however, will be at the lower level of Q2, where marginal social costs and benefits are equal (point d). In other words, the existing system of allocating road space is likely to lead to an excessive level of road usage.
Identifying a socially optimum level of road space (long run) In the long run, the supply of road space is not fixed. The authorities must therefore assess what new road schemes (if any) to adopt. This will involve the use of some form of cost–benefit analysis.
The socially efficient level of construction will be where the marginal social benefit from construction is equal to the marginal social cost. This means that schemes should be adopted as long as their marginal social benefit exceeds their marginal social cost. But how are these costs and ben- efits assessed in practice? Case study H.15 in MyEconLab examines the procedure used in the UK.
We now turn to look at different solutions to traffic con- gestion. These can be grouped into three broad types.
Solution 1: direct provision (supply-side solutions) The road solution One obvious solution to traffic congestion is to build more roads. At first sight this may seem an optimum strategy, provided the costs and benefits of road-building schemes are carefully assessed and only those schemes where the benefits exceed the costs are adopted.
However, there are serious problems with this approach.
The objective of equity. The first problem concerns that of equity. After all, social efficiency is not the only possible economic objective. For example, when an urban motor- way is built, those living beside it will suffer from noise and fumes. Motorway users gain, but the local residents lose. The question is whether this is fair.
The more the government tries to appeal to the car user by building more and better roads, the less will people use public transport, and thus the more will public transport
KI 30 p 343
KI 32 p 343
Definition
Cost–benefit analysis The identification, measurement and weighing up of the costs and benefits of a project in order to decide whether or not it should go ahead.
Source: After data from Annex Web Table 9, World Investment Report (UNCTAD), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
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decline. Those without cars lose, and these tend to be from the most vulnerable groups – the poor, the elderly, children and the disabled.
Congestion may not be solved. Increasing the amount of road space may encourage more people to use cars. A good exam- ple is the London orbital motorway, the M25. In planning the motorway, not only did the government underestimate the general rate of traffic growth, but it also underestimated the direct effect it would have on encouraging people to use the motorway rather than some alternative route, or some alter- native means of transport, or even not making the journey at all. It also underestimated the effect it would have on encour- aging people to live further from their place of work and to commute along the motorway. The result is that there is now serious congestion on the motorway and many sections have been widened from the original dual three-lane model to dual four, five and in some parts, six lanes.
Thus new roads may simply generate extra traffic, with little overall effect on congestion.
The environmental impact of new roads. New roads lead to loss of agricultural land, the destruction of many natural habi- tats, noise, the splitting of communities and disruption to local residents. To the extent that they encourage a growth in traffic, they add to atmospheric pollution and a deple- tion of oil reserves.
Government or local authority provision of public transport An alternative supply-side solution is to increase the pro- vision of public transport. If, for example, a local authority ran a local bus service and decided to invest in additional buses, open up new routes, including park-and-ride, and operate a low-fare policy, these services might encourage people to switch from using their cars.
To be effective, this would have to be an attractive alter- native. Many people would switch only if the buses were frequent, cheap, comfortable and reliable, and if there were enough routes to take people close to where they wanted to go.
A policy that has proved popular with many local authorities is to adopt park-and-ride schemes. Here the authority provides free out-of-town parking and cheap bus services from the car park to the town centre. These schemes are likely to be more effective when used in combi- nation with charges for private cars entering the inner city.
Solution 2: regulation and legislation An alternative strategy is to restrict car use by various forms of regulation and legislation.
Restricting car access One approach involves reducing car access to areas that are subject to high levels of congestion. The following measures
are widely used: bus and cycle lanes, no entry to side streets, ‘high-occupancy vehicle lanes’ (confined to cars with two or more occupants) and pedestrian-only areas.
However, there is a serious problem with these meas- ures. They tend not to solve the problem of congestion, but merely to divert it. Bus lanes tend to make the car lanes more congested; no entry to side streets tends to make the main roads more congested; and pedestrian-only areas often make the roads round these areas more congested.
Parking restrictions An alternative to restricting road access is to restrict parking. If cars are not allowed to park along congested streets, this will improve the traffic flow. Also, if parking is difficult, this will discourage people from using their cars to travel into city centres. Apart from being unpopular with people who want to park, there are some serious drawbacks with park- ing restrictions: The problems with this solution include:
■ People may well ‘park in orbit’, driving round and round looking for a parking space, and in the meantime adding to congestion.
■ People may park illegally. This may add to rather than reduce congestion, and may create a safety hazard.
■ People may feel forced to park down side streets in residen- tial areas, thereby causing a nuisance for local residents.
Solution 3: changing market signals The solution favoured by many economists is to use the price mechanism. As we have seen, one of the causes of traffic congestion is that road users do not pay the full mar- ginal social costs of using the roads. If they could be forced to do so, a social optimum usage of road space could be achieved.
In Figure 22.3 this would involve imposing a charge on motorists of d − c. By ‘internalising’ the congestion and environmental externalities in this way, traffic flow will be reduced to the social optimum of Q2.
So how can these external costs be charged to the motor- ist? There are several possible ways.
Extending existing taxes Three major types of tax are levied on the motorist: fuel tax, taxes on new cars and car licences. Could increasing these taxes lead to the optimum level of road use being achieved?
Increasing the rates of new car tax and car licences may have some effect on reducing the total level of car owner- ship, but will probably have little effect on car use. The problem is that these taxes do not increase the marginal cost of car use. They are fixed costs. Once you have paid these taxes, there is no extra to pay for each extra journey you make. They do not discourage you from using your car.
Unlike the other two, fuel taxes are a marginal cost of car use. The more you use your car, the more fuel you consume and therefore the more fuel tax you pay. They
KI 9 p 51
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are also mildly related to the level of congestion, since fuel consumption tends to increase as congestion increases. Nevertheless, they are not ideal. The problem is that all motorists would pay an increase in fuel tax, even those travelling on uncongested roads. To have a significant effect on congestion, there would have to be a very large increase in fuel taxes and this would be unfair on those who are not causing congestion, especially those who have to travel long distances. There is also a political problem. Most motorists already regard fuel taxes as too high and would resent paying even higher rates.
The London congestion charging system has reduced traffic in the zone by nearly 20 per cent and has signifi- cantly increased the rate of traffic flow. The charge is not a marginal one, however, in the sense that it does not vary with the degree of congestion or the amount of time spent or distance travelled by a motorist within the zone. This is an intrinsic problem of area charges. Nevertheless, their simplicity makes the system easy to understand and rela- tively cheap to operate.
The London system does not address pollution directly. However, the original scheme did exempt electric (or pet- rol–electric hybrid) cars, and those fuelled by natural gas or LPG, from paying the charge under an ‘alternative fuel discount’. The alternative fuel discount was subsequently replaced by a ‘greener vehicle discount’ exempting cars that emit 100 g/km of CO2 or less. This has however led to a big increase in low emission diesel cars in London as they qual- ified for the discount. This prompted Transport for London to replace the ‘greener vehicle discount’ in April 2013 with the ‘Ultra Low Emission Discount’. Vehicles will now have to either be purely electric or emit 75g/km of CO2 or less to qualify. Transport for London believed that no diesel cars on the market at that time would meet this new lower emis- sion rate.
There does appear to be a growing commitment to com- bine both congestion and emission external costs within the charge.
Variable electronic road pricing. The scheme most favoured by many economists and traffic planners is that of varia- ble electronic road pricing. It is the scheme that can most directly relate the price that the motorist is charged to the specific level of marginal social cost. The greater the conges- tion, the greater the charge imposed on the motorist. Ide- ally, the charge would be equal to the marginal congestion cost plus any marginal environmental costs additional to those created on non-charged roads.
Various systems have been adopted in various parts of the world, or are under consideration. One involves devices in the road which record the number plates of cars as they pass; alternatively cars must be fitted with sensors. A charge is registered to that car on a central computer. The car owner then receives a bill at periodic intervals, in much the same way as a telephone bill. Several cities around the world are already operating such schemes, including Barcelona, Dallas, Orlando, Lisbon, Oklahoma City and Oslo.
Another system involves having a device installed in the car into which a ‘smart card’ (like a telephone or pho- tocopying card) is inserted. The cards have to be purchased and contain a certain number of units. Beacons or overhead gantries automatically deduct units from the smart cards at times of congestion. If the card is empty, the number of the car is recorded and the driver fined. Such a system was introduced in 1997 on Stockholm’s ring road, and in 1998 in Singapore (see Box 22.3).
Pause for thought
Would a tax on car tyres be a good way of restricting car usage?
Road pricing Charging people for using roads is a direct means of achiev- ing an efficient use of road space. The higher the conges- tion, the higher should be the charge.
Variable tolls. Tolls are used in many countries, and could be adapted to reflect marginal social costs. One obvious problem, however, is that even with a system of automatic tolls, there could be considerable tailbacks at peak times. Another problem is that it may simply encourage people to use minor roads into cities, thereby causing congestion on these roads. Cities have networks of streets and thus in most cases it is not difficult to avoid the tolls. Finally, if the tolls are charged on people entering a city, they will not affect local commuters. It is often these short-distance commut- ers within a city who are most likely to be able to find some alternative means of transport and so could make a substan- tial contribution to reducing congestion.
Area charges. One simple and practical means of charging people to use congested streets is the area charge. People would have to pay (normally by the day) for using their car in a city centre. Earlier versions of this scheme involved people having to purchase and display a ticket on their car, rather like a ‘pay-and-display’ parking system.
More recently, electronic versions have been developed. The London Congestion Charge is an example. Car drivers must pay £11.50 per day to enter the inner London area (or ‘congestion zone’) any time between 7.00 and 18.00, Monday to Friday. Payment can be made by various means, including post, Internet telephone, text message, mobile phone SMS and at various shops and petrol stations. Driv- ers can pay in advance, within 24 hours for an extra £2, or can register for auto-pay. In this case they are billed for all charges and receive a £1 per day discount.
Cars entering the congestion zone have their number plate recorded by camera and a computer check then leads to a fine of £130 being sent to those who have not paid.
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BOX 22.3 ROAD PRICING IN SINGAPORE
Part of an integrated transport policy
Electronic road pricing With traffic congestion steadily worsening, it was recognised that something more had to be done. In 1998 a new Electronic Road Pricing Scheme (ERP) replaced the Area Licensing Scheme for restricted areas and the Road Pricing Scheme for expressways. This alternative not only saves on police labour costs, but also enables charge rates to be varied according to levels of congestion, times of the day, and local- ity. How does it work? All vehicles in Singapore are fitted with an in-vehicle unit (IU). Every journey made requires the driver to insert a smart card into the IU. On specified roads, overhead gantries read the IU and deduct the appropriate charge from the card. If a car does not have sufficient funds on its smart card, the car’s details are relayed to a control centre and a fine is imposed. The system has the benefit of operating on three-lane high- ways and does not require traffic to slow down. The ERP system operates on roads subject to congestion and charges can vary every 5, 20 or 30 minutes according to predicted traffic flows. Rates are published in advance for a three-month period: e.g. from 2 February 2015 until 3 May 2015. A review of traffic conditions takes place every quarter and the results can lead to rates being adjusted in future peri- ods. The system is thus very flexible to allow traffic to be kept at the desired level. One potential problem with charging different rates at dif- ferent times is that some drivers may substantially speed up or slow down as they approach the gantries to avoid paying higher ERP charges. To try and overcome this problem, the ERP rates are adjusted gradually for the first five minutes of a time slot with either new higher or lower charges. The authorities in Singapore are now testing the use of a Global Navigation Satellite System. This would remove the need for the overhead gantries. It would also make it possible to alter the size of the charge with the length of the con- gested road the driver has travelled along. The ERP system was expensive to set up, however. Cheaper schemes have been adopted elsewhere, such as Norway and parts of the USA. These operate by funnelling traffic into a single lane in order to register the car, but they have the dis- advantage of slowing the traffic down. One message is clear from the Singapore solution. Road pric- ing alone is not enough. Unless there are fast, comfortable and affordable public transport alternatives, the demand for cars will be highly price inelastic. People have to get to work!
Explain how, by varying the charge debited from the smart card according to the time of day or level of congestion, a socially optimal level of road use can be achieved.
Singapore has some 280 vehicles per kilometre of road (this compares with 271 in Hong Kong, 222 in Japan, 77 in the UK, 75 in Germany and 37 in the USA). The average car in Singa- pore is driven some 19 000 kilometres per year, but with low car ownership (see below), this translates into a relatively low figure for kilometres travelled by car per person. Part of the reason is that Singapore has an integrated transport policy. This includes the following
■ A 153-kilometre-long mass rail transit (MRT) system with five main lines, 113 stations and subsidised fares. Trains are comfortable, clean and frequent. Stations are air-conditioned.
■ A programme of building new estates near MRT stations. ■ Cheap, frequent buses, serving all parts of the island. ■ A modest expansion of expressways.
But it is in respect to road usage that the Singaporean author- ities have been most innovative.
Area licences The first innovation came in 1975 when the Area Licensing Scheme (ALS) was introduced. The city centre was made a restricted zone. Motorists who wished to enter this zone had to buy a ticket (an ‘area licence’) at any one of 33 entry points. Police were stationed at these entry points to check that cars had paid and displayed. This scheme was extended to the major expressways in 1995 with the introduction of the Road Pricing Scheme (RPS).
The Vehicle Quota System In 1990 the government also introduced restrictions on the number of new cars, known as the Vehicle Quota System. In order to register and drive a new vehicle in Singapore, the owner has to purchase a Certificate of Entitlement (COE), which is valid for 10 years. The quantity of COEs issued by the government is limited and the number available each year is announced in April. The COEs are then sold to the public via monthly auctions which are operated in a similar manner to those on the eBay system. Buyers specify a maximum price and bids are automatically revised upwards until that max- imum price is reached. The price of COEs increases until the quantity demanded is just equal to the number of certificates on offer. Partly as a result of the quota system, there are only 114 pri- vate cars per 1000 population. As was shown in Figure 22.2, this is only a fraction of the figure for European countries. A problem with the licences is that they are a once-and-for-all payment, which does not vary with the amount people use their car. In other words, their marginal cost (for additional miles driven) is zero. Many people feel that, having paid such a high price for their licence, they ought to use their car as much as possible in order to get value for money!
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With both these types, the rate can easily be varied elec- tronically according to the level of congestion (and pollu- tion too). The rates could be in bands and the current bands displayed by the roadside and/or broadcast on local radio so that motorists would know what they were being charged.
The most sophisticated scheme, still under develop- ment, involves equipping all vehicles with a receiver. Their position is located by satellites, which then send this infor- mation to a dashboard unit that deducts charges according to location, distance travelled, time of day and type of vehi- cle. The charges can operate through either smart cards or central computerised billing. It is likely that such schemes would initially be confined to lorries.
Despite the enthusiasm for such schemes amongst econ- omists, there are nevertheless various problems associated with them:
■ Estimates of the level of external costs are difficult to make.
■ Motorists will have to be informed in advance what the charges will be, so that they can plan the timing of their journeys.
■ There may be political resistance. Politicians may be reluctant to introduce road pricing for fear of losing pop- ular support.
■ If demand is relatively inelastic, the charges might have to be very high to have a significant effect on congestion.
■ The costs of installing road-pricing equipment could be very high.
■ If road pricing was introduced only in certain areas, shoppers and businesses would tend to move to areas without the charge.
■ A new industry in electronic evasion may spring up!
Subsidising alternative means of transport An alternative to charging for the use of cars is to subsi- dise the price of alternatives, such as buses and trains. But cheaper fares alone may not be enough. The government may also have to invest directly in or subsidise an improved public transport service: more frequent services, more routes, more comfortable buses and trains.
Subsidising public transport need not be seen as an alternative to road pricing: it can be seen as complemen- tary. If road pricing is to persuade people not to travel by car, the alternatives must be attractive. Unless pub- lic transport can be made to be seen by the traveller as a close substitute for cars, the elasticity of demand for car use is likely to remain low. This problem is recognised by the UK government, which encourages local authorities to use various forms of road pricing and charges on busi- nesses for employee car parking spaces on condition that the revenues generated are ploughed back into improved public transport. All local authorities have to produce five- year Local Transport Plans covering all forms of transport. These include targets for traffic reduction and increases in public transport.
Subsidising public transport can also be justified on grounds of equity. It benefits poorer members of society who cannot afford to travel by car.
It is unlikely that any one policy can provide the com- plete solution. Certain policies or combinations of policies are better suited to some situations than others. It is impor- tant for governments to learn from experiences both within their own country and in others, in order to find the opti- mum solution to each specific problem.
PRIVATISATION AND REGULATION22.3
One solution to market failure, advocated by some on the political left, is nationalisation. If industries are not being run in the public interest by the private sector, then bring them into public ownership. This way, so the argument goes, the market failures can be corrected. Problems of monopoly power, externalities, inequality, etc. can be dealt with directly if these industries are run with the public interest, rather than private gain, at heart.
In the late 1940s and early 1950s the Labour government of the time nationalised many of the key transport, commu- nications and power industries, such as the railways, freight transport, airlines, coal, gas, electricity and steel.
However, by the mid-1970s the performance of the nationalised industries was being increasingly questioned. A change of policy was introduced in the early 1980s, when successive Conservative governments engaged in an exten- sive programme of ‘privatisation’, returning virtually all of the nationalised industries to the private sector. These
included telecommunications, gas, water, steel, electricity and the railways. By 1997, the year the Conservatives left office, with the exception of the rail industry in North- ern Ireland and the water industry in Northern Ireland and Scotland, the only nationalised industry remaining in the UK was the Post Office (including post offices and mail). The Post Office and Royal Mail was split in 2012 and Royal Mail was privatised in October 2013. Post Office Ltd remains state owned but, under the 2011 Postal Services Act, there is the option for it to become a mutual organisa- tion in the future.
Definition
Nationalised industries State-owned industries that produce goods or services that are sold in the market.
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Other countries have followed similar programmes of privatisation in what has become a worldwide phenome- non. Privatisation has been seen as a means of revitalising ailing industries and as a golden opportunity to raise reve- nues to ease budgetary problems.
In 2008, however, many governments returned to the use of nationalisation, in order to ‘rescue’ banks which were at risk of going bankrupt. This was facilitated by the EU giv- ing permission for Member States to support financial insti- tutions, subject to conditions under EU state aid rules.
The arguments for and against privatisation The following are the major arguments that have been used for and against privatisation.
Arguments for privatisation Market forces. The first argument is that privatisation will expose these industries to market forces, from which will flow the benefits of greater efficiency, faster growth and greater responsiveness to the wishes of the consumer.
If privatisation involved splitting an industry into com- peting companies, this greater competition in the goods market may force the companies to drive down costs and reduce prices in order to stay in business.
Privatised companies do not have direct access to gov- ernment finance. To finance investment they must now go to the market: they must issue shares or borrow from banks or other financial institutions. In doing so, they will be competing for funds with other companies, and thus must be seen as capable of using these funds profitably.
Market discipline will also be enforced by shareholders. Shareholders want a good return on their shares and will thus put pressure on the privatised company to perform well. If the company does not make sufficient profits, share- holders will sell their shares. The share price will fall, and the company will be in danger of being taken over. The market for corporate control (see page 188) thus provides incentives for firms to be efficient. There has been consider- able takeover activity in the water and electricity industries with many acquisitions, often by non-UK companies.
Reduced government interference. In nationalised indus- tries, managers may frequently be required to adjust their targets for political reasons. At one time they may have to keep prices low as part of a government drive against inflation. At another they may have to raise their prices substantially in order to raise extra revenue for the gov- ernment and help finance tax cuts. Privatisation frees the company from these constraints and allows it to make more rational economic decisions and plan future invest- ments with greater certainty.
Financing tax cuts. The privatisation issue of shares directly earns money for the government and thus reduces the amount it needs to borrow. Effectively, then, the gov-
ernment can use the proceeds of privatisation to finance tax cuts. There is a danger here, however, that in order to raise the maximum revenue the government will want to make the industries as potentially profitable as possible. This may involve selling them as monopolies. But this, of course, would probably be against the interests of the consumer.
Arguments against privatisation Natural monopolies. Some industries have the characteristic of being a natural monopoly. Having just one company leads to much lower average costs in the industry than hav- ing a number of firms. In these situations it would not be in the interests of society to introduce competition when privatisation takes place. The market forces argument for privatisation largely breaks down if a public monopoly is simply replaced by a private monopoly, as in the case of the water companies, each of which has a monopoly in its own area. Critics of privatisation argue that at least a public-sec- tor monopoly is not out to maximise profits and thereby exploit the consumer.
The public interest. Will the questions of externalities and social justice not be ignored after privatisation? Critics of privatisation argue that only the most glaring examples of externalities and injustice can be taken into account, given that the whole ethos of a private company is different from that of a nationalised one: private profit rather than public service is the goal. Externalities, they argue, are extremely widespread and need to be taken into account by the indus- try itself and not just by an occasionally intervening gov- ernment. A railway or an underground line, for example, may considerably ease congestion on the roads, thus ben- efiting road as well as rail users. Other industries may cause substantial external costs. Nuclear power stations may pro- duce nuclear waste that is costly to dispose of safely, and/ or provides hazards for future generations. Coal-fired power stations may pollute the atmosphere and cause acid rain.
In assessing these arguments, a lot depends on the tough- ness of government legislation and the attitudes and pow- ers of regulatory agencies after privatisation.
KI 21 p 175
KI 33 p 345
Pause for thought
To what extent can the problems with privatisation be seen as arguments in favour of nationalisation?
Regulation Identifying the short-run optimum price and output Privatised industries, if left free to operate in the market, may have large degrees of monopoly power; may create externalities; and may be unlikely to take into account questions of fairness. An answer to these problems is for the government or some independent agency to regulate their
KI 31 p 343
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behaviour so that they produce at the socially optimum price and output. This has been the approach adopted for the major privatisations in the UK.
Regulation in practice To some extent the behaviour of privatised industries may be governed by general monopoly and restrictive practice legislation. For example in the UK, privatised firms can be investigated by the CMA (Competition and Markets Authority) (see section 21.1). In addition to this, there is a separate regulatory office to oversee the structure and behaviour of each of the privatised utilities. These regula- tors are as follows: the Office for Gas and Electricity Mar- kets (Ofgem), the Office of Communications (Ofcom), the Office of Rail Regulation (ORR) and the Office of Water Ser- vices (Ofwat).
As well as supervising the competitive behaviour of the privatised utility, they set terms under which the industries have to operate. For example, the ORR sets the terms under which rail companies have access to track and stations. The terms set by the regulator can be reviewed by negotiation between the regulator and the industry. If agreement can- not be reached, the CMA as an appeal court and its decision is binding.
The regulator for each industry also sets limits to the prices that certain parts of the industry can charge. These parts are those where there is little or no competition: for example, the charges made to electricity and gas retailers by National Grid, the owner of the electricity grid and major gas pipelines.
The price-setting formulae have largely been of the ‘RPI minus X’ variety (although other factors, including com- petition and excessive profits are also taken into account). What this means is that the industries can raise their prices by the rate of increase in the retail price index (i.e. by the rate of inflation) minus a certain percentage (X) to take account of expected increases in efficiency. Thus if the rate of inflation were 3 per cent, and if the regulator consid- ered that the industry (or firm) could be expected to reduce its costs by 2 per cent (X = 2%), then price rises would be capped at 1 per cent. The RPI − X system is thus an exam- ple of price-cap regulation. The idea of this system of regu- lation is that it forces the industry to pass cost savings on to the consumer.
KI 36 p 354
Pause for thought
If an industry regulator adopts an RPI −X formula for price reg- ulation, is it desirable that the value of X should be adjusted as soon as cost conditions change?
■ It is a discretionary system, with the regulator able to judge individual examples of the behaviour of the industry on their own merits. The regulator has a detailed knowledge of the industry which would not be available to govern- ment ministers or other bodies such as the CMA. The reg- ulator could thus be argued to be the best body to decide on whether the industry is acting in the public interest.
■ The system is flexible, since it allows for the licence and price formula to be changed as circumstances change.
■ The ‘RPI minus X’ formula provides an incentive for the privatised firms to be as efficient as possible. If they can lower their costs by more than X, they will, in theory, be able to make larger profits and keep them. If, on the other hand, they do not succeed in reducing costs suffi- ciently, they will make a loss. There is thus a continuing pressure on them to cut costs. (In the US system, where profits rather than prices are regulated, there is little incentive to increase efficiency, since any cost reduc- tions must be passed on to the consumer in lower prices, and do not, therefore, result in higher profits.)
There are, however, some inherent problems with the way in which regulation operates in the UK:
■ The ‘RPI minus X’ formula was designed to provide an incentive for the firms to cut costs. But if X is too low, the firm might make excessive profits. Frequently, regula- tors have underestimated the scope for cost reductions resulting from new technology and reorganisation, and have thus initially set X too low. As a result, instead of X remaining constant for a number of years, as intended, new higher values for X have been set after only one or two years. Alternatively, one-off price cuts have been ordered, as happened when the water companies were required by Ofwat to cut prices by an average of 10 per cent in 2000. In either case, the incentive for the indus- try to cut costs is reduced. What is the point of being more efficient if the regulator is merely going to insist on a higher value for X and thus take away the extra profits?
■ The ‘RPI minus X’ formula might reduce firms’ profits and lead to reduced investment and innovation. Given the need for greater investment in power generation, Ofgem introduced a new system for controlling prices in the distribution part of the energy sector in 2013. This is called RIIO (Revenue – Incentives + Innovation + Outputs). This is a new performance-based model which aims to incentivise innovation and a reduction in future costs. It also allows the climate change agenda to be addressed as part of the price control process.
■ Regulation is becoming increasingly complex. This makes it difficult for the industries to plan and may
KI 9 p 51
Assessing the system of regulation in the UK The system that has evolved in the UK has various advan- tages over that employed in the USA and elsewhere, where regulation often focuses on the level of profits (see Web Case H.17).
Definition
Price-cap regulation Where the regulator puts a ceiling on the amount by which a firm can raise its price.
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BOX 22.4 THE RIGHT TRACK TO REFORM?
Reorganising the railways in the UK
Few train routes across Europe are profitable and thus they have to be subsidised by governments. Such has been the strain placed upon public finances that European govern- ments in recent years have been looking for ways of reforming their railways. The most radical approach has been adopted in the UK, which involved dividing up the rail system and priva- tising its various parts.
Privatisation of the rail system in the UK The UK Conservative government in 1993 stated that the aim of rail privatisation was to ‘improve the quality of rail services for the travelling public and for freight cus- tomers’. The 1993 Railways Act detailed the privatisation programme. The management of rail infrastructure, such as track, signalling and stations, was to be separated from the responsibility for running trains. There would be 25 passenger train operating companies (TOCs), each having a franchise lasting between 7–15 years. These companies would have few assets, being forced to rent track and lease stations from the infrastructure owner (Railtrack), and to lease trains and rolling stock from three new rolling-stock companies. There would be three freight companies, which would also pay Railtrack for the use of track and signalling. In practice, the 25 franchises were operated by just 11 companies (with one, National Express, having nine of the franchises). Railtrack would be responsible for maintaining and improving the rail infrastructure, but rather than providing this itself, it would be required to purchase the necessary services from private contractors. To oversee the new rail network, two new posts were created. The first was a rail franchising director, who would be responsible for specifying the length and cost of franchises, as well as for outlining passenger service requirements, including minimum train frequency, stations served and weekend provision. The second post created was that of the rail regulator, who would be responsible both for promoting competition and for protecting con- sumer interests, which might include specifying maximum permitted fares. Although the individual train operators generally have a monopoly over a given route, many saw themselves directly competing with coaches and private cars. Several began replacing or refurbishing rolling stock and running additional services.
Developments in the UK since privatisation Problems with the operation of the rail infrastructure. Following the Hatfield rail disaster in October 2000, when lives were lost as a result of a faulty rail, the UK rail network was reduced to a virtual state of crisis. Trains were unreli- able; fares were rising by more than the rate of inflation; services were being reduced; and passenger complaints were increasing. There seemed to be few, if any, benefits from privatisation. In fact, part of the industry was ‘semi’ renationalised, when Railtrack, the privatised track owner, was placed into receiv- ership in 2002. It was replaced by Network Rail, which is a not-for-profit company, wholly dependent upon the UK Treasury for any shortfall in its funds. The shareholders of Railtrack were replaced by an oversight group of 100 members appointed from the TOCs, engineering firms and members of the public. Any profits are reinvested in the rail infra- structure. Network Rail has increasingly taken over control of infrastructure maintenance following concerns about the quality of the work carried out by private firms awarded con- tracts by Railtrack. It is now responsible for 20 000 miles of track and 40 000 bridges and tunnels. Its performance has also been subject to criticism. For example, the Office for Rail Regulation launched an investigation in December 2014 into the major disruption caused by the overrunning of engineer- ing work in London.
Problems with the TOCs and the franchise system. Some private-sector TOCs performed so poorly that their franchise contracts had to be temporarily taken over by a state-owned operator. For example, in June 2003 the Strategic Rail Au- thority (SRA) decided to withdraw the operating licence of the French company Connex South Eastern. Not only were one in every five of its trains running late, its financial performance was also very poor even though it had received £58 million of public money. It had actually requested a further £200 million in state aid when the government terminated its contract. The franchise was temporarily taken over by the publicly owned South Eastern Trains from November 2003 until March 2006 before being returned to a private operator. In another case, National Express was awarded the Intercity East Coast fran- chise contract which ran from December 2007 until February 2015. However, the company defaulted on its contract in July 2009 and the service had to be taken back into public owner- ship. It was run by Directly Operated Railways, a subsidiary of the Department for Transport. After a number of delays the
lead to a growth of ‘short-termism’. One of the claimed advantages of privatisation was to give greater inde- pendence to the industries from short-term government interference, and allow them to plan for the longer term. In practice, one type of interference may have been replaced by another.
■ As regulation becomes more detailed and complex and as the regulator becomes more and more involved in the detailed running of the industry, so managers and regulators will become increasingly involved in a game of strategy: each trying to outwit the other. Informa-
tion will become distorted and time and energy will be wasted in playing this game of cat and mouse.
■ There may also be the danger of regulatory capture. As regulators become more and more involved in their
KI 7 p 38
Definition
Regulatory capture Where the regulator is persuaded to operate in the industry’s interests rather than those of the consumer.
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THE RIGHT TRACK TO REFORM?
Reorganising the railways in the UK
government finally announced in November 2014 that it had managed to award the East Coast Franchise back to a company in the private sector. It has been operated from 1 March 2015 by Inter City Railways, a consortium of Stagecoach and Virgin.
There have also been difficulties with the process of award- ing franchises. In 2012 the InterCity West Coast franchise, which had been operated by Virgin since 1997, was put out to tender by the government. Four bidders were initially short-listed – Virgin, Abellio, First Group and SNCF/Keolis. The government announced on 15 August 2012 that the fran- chise contract of 13 years and 4 months had been awarded to First Group. Virgin immediately launched a legal challenge to the decision. However, before the case went to a judicial review the government announced that the award had been cancelled as technical mistakes had been discovered with the way the bids were evaluated by staff at the Department for Transport. These related to the way inflation and passenger numbers were taken into account. A short-term Direct Award was agreed with Virgin to continue running the franchise until April 2017. Three other franchise competitions were paused because of the problems that had been uncovered and the government launched a review into the whole bidding process. Some critics of the system have argued that stricter minimum standards and maximum fares should have been set at the beginning of the contracts.
Turning the railways around? The government took more direct control of the railways by winding up the Strategic Rail Authority in December 2006 and passing most of its functions, including the awarding of franchises, to the Department of Transport. At the same time, government spending in the mid- 2000s was also much higher than it had been in the 1980s and 1990s. Total government support peaked at £7.51 billion in real terms in 2006/7 (at 2014/15 prices) before falling back to £4.8 billion in 2014/15. On 31 March 2014 the government announced a new five-year plan to invest £38 billion in the railways.
As new franchises came up for renewal, so some contracts were merged, so that by 2015, the 25 franchises had been reduced to 19. It was recognised that the benefits of econ- omies of scale and co-ordinated services within a region exceeded any reduction in competition from having fewer franchises and fewer operators
The government’s aim is to shift the balance of paying for the railway to the customer and the TOCs. Fare increases have reg-
ularly been in excess of inflation. In 2013/14, revenue from fares was 61 per cent of rail industry income, up from 55.6 per cent in 2010/11. At the same time, the government is also looking at ways in which to reduce the costs of running the railways. In May 2011, Sir Roy McNulty, in a report jointly commissioned by the Department for Transport and the Office of the Rail Regula- tor,8 argued that the rail industry should be looking to reduce its unit costs, i.e. costs per passenger kilometre, by 30 per cent by 2018/19. With improvements in the infrastructure, investment by the TOCs in new rolling stock and building more slack into time- tables, rail punctuality improved and passenger numbers and freight tonnage increased. In the second quarter of 2015/16, 90.3 per cent of trains were recorded as arriving on time, compared with 79 per cent in 2002/3. Between 1994/95 and 2014/15, passenger kilometres increased from 28.8 billion to 62.9 billion – an increase of 115 per cent. Freight kilometre tonnage increased by some 75 per cent between 1994 and 2014.
Has the model been adopted elsewhere? Other countries, such as Japan and Germany, have rejected the UK model in favour of maintaining a vertically integrated rail network, where rail infrastructure and train services are managed by the same company. It is suggested that a sin- gle management would be far more capable of successfully co-ordinating infrastructure and train service activities than two. Indeed, the 2011 McNulty Report recognises that the fragmentation of the UK rail structure and the lack of an effective supply chain are the principal reasons why there is an ‘efficiency gap’ in the costs of running the UK rail industry compared with other countries. Nevertheless, some aspects of the UK model have been adopted under EC Directive 91/440, which allows European train operators access to the rail networks of other compa- nies. This means that several companies (say, from different EU countries) can offer competing services on the same inter- national route.
Why are subsidies more likely to be needed for commuter and regional services than for medium-to-long-distance passenger services?
8 Realising the Potential of GB Rail, Report of the Rail Value for Money Study: Summary Report (Crown Copyright, 2011).
industry and get to know the senior managers at a per- sonal level, so they are increasingly likely to see the man- agers’ points of view and become less and less tough. Commentators do not believe that this has happened yet: the regulators are generally independently minded. But it remains a potential danger.
■ Alternatively, regulators could be captured by govern- ment. Instead of being totally independent, there to serve the interests of the consumer, they might bend to
pressures from the government to do things which might help the government win the next election.
One way in which the dangers of ineffective or over-in- trusive regulation can be avoided is to replace regulation with competition wherever this is possible. Indeed, one of the major concerns of the regulators has been to do just this. (See Case study H.16 in MyEconLab for ways in which competition has been increased in the electricity industry.)
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4 1 2 C H A P T E R 2 2 G O V E R N M E N T A N D T H E M A R K E T
Definition
Franchising Where a firm is granted the licence to operate a given part of an industry for a specified length of time.
Increasing competition in the privatised industries Where natural monopoly exists (see pages 182–3), compe- tition is impossible in a free market. Of course, the industry could be broken up by the government, with firms prohib- ited from owning more than a certain percentage of the industry. But this would lead to higher costs of production. Firms would be operating further back up a downward-slop- ing long-run average cost curve.
But many par ts of t he pr ivat ised industr ies are not natural monopolies. Generally it is only the grid that is a natural monopoly. In the case of gas and water, it is the pipelines. It would be wasteful to duplicate these. In the case of electricity, it is the power lines: the national grid and the local power lines. In the case of the railways, it is the track.
Other parts of these industries, however, have generally been opened up to competition (with the exception of water). Thus there are now many producers and sellers of electricity and gas. This is possible because they are given access, by law, to the national and local electricity grids and gas pipelines.
To help the opening up of competition, regulators have sometimes restricted the behaviour of the established firms (like BT or British Gas), to prevent them using their domi- nance in the market as a barrier to entry of new firms. For example, an agreement was reached with British Gas in 1995 to limit its share of the industrial gas market to 40 per cent.
As competition has been introduced into these indus- tries, so price-cap regulation has been progressively aban- doned. For example, in 2006 Ofcom abandoned price control of BT and other phone companies over line rentals and phone charges. This was in response to the growth in competition from cable operators, mobile phones and free
Internet calls from companies such as Skype via VoiP (voice internet protocol).
Even for the parts of industry where there is a natural monopoly, they could be made contestable monopolies. One way of doing this is by granting operators a licence for a specific period of time. This is known as franchising. This has been the approach used for the railways (see Box 22.4). Once a company has been granted a franchise, it has the monopoly of passenger rail services over specific routes. But the awarding of the franchise can be highly competitive, with rival companies putting in competitive bids, in terms of both price (or, in the case of railways, the level of govern- ment subsidy required) and the quality of service.
Another approach is to give all companies equal access to the relevant grid. For example, regional electricity com- panies have to charge the same price for using their local power lines to both rival companies and themselves.
But despite attempts to introduce competition into the privatised industries, they are still dominated by giant companies. Even if they are no longer strictly monopolies, they still have considerable market power and the scope for price leadership or other forms of oligopolistic collusion is great. Thus although regulation through the price formula has been progressively abandoned as elements of compe- tition have been introduced, the regulators have retained an important role in preventing collusion and the abuse of monopoly power. The companies, however, do have the right of appeal.
SUMMARY
1a The market fails to achieve a socially efficient use of the environment because large parts of the environment are a common resource, because production or consumption often generates environmental externalities, because of ignorance of the environmental effects of our actions and because of a lack of concern for future generations. Envi- ronmental policy attempts to ensure that the full costs of production or consumption are paid for by those who produce and consume.
1b The environment is difficult to value, so it is difficult to estimate the costs of environmental pollution. This is a major problem in being able to devise an efficient envi- ronmental policy.
1c Environmental policy can be either market based or non-market based, or a mixture of the two. Market-based
solutions include extending property rights and impos- ing charges for using the environment or taxes/subsi- dies per unit of output. The use of taxes, subsidies and charges is to correct market signals. Non-market-based solutions involve the use of regulations and controls over polluting activities.
1d The problem with using charges, taxes and subsidies is in identifying the appropriate rates, since these will vary according to the environmental impact.
1e Command-and-control systems, such as making certain practices illegal or putting limits on discharges, are a less sophisticated alternative to taxes or subsidies. How- ever, they may be preferable when the environmental costs of certain actions are unknown and it is wise to play safe.
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S U M M A R Y 4 1 3
1f Tradable permits are a mix of command-and-control and market-based systems. Firms are either given or sold permits to emit a certain level of pollution and then these can be traded. A firm that can relatively cheaply reduce its pollution below its permitted level can sell excess permits to another firm which finds it more costly to do so. The system is an efficient and administratively cheap way of limiting pollution to a designated level. It can, however, lead to pollution being concentrated in certain areas and can reduce the pressure on firms to find cleaner methods of production.
2a The allocation of road space depends on demand and supply. Demand depends on the price to motorists of using their cars, incomes, the cost of alternative means of transport, the price of cars and complementary services (such as parking), and the comfort and convenience of car transport. The price and cross-price elasticities of demand for car usage tend to be low: many people are unwilling to switch to alternative modes of transport. The income elasticity, on the other hand, is high. The demand for cars and car usage grows rapidly as incomes grow.
2b With road space fixed (at least in the short term), alloca- tion depends on the private decisions of motorists. The problem is that motorists create two types of external cost: pollution costs and congestion costs. Thus MSC > MC. Because of these externalities, the actual use of road space (where MB = MC) is likely to be greater than the optimum (where MSB = MSC).
2c There are various types of solution to traffic congestion. These include direct provision by the government or local authorities (of additional road space or better public transport); regulation and legislation (such as restricting car access – by the use of bus and cycle lanes, no entry to side streets and pedestrian-only areas – and various forms of parking restrictions); and changing market signals (by the use of taxes, by road pricing, and by sub- sidising alternative means of transport).
2d Problems associated with building additional roads include the decline of public transport, attracting addi- tional traffic on to the roads and environmental costs.
2e The main problem with restricting car access is that it tends merely to divert congestion elsewhere. The main problem with parking restrictions is that they may actu- ally increase congestion.
2f Increasing taxes is effective in reducing congestion only if it increases the marginal cost of motoring. Even when it does, as in the case of additional fuel tax, the additional cost is only indirectly related to congestion costs, since it applies to all motorists and not just those causing congestion.
2g Road pricing is the preferred solution of many economists. By the use of electronic devices, motorists can be charged whenever they add to congestion. This should encourage less essential road users to travel at off-peak times or to use alternative modes of transport, while those who gain a high utility from car transport can still use their cars, but at a price. Variable tolls and area charges are alternative forms of congestion pricing, but are generally less effective than the use of variable electronic road pricing.
2h If road pricing is to be effective, there must be attractive substitutes available. A comprehensive policy, therefore, should include subsidising efficient public transport. The revenues required for this could be obtained from road pricing.
3a From around 1983 the Conservative government in the UK embarked on a large programme of privatisation. Many other countries followed suit.
3b The economic arguments for privatisation include: greater competition, not only in the goods market but in the mar- ket for finance and for corporate control; reduced govern- ment interference; and raising revenue to finance tax cuts.
3c The economic arguments against privatisation are largely the market failure arguments that were used to justify nationalisation. In reply, the advocates of privatisation argue that these problems can be overcome through appropriate regulation and increasing the amount of competition.
3d Regulation in the UK has involved setting up regulatory offices for the major privatised utilities. These generally operate informally, using negotiation and bargaining to persuade the industries to behave in the public interest. They also set the terms under which the firms can operate (e.g. access rights to the respective grid).
3e As far as prices are concerned, the industries are required to abide by an ‘RPI minus X’ formula. This forces them to pass potential cost reductions on to the consumer. At the same time they are allowed to retain any additional profits gained from cost reductions greater than X. This provides them with an incentive to achieve even greater increases in efficiency.
3f Many parts of the privatised industries are not natural monopolies. In these parts, competition may be a more effective means of pursuing the public interest. Vari- ous attempts have been made to make the privatised industries more competitive, often at the instigation of the regulator. Nevertheless, considerable market power remains in the hands of many privatised firms, and thus the need for regulation will continue.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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4 1 4 C H A P T E R 2 2 G O V E R N M E N T A N D T H E M A R K E T
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Why is it so difficult to value the environment? What are the implications of this for government policy on the environment?
2 Is it a good idea to use the revenues from green taxes to subsidise green alternatives (e.g. using petrol taxes for subsidising rail transport)?
3 Compare the relative merits of increased road fuel taxes, electronic road pricing and tolls as means of reducing urban traffic congestion. Why is the price inelasticity of demand for private car transport a problem here, which- ever of the three policies is adopted? What could be done to increase the price elasticity of demand?
4 How would you set about measuring the external costs of road transport?
5 Consider the argument that whether an industry is in the public sector or private sector has far less bearing on its performance than the degree of competition it faces.
6 To what extent do the various goals of privatisation con- flict?
7 Is it desirable after an industry has been privatised for profitable parts of the industry to cross-subsidise unprof- itable parts if they are of public benefit (e.g. profitable railway lines cross-subsidising unprofitable ones)?
8 Should regulators of utilities that have been privatised into several separate companies permit (a) horizontal mergers (within the industry); (b) vertical mergers; (c) mergers with firms in other related industries (e.g. gas and electricity suppliers)?
ADDITIONAL PART H CASE STUDIES IN THE ECONOMICS FOR BUSINESS MyEconLab (www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman)
H.1 The police as a public service. The extent to which policing can be classified as a public good.
H.2 Should health care provision be left to the market? An examination of the market failures that would occur if health care provision were left to the free market.
H.3 Corporate social responsibility. An examination of social responsibility as a goal of firms and its effect on business performance.
H.4 Public choice theory. This examines how economists have attempted to extend their analysis of markets to the field of political decision making.
H.5 Cartels set in concrete, steel and cardboard. This examines some of the best-known Europe-wide cartels of recent years.
H.6 Taking your vitamins – at a price. A case study of a global vitamins cartel.
H.7 Productivity performance and the UK economy. A detailed examination of how the UK’s productivity compares with that in other countries.
H.8 Technology and economic change. How to get the benefits from technological advance.
H.9 The economics of non-renewable resources. An examination of how the price of non-renewable resources rises as stocks become depleted, and of how the current price reflects this.
H.10 A deeper shade of green. This looks at different perspectives on how we should treat the environment.
H.11 Perverse subsidies. An examination of the use of subsidies around the world that are harmful to the environment.
H.12 Can the market provide adequate protection for the environment? This explains why markets generally fail to take into account environmental externalities.
H.13 Environmental auditing. Are businesses becoming greener? A growing number of firms are subjecting themselves to an ‘environmental audit’ to judge just how ‘green’ they are.
H.14 Restricting car access to Athens. A case study that examines how the Greeks have attempted to reduce local atmospheric pollution from road traffic.
H.15 Evaluating new road schemes. The system used in the UK of assessing the costs and benefits of proposed new roads.
H.16 Selling power to the people. Attempts to introduce competition into the UK electricity industry.
H.17 Regulation US-style. This examines rate-of-return regulation: an alternative to price-cap regulation.
H.18 Price-cap regulation in the UK. How RPI − X regulation has applied to the various privatised industries.
H.19 Competition on the buses. An examination of the impact of the deregulation of UK bus services in the mid-1980s.
H.20 A lift to profits? The EC imposes a record fine on four companies operating a lift and escalator cartel.
H.21 Are we all green now? Changing attitudes to the environment.
H.22 Selling the environment. An examination of the Kyoto Protocol and successive attempts to reach international agreement on tackling climate change.
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W E B R E F E R E N C E S 4 1 5
WEBSITES RELEVANT TO PART H
Numbers and sections refer to websites listed in the Web appendix and hotlinked from this text’s website at www.pearsoned.co. uk/sloman
■ For news articles relevant to Part H, see the Economics News Articles link from the text’s website.
■ For general news on market failures and government intervention, see websites in section A, and particularly A1–5, 18, 19, 24, 31. See also links to newspapers worldwide in A38–44.
■ Sites I8, 11, 14, 18 contain links to competition and monopoly policy, regulation, transport, environmental economics and policy, and corporate social responsibility.
■ For information on taxes and subsidies, see E18, 25, 30, 36; G13. For use of green taxes, see E2, 14, 30; G11; H5.
■ For information on health and the economics of health care (Case study H.2 in MyEconLab: see above), see E8; H8, 9. See also links in I8, 11, 14, 18.
■ For sites favouring the free market, see C17; E34. See also C18 for the development of ideas on the market and government intervention.
■ For information on training, see E5; G14; H3.
■ For the economics of the environment, see links in I8, 11, 14, 18. For policy on the environment and transport, see E2, 7, 11, 14, 29; G10, 11, 19. See also H11.
■ UK and EU departments relevant to competition policy can be found at sites E4, 10; G7, 8.
■ UK regulatory bodies can be found at sites E4, 11, 15, 16, 18, 19, 21, 22, 25, 29.
■ For student resources relevant to Part H see sites C1–7, 9, 10, 19.
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Business in the international environment
The Financial Times, 17 May 2015
Investment from emerging nations surges
© The Financial Times Limited 2015. All Rights Reserved.
By Shawn Donnan
Foreign direct investment by emerging economies surged by almost a third last year as companies in China and elsewhere sought new opportuni- ties offshore as a respite from slowing growth at home, according to new UN figures to be released on Monday.
The data highlight one of the big developing trends in the global economy. Once a target for multinational companies eager to invest and reap the benefits of their rapid growth, emerging econ- omies are becoming rivals to the US and Europe as a source of investment.
The flow of FDI from emerging economies hit a re- cord $484bn in 2014, an increase of 30 per cent on the year before, according to new figures compiled by the Geneva-based UN Conference on Trade and Development, or Unctad.
But that surge was driven almost entirely by Asian investors, with Developing Asia account- ing for $440bn in outbound investment last year and overtaking North America and Europe as the world’s biggest regional source of foreign direct investment.
Behind that is a big shift in China in particular, said James Zhan, the head of investment for Unctad.
Together, mainland China and Hong Kong ac- counted for $266bn in outbound investment in
2014, putting China second only to the US in the national league tables for foreign direct invest- ment. That status is a reflection of a remarkable shift in China’s place in the world. A decade ago, mainland China saw 18 times more inbound than outbound investment, said Mr Zhan, but last year, for the first time, outbound investment overtook that coming into China.
Mr Zhan said the importance of China as a source of investment was only likely to grow in the years to come.
. . .Investments by multinational companies in developed economies such as the EU, US and Japan were flat last year at $792bn. While there had been ‘modest increases’ in investment by Eu- ropean and US companies, offshore bets by Japa- nese companies fell 16 per cent in 2014, according to the UN.
The composition of investments in 2014 was also telling. More than half of the investments made in 2014 by companies from developing economies were in equity and amounted to new projects or acquisitions. However, as much as 80 per cent of the FDI outflows from companies based in de- veloped countries were in the form of reinvested earnings and the result of record cash reserves held by their foreign subsidiaries, according to the UN figures.
The FT Reports . . .
I Part
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With falling barriers to international trade, with improved communications and with an increasingly global financial system, so nations have found that their economies have become ever more intimately linked. Economic events in one part of the world, such as changes in interest rates or a downturn in economic growth, will have a myriad of knock-on effects for the international community at large – from the international investor, to the foreign exchange dealer, to the domestic policy maker, to the business which exports or imports, or which has subsidiaries abroad.
In Part I we explore the international environment and its impact on business. Chapter 23 considers the issue of globalisation and the rise and spread of multinational enter- prises within the world economy. It not only looks at why certain businesses become multinational, but evaluates their impact upon host nations, within both the devel- oped and the developing worlds.
In Chapter 24 we focus on international trade. We consider why trading is advanta- geous and why, nevertheless, certain countries feel the need to restrict trade and protect domestic industries by raising tariffs or dumping goods on foreign markets at prices below marginal cost (see the Financial Times article opposite).
Finally, in Chapter 25, we examine one of the most significant trends in international trade over the past 50 years – namely, the rise of the trade bloc. We outline the advan- tages and disadvantages of regional trading. We also look briefly at trading blocs in North America and South East Asia and the Pacific. Then, as an extended case study, we consider the position of the European Union and the effects of the creation of a single European market on both businesses and consumers.
Globalization is the target of many critics today. The young see it as a malign force in regard to social agendas. The workers see it as a pernicious force in regard to their economic well-being. But both sets of fears, and resulting opposition to (economic) globalization, especially via trade and multinationals, are mistaken.
Jagdish Bhagwati, ‘Why the critics of globalization are mistaken’, Handelsblatt, August 2008, www.columbia. edu/˜jb38/
Key terms
Globalisation Foreign direct investment
(FDI) Multinational corporation Transnationality index Comparative advantage The gains from trade Terms of trade Protectionism Tariffs Quotas Infant and senile
industries World Trade Organization
(WTO) Trade bloc Preferential trading Free trade areas, customs
unions and common markets
Trade creation and diversion
North America Free Trade Association (NAFTA)
Asian-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC)
European Union (EU) Single European market
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Globalisation and multinational business
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ What is meant by globalisation and what is its impact on business? ■ What is driving the process of globalisation? ■ Does the world benefit from the process of the globalisation of business? ■ What forms do multinational corporations take? ■ What is the magnitude and pattern of global foreign direct investment? ■ For what reasons do companies become multinational ones? Are there any disadvantages for companies of operating
internationally? ■ How can multinationals use their position to gain the best deal from the host state? ■ What is the impact on developing countries of multinational investment?
GLOBALISATION: SETTING THE SCENE 23.1
The nature of global production continually evolves. In the past, many multinational companies (also known as trans- national companies) located much of their manufacturing in developing countries. Now they increasingly locate ser- vice and ‘knowledge-based’ jobs there too. Such jobs range from telesales to research and development.
Some of these jobs require high levels of skills and training, once seen as the preserve of the rich economies and the source of their competitive advantage in inter- national trade. However, countries such as India and China, as well as many others, produce a massive num- ber of well-trained and well-educated engineers and IT specialists every year. Such workers are predictably cheap to employ compared to their US, European and Japanese counterparts, many of whom have lost their jobs or find their wages being driven down. But it is not all bad news for the developed economies. By outsourcing to develop-
ing countries, many companies have seen their costs fall and their profits rise. At the same time, consumers bene- fit from lower prices.
For developing economies, such as India and China, the benefits of this new wave of globalisation are sub- stantial. Foreign companies invest in high-value-added, knowledge-rich production, most of which is subsequently exported. Economic growth is stimulated and wages rise. Increased consumption then spreads the benefits more widely throughout the economy. There are, however, costs. Many are left behind by the growth and inequalities deepen. There are also often significant environmental externalities as rapid growth leads to increased pollution and environmental degradation.
The exodus of jobs from developed to developing coun- tries is a good example of the process of globalisation. In this chapter we are going to explore what globalisation is,
C h
a p
te r 23
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how it is evolving, the impacts it is likely to have on dif- ferent groups of people throughout the world and the motivations behind the increasing ‘multinationalisation’ of business.
Defining globalisation Economically we are bound through trade, investment, production and finance. Politically we are bound through organisations such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the G20. Through such organisations we attempt to establish frameworks and rules to govern almost every aspect of our lives. Culturally we are subject to the same advertising and branding; we migrate; we go on holiday; we share ideas, fashions and music; we compete in global sporting events, such as the Olympics; and increasingly we communicate globally through the Internet.
Globalisation is, then, the process of developing these links. As Phillipe Legrain suggests, globalisation is ‘short- hand for how our lives are becoming increasingly inter- twined with those of distant people and places around the world – economically, politically and culturally’.1
Supporters and critics of globalisation alike tend to agree that globalisation is nothing new. There has always been a degree of economic, financial, political and cultural interdependence. But what makes globalisation an issue today is the speed at which these interdependences have grown. This has been partly the result of unprecedented technological change, particularly in respect to transport and communication, and partly the result of a political
1P. Legrain, Open World: The Truth about Globalisation (Abacus, 2003).
drive to remove barriers between countries and embrace foreign influences.
Business, caught within this process of globalisation, will invariably seek to take advantage of what it has to offer, which is essentially a borderless world or one that is increasingly so. A global economy enables a business to locate the different dimensions of its value chain wherever it might get the best deal to lower costs or improve qual- ity or both. Globalisation encourages this process of relo- cation and the framing of business strategy within a global context.
What drives globalisation? Within any global system, certain industries and markets are likely to be more prone to the forces of globalisation than others. This becomes apparent when you attempt to identify the conditions influencing the globalisation process. These globalisation drivers can be categorised in a number of ways. George Yip suggests that the globalisa- tion potential of an industry – that is, its ability to set global strategy and compete in a global marketplace – can be analysed under four headings:
■ market drivers; ■ cost drivers; ■ government drivers; ■ competitive drivers.
These are shown in Table 23.1.
Market drivers. Market drivers focus on the extent to which markets throughout the world are becoming similar. The more similar consumers are in respect to income and taste,
KI 1 p 10
Market drivers Per capita income converging among industrialised nations Convergence of lifestyles and tastes Organisations beginning to behave as global customers Increasing travel creating global consumers Growth of global and regional channels Establishment of world brands Push to develop global advertising
Cost drivers Continuing push for economies of scale Accelerating technological innovation Advances in transportation Emergence of newly industrialised countries with productive capability and low labour costs
The drivers of globalisationTable 23.1
Increasing cost of product development relative to market life
Government drivers Reduction of tariff barriers Reduction of non-tariff barriers Creation of blocs Decline in role of governments as producers and customers Privatisation in previously state-dominated economies Shift to open-market economies from closed communist systems in eastern Europe Increasing participation of China and India in the global economy
Competitive drivers Continuing increases in the level of world trade
Increased ownership of corporations by foreign acquirers Rise of new competitors intent upon becoming global competitors Growth of global networks making countries interdependent in particular industries More companies becoming globally centred rather than nationally centred Increased formation of global strategic alliances
Other drivers Revolution in information and communication Globalisation of financial markets Improvements in business travel
Source: G. Yip, Total Global Strategy (Prentice Hall, 1995)
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the more significant globalisation market drivers will become.
Cost drivers. Cost drivers present the business with the potential to reorganise its operations globally and reduce costs as a consequence. Global economies of scale, and transport and distribution issues, will be significant.
Government drivers. Governments often play a key role in driving the process of globalisation. The speed of globalisation is likely to be faster when governments openly welcome trade and inward investment.
Global political agreements, such as those made at the WTO covering world trade and related issues (see section 24.4), not only directly affect the operation of markets, but also help establish global rules and protocols.
Competition drivers. As competitiveness builds, whether in the domestic market or overseas, businesses will be forced to consider how to maintain their competitive position. This often involves embracing a global business strategy, which invariably contributes towards globalisa- tion. Global business networks and cross-border strategic alliances are key reflections of this growing competitive global process.
What is clear is that globalisation is both shaped and driven by a wide variety of conditions. These conditions will vary from industry to industry, reflecting why certain industries are more global than others. Furthermore, these conditions will vary over time, so affecting the nature and magnitude of cross-border activities.
Globalisation: the good and the bad Even though supporters and critics of globalisation are in agreement that globalisation is nothing new, and that it is primarily driven by technological change and shifting political attitudes, they are far from agreeing about the con- sequences of globalisation and whether these are beneficial or harmful.
The supporters Supporters of globalisation argue that it has massive poten- tial to benefit the entire global economy. With freer trade and greater competition, countries and businesses within them are encouraged to think, plan and act globally. Tech- nology spreads faster; countries specialise in particular products and processes, and thereby exploit their core com- petitive advantages.
Both rich and poor, it is argued, benefit from such a p r o c e s s . P o l i t i c a l l y , g l o b a l i s a t i o n b r i n g s u s c l o s e r together. Political ties help stabilise relationships and offer the opportunity for countries to discuss their dif- ferences. However imperfect the current global political system might be, the alternative of independent nations is seen as potentially far worse. The globalisation of
culture is also seen as beneficial, as a world of experience is opened, whether in respect of our holiday destinations, or the food we eat, or the music we listen to or the movies we watch.
Supporters of globalisation recognise that not all countries benefit equally from globalisation: those that have wealth will, as always, possess more opportunity to benefit from the globalisation process, whether from lower prices, global political agreements or cultural expe- rience. However, long term, supporters of globalisation see it as ultimately being for the benefit of all – rich and poor alike.
The critics Critics of globalisation argue that it contributes to grow- ing inequality and further impoverishes poor nations. As an economic philosophy, globalisation allows multi- national corporations (MNCs), based largely in the USA, Europe and Japan, to exploit their dominant position in foreign markets. Without effective competition in these markets, such companies are able to pursue profit with few constraints.
By ‘exploiting’ low-wage labour, companies are able to compete more effectively on world markets. As competitive pressures intensify and companies seek to cut costs further, this can put downward pressure on such wages.
In political terms, critics of globalisation see the world being dominated by big business. Multinationals put pres- sure on their home governments to promote their interests in their dealings with other countries, thereby heightening the domination of rich countries over the poor.
Critics are no less damning of the cultural aspects of globalisation. They see the world dominated by multina- tional brands, Western fashion, music and TV. Rather than globalisation fostering a mix of cultural expression, critics suggest that cultural differences are being replaced by the dominant (Western) culture of the day.
The above views represent the extremes, and to a greater or lesser degree both have elements of truth within them. The impact of globalisation on different groups is not even, and never will be. However, to suggest that big business rules is also an exaggeration. Clearly big business is influential, but it is a question of degree. Influence will invariably fluc- tuate over time, between events, and between and within countries.
In recent years, at least until the global financial crisis of 2008/9, the momentum has been for barriers to come down. This has had profound effects on both multinational business and the peoples of the world.
In the following sections we consider why it is that businesses decide to go multinational, and evaluate what impact they have on their host countries. Before we do this we shall first offer a definition of multinational business and assess the importance of multinational investment within the global economy.
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Despite their gigantic size and importance within the global economy, multinational corporations (MNCs) defy sim- ple definition. At the most basic level, a MNC is a business that owns and controls foreign subsidiaries in more than one country. It is this ownership and control of productive assets in other countries which makes the MNC distinct from an enterprise that does business overseas simply by exporting goods or services.
To achieve control over foreign productive assets, MNCs engage in foreign direct investment (FDI) (rather than merely portfolio investment).2 This may involve building a new subsidiary overseas or expanding an existing one, or acquiring an existing business operation through either merger or acquisition.
WHAT IS A MULTINATIONAL CORPORATION?23.2
MNC rank Country or company
Company headquarters Sector
GDP ($bn) or turnover ($bn)
China 17 617.3
USA 17 418.9
UK 2 548.9
1 Royal Dutch Shell UK Oil and gas producers 476.9
2 Wal-Mart Stores USA General retailers 476.3
Switzerland 472.8
3 Sinopec China Oil and gas producers 468.0
4 BP UK Oil and gas producers 400.7
Hong Kong 397.5
5 Exxon Mobil USA Oil and gas producers 390.2
6 PetroChina China Oil and gas producers 373.0
7 Volkswagen Germany Automobiles and parts 270.6
Denmark 249.5
8 Glencore Xstrata UK Mining 245.9
9 Total France Oil and gas producers 235.9
10 Toyota Motor Japan Automobiles and parts 234.1
Ireland 226.8
11 Samsung Electronics South Korea Leisure goods 216.6
12 Chevron USA Oil and gas producers 211.8
Angola 175.6
13 Phillips 66 USA Oil and gas producers 171.6
14 Apple USA Technology hardware and equipment 170.9
15 E.On Germany Gas, water and multi-utilities 168.2
New Zealand 158.9
Comparison of the 15 largest non-financial MNCs (by turnover) and selected countries (by GDP): 2014Table 23.2
Sources: Companies: FT Global 500 2014; Countries: World Economic Outlook database, IMF
2 Portfolio investment involves purchasing shares and other financial assets in overseas organisations but with little or no strategic and operational control over their investment decisions.
According to the 2015 World Investment Report the 100 largest non-financial MNCs had a combined turnover in 2014 of $9.2 trillion – 3.1 times greater than UK GDP. Table 23.2 shows how some of the largest MNCs have turn- overs which exceed the national income of many smaller economies!
Sales by the foreign affiliates of MNCs accounted for $36.4 trillion in 2013 (47 per cent of global GDP), while their value added, a measure of their output, was estimated at $7.9 trillion (47 per cent of global GDP). Foreign affiliates employed 75.1 million people in 2014.
Definition
Multinational corporations Businesses that own and control foreign subsidiaries in more than one country.
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In 2014, the global stock of foreign direct investment (FDI) was around $26 trillion, the equivalent of 34 per cent of global GDP. Of this, 65 per cent was located in developed economies (with 39 per cent in Europe), 32 per cent in devel- oping economies and 3 per cent in transitional economies. The share of the global stock of FDI located in developed economies has declined in recent times. At the end of the 1990s, developed economies hosted 77 per cent of the global stock of FDI compared with just 22 per cent in developing economies and a mere 0.6 per cent in transitional economies.
Diversity among MNCs There is an immense diversity among MNCs.
Size. Any list of the world’s largest firms is dominated by multinationals. As we saw in Table 23.2, their turnovers can be enormous. And yet there are also thousands of very small, often specialist multinationals, which are a mere fraction of the size of the giants.
The nature of business. MNCs cover the entire spectrum of business activity, from manufacturing to extraction, agri- cultural production, chemicals, processing, service provi- sion and finance. There is no ‘typical’ line of activity of a multinational.
Overseas business relative to total business. MNCs differ in respect of how extensive their overseas operations are rela- tive to their total business. Nearly 30 per cent of Wal-Mart’s sales come from overseas subsidiaries, while 90 per cent of Samsung’s sales come from its foreign affiliates. Some smaller MNCs also have a large global presence. The Cana- dian firm Barrick Gold Corporation, for example, had one of the highest rankings on the United Nation’s transnation- ality index in 2013, but had sales of less than 3 per cent of those achieved by Wal-Mart.
Production locations. Some MNCs are truly ‘global’, with pro- duction located in a wide variety of countries and regions. Other MNCs, by contrast, only locate in one other region, or in a very narrow range of countries.
There are, however, a number of potentially constrain- ing factors on the location of multinational businesses. For example, businesses concerned with the extraction of raw materials will locate as nature dictates. Businesses that pro- vide services will tend to locate in the rich markets of devel- oped regions of the world economy, where the demand for services is high. Others locate according to the factor inten- sity of the stage of production. Thus, a labour-intensive stage might be located in a developing country where wage rates are relatively low, while another stage which requires a high level of automation might be located in an industrially advanced country.
Ownership patterns. As businesses expand overseas, they are faced with a number of options. They can decide to go it
KI 23 p 197
alone and create wholly owned subsidiaries. Alternatively, they might share ownership, and hence some of the risk, by establishing joint ventures. In such cases the MNC might have a majority or minority stake in the overseas enter- prise. Increasingly, though, MNCs are looking at a third option: non-equity modes of operation. In this scenario, the MNC has no ownership stake in the partner firm over- seas, but exerts control over operations through contractual arrangements such as franchising or strategic alliances. This non-equity mode of operation by MNCs begins to challenge our understanding and, hence, our definition of MNCs.
In certain countries, where MNC investment is regu- lated, many governments insist on owning or controlling a share in the enterprise. Whether this is a majority or minor- ity stake varies from country to country. It also depends on the nature of the business and its perceived national importance.
There have been two significant developments in terms of ownership in recent times.
First, there has been a rise in state-owned MNCs. These are MNCs where the government has a significant inter- est in the parent enterprise and its foreign affiliates. Oper- ationally this means that government has at least 10 per cent of the voting power or is the single largest shareholder. In 2013, it was estimated that there were 550 state-owned MNCs with assets in excess of $2 trillion.
Second, there has been a growth in sovereign wealth funds (SWFs). These are state-owned organisations invest- ing internationally in a range of assets, such as shares, bonds and property. In 2014 there were over 100 SWFs with combined assets valued at $7 trillion (about one-tenth of the world’s total assets under management). They have tended to focus their growth in the retail and commercial property sectors.
Organisational structure. We discussed (see Chapter 3) the variety of organisational forms that MNCs might adopt – from the model where the headquarters, or parent com- pany, is dominant and the overseas subsidiary subservi- ent, to that where international subsidiaries operate as self-standing organisations, bound together only in so far as they strive towards a set of global objectives.
The above characteristics of MNCs reveal that they repre- sent a wide and very diverse group of enterprises. Beyond sharing the common link of having production activities in more than one country, MNCs differ widely in the nature and forms of their overseas business, and in the relationship between the parent and its subsidiaries.
KI 6 p 37
Pause For thought
Given the diverse nature of multinational business, how useful is the definition given on page 421 for describing a multina- tional corporation?
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Successful multinational businesses are constantly adapt- ing to the economic environment. In recent times they have been shrinking the size of their headquarters, remov- ing layers of bureaucracy, and reorganising their global operations into smaller autonomous profit centres. Gone is the philosophy that big companies will inevitably do better than small ones. Many modern multinationals are organi- sations that combine the advantages of size (i.e. economies of scale) with the responsiveness and market knowledge of smaller firms.
The key for the modern multinational is flexibility, and to be at one and the same time both global and local.
The size of multinational investment We can estimate the size of multinational investment by looking at figures for foreign direct investment (FDI). Figure 23.1 shows FDI inflows in billions of dollars. Global FDI inflows in 2014 were $1.23 trillion, equivalent to 1.6 per cent of global GDP. This was down from $1.56 trillion in 2011 (2.2 per cent of GDP) and the peak of $1.87 trillion in 2007 (3.3 per cent of GDP).
From the chart we also can observe relatively rapid rates of increase in FDI between 1998 and 2000 and again
between 2004 and 2007. In 2000 global FDI flows were the equivalent of 4.1 per cent of global GDP and in 2007 they were the equivalent of 3.3 per cent of global GDP. Both periods saw a surge in cross-border merger and acquisition (M&A) activity.
In contrast, when the value of M&A activity contracted sharply following the financial crisis of 2008/9, global FDI inflows fell. Box 23.1 looks in more detail at M&A activity and at greenfield FDI investment, which involves a multi- national company setting up a new subsidiary or expand- ing an existing one.
The significance of inward investment relative to total investment (or ‘gross fixed capital formation’ – GFCF) is shown in Figure 23.2. Increasing globalisation has meant that the trend in inward investment as a proportion of GFCF has been upwards for both developed and developing nations. However, for the majority of the period since the 1990s the proportion of inward FDI to total investment has been lower in developed than in developing and transition economies.
Historically developed economies have been the main destination for FDI. However, this pattern is changing, especially following the financial crisis of the late 2000s and the subsequent economic downturn. As Table 23.3
TRENDS IN MULTINATIONAL INVESTMENT23.3
FDI inflows ($ billions)Figure 23.1
Transition countries Developing countries Developed countries
0
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1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014
F D
I i n
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s ($
b ill
io n
s)
Source: Based on data from UNCTADstat (UNCTAD, 2015)
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BOX 23.1 M&As AND GREENFIELD FDI
Modes of FDI entry
There are two principal forms of foreign direct investment (FDI), known as ‘modes of FDI entry’. The first is greenfield investment. This involves multinational companies investing in a new subsidiary overseas or expanding an existing one. The second mode of entry is through cross-border mergers and acquisitions (M&As). Typically, the value of greenfield FDI is higher than invest- ment through M&As. In 2014, for example, greenfield FDI was $695.6 billion, whereas cross-border M&As were worth $398.9 billion
The geography of M&As and greenfield FDI We now analyse the geography of the two modes of FDI entry.
Cross-border M&As. Consider chart (a) which shows the value of cross-border M&As by the destination economy, i.e. the economy of the acquired company.
(a) Value of cross-border M&As by destination ($ billions)
Developing and transition economies Developed economies
0
200
400
600
800
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1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014
$ bi
lli on
s The host economy for the majority of cross-border M&As is a developed economy. However, the size of this majority has been falling. In the 1990s, devel- oped countries were the destination of 87 per cent of cross-border M&As. In the 2000s this had fallen to 85 per cent and in the first half of the 2010s it had fallen to 76 per cent. As well as the growing importance of developing and transition economies as a destination for cross-border M&As, especially since the late 2000s, investors from these economies are themselves becoming an important source of global M&A activity. The table shows the recent marked decline in the share of M&A activity originating in developed countries. In the three years 2012–14, around 43 per cent of M&A activity originated in developing and transition countries. This compares with under 20 per cent in the mid-2000s.
Developed countries Developing countries Transition countries
0
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1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014
FD I i
nfl ow
s as
% o
f G FC
F
Percentage of FDI originating from developed economies
2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Developed 83.4 80.7 84.0 77.6 66.5 64.8 78.0 56.0 57.2 57.3
M&As Europe 58.7 49.8 57.5 61.8 46.0 12.8 31.3 12.7 11.0 8.3
USA 16.9 18.6 17.5 –5.0 8.4 24.5 24.9 22.1 18.8 21.8
Developed 76.9 71.8 71.5 72.5 72.9 72.6 69.4 68.6 67.7 69.2
Greenfield FDI Europe 37.4 39.2 46.5 42.2 43.4 44.0 38.2 38.5 37.7 37.3
USA 22.9 17.9 15.0 18.0 17.0 17.2 17.5 16.8 17.6 18.1
Source: Based on data from World Investment Report 2015, Annex Tables 10 and 18 (UNCTAD)
Source: Based on data from World Investment Report 2015, Annex Web Table 9 (UNCTAD, 2015)
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FDI inflows (percentage of gross fixed capital formation)Figure 23.2
Developed countries Developing countries Transition countries
0
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1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014
FD I i
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s as
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(b) Value of greenfield FDI projects by destination ($ billions)
Developing & transition economies Developed economies
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2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013
$ bi
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Greenfield FDI. Consider now chart (b) which shows the value of greenfield FDI projects by destination. From it, we observe that developing and transition economies have consistently attracted around two-thirds of global greenfield FDI invest- ment since 2003.
Despite the growth of cross-border M&A activity in developing and transition economies, the value of greenfield FDI remains substantially higher in these economies. Over the period 2010–14, the value of greenfield FDI investment in develop- ing and transition economies was 5.6 times greater than that from cross-border M&A activity, whereas in developed coun- tries it was around 16 per cent less. As the table shows, developing and transition economies during the 2010s have been the source of around 30 per cent of global greenfield FDI. When viewed alongside the growing funds these countries now contribute to global M&A activity, it is clear that developing and transition economies are now important participants in cross-border investment.
What factors might explain the significance of developing and transition economies not only as a destination for FDI but also increasingly as a source of FDI?
Source: Based on data from World Investment Report 2015, Annex Web Table 19 (UNCTAD, 2015)
Source: World Investment Report 2015, Annex Table 5 (UNCTAD, 2015)
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WHY DO BUSINESSES GO MULTINATIONAL?23.4
The global marketplace can provide massive opportunities for firms to expand. Once markets within the domestic econ- omy have become saturated, and opportunities for growth diminish, dynamic firms may seek new markets and hence new opportunities by expanding production overseas.
Expansion overseas may enable companies to reduce costs, perhaps by utilising new supply sources, new ideas and skills. A vertically integrated multinational, for example, may be able to locate each part of the production process in the country where the relevant factor prices are lowest.
Businesses can look to expand in one of two ways: t h r o u g h e i t h e r i n t e r n a l o r e x t e r n a l e x p a n s i o n ( s e e Chapter 15). MNCs are no exception to this rule. They can expand overseas, either by creating a new production facility from scratch (such as Nissan in the north-east of England), or by merging with, or taking over, existing foreign producers (such as the acquisition of ASDA by Wal-Mart). They can also engage in an international strategic alliance (e.g. the joint venture in 2006 between Finland’s Nokia and Japan’s Sanyo to produce mobile phones for the North American market).
shows, nearly 55 per cent of FDI flowed into developing and transition economies over the period from 2012 to 2014.
In 2014, the five largest recipients outside of the devel- oped world (China (mainland), Hong Kong, Singapore, Brazil and India) received 32 per cent of all global FDI inflows and 54 per cent of all FDI inflows to developing or transition economies. Mainland China was the world’s largest recipient of FDI in 2014, accounting for 10.5 per cent
of global FDI inflows. Hong Kong was the second largest (8.4 per cent); the USA was the third (7.5 per cent) and the UK the fourth (5.9 per cent).
As these figures suggest, FDI remains relatively concen- trated, although less so than in the past. This geographical concentration means that Africa as a whole accounts for only around 4 per cent of global FDI and much of this flows to the resource-rich countries of Nigeria, Angola and South Africa.
Region 1986–7 1988–9 1990–2 1993–7 1998–00 2001–3 2004–7 2008–9 2010–1 2012–4 Developed countries 82.9 82.8 74.5 61.6 78.4 66.2 63.0 53.9 51.8 45.5
Europe 29.7 39.7 49.6 35.3 48.1 44.9 41.6 29.6 30.9 24.8 Eurozone 16.4 23.2 32.7 21.8 29.9 33.3 21.5 15.2 21.7 15.9 Australia 5.0 4.6 3.3 2.0 0.7 1.6 1.7 2.9 3.2 4.0 France 3.4 5.5 10.0 6.2 3.6 2.5 2.1 2.6 1.5 1.8 Germany 2.1 2.1 1.1 2.1 7.8 6.3 3.0 1.3 4.6 0.9 Ireland 0.3 0.1 0.7 0.5 1.6 3.5 –1.0 0.5 2.4 2.1 Japan 0.6 –0.4 1.1 0.2 0.8 1.2 0.5 1.3 –0.1 0.2 UK 10.1 13.5 11.3 5.9 9.3 4.0 12.3 7.0 3.6 4.5 USA 42.6 35.3 16.7 20.2 24.9 15.2 14.9 16.3 14.8 11.8
Developing countries 17.1 17.2 25.1 37.1 20.9 31.8 32.9 39.2 42.3 48.9 Africa 1.9 2.1 2.0 2.1 1.2 2.9 2.7 4.2 3.2 4.0 Caribbean 0.1 0.1 0.3 0.3 0.2 0.4 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.4 South America 2.1 3.0 4.2 6.7 6.1 4.8 4.3 5.6 7.7 9.6
Brazil 0.6 1.1 0.8 1.9 3.1 2.6 1.9 2.6 4.0 4.7 Asia (exc Japan) 10.5 10.1 15.8 24.8 11.6 19.3 22.7 26.7 28.7 31.9 China 2.1 1.8 3.8 11.4 4.4 8.5 6.6 7.6 8.3 9.2 Hong Kong 3.4 2.0 1.5 2.6 2.8 2.7 3.5 4.3 5.7 6.2 India 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.5 0.3 0.8 1.1 3.1 2.2 2.1 Singapore 2.0 1.8 2.4 3.0 1.3 2.2 2.7 1.4 3.6 4.7 Least developed economies 0.3 0.5 0.7 0.6 0.6 1.4 0.9 1.3 1.6 1.7
Transition economies 0.0 0.0 0.4 1.3 0.7 2.0 4.2 6.9 5.9 5.6 Russia 0.6 0.3 0.8 2.4 4.1 3.4 3.3
Distribution of world FDI inflows, 1986–2014 (percentage of world FDI inflows)Table 23.3
Note: Shaded areas represent years of declining global FDI Source: Based on data from UNCTADstat (UNCTAD); http://unctadstat.unctad.org/EN/
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2 3 . 4 W H Y D O B U S I N E S S E S G O M U L T I N A T I O N A L ? 4 2 7
The decision whether to go multinational will depend on the nature of firms’ business and their corporate strat- egy. MNCs are a diverse group of enterprises and their motives for going overseas will vary. We will examine two theories that have been used to explain the development of the MNC: the product life cycle and the Eclectic Paradigm.
The product life cycle and the multinational company The product life cycle hypothesis was discussed at length (Chapter 17). However, it is worth reviewing its elements here in order to identify how an MNC, by altering the geographi- cal production of a good, might extend its profitability.
A product’s life cycle can be split into four phases: launch, growth, maturity and decline.
The launch phase. This will tend to see the new product produced in the economy where the product is developed. It will be exported to the rest of the world. At this stage of the product’s life cycle, the novelty of the product and the monopoly position of the producer enable the business to charge high prices and make high profits.
The growth phase. As the market begins to grow, other pro- ducers will seek to copy or imitate the new product. Prices begin to fall. In order to maintain competitiveness, the business will look to reduce costs, and at this stage might consider shifting production overseas to lower-cost produc- tion centres.
Maturity. At the early stage of maturity, the business is still looking to sell its product in the markets of the developed economies. Thus it may still be happy to locate some of its plants in such economies. As the original market becomes increasingly saturated, however, the MNC will seek to expand into markets overseas which are at an earlier stage of development. Part of this expansion will be by the MNC simply exporting to these economies, but increasingly it will involve relocating its production there too.
Maturity and decline. By the time the original markets are fully mature and moving into decline, the only way to extend the product’s life is to cut costs and sell the product in the markets of developing countries. The location of pro- duction may shift once again, this time to even lower-cost countries. By this stage, the country in which the product was developed will almost certainly be a net importer (if there is a market left for the product), but it may well be importing the product from a subsidiary of the same com- pany that produced it within that country in the first place!
Thus the product life cycle model explains how firms might first export and then engage in FDI. It explains how firms transfer production to different locations to reduce costs and enable profits to be made from a product that could 3 J. H. Dunning, The Globalisation of Business (Routledge, 1993).
have become unprofitable if its production had continued from its original production base.
The theory was developed in the 1960s when MNC activity was less sophisticated than it is today. It can be useful in explaining horizontally and vertically integrated MNCs, but it cannot explain the more modern forms of MNC growth through strategic alliances. We thus turn to the second theory.
The Eclectic Paradigm John Dunning 3 developed an organising framework, known as the Eclectic Paradigm. This helps to explain the pattern and growth of international production as well as identifying the gains to firms from being multinational. Dunning identifies three categories of gains:
■ MNCs can exploit their core competencies in competing with companies in other countries. These are described by Dunning as ‘ownership advantages’: in other words, advantages deriving from ownership-specific assets.
■ They can exploit locational advantages in host coun- tries, such as the availability of key raw materials or high demand for the good.
■ They may also derive internalisation advantages. These occur when the MNC gains from investing overseas rather than exporting to an overseas agent or licensing a foreign firm (i.e. using a market solution). In other words, the MNC gains from keeping control of the prod- uct within its organisation.
As firms and nations evolve the distribution of own- ership, location and internalisation advantages between firms and nations change so that we observe ever-changing patterns of international production.
Ownership advantages An MNC may be able to exploit its ownership of assets that reflect its core competencies and which give the business a specific advantage over its foreign rivals in their home mar- kets. Such advantages might include the following:
KI 25 p 226
Definitions
Ownership-specific assets Assets owned by the firm – such as technology, product differentiation and manage- rial skills – which reflect its core competencies.
Locational advantages Those features of a host econ- omy that MNCs believe will lower costs, improve quality and/or facilitate greater sales.
Internalisation advantages Where the net benefits of extending the organisational structure of the MNC by setting up an overseas subsidiary are greater than those of arranging a contract with an external part.
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The ownership of superior technology. Such ownership will not only enhance the productivity levels of the MNC, but prob- ably also contribute to the production of superior-quality products.
Research and development capacity. MNCs are likely to invest heavily in R&D in an attempt to maintain their global com- petitiveness. The global scale of their operations allows them to spread the costs of this R&D over a large output (i.e. the R&D has a low average fixed cost). MNCs, therefore, are often world leaders in process innovation and product development.
Product differentiation. MNCs often combine innovation with successful product differentiation in international markets. They may invest heavily in advertising and often develop global brand names (e.g. Kellogg’s, Ikea, Samsung).
Entrepreneurial and managerial skills. Managers in MNCs are often innovative in the way they do business and organise the value chain. With the arrival of Japanese multination- als in the UK, it became instantly apparent that Japanese managers conducted business in a very different way from their British counterparts. The most fundamental differ- ence concerned working practices. Japanese MNCs quickly established themselves as among the most efficient and productive businesses in the UK (see section 18.7 on the flexible firm).
The relative cost of inputs. Although it is possible that firms seek out lower-cost land and capital, perhaps because of host government subsidies, one of the main reasons firms want to move overseas is because labour is relatively cheaper. For example, a firm might locate an assembly plant in a developing country (i.e. a country with rela- tively low labour costs), if that plant uses large amounts of labour relative to the value added to the product at that stage. Thus foreign countries, with different cost condi- tions, are able to provide business with a more competitive environment within which to produce its products.
As an example, take the case of Nike, the American sportswear manufacturer. It looks to exploit cost differences between countries. Nike has organised itself globally so that it can respond rapidly to changing cost conditions in its international subsidiaries. Its product development oper- ations are carried out in the USA, but all of its production operations are subcontracted out to over 40 overseas loca- tions, mostly in South and South East Asia. If wage rates, and hence costs, rise in one host country, then production can be transferred to a more profitable subsidiary.
So long as Nike headquarters has adequate information regarding the cost conditions of its subsidiaries, manage- ment decision-making concerning the location of produc- tion simply follows the operation of market forces. In recent times, Nike has begun to consolidate its supply base, while attempting to maintain sufficient flexibility in what is a very dynamic sector. The consolidation is intended to allow Nike to develop more focused relationships with suppliers in what are termed ‘focus factories’ and so develop a more sustainable and effective sourcing base.
The quality of inputs. The location of multinational oper- ations does not simply depend on factor prices: it also depends on factor quality. For example, a country might have a highly skilled or highly industrious workforce, and it is this, rather than simple wage rates, that attracts multina- tional investment. The issue here is still largely one of costs. Highly skilled workers might cost more to employ per hour, but if their productivity is higher, they might well cost less to employ per unit of output. It is also the case, however, that highly skilled workers might produce a better-quality product, and thus increase the firm’s sales.
If a country has both lower-priced factors and high-qual- ity factors, it will be very attractive to multinational inves- tors. In recent years, the UK government has sought to attract multinational investment through having lower labour costs and more flexible employment conditions than its European rivals, while still having a relatively highly trained labour force compared with those in devel- oping countries. However, as the relocation of many call-centre and IT jobs to developing countries illustrated, such advantages can be transitory.
Avoiding transport and tariff costs. Locating production in a foreign country can also reduce costs in other ways. For example, a business locating production overseas would be
KI 19 p 142
KI 5 p 36
Pause for thought
Before reading on, can you think of the host country locational advantages that might be attractive to MNCs?
Locational advantages MNCs will take advantage of the most appropriate locations to make their goods and services. Locational advantages are those features of a host economy that MNCs believe will lower costs, improve quality and/or facilitate greater sales relative to investing in their home country. In addition, by going overseas a firm must be effective at using its owner- ship-specific advantages over domestic firms, otherwise the locational advantage is muted. MNCs will consider a range of factors when comparing potential locations.
The availability of raw materials. Nations, like individuals, are not equally endowed with factors of production. Some nations are rich in labour, some in capital, some in raw materials. In other words, individual nations might have specific advantages over others. Because such factors of pro- duction are largely immobile, especially between nations, businesses respond by becoming multinational: that is, they locate where the necessary factors of production they require can be found. In the case of a business that wishes to extract raw materials, it has little choice but to do this.
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able to reduce transport costs if those overseas plants served local or regional markets, or used local raw materials. One of the biggest cost advantages concerns the avoidance of tar- iffs (customs duties). If a country imposes tariffs on imports, then by locating within that country (i.e. behind the ‘tariff wall’) the MNC gains a competitive advantage over its rivals which are attempting to import their products from outside the country and are thus having to pay the tariff.
Government policy towards FDI. In order to attract FDI, a gov- ernment might offer an MNC a whole range of financial and cost-reducing incentives, many of which help reduce the fixed (or ‘sunk’) costs of the investment, thereby reduc- ing the investment’s risk. The granting of favourable tax differentials and depreciation allowances, and the provi- sion of premises, are all widely used government strategies to attract foreign business.
The general economic climate in host nations. FDI is more likely to occur if a nation has buoyant economic growth, large market size, high disposable income, an appropriate demographic mix, low inflation, low taxation, few restric- tive regulations on business, a good transport network, an excellent education system, a significant research culture, etc. In highly competitive global markets, such factors may make the difference between success and failure.
The financial crisis of the late 2000s, the subsequent economic downturn and fiscal measures to reduce levels of government borrowing (see Chapter 30) affected devel- oped economies, particularly in Europe, especially hard. This only helped to make developing economies even more attractive to foreign investors (see Table 23.3), including investors based in developing economies.
Internalisation advantages As well as ownership and locational advantages, FDI can bring internalisation advantages. These are where the bene- fits of setting up an overseas subsidiary (thereby internalis- ing its production in that country) are greater than the costs of arranging a contract with an external party (e.g. an over- seas import agent or a firm in a host country which would make the product under licence).
FDI occurs where (in the language of sections 3.1 and 15.7, see page 36) the transaction costs of using the market in an overseas country are too high. Thus, the problems of finding the right partner to contract with, agreeing the terms of the contract, determining the price of the transaction and monitoring the contractual agreement are all compounded in foreign locations where different cultures and legal sys- tems create uncertainties for firms considering expansion overseas. In order to minimise opportunistic behaviour in such situations (i.e. to reduce moral hazard), the firm will engage in FDI rather than exporting via an overseas import agent or licensing a domestic firm in the host nation.
Of course, many firms that start to venture into overseas markets will engage in exporting, rather than FDI, and use
KI 18 p 141
KI 5 p 36
KI 17 p 100
Definitions
Horizontally integrated multinational A multina- tional that produces the same product in many different countries.
Vertically integrated multinational A multinational that undertakes the various stages of production for a given product in different countries.
an import agent. However, it is also the case that many of the first multinational subsidiaries are sales and distribution outlets. The first plant set up by Hoover in the UK during the 1930s, for example, was a sales establishment through which it distributed its vacuum cleaners. Hoover found it more profitable to control sales than to use a third party.
Many firms go through a sequence from exporting to overseas investment. Toyota, for example, exported its cars to the UK using local motor vehicle retailers to distribute them prior to establishing a greenfield manufacturing site in Burnaston in Derbyshire in the early 1990s. Honda also set up a manufacturing plant in Swindon, Wiltshire, in 1992 after years of exporting cars to the UK.
The usefulness of the Eclectic Paradigm The Eclectic Paradigm is thus a useful tool for explaining why MNCs arise. It explains how firms use combinations of ownership, locational and internalisation advantages to engage in various forms of FDI and strategic alliance.
Horizontally integrated multinationals. It can explain the development of horizontally integrated multinationals. Firms may initially manufacture in their home nation and export to a foreign location but then decide to switch out of exporting and establish a subsidiary producing the same product overseas.
Thus, FDI may be part of a sequence of expansion into new markets. The sequence may begin with exporting and then involve investment in one or more countries. Firms see that by combining their ownership-specific assets (e.g. technology and managerial skills) with locational advantages in the host nation (e.g. market size and gov- ernment grants) their revenue streams will be greatest from internalising those assets and establishing an overseas sub- sidiary instead of exporting to it.
Alternatively, firms that engage in a cross-border hori- zontal merger or acquisition may do so to take advantage of the potential synergies in ownership-specific assets.
Vertically integrated multinationals. Likewise the eclectic par- adigm can also explain vertically integrated multinationals with various stages of production taking place in different countries. We can follow similar reasoning to that pre- sented in section 15.7. Consider two firms – one a manu- facturer and the other a raw material producer – each with its own set of ownership-specific assets, but located in dif- ferent countries. Further, these two firms are locked into a
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contract whereby they trade with each other on a frequent basis and have invested heavily in maintaining the rela- tionship. If there is incomplete information or uncertainty about the other’s activities and one firm feels that the other is not fulfilling its side of the bargain, then vertical FDI may take place. Here the driving force in the FDI process is the internalisation advantage achieved by vertical integration because the transaction costs of continuing the market rela- tionship are too high.
Oil companies such as Shell and Exxon (Esso) are good examples of vertically integrated multinationals, under- taking in a global operation the extraction of crude oil, controlling its transportation, refining it and producing by-products, and controlling the retail sale of petrol and other oil products.
Conglomerate multinationals. Many of the big MNCs have become conglomerate multinationals and the Eclectic Par- adigm helps to explain this organisational form. Conglom- erates exist because firms have specialised managerial talent (i.e. ownership-specific advantages). Such managers can deal with establishing and running large, complex organi- sations. Further, there are internalisation advantages from establishing a conglomerate MNC because operating across a number of unrelated sectors and locations using market solutions would be prohibitively costly. Conglomerate expansion overseas allows the firm to spread its risks and gain other economies of scope (see page 184).
Unilever is a good example of a conglomerate multina- tional. It is a British–Dutch MNC employing over 170 000 people in 190 countries, producing various food, home care and personal care products. It has around 400 brands, including: Walls and Ben & Jerry’s ice cream; Knorr soups; Bovril and Marmite; Bertorelli pasta sauces; Hellman’s may- onnaise; Lipton and PG Tips tea; Flora, Blue Band and Rama margarines and spreads; Signal toothpaste; Domestos, Cif, Omo, Persil and Comfort; Timotei, TRESemmé and SunSilk shampoos; VO5, Toni and Guy, and Brylcreem hair prod- ucts; Vaseline, Dove, Simple and Lux soaps; Pond’s skin care products; Impulse, Lynx, Sure and Brut fragrances and antiperspirants.
Joint ventures. Finally, the Eclectic Paradigm offers insights into the establishment of joint ventures (see page 255). Evi- dence shows that new-product joint ventures, where risks and development costs are high, occur among the larger MNCs that have complementary ownership-specific assets.4 Because the costs and risks are great, these investments are likely to take place in markets with high perceived growth. This would help to explain, for example, the decision by Sony and Panasonic in 2014 to join forces to produce dis- plays for tablet devices.
KI 17 p 100
KI 5 p 36
KI 14 p 82
Joint ventures also occur among new and smaller MNCs that have limited ownership-specific assets. These firms look for suitable partners that can complement their resources in countries with high market potential. In addi- tion, all joint ventures require that there are limited con- tractual disadvantages in signing an agreement to share resources and develop products, indicating that the joint venture relationship is built on trust as well as sound stra- tegic reasoning.
Problems facing multinationals Although multinational corporations are successful in developing overseas subsidiaries, they also face a number of problems resulting from their geographical expansion:
■ Language barriers. The problem of working in different languages is a necessary barrier for the MNC to over- come. Clearly this problem varies according to the degree to which a common language is spoken. Further, if an MNC tends to employ expatriates, communication will be more difficult and local staff may feel alienated and thus be less productive.
■ Selling and marketing in foreign markets. Strategies that work at home might fail overseas, given wide social and cultural differences. Many US multinationals, such as McDonald’s and Coca-Cola, are frequently accused of imposing American values in the design and promotion of their products, irrespective of the country and its cul- ture. This can lead to resentment and hostility in the host country, which may ultimately backfire on the MNC.
■ Attitudes of host governments. Governments will often try to get the best possible deal for their country from multi- nationals. This could result in governments insisting on part ownership in the subsidiary (either by themselves or by domestic firms), or tight rules and regulations gov- erning the MNC’s behaviour, or harsh tax regimes. In response, the MNC can always threaten to locate else- where.
■ Communication and coordination between subsidiaries. Diseconomies of scale may result from an expanding global business. Lines of communication become longer and more complex. The greater the attempted level of control exerted by the parent company the greater are these problems likely to be: in other words, the more the parent company attempts to conduct business as though the subsidiaries were regional branches. Multinational organisational structures where international subsidiar- ies operate largely independently of the parent state will tend to minimise such problems.
4See S. Agarwal and S. N. Ramaswami, ‘Choice of foreign market entry mode: impact of ownership, location and internalization factors’, Journal of International Business Studies, vol. 23, no. 1 (1992), pp. 1–28. See also A. Madhok, ‘Revisiting multinational firms’ tolerance for joint ventures: a trust-based approach’, JIBS, vol. 26, no. 1 (1995), pp. 117–37.
Definition
Conglomerate multinational A multinational that pro- duces different products in different countries.
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As mentioned previously, host governments are always on the lookout to attract foreign direct investment, and are prepared to put up considerable finance and make sig- nificant concessions to attract overseas business. So what benefits do MNCs bring to the economy? (See Box 23.2 for examples relating to the UK experience.)
Employment If MNC investment is in new plants (as opposed to merely taking over an existing company), this will generate employment. Most countries attempt to entice MNCs to depressed regions where investment is low and unemploy- ment is high. Often these will be regions where a major industry has closed (e.g. the coal mining regions of South Wales). The employment that MNCs create is both direct, in the form of people employed in the new production facility, and indirect, through the impact that the MNC has on the local economy. This might be the consequence of establishing a new supply network, or simply the result of the increase in local incomes and expenditure, and hence the stimulus to local business.
It is possible, however, that jobs created in one region of a country by a new MNC venture, with its superior tech- nology and working practices, might cause a business to fold elsewhere, thus leading to increased unemployment in that region.
duced domestically. Export promotion will be enhanced as many multinationals use their new production facil- ities as export platforms. For example, many Japanese MNCs invest in the UK in order to gain access to the Euro- pean Union.
The beneficial effect on the balance of payments, how- ever, will be offset to the extent that profits earned from the investment are repatriated to the parent country, and to the extent that the exports of the MNC displace the exports of domestic producers.
Technology transfer Technology transfer refers to the benefits gained by domes- tic producers from the technology imported by the MNC. Such benefits can occur in a number of ways. The most common is where domestic producers implement or rep- licate the production technology and working practices of the MNC. This is referred to as the ‘demonstration effect’ and has occurred widely in the UK as British businesses have attempted to emulate many of the practices brought into the country by Japanese multinationals.
In addition to replicating best practice, technology might also be transferred through the training of workers. When workers move jobs from the MNC to other firms in the industry, or to other industrial sectors, they take their newly acquired technical knowledge and skills with them.
Taxation MNCs, like domestic producers, are required to pay tax and therefore contribute to public finances. Given the highly profitable nature of many MNCs, the level of tax revenue raised from this source could be highly significant (but see section 23.6 on ways in which MNCs can avoid tax).
THE ADVANTAGES OF MNC INVESTMENT FOR THE HOST STATE23.5
Pause for thought
Why might the size of these regional ‘knock-on effects’ of inward investment be difficult to estimate?
The balance of payments A country’s balance of payments (see Chapter 27) is likely to improve on a number of counts as a result of inward MNC investment. First, the investment will represent a direct flow of capital into the country. Second, and per- haps more important (especially in the long term), MNC investment is likely to result in both import substitution and export promotion. Import substitution will occur as products, previously purchased as imports, are now pro-
Definitions
Import substitution The replacement of imports by domestically produced goods or services.
Technology transfer Where a host state benefits from the new technology that an MNC brings with its investment.
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It is also still punching below its weight in attracting manufacturing projects, securing just 12% of manufacturing investments into Europe compared to its 20% share of overall FDI. More worryingly, it won only half as many new manufacturing projects as Germany, which is now beating even the lower-wage destinations of Central and Eastern Europe in the battle for first-time manufacturing investments. Finally, the sheer pulling power of London for global FDI means it risks overshadowing the rest of the UK, especially the regions.5
Effects on productivity and R&D As well as offering employment, it is argued that foreign firms have higher rates of productivity than domestic firms, which puts competitive pressure on domestic firms to increase their productivity. Some work by Hubert and Pain in 2000 showed that a 1 per cent rise in the output of foreign firms in a par- ticular industry will raise technical progress by 0.53 per cent in domestic firms in that industry.6
It is evident that foreign investment, largely through for- eign firms operating in the UK, is crucial for research and development expenditure by businesses in the UK. Annual surveys of business research and development conducted
5 ‘2014 UK attractiveness survey’ (Ernst & Young, 2015).
BOX 23.2 LOCATION. LOCATION. LOCATION
The potential benefits and risks of inward FDI to the UK
Countries that have a large foreign multinational sector, such as the UK, are significantly affected by the actions of foreign companies – their product designs, the technologies they use, their management expertise and their decisions about where to locate and invest. In 2014, global flows of FDI were $1.23 trillion. Inward FDI to the UK was $72.2 billion, equating to 5.9 per cent of global inward FDI. This is a lower share than in the late 2000s but higher than the average for 2010–14 (see chart (a)). As chart (b) demonstrates, inward investment into the UK is dominated by other EU countries and the USA. At the end of 2014, US companies held £262.5 billion of investment in the UK, roughly 24.5 per cent of the UK’s inward FDI stock, while other EU countries held $495.8 billion or 47.9 per cent of the UK’s inward FDI stock. The single largest investor-country in the UK from within the EU is the Netherlands, holding £176.0 billion or 17.0 per cent of the UK’s stock of foreign investment. The service sector dominates inward investment. In 2014 it accounted for about 64 per cent of the UK’s stock of foreign investment. Financial services alone account for 27 per cent of the stock of inward FDI. According to an Ernst & Young survey:
While the UK remains unrivalled in Europe in attracting both North American investments and follow on projects from existing investors worldwide, it lags behind Germany in attracting new projects from first-time investors, and securing projects from some of the world’s fastest- growing FDI sources — notably China.
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
19901985 1995 2000 2005 2010
P er
ce nt
ag e
of w
or ld
F D
I in
flo w
s
(a) UK’s share of global FDI inflows
6 F. Hubert and N. Pain, ‘Inward investment and technical progress in the UK manufacturing sector’, OECD Economics Department, Working Paper no. 268 (2000).
Source: Based on data from UNCTADstat (UNCTAD, 2015)
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THE DISADVANTAGES OF MNC INVESTMENT FOR THE HOST STATE23.6
(b) Stock of FDI in the UK by country of source
0.000
100.000
200.000
300.000
400.000
500.000
EU Rest of Europe
USA Rest of Americas
2005
Asia Rest of the World
£ bi
lli on
s
2014
by the Office for National Statistics typically show around one-quarter of all R&D expenditure in the UK is funded from overseas.
Competition for FDI Because of the huge potential benefits, the competition between nations to attract new investment, whether from indigenous or foreign firms, is intense. Highly mobile MNCs seek out those locational opportunities that allow them to gain a competitive advantage over other global producers. As recent figures show, the UK’s position in attracting FDI is increasingly under threat. As well as eastern European countries, developing nations such as China and India are increasingly attractive to mobile MNCs and this is only partly due to low relative wage costs. More important in recent times are the additional locational advantages these nations have gained through substantial investments in education and science, thereby raising the quality of their skills base and enhancing their technological capability. As companies become more effective in managing these distant locations
and different cultures, higher value-added activities are increasingly likely to be located there. Notably the UK continues to struggle to secure manufactur- ing projects. According to the 2014 Ernst and Young survey, about half of the FDI projects in Europe in 2013 were man- ufacturing projects, creating an average of around 160 jobs each. The survey points to the potential for such jobs to be located across the UK regions, rather than being focused in London, to where inward FDI is often attracted, and for them to be suitable for younger people. Attracting a broader range of FDI projects with a wider geo- graphical spread points to the need for supply-side policies (see Chapter 31) which, among other things, can help improve the skills base of the workforce and improve the country-wide infrastructure.
What do you think the UK government might do either to minimise FDI outflows, or to attract a greater volume of FDI inflow?
Thus far we have focused on the positive effects resulting from multinational investment. However, multinational investment may not always be beneficial in either the short or the long term.
Uncertainty. MNCs are often ‘footloose’, meaning that they can simply close down their operations in foreign countries and move (see Box 23.2 for an example relating to the closure
of the Peugeot plant in Coventry). This is especially likely with older plants which would need updating if the MNC were to remain, or with plants that can be easily sold without too much loss. The ability to close down its business operations and shift production, while being a distinct economic advan- tage to the MNC, is a prime concern facing the host nation.
If a country has a large foreign multinational sector within the economy, it will become very vulnerable to
Source: Based on data in Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) Involving UK Companies, 2014 (Directional Principle) (ONS, December 2015)
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MULTINATIONAL CORPORATIONS AND DEVELOPING ECONOMIES23.7
Many of the benefits and costs of MNC investment that we have considered so far are most acutely felt in developing countries. The poorest countries of the world are most in need of investment and yet are most vulnerable to exploitation by multinationals and have the least power to resist it. There tends, therefore, to be a love–hate relationship between the peoples of the developing world and the giant corporations that are seen to be increasingly dominating their lives: from the spread of agribusiness into the countryside through the ownership and control of plantations, to international min- ing corporations despoiling vast tracts of land; from indus- trial giants dominating manufacturing, to international banks controlling the flow of finance; from international tour operators and hotels bringing the socially disruptive effects of affluent tourists from North America, Japan, Europe and Aus- tralasia, to the products of the rich industrialised countries fashioning consumer tastes and eroding traditional culture.
Although MNCs employ only a small proportion of the total labour force in most developing countries, they have a powerful effect on these countries’ economies, often domi- nating the import and export sectors. They also often exert considerable power and influence over political leaders and their policies and over civil servants, and are frequently accused of ‘meddling’ in politics.
It is easy to see the harmful social, environmental and economic effects of multinationals on developing coun- tries, and yet governments in these countries are so eager to attract overseas investment that they are frequently prepared to offer considerable perks to MNCs and to turn a blind eye to many of their excesses.
such footloose activity, and face great uncertainty in the long term. It may thus be forced to offer the multinational ‘perks’ (e.g. grants, special tax relief or specific facilities) in order to persuade it to remain. These perks are clearly costly to the taxpayer.
Control. The fact that an MNC can shift production loca- tions not only gives it economic flexibility, but enables it to exert various controls over its host. This is particularly so in many developing countries, where MNCs are not only major employers but in many cases the principal wealth creators. Thus attempts by the host state to improve worker safety or impose pollution controls, for example, may be against what the MNC sees as its own best interests. It might thus oppose such measures or even threaten to
levels of profit made in each country. Assume that in the country where subsidiary A is located, the level of corpo- ration tax is half that of the country where subsidiary B is located. If components are transferred from A to B at very high prices, then B’s costs will rise and its profitability will fall. Conversely, A’s profitability will rise. The MNC clearly benefits as more profit is taxed at the lower rather than the higher rate. Had it been the other way around, with sub- sidiary B facing the lower rate of tax, then the components would be transferred at a low price. This would increase sub- sidiary B’s profits and reduce A’s.
The practice of transfer pricing was mostly starkly revealed in The Guardian newspaper in February 2009. Citing a paper that examined the flows of goods priced from US subsidiaries in Africa back to the USA, it stated that ‘the public may be horrified to learn that companies have priced flash bulbs at $321.90 each, pillow cases at $909.29 each and a ton of sand at $1993.67, when the average world trade price was 66 cents, 62 cents and $11.20 respectively’.7
The environment. Many MNCs are accused of simply investing in countries to gain access to natural resources, which are sub- sequently extracted or used in a way that is not sensitive to the environment. Host nations, especially developing countries, that are keen for investment are frequently prepared to allow MNCs to do this. They often put more store on the short-run gains from the MNC’s presence than on the long-run deple- tion of precious natural resources or damage to the environ- ment. Governments, like many businesses, often have a very short-term focus: they are concerned more with their political survival (whether through the ballot box or through military force) than with the long-term interests of their people.
profit tax. This can be achieved by simply manipulating its internal pricing structure.
For example, take a vertically integrated MNC where subsidiary A in one country supplies components to sub- sidiary B in another. The price at which the components are transferred between the two subsidiaries (the ‘transfer price’) will ultimately determine the costs and hence the
withdraw from the country if such measures are not modi- fied or dropped. The host nation is in a very weak position.
Transfer pricing. MNCs, like domestic producers, are always attempting to reduce their tax liabilities. One unique way that an MNC can do this is through a process known as transfer pricing (see pages 290–1). The practice of transfer pricing is pervasive and governments are losing vast sums in tax revenue every day because of it. The practice enables the MNC to reduce its profits in countries with high rates of profit tax, and increase them in countries with low rates of
7Prem Sikka, ‘Shifting profits across borders’, The Guardian, 12 February 2009 (http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2009/feb/11/taxavoidance-tax)
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Definitions
Harrod–Domar model A model that relates a country’s rate of economic growth to the proportion of national income saved and the ratio of capital to output.
Savings gap The shortfall in savings to achieve a given rate of economic growth.
Foreign exchange gap The shortfall in foreign exchange that a country needs to purchase necessary imports such as raw materials and machinery.
were required to produce £1 of extra output per annum (k = 4), then the rate of economic growth would be 10%/4 = 2.5 per cent.
If that developing country wanted to achieve a rate of eco- nomic growth of 5 per cent, then it would require a rate of saving of 20 per cent (5% = 20%/4). There would thus be a shortfall of savings: a savings gap. Most, if not all, develop- ing countries perceive themselves as having a savings gap. Not only do they require relatively high rates of economic growth in order to keep ahead of population growth and to break out of poverty, but they also tend to have relatively low rates of saving. Poor people cannot afford to save much out of their income.
This is where FDI comes in. It can help to fill the sav- ings gap by directly financing the investment required to achieve the target rate of growth.
The foreign exchange gap. There are many items, espe- cially various raw materials and machinery, that many developing countries do not produce themselves and yet which are vital if they are to develop. Such items have to be imported. But this requires foreign exchange, and most developing countries suffer from a chronic shortage of for- eign exchange. Their demand for imports grows rapidly: they have a high income elasticity of demand for imports – for both capital goods and consumer goods. Yet their exports tend to grow relatively slowly. Reasons include: the development of synthetic substitutes for the raw mate- rial exports of developing countries (e.g. plastics for rub- ber and metal) and the relatively low income elasticity of demand for certain primary products (the demand for things such as tea, coffee, sugar cane and rice tends to grow relatively slowly).
F D I c a n h e l p t o a l l e v i a t e t h e s h o r t a g e o f f o r e i g n exchange: it can help to close the foreign exchange gap. Not only will the MNC bring in capital which might otherwise have had to be purchased with scarce foreign exchange, but also any resulting exports by the MNC will increase the country’s future foreign exchange earnings.
Public finance gap. Governments in developing countries find it difficult to raise enough tax revenues to finance all
Does MNC investment aid development? Whether investment by multinationals in developing countries is seen to be a net benefit or a net cost to these countries depends on what are perceived to be their devel- opment goals. If maximising the growth in national income is the goal, then MNC investment has probably made a positive contribution. If, however, the objectives of development are seen as more wide-reaching, and include goals such as greater equality, the relief of poverty, a growth in the provision of basic needs (such as food, health care, housing and sanitation) and a general growth in the free- dom and sense of well-being of the mass of the population, then the net effect of multinational investment could be argued to be anti-developmental.
Advantages to the host country In order for countries to achieve economic growth, there must be investment. In general, the higher the rate of invest- ment, the higher will be the rate of economic growth. The need for economic growth tends to be more pressing in developing countries than in advanced countries. One obvious reason is their lower level of income. If they are ever to aspire to the living standards of the rich North, then income per head will have to grow at a considerably faster rate than in rich countries and for many years. Another rea- son is the higher rates of population growth in developing countries – often some 2 percentage points higher than in the rich countries. This means that for income per head to grow at merely the same rate as in rich countries, develop- ing countries will have to achieve growth rates 2 percentage points higher.
Investment requires finance. But developing countries are generally acutely short of funds: FDI can help to make up the shortfall. Specifically, there are key ‘gaps’ that FDI can help to fill.
The savings gap. A country’s rate of economic growth (g) depends crucially on two factors:
■ The amount of extra capital that is required to produce an extra unit of output per year: i.e. the marginal capital/ output ratio (k). The greater the marginal capital/output ratio, the lower will be the output per year that results from a given amount of investment.
■ The proportion of national income that a country saves (s). The higher this proportion, the greater the amount of investment that can be financed.
There is a simple formula that relates the rate of eco- nomic growth to these two factors. It is known as the Harrod–Domar model (after the two economists Sir Roy Harrod and Evsey Domar, who independently developed the model). The formula is:
g = s/k Thus if a developing country saved 10 per cent of its national income (s = 10%), and if £4 of additional capital
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Pause for thought
What problems is a developing country likely to experience if it adopts a policy of restricting, or even preventing, access to its markets by multinational business?
the projects they would like to. MNC profits provide an additional source of tax revenue.
Skills and technology gaps. The capital that flows into the developing countries with MNC investment often embod- ies the latest technology, access to which the developing country would otherwise be denied. MNCs bring manage- ment expertise and often provide training programmes for local labour. Hence, MNCs may not only provide capital but also potentially help to increase the productivity of cap- ital and labour, particularly through the spread of knowl- edge and ideas. These effects may help to foster economic development in developing countries.
Disadvantages to the host country Whereas there is the potential for MNCs to make a signif- icant contribution to closing the above gaps, in practice they often close them only slightly, or even make them big- ger! The following are the main problems:
■ They may use their power in the markets of host coun- tries to drive domestic producers out of business, thereby lowering domestic profits and domestic investment.
■ They may buy few, if any, of their components from domestic firms, but import them instead: perhaps from one of their subsidiaries.
■ The bulk of their profits may simply be repatriated to shareholders in the rich countries, with little, if any, rein- vested in the developing country. This, plus the previous point, will tend to make the foreign exchange gap worse.
■ Their practice of transfer pricing may give little scope for the host government to raise tax revenue from them. Governments of developing countries are effectively put in competition with each other, each trying to undercut the others’ tax rates in order to persuade the MNC to price its intermediate products in such a way as to make its profits in their country.
■ Similarly, governments of developing countries compete with each other to offer the most favourable terms to MNCs (e.g. government grants, government contracts, tax concessions and rent-free sites). The more favourable the terms, the less the gain for developing countries as a whole.
KI 21 p 175
KI 17 p 100
■ The technology and skills brought in by the multina- tionals may be fiercely guarded by the MNC. What is more, the dominance of the domestic market by MNCs may lead to the demise of domestic firms and indigenous technology, thereby worsening the skill and technology base of the country.
In addition to these problems, MNCs can alter the whole course of development in ways that many would argue are undesirable. By locating in cities, they tend to attract floods of migrants from the countryside looking for work, but of those only a small fraction will find employ- ment in these industries. The rest swell the ranks of the urban unemployed, often dwelling in squatter settlements on the outskirts of cities and living in appalling conditions.
More fundamentally, they are accused of distorting the whole pattern of development and of worsening the gap between the rich and poor. Their technology is cap- ital intensive (compared with indigenous technology). The result is too few job opportunities. Those who are employed, however, receive relatively high wages, and are able to buy their products. These are the products con- sumed in affluent countries – from cars, to luxury food- stuffs, to household appliances – products that the MNCs often advertise heavily, and where they have considerable monopoly/oligopoly power. The resulting ‘coca-colanisa- tion’, as it has been called, creates wants for the mass of people, but wants that they have no means of satisfying.
What can developing countries do? Can developing countries gain the benefits of FDI while avoiding the effects of growing inequality and inappro- priate products and technologies? If a developing country is large and is seen as an important market for the mul- tinational, if it would be costly for the multinational to relocate, and if the government is well informed about the multinational’s costs, then the country’s bargaining posi- tion will be relatively strong. It may be able to get away with relatively high taxes on the MNC’s profits and tight regulation of its behaviour (e.g. its employment practices and its care for the environment). If, however, the coun- try is economically weak and the MNC is footloose, then the deal it can negotiate is unlikely to be very favourable.
The bargaining position of developing countries would be enhanced if they could act jointly in imposing conditions on multinational investment and behaviour. Such agreement is unlikely, however, given the diverse nature of developing countries’ governments and economies, and the pro-free market, deregulated world of the early twenty-first century.
BOX 23.3 GROCERS GO GLOBAL
Carrefour has a fresh snake counter alongside the fish depart- ment in its Chinese stores. Wal-Mart boasts that in its Chinese stores you can find local delicacies such as whole roasted pigs and live frogs. Are fresh snakes and live frogs what’s needed
to succeed in China? It would seem so. Global companies thinking local, customising themselves to each market, are increasingly seen as the key to success in Asia and elsewhere around the world.
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S U M M A R Y 4 3 7
The expansion of European and American grocer retailers into global markets has been under way for a number of years. Driven by stagnant markets at home with limited growth opportunities, the major players in Europe, such as Wal-Mart from the USA, Carrefour and Casino from France, Tesco from the UK, Ahold from Holland and Metro from Germany, have been looking to expand their overseas operations – but with mixed success. In recent times, Asia has been the market’s growth sector, with China a particular attraction. In the five years to 2013, the Chinese supermarket sector grew at an average annual rate of 12.3 per cent, although the rate has slowed slightly since. But, it has not just been China where foreign retailers have invested. Tesco, for example, entered the Thai market in 1998. Tesco Lotus, the company’s regional subsidiary, is now the country’s number-one retailer. In 2015 it had over 1700 stores across Thailand, employing over 50 000 full-time staff. Meanwhile, Carrefour and Wal-Mart have also opened hun- dreds of new outlets within the region in recent times. The advantages that international retailers have over their domestic competitors are expertise in systems, distribution, the range of products and merchandising. However, given the distinctive nature of markets within Asia, business must learn to adapt to local conditions. Joint ventures and local knowl- edge are seen as the key ingredients to success
Facing up to the big boys With the rapid expansion of hypermarkets throughout Asia, the retail landscape has undergone revolutionary change. With a wide range of products all under one roof, from grocer- ies to pharmaceuticals to white goods, and at cut-rate prices, local neighbourhood stores have often stood little chance in the competitive battle. ‘Mom and pop operations have no economies of scale.’ As well as local retailers, local suppliers are also facing a squeeze on profits, as hypermarkets demand lower prices and use their buying power as leverage. Such has been the dramatic impact these stores have had upon the retail and grocery sector that a number of Asian economies, such as Malaysia and Thailand, have introduced restrictions on the building of new outlets. China, one of the toughest markets to enter, restricted for- eign companies to joint venture arrangements until 2004. Tesco’s answer to these restrictions had been to go into a 50:50 partnership with Taiwanese food supplier Ting Hsing.
Initially, the stores were not the Tesco supermarkets with which customers in the UK are familiar. Instead, they had an orange colour scheme and few brands that the average UK shopper would recognise. In 2006 Tesco increased its stake to 90 per cent and with this came the familiar Tesco branding. This marked a period of expansion by Tesco and other global retailers in China. By mid-2015, Carrefour, the biggest inter- national retailer in the Chinese market had over 230 hyper- markets, having opened 11 more in 2014 and expected to open a further 15 hypermarkets in 2015. However, the expansion into China and other Asian markets has not been without difficulties for global retailers. In 2012 Tesco announced that it was to leave Japan after nine years, while in 2014 Carrefour announced that it was leaving India, less than four years after having opened its first store in the country. Even in markets like China the pace of growth of expan- sion is tending to slow. In May 2014 Tesco completed the establishment of a joint venture with state-run China Resources Enterprise (CRE). This left Tesco owning 20 per cent of the busi- ness and CRE 80 per cent. The venture brought together Tesco’s 131 stores in China with CRE’s nearly 3000 outlets.
With relatively slower economic growth in China and complex local market conditions, Tesco, Carrefour and Wal-Mart did begin to pull back on their global expansions and although they are continuing, it is at a slower rate. Philip Clarke, Tesco’s CEO said about China:
‘It’s more of a marathon than a sprint. Many retailers putting down more space in the market; few seeing that translate into profitable growth.’8
A Bloomberg industry analyst added:
The rate of same-store sales increases is not what they [chains] were expecting it to be. The rate of addition of capacity has probably exceeded the growth of the market.9
What are the ownership, location and internalisation advan- tages associated with retail FDI in Asia?
SUMMARY
1a The process of globalisation can have profound effects on economies. One current feature of globalisation is the relocating of various service and knowledge-based jobs from developed to developing countries.
1b There are various drivers of globalisation, including mar- ket, cost, government and competitive drivers.
1c Supporters of globalisation point to its potential to lead to faster growth and greater efficiency through trade, competition and investment. It also has the potential to draw the world closer together politically.
1d Critics of globalisation argue that it contributes to grow- ing inequality and further impoverishes poor nations. It also erodes national cultures and can have adverse envi- ronmental consequences.
2 There is great diversity among multinationals in respect of size, nature of business, size of overseas operations, location, ownership and organisational structure.
3a Foreign direct investment (FDI) tends to fluctuate with the ups and downs of the world economy. For example, in 2008/9, with a slowdown in global economic growth, worldwide FDI fell. Over the years, however, FDI has grown substantially, and has accounted for a larger and larger proportion of total investment.
3b Developing countries are both an ever-increasingly important destination for FDI and source of FDI.
4a Why businesses go multinational depends largely upon the nature of their business and their corporate strategy.
8Tesco stumbles with Wal-Mart as China shoppers buy local’, Bloomberg, 19 October 2012. 9Ibid.
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4 3 8 C H A P T E R 2 3 G L O B A L I S A T I O N A N D M U L T I N A T I O N A L B U S I N E S S
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Using the UNCTAD FDI database in the statistics section of the UNCTAD website at (www.unctad.org), find out what has happened to FDI flows over the past five years (a) worldwide; (b) to and from developed countries; (c) to and from developing countries; (d) to and from the UK. Explain any patterns that emerge.
2 What are the advantages and disadvantages to an economy, like that of the UK, of having a large multinational sector?
3 How might the structure of a multinational differ depend- ing upon whether its objective of being multinational is to reduce costs or to grow?
4 If reducing costs is so important for many multinationals, why is it that many locate production not in low-cost
developing economies, but in economies within the developed world?
5 ‘Going global, thinking local.’ Explain this phrase, and identify the potential conflicts for a business in behaving in this way.
6 Explain the link between the life cycle of a product and multinational business.
7 Assess the advantages and disadvantages facing a host state when receiving MNC investment.
8 Debate the following: ‘Multinational investment can be nothing but good for developing economies seeking to grow and prosper.’
4b One theoretical explanation of MNC development is the product life cycle hypothesis. In this theory, a business will shift production around the world seeking to reduce costs and extend a given product’s life. The phases of a product’s life will be conducted in different countries. As the product nears maturity and competition grows, reducing costs to maintain competitiveness will force businesses to locate production in low-cost markets, such as developing economies.
4c A more modern approach to explaining international production and MNC development is provided by the Eclectic Paradigm. According to this approach, firms have certain ownership-specific advantages (core competen- cies), such as managerial skills, product differentiation and technological advantages, which they can use in the most appropriate locations. They internalise their owner- ship-specific advantages and engage in FDI because the costs and risks are lower than licensing an overseas firm or using an import agent (i.e. engaging in an external market transaction).
4d Although becoming an MNC is largely advantageous to the business, it can experience problems with language barriers, selling and marketing in foreign markets, atti-
tudes of the host state and the communication and coor- dination of global business activities.
5 Host states find multinational investment advantageous in respect to employment creation, contributions to the balance of payments, the transfer of technology and the contribution to taxation.
6 Host states find multinational investment disadvanta- geous in so far as it creates uncertainty; foreign business can control or manipulate the country or regions within it; tax payments can be avoided by transfer pricing; and MNCs might misuse the environment.
7a The benefits of MNCs to developing countries depend upon the developing countries’ development goals.
7b MNCs bring with them investment, which is crucial to economic growth. They also provide the host state with foreign exchange, which might be crucial in helping pur- chase vital imports.
7c MNCs might prove to be disadvantageous to developing economies if they drive domestic producers out of busi- ness, source production completely from other countries, repatriate profits, practise transfer pricing to avoid tax, force host states to offer favourable tax deals or sub- sidies for further expansion, and guard technology to prevent its transfer to domestic producers.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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International trade
C h
a p
te r 24
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How has international trade grown over the years? Have countries become more or less interdependent? ■ What are the benefits to countries and firms of international trade? ■ Which goods should a country export and which should it import? ■ Why do countries sometimes try to restrict trade and protect their domestic industries? ■ What is the role of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in international trade?
Without international trade we would all be much poorer. There would be some items like pineapples, coffee, cotton clothes, foreign holidays and uranium that we would simply have to go without. Then there would be other items like pineapples and spacecraft that we could produce only very inefficiently.
International trade has the potential to benefit all participating countries. This chapter explains why.
Totally free trade, however, may bring problems to countries or to groups of people within those countries. Many people argue strongly for restrictions on trade. Textile workers see their jobs threatened by cheap imported cloth. Car manufacturers worry about falling sales as customers switch to Japanese models or other East Asian ones. This chapter, therefore, also examines the arguments for restricting trade. Are people justified in fearing international competition, or are they merely trying to protect some vested interest at the expense of everyone else?
KI 2 p 18
TRADING PATTERNS 24.1
International trade has been growing as a proportion of countries’ national income for many years. This is illustrated in Figure 24.1 , which shows the growth in the global vol- ume of exports of goods and in world real GDP. It shows that exports have been growing much more rapidly than GDP.
Over the 60-year period from 1955 to 2014 the average annual growth in world output was 3.6 per cent, whereas the average annual growth in world exports was over 6.3 per cent. The chart also shows the significant negative
impact of the global financial crisis at the end of the 2000s on both world output and, in particular, the volume of exports. The fall in total world output in 2009 was the first since the 1930s.
Despite the impact of the global slowdown at the end of the 2000s, it is likely that trade will continue to increase as a percentage of world GDP. This will further increase coun- tries’ interdependence and so their vulnerability to world trade fluctuations.
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4 4 0 C H A P T E R 2 4 I N T E R N A T I O N A L T R A D E
The geography of international trade Developed countries have dominated world trade. But this pattern is changing. In 2014 developing countries accounted for 43 per cent (by value) of all world merchandise trade
(see Figure 24.2); in 2000 they accounted for just 23 per cent. Their share of world trade has risen because countries with the fastest growth in exports are found in the developing world.
Annual growth in global output and exports of goodsFigure 24.1
−12 −10 −8 −6 −4 −2
0 2 4 6 8
10 12 14 16
1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020
A nn
ua l %
c ha
ng e
Exports of goods GDP Average export growth Average GDP growth
Note: Data from 2015 onwards are based on IMF forecasts; averages relate to the 60-year period 1955–2014. Source: 1955–1979 based on data from International Trade Statistics, 2015 (WTO); 1980 onwards based on data from World Economic Outlook Database, October 2015 (IMF)
Share of world merchandise exports, by value (2014)Figure 24.2
Other Asia (inc Australasia) 17.9%
Middle East 6.8%
CIS (former Soviet republics) 3.9%
Other Europe 19.4%
Africa 2.9%
Japan 3.6%
France 3.1%
China 12.3%
USA 8.5%
Canada 2.5% Mexico 2.1%
C and S America 3.7%
UK 2.7%
Germany 7.9%
Italy 2.8%
Source: Based on data in International Trade Statistics 2015, Appendix Tables, Table A6 (UNCTAD)
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2 4 . 1 T R A D I N G P A T T E R N S 4 4 1
The growth in exports from the group of developing nations collectively known as the BRICS1 (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has been especially rapid. Between them they accounted for just 5.4 per cent of world
exports (by value) in 1992; by 2014 this share had more than tripled to 18.3 per cent (see Figure 24.3).
Figure 24.4 shows the growth of exports and imports by region. It helps in assessing the openness of economies and provides further evidence that nations are becom- ing increasingly interdependent. It again illustrates the spectacular growth rate in trade witnessed by China: its
1 Sometimes the term is used to refer just to the first four countries. When South Africa is excluded, the term is written BRICs rather than BRICS.
Share of world merchandise exports of BRICS, by value (%)Figure 24.3
South Africa China India Russia Brazil
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014
P er
ce nt
ag e
Source: Based on data in WTO Statistics Database
Average annual rate of growth in value of merchandise trade, 1992–2014Figure 24.4
Exports Imports
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
North America
Central and Southern America
Europe Asia CIS Africa Middle East China
A ve
ra ge
a nn
ua l g
ro w
th (%
) .
Note: CIS = Commonwealth of Independent States (former Soviet republics) Source: WTO Statistics database (WTO)
M24_SLOM2103_07_SE_C24.indd 441 4/25/16 12:16 PM
4 4 2 C H A P T E R 2 4 I N T E R N A T I O N A L T R A D E
exports increased in value by an average of 17 per cent per year from 1992 to 2014.
Despite more rapid growth in trade values in other regions, Europe remains an important geographical centre for trade (see Figure 24.5). Over the first half of the 2010s it accounted for 36 per cent of both world exports and imports (by value). While Africa, as a whole, has experienced signif- icant growth in trade since the early 1990s, many of the poorest African countries have seen negligible growth in trade over the period. Consequently, over the first half of the 2010s Africa accounted for only around 3.25 per cent of the value of both world exports and imports.
Middle Eastern countries accounted for 6.8 per cent of the value of global exports from 2010 to 2014 compared with just 3.9 per cent of the global value of imports. Oil is important in explaining this differential. However, oil prices are volatile and this affects the growth in export earn- ings from period to period.
During much of the 1990s, the growth in the value of exports from Middle Eastern countries was weak due to the gen- erally falling price of oil. This changed over the periods 1999– 2000, 2003–8 and 2010–11 as world oil prices surged. However, oil prices were to plummet during the second half of 2014 (see Boxes 5.3 and 26.3). As a result, the growth in merchan- dise export values averaged 19 per cent per year over the period from 1999 to 2008 compared with only 0.6 per cent from 1991 to 1998 and a fall of 6.7 per cent per year across 2013 and 2014.
The composition of international trade Trade in goods In 2014 t he value of global merc handise expor ts was $ 18 . 9 t r i l l i o n , wh i c h i s e qu i va l e n t to 24 . 5 p e r c e n t
o f t h e va l u e o f g l o b a l G D P. B y f a r t h e l a r ge st c a te - gor y of traded goods is that of manufactured products (see Figure 24.5), making up almost two-thirds of all mer- chandise exports. Europe and Asia account almost equally for around 80 per cent of the global value of exports of manufactures. Meanwhile agricultural products account for c lose to 10 per cent of merc handise expor ts and fuels and mining products roughly double this at just over 20 per cent.
Trade in services In 2014 the global value of commercial services was $4.9 trillion which is equivalent in value to 6.3 per cent of global GDP and about 20.4 per cent of total trade. The USA is by far the largest exporter with some 14.1 per cent of all service exports in 2014, followed by the UK (6.8 per cent) and Germany (5.5 per cent). The largest importer of services is the USA with 9.6 per cent of the total, followed by China (8.1 per cent), Germany (6.9 per cent) and France (5.1 per cent).
Trade and the UK In 2014, the UK was the world’s tenth largest exporter of goods, selling 2.7 per cent of the world total, and the fifth largest importer, consuming 3.6 per cent of world total.
In 2014, 42.9 per cent of the UK’s exports of goods went to EU countries, 13.0 per cent went to Switzerland, 11.5 per cent to the USA and 3.3 per cent to China.
UK imports, like UK exports, are strongly tied to Europe. In 2013, 53.1 per cent of the imports of goods came from EU countries, 8.8 per cent from China, 8.3 per cent from the USA and 3.9 per cent from Norway.
Value of merchandise exports by region: $ billions, 2014Figure 24.5
0
1000
2000
3000
4000
5000
6000
7000
N America S & C America
Europe Asia CIS Africa Middle East
$ bi
lli on
s
Manufactured products Fuels and mining Agricultural products
Source: International Trade Statistics, 2015, Table II.2 (WTO)
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2 4 . 2 T H E A D V A N T A G E S O F T R A D E 4 4 3
Specialisation as the basis for trade Why do countries trade with each other and what do they gain out of it? The reasons for international trade are really only an extension of the reasons for trade within a nation. Rather than people trying to be self-sufficient and do everything for themselves, it makes sense to specialise.
Firms specialise in producing certain types of goods. This allows them to gain economies of scale and to exploit their entrepreneurial and management skills and the skills of their labour force. It also allows them to benefit from their particular location and from the ownership of any particu- lar capital equipment or other assets they might possess. With the revenues that firms earn, they buy in the inputs they need from other firms and the labour they require. Firms thus trade with each other.
Countries also specialise. They produce more than they need of certain goods. What is not consumed domesti- cally is exported. The revenues earned from the exports are used to import goods which are not produced in sufficient amounts at home.
But which goods should a country specialise in? What should it export and what should it import? The answer is that it should specialise in those goods in which it has a comparative advantage. Let us examine what this means.
The law of comparative advantage Countries have different endowments of factors of pro- duction. They differ in population density, labour skills, climate, raw materials, capital equipment, etc. These differ- ences tend to persist because factors are relatively immobile between countries. Obviously land and climate are totally immobile, but even with labour and capital there tend to be more restrictions (physical, social, cultural or legal) on their international movement than on their movement within countries. Thus the ability to supply goods differs between countries.
What this means is that the relative costs of producing goods will vary from country to country. For example, one country may be able to produce 1 fridge for the same cost as 6 tonnes of wheat or 3 MP3 players, whereas another coun- try may be able to produce 1 fridge for the same cost as only 3 tonnes of wheat but 4 MP3 players. It is these differences in relative costs that form the basis of trade.
At this stage we need to distinguish between absolute advantage and comparative advantage.
Absolute advantage When one country can produce a good with fewer resources than another country, it is said to have an absolute advantage in that good. If France can produce wine with fewer resources than the UK, and the UK can produce gin
THE ADVANTAGES OF TRADE24.2
Definitions
Absolute advantage A country has an absolute advan- tage over another in the production of a good if it can produce it with less resources than the other country.
Comparative advantage A country has a comparative advantage over another in the production of a good if it can produce it at a lower opportunity cost: i.e. if it has to forgo less of other goods in order to produce it.
Kilos of wheat
Metres of cloth
Less developed country Either 2 or 1
Developed country Either 4 or 8
Production possibilities for two countriesTable 24.1
with fewer resources than France, then France has an abso- lute advantage in wine and the UK an absolute advantage in gin. Production of both wine and gin will be maximised by each country specialising and then trading with the other country. Both will gain.
Comparative advantage The above seems obvious, but trade between two countries can still be beneficial even if one country could produce all goods with fewer resources than the other, providing the relative efficiency with which goods can be produced differs between the two countries.
Take the case of a developed country that is absolutely more efficient than a less developed country at producing both wheat and cloth. Assume that with a given amount of resources (labour, land and capital) the alternatives shown in Table 24.1 can be produced in each country.
Despite the developed country having an absolute advantage in both wheat and cloth, the less developed country (LDC) has a comparative advantage in wheat, and the developed country has a comparative advantage in cloth. This is because wheat is relatively cheaper in the LDC: only 1 metre of cloth has to be sacrificed to produce 2 kilos of wheat, whereas 8 metres of cloth would have to be sacri- ficed in the developed country to produce 4 kilos of wheat. In other words, the opportunity cost of wheat is 4 times higher in the developed country (8/4 compared with 1/2).
On the other hand, cloth is relatively cheaper in the developed country. Here the opportunity cost of produc- ing 8 metres of cloth is only 4 kilos of wheat, whereas in the LDC 1 metre of cloth costs 2 kilos of wheat. Thus the opportunity cost of cloth is 4 times higher in the LDC (2/1 compared with 4/8).
KI 3 p 23
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4 4 4 C H A P T E R 2 4 I N T E R N A T I O N A L T R A D E
To summarise: countries have a comparative advantage in those goods that can be produced at a lower opportunity cost than in other countries.
If countries are to gain from trade, they should export those goods in which they have a comparative advantage and import those goods in which they have a comparative disadvantage. Given this, we can state a law of comparative advantage.
But why do they gain if they specialise according to this law? And just what will that gain be? We will consider these questions next.
The gains from trade based on comparative advantage Before trade, unless markets are very imperfect, the prices of the two goods are likely to reflect their opportunity costs. For example, in Table 24.1, since the less developed country can produce 2 kilos of wheat for 1 metre of cloth, the price of 2 kilos of wheat will roughly equal 1 metre of cloth.
Assume, then, that the pre-trade exchange ratios of wheat for cloth are as follows:
LDC : 2 wheat for 1 cloth Developed country : 1 wheat for 2 cloth (i.e. 4 for 8)
Both countries will now gain from trade, provided the exchange ratio is somewhere between 2:1 and 1:2. Assume, for the sake of argument, that it is 1:1. In other words, 1 wheat trades internationally for 1 cloth. How will each country gain?
The LDC gains by exporting wheat and importing cloth. At an exchange ratio of 1:1, it now has to give up only 1 kilo of wheat to obtain a metre of cloth, whereas before trade it had to give up 2 kilos of wheat.
The developed country gains by exporting cloth and importing wheat. Again at an exchange ratio of 1:1, it now has to give up only 1 metre of cloth to obtain a kilo of wheat, whereas before it had to give up 2 metres of cloth.
Thus both countries have gained from trade. The actual exchange ratios will depend on the relative
prices of wheat and cloth after trade takes place. These prices will depend on total demand for and supply of the two goods. It may be that the trade exchange ratio is nearer to the pre-trade exchange ratio of one country than the other. Thus the gains to the two countries need not be equal.
The limits to specialisation and trade Does the law of comparative advantage suggest that coun- tries will completely specialise in just a few products? In practice, countries are likely to experience increasing oppor- tunity costs. The reason for this is that, as a country increas- ingly specialises in one good, it will have to use resources that are less and less suited to its production and which were more suited to other goods. Thus ever-increasing amounts of the other goods will have to be sacrificed. For example, as a country specialises more and more in grain produc- tion, it will have to use land that is less and less suited to growing grain.
These increasing costs as a country becomes more and more specialised will lead to the disappearance of its comparative cost advantage. When this happens, there will be no point in further specialisation. Thus, whereas a country like Germany has a comparative advantage in capital- intensive manufactures, it does not produce only manufactures. It would make no sense not to use its fertile lands to produce food or its forests to produce timber. The opportunity costs of diverting all agricultural labour to industry would be very high.
Other reasons for gains from trade Decreasing costs. Even if there are no initial comparative cost differences between two countries, it will still benefit both to specialise in industries where economies of scale can be gained, and then to trade. Once the economies of scale begin to appear, comparative cost differences will also appear, and thus the countries will have gained a compara- tive advantage in these industries.
KI 3 p 23
Pause for thought
Draw up a similar table to Table 24.1, only this time assume that the figures are: LDC 6 wheat or 2 cloth; DC 8 wheat or 20 cloth. What are the opportunity cost ratios now?
Definition
The law of comparative advantage Trade can benefit all countries if they specialise in the goods in which they have a comparative advantage.
The law of comparative advantage. Provided oppor- tunity costs of various goods differ in two countries, both of them can gain from mutual trade if they spe- cialise in producing (and exporting) those goods that have relatively low opportunity costs compared with the other country.
KEY IDEA
37
Pause for thought
Show how each country could gain from trade if the LDC could produce (before trade) 3 wheat for 1 cloth and the developed country could produce (before trade) 2 wheat for 5 cloth, and if the exchange ratio (with trade) was 1 wheat for 2 cloth. Would they both still gain if the exchange ratio was (a) 1 wheat for 1 cloth; (b) 1 wheat for 3 cloth?
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2 4 . 2 T H E A D V A N T A G E S O F T R A D E 4 4 5
This reason for trade is particularly relevant for small countries where the domestic market is not large enough to support large-scale industries. Thus exports form a much higher percentage of GDP in small countries such as Singapore than in large countries such as the USA.
Differences in demand. Even with no comparative cost differ- ences and no potential economies of scale, trade can benefit both countries if demand conditions differ.
If people in country A like beef more than lamb, and people in country B like lamb more than beef, then rather than A using resources better suited for lamb to produce beef, and B using resources better suited for producing beef to produce lamb, it will benefit both to produce beef and lamb and to export the one they like less in return for the one they like more.
Increased competition. If a country trades, the competition from imports may stimulate greater efficiency at home. This extra competition may prevent domestic monopo- lies/oligopolies from charging high prices. It may stimulate greater research and development and the more rapid adop- tion of new technology. It may lead to a greater variety of products being made available to consumers.
Trade as an ‘engine of growth’. In a growing world economy, the demand for a country’s exports is likely to grow over time, especially when these exports have a high income elasticity of demand. This will provide a stimulus to growth in the exporting country.
Non-economic advantages. There may be political, social and cultural advantages to be gained by fostering trading links between countries.
The terms of trade What price will our exports fetch abroad? What will we have to pay for imports? The answer to these questions is given by the terms of trade. The terms of trade are defined as:
the average price of exports the average price of imports
expressed as an index, where prices are measured against a base year in which the terms of trade are assumed to be 100. Thus if the average price of exports relative to the average price of imports has risen by 25 per cent since the base year, the terms of trade will now be 125. The terms of trade for selected coun- tries are shown in Figure 24.6 (with 2010 as the base year).
If the terms of trade rise (export prices rising relative to import prices), they are said to have ‘improved’, since fewer exports now have to be sold to purchase any given quan- tity of imports. Changes in the terms of trade are caused by changes in the demand and supply of imports and exports, and by changes in the exchange rate.
Definition
Terms of trade The price index of exports divided by the price index of imports and then expressed as a percentage. This means that the terms of trade will be 100 in the base year.
Terms of trade for selected countries (2010 = 100)Figure 24.6
Australia Japan USA
Canada UK Germany
40
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Pause for thought
In Figure 24.6, which countries have experienced an improve- ment in their terms of trade in recent years?
Note: Data from 2015 are based on forecasts. Source: Based on data in AMECO Database, (European Commission, DGECFIN)
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BOX 24.1 STRATEGIC TRADE THEORY
The case of Airbus
Supporters of strategic trade theory hold that comparative advantage need not be the result of luck or circumstance, but may in fact be created by government. By diverting resources into selective industries, usually high tech and high skilled, a comparative advantage can be created through intervention. An example of such intervention was the European aircraft industry, and in particular the creation of the European Airbus Consortium. The European Airbus Consortium was established in the late 1960s, its four members being Aérospatiale (France), British Aer- ospace (now BAE Systems) (UK), CASA (Spain) and DASA (Ger- many). The setting up of this consortium was seen as essential for the future of the European aircraft industry for three reasons:
■ to share high R&D costs; ■ to generate economies of scale; ■ to compete successfully with the market’s major players
in the USA – Boeing and McDonnell Douglas (which have since merged).
The consortium, although privately owned, was sponsored by government and received state aid, especially in its early years when the company failed to make a profit. Then, in 2000, the French, German and Spanish partners merged to form the European Aeronautic Defence and Space Company (EADS), which had an 80 per cent share of Airbus (BAE Sys- tems having the remaining 20 per cent share). Shortly after- wards, it was announced that enough orders had been secured for the new 550+ seater A380 for production to go ahead. This new jumbo, which had its maiden flight in April 2005, is a serious competitor to the long-established Boeing 747. In 2006, BAE Systems announced that it was planning to sell its 20 per cent stake in Airbus to EADS to concentrate on its core transatlantic defence and aerospace business.
By the early 2000s, Airbus had become very successful and in 2003 for the first time it delivered more passenger aircraft than Boeing (305 compared with 281 for Boeing). This lead continued up to 2012, when Boeing overtook Airbus and delivered 22 more aircraft than its rival (see chart). Boeing continued to deliver more in 2013 and 2014. In the light of Airbus’s growth, it should come as no surprise to find that the Americans, and Boeing in particular, have brought accusations that Airbus is founded upon unfair trading practices and ought not to receive the level of govern- mental support that it does (see Box 25.1). Aside from the legal wrangles, other issues were becoming apparent. Considerable delays (up to two years) and cost overruns were being experienced with the new superjumbo, the A380. With falling profitability and falling orders, in Feb- ruary 2007 Airbus announced plans to cut 10 000 jobs from its 57 000 workforce. The development of the A380 put significant financial strains on Airbus. Its launch was 2½ years late and 50 per cent over budget. Airbus sought to avoid such problems with its new A350, which is seen as competing with Boeing’s 787 Dreamliner and 777 series. As of May 2015, it had received 780 orders from 40 customers. But the A350 has also experi- enced delays and in June 2014, Emirates cancelled an order for 70 of the aircraft, citing frustrations with its development. So does the experience of Airbus support the arguments of the strategic trade theorists? Essentially three kinds of ben- efit were expected to flow from Airbus and its presence in the aircraft market: lower prices, economic spillovers and profits.
■ Without Airbus the civil aircraft market would have been dominated by two American firms, Boeing and McDonnell Douglas (and possibly one, if the 1997 merger had still gone ahead if Airbus had not existed). The only other
We have seen how trade can bring benefits to all countries. But when we look around the world, we often see countries erecting barriers to trade. Their politicians know that trade involves costs as well as benefits.
Possible barriers to imports include the following:
■ tariffs (i.e. customs duties) on imports; ■ quotas (i.e. restrictions on the amount of certain goods
that can be imported); ■ subsidies on domestic products to give them a price advan-
tage over imports; ■ administrative regulations designed to exclude imports,
such as customs delays or excessive paperwork; ■ procurement procedures whereby governments favour
domestic producers when purchasing equipment (e.g. defence equipment).
Alternatively, governments may favour domestic producers by subsidising their exports in a process known as dumping. The goods are ‘dumped’ at artificially low prices in the foreign market.
In looking at the costs and benefits of trade, the choice is not the stark one of whether to have free trade or no trade at all. Although countries may sometimes contemplate having completely free trade, typically countries limit their trade. However, they certainly do not ban it altogether.
Arguments in favour of restricting trade Arguments having some general validity The infant industry argument. Some industries in a coun- try may be in their infancy but have a potential compar- ative advantage. This is particularly likely in developing
KI 37 p 444
ARGUMENTS FOR RESTRICTING TRADE24.3
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STRATEGIC TRADE THEORY
The case of Airbus
significant competitors, and only in the small civil aircraft market, are Embraer of Brazil and Bombardier of Canada. Therefore the presence of Airbus would be expected to pro- mote competition and thereby keep prices down. Studies in the 1980s and 1990s tended to support this view, suggest- ing that consumers have seen significant gains from lower prices. One survey estimated that without Airbus commer- cial aircraft prices would have been 3.5 per cent higher than they currently are, and without both Airbus and McDonnell Douglas they would have been 15 per cent higher.
■ Economic spillovers from the Airbus Consortium, such as skills and technology developments, might be expected to benefit other industries. Findings are inconclusive on this point.
It is clear, however, that although aggregate R&D in the whole aircraft industry has risen, so has the level of R&D duplication.
On balance it appears that Airbus has had many positive effects and that the strategic trade theory that has under- pinned state aid, in this instance, has been largely vindicated. Boeing has a genuine competitor in Airbus and passengers worldwide have benefited from this competition.
1. In what other industries could the setting up of a consor- tium, backed by government aid, be justified as a means of exploiting a potential comparative advantage?
2. Is it only in industries that could be characterised as world oligopolies that strategic trade theory is relevant?
countries. Such industries are too small yet to have gained economies of scale; their workers are inexperienced; there is a lack of back-up facilities – communications networks, specialist research and development, specialist suppliers, etc. – and they may have only limited access to finance for expansion. Without protection, these infant industries will not survive competition from abroad.
Protection from foreign competition, however, will allow them to expand and become more efficient. Once they have achieved a comparative advantage, the protection can then be removed to enable them to compete internationally. A risk here, however, is that the protectionist measure is not removed once the industry has become established and thus the incentive for efficiency may disappear.
To reduce reliance on goods with little dynamic potential. Many developing countries have traditionally exported prima- ries: foodstuffs and raw materials. The world demand for these, however, is fairly income inelastic and has thus tended to grow relatively slowly. For these countries, free
trade is not an engine of growth. Instead, if it encourages their economies to become locked into a pattern of primary production, it may prevent them from expanding in sectors like manufacturing which have a higher income elasticity of demand. There may thus be a valid argument for protect- ing or promoting manufacturing industry. Note, however, that with the rapid growth of China and the other BRICs, the demand for and prices of various raw materials and foodstuffs in recent years have often increased more rapidly than the demand for and prices of manufactures – at least until 2011 (see figure in Box 26.3 on page 488).
Definitions
Dumping Where exports are sold at prices below mar- ginal cost – often as a result of government subsidy.
Infant industry An industry which has a potential com- parative advantage, but which is as yet too underdevel- oped to be able to realise this potential.
Yearly deliveries of aircraft: Boeing and Airbus
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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Competition_between_Airbus_and_Boeing
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To prevent ‘dumping’ and other unfair trade practices. A coun- try may engage in dumping by subsidising its exports. Alter- natively, firms may practise price discrimination by selling at a higher price in home markets and a lower price in for- eign markets in order to increase their profits. Either way, prices may no longer reflect comparative costs. Thus the world would benefit from tariffs being imposed by import- ers to counteract the subsidy.
It can also be argued that there is a case for retaliating against countries which impose restrictions on your exports. In the short run, both countries are likely to be made worse off by a contraction in trade. But if the retaliation persuades the other country to remove its restrictions, it may have a longer- term benefit. In some cases, the mere threat of retaliation may be enough to get another country to remove its protection.
To prevent the establishment of a foreign-based monopoly. Com- petition from abroad could drive domestic producers out of business. The foreign company, now having a monopoly of the market, could charge high prices with a resulting misal- location of resources. The problem could be tackled either by restricting imports or by subsidising the domestic producer(s).
All the above arguments suggest that governments should adopt a ‘strategic’ approach to trade. Strategic trade theory argues that protecting certain industries allows a net gain in the long run from increased competition in the market (see Box 24.1).
To spread the risks of fluctuating markets. A highly specialised economy – Zambia with copper, Cuba with sugar – will be highly susceptible to world market fluctuations. Greater diversity and greater self-sufficiency, although maybe lead- ing to less efficiency, can reduce these risks.
To reduce the influence of trade on consumer tastes. The assumption of fixed consumer tastes dictating the pattern of production through trade is false. Multinational com- panies through their advertising and other forms of sales promotion may influence consumer tastes. Many develop- ing countries object to the insidious influence of Western consumerist values expounded by companies such as Coca- Cola and McDonald’s. Thus some restriction on trade may be justified in order to reduce this ‘producer sovereignty’.
To prevent the importation of harmful goods. A country may want to ban or severely curtail the importation of things such as drugs, pornographic literature and live animals.
KI 21 p 175
Definition
Strategic trade theory The theory that protecting/ supporting certain industries can enable them to compete more effectively with large monopolistic rivals abroad. The effect of the protection is to increase long-run competition and may enable the protected firms to exploit a comparative advantage that they could not have done otherwise.
To take account of externalities. Free trade will tend to reflect private costs. Both imports and exports, however, can involve externalities. The mining of many minerals for export may adversely affect the health of miners; the pro- duction of chemicals for export may involve pollution; the importation of juggernaut lorries may lead to structural damage to houses; shipping involves large amounts of CO2 emissions (estimates typically put this at between 3 to 5 per cent of total world emissions).
Arguments having some validity for specific groups or countries The arguments considered so far are of general validity: restricting trade for such reasons could be of net benefit to the world. There are two other arguments, however, that are used by individual governments for restricting trade, where their country will gain, but at the expense of other countries, such that there will be a net loss to the world.
The first argument concerns taking advantage of market power in world trade. If a country, or a group of countries, has monopsony power in the purchase of imports (i.e. they are individually or collectively a very large economy, such as the USA or the EU), then they could gain by restricting imports so as to drive down their price. Similarly, if coun- tries have monopoly power in the sale of some export (e.g. OPEC countries with oil), then they could gain by restrict- ing exports, thereby forcing up the price.
The second argument concerns giving protection to declining industries. The human costs of sudden industrial closures can be very high. In such circumstances, temporary protection may be justified to allow the industry to decline more slowly, thus avoiding excessive structural unemploy- ment. Such policies will be at the expense of the consumer, who will be denied access to cheaper foreign imports.
‘Non-economic’ arguments for restricting trade. A country may be prepared to forgo the direct economic advantages of free trade in order to achieve objectives that are often described as ‘non-economic’:
■ It may wish to maintain a degree of self-sufficiency in case trade is cut off or disrupted – for instance, in times of war. This may apply particularly to the production of food and armaments.
■ It may decide not to trade with certain countries with which it disagrees politically.
■ It may wish to preserve traditional ways of life. Rural com- munities or communities built around old traditional industries may be destroyed by foreign competition.
■ It may prefer to retain as diverse a society as possible, rather than one too narrowly based on certain industries.
Pursuing such objectives, however, will involve costs. Preserving a traditional way of life, for example, may mean that consumers are denied access to cheaper goods from abroad. Society must therefore weigh up the benefits against the costs of such policies.
KI 33 p 345
KI 21 p 175
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The cost of protectionFigure 24.7
O
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Problems with protection Tariffs and other forms of protection impose a cost on soci- ety. Figure 24.7 illustrates the case of a good that is partly home produced and partly imported. Domestic demand and supply are given by Ddom and Sdom. It is assumed that firms in the country produce under perfect competition and that therefore the supply curve is the sum of the firms’ marginal cost curves.
Let us assume that the country is too small to affect world prices: it is a price taker. The world price is given, at Pw. At Pw, Q2 is demanded, Q1 is supplied by domestic sup- pliers and hence Q2 - Q1 is imported.
Now a tariff is imposed. This increases the price to con- sumers by the amount of the tariff. Price rises to Pw + t. Domestic production increases to Q3, consumption falls to Q4, and hence imports fall to Q4 - Q3.
What are the costs of this tariff to the country? Consum- ers are having to pay a higher price, and hence consumer surplus falls from area ABC to ADE (see pages 91–2 and 344 if you are unsure about consumer surplus). The cost to consumers in lost consumer surplus is thus EDBC (i.e. areas 1 + 2 + 3 + 4). Part of this cost, however, is redistributed as a benefit to other sections in society. Firms get a higher price, and thus gain extra profits (area 1): where profit is given by the area between the price and the MC curve. The government receives extra revenue from the tariff payments (area 3): i.e. Q4 - Q3 * tariff. These revenues can be used, for example, to reduce taxes.
But part of this cost is not recouped elsewhere. It is a net cost to society (areas 2 and 4).
Area 2 represents the extra costs of producing Q3 - Q1 at home, rather than importing it. If Q 3 - Q 1 were still
i m p o r t e d , t h e c o u n t r y w o u l d o n l y b e p a y i n g P w. B y producing it at home, however, the costs are given by the domestic supply curve (= MC). The difference between MC and P w (area 2) is thus the efficiency loss on the production side.
Area 4 represents the loss of consumer surplus by the reduction in consumption from Q2 to Q4. Consumers have saved area FBQ2Q4 of expenditure, but have sacrificed area DBQ2Q4 of utility in so doing – a net loss of area 4.
The government should ideally weigh up such costs against any benefits that are gained from protection.
Apart from these direct costs to the consumer, there are several other problems with protection. Some are a direct effect of the protection; others follow from the reactions of other nations.
Protection as ‘second-best’. Many of the arguments for protec- tion amount merely to arguments for some type of govern- ment intervention in the economy. Protection, however, may not be the best way of dealing with the problem, since protection may have undesirable side effects. There may be a more direct form of intervention that has no side effects. In such a case, protection will be no more than a second-best solution.
For example, using tariffs to protect old inefficient industries from foreign competition may help prevent unemployment in those parts of the economy, but the consumer will suffer from higher prices. A better solu- tion would be to subsidise retraining and investment in those areas of the country in new efficient industries – industries with a comparative advantage. In this way, u n e m p l o y m e n t i s a v o i d e d , b u t t h e c o n s u m e r d o e s not suffer.
Pause for thought
1. Protection to allow the exploitation of monopoly/monop- sony power can be seen as a ‘first-best’ policy for the coun- try concerned. Similarly, the use of tariffs to counteract externalities directly involved in the trade process (e.g. the environmental costs of an oil tanker disaster) could be seen to be a first-best policy. Explain why.
2. Most of the other arguments for tariffs or other forms of protection that we have considered can really be seen as arguments for intervention, with protection being no more than a second-best form of intervention. Go through each of the arguments and consider what would be a ‘first-best’ form of intervention.
Retaliation. If the USA imposes restrictions on, say, imports from the EU, then the EU may impose restrictions on imports from the USA. Any gain to US firms competing with EU imports is offset by a loss to US exporters. What is more, US consumers suffer, since the benefits from compar- ative advantage have been lost.
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BOX 24.2 GIVING TRADE A BAD NAME
Arguments that don’t add up
allow workers in those industries to retain their jobs. But if foreigners sell fewer goods to the UK, they will not be able to buy so many UK exports. Thus unemployment will rise in UK export industries. Overall unemployment, therefore, is little affected, and in the meantime the benefits from trade to consumers are reduced. Temporary protection given to declining industries, however, may help to reduce structural unemployment.
‘Dumping is always a bad thing, and thus a country should restrict subsidised imports.’ Dumping may well reduce world economic welfare: it goes against the law of comparative advantage. The importing country, however, may well gain from dumping. Provided the dumping is not used to drive domestic producers out of business and establish a foreign monopoly, the consumer gains from lower prices. The losers are the taxpayers in the foreign country and the workers in competing industries in the home country.
Go through each of these five arguments and provide a reply to the criticisms of them.
‘Why buy goods from abroad and deny jobs to workers in this country?’ This is typical of the concerns that many people have about an open trade policy. However, these concerns are often based on arguments that do not stand up to close inspection. Here are four of them.
‘Imports should be reduced since they lower the standard of living. The money goes abroad rather than into the domes- tic economy.’ Imports are consumed and thus add directly to consumer welfare. Also, provided they are matched by exports, there is no net outflow of money. Trade, because of the law of comparative advantage, allows countries to increase their standard of living: to consume beyond their production possibility curve. ‘Protection is needed from cheap foreign labour.’ Importing cheap goods from, say, China, allows more goods to be con- sumed. The UK uses less resources by buying these goods through the production and sale of exports than by producing them at home. However, there will be a cost to certain UK workers whose jobs are lost through foreign competition. ‘Protection reduces unemployment.’ At a microeconomic level, protecting industries from foreign competition may
The increased use of tariffs and other restrictions can lead to a trade war, with each country cutting back on imports from other countries. In the end, with retaliation, everyone loses.
Protection may allow firms to remain inefficient. By removing or reducing foreign competition, tariffs etc. may reduce firms’ incentive to reduce costs. Thus if protection is being given to an infant industry, the government must ensure
that the lack of competition does not prevent it ‘grow- ing up’. Protection should not be excessive and should be removed as soon as possible.
Bureaucracy. If a government is to avoid giving excessive protection to firms, it should examine each case carefully. This can lead to large administrative costs. It could also lead to corrupt officials accepting bribes from importers to give them favourable treatment.
THE WORLD TRADING SYSTEM AND THE WTO24.4
After the Wall Street crash of 1929 (when share prices on the US stock exchange plummeted), the world plunged into the Great Depression. Countries found their exports falling dramatically and many suffered severe balance of payments difficulties. The response of many countries was to restrict imports by the use of tariffs and quotas. Of course, this reduced other countries’ exports, which encouraged them to resort to even greater protectionism. The net effect of the Depression and the rise in protec- tionism was a dramatic fall in world trade. The volume of world trade in manufactures fell by more than a third in the three years following the Wall Street crash. Clearly there was a net economic loss to the world from this decline in trade.
After the Second World War there was a general desire to reduce trade restrictions, so that all countries could gain the maximum benefits from trade. There was no desire to return to the beggar-my-neighbour policies of the 1930s.
In 1947, 23 countries got together and signed the Gen- eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). By April 2015 there were 161 members of its successor organisation, the World Trade Organization, which was formed in 1995. Between them, the members of the WTO account for around 98 per cent of world trade.
The aims of GATT, and now the WTO, have been to liberalise trade. But whereas GATT focused on the trade in goods, the WTO and its agreements also relate to the trade in services and in inventions and designs, sometimes referred to as intellectual property.
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WTO rules The WTO requires its members to operate according to vari- ous rules. These include the following:
■ Non-discrimination. Under the ‘most-favoured-nations clause’, any trade concession that a country makes to one member must be granted to all signatories. The only exception is with free-trade areas and customs unions (such as the EU). Here countries are permitted to abolish tariffs between themselves while still maintaining them with the rest of the world.
■ Reciprocity. Any nation benefiting from a tariff reduction made by another country must reciprocate by making similar tariff reductions itself.
■ The general prohibition of quotas. ■ Fair competition. If unfair barriers are erected against a
particular country, the WTO can sanction retaliatory action by that country. The country is not allowed, how- ever, to take such action without permission.
■ Binding tariffs. Countries cannot raise existing tariffs without negotiating with their trading partners.
Unlike the GATT, the WTO has the power to impose sanctions on countries breaking trade agreements. If there are disputes between member nations, these will be set- tled by the WTO, and if an offending country continues to impose trade restrictions, permission will be granted for other countries to retaliate.
For example, in March 2002, the Bush administration imposed tariffs on steel imports into the USA in order to protect the ailing US steel industry (see Case study I.15 in MyEconLab). The EU and other countries referred the case to the WTO, which in December 2003 ruled that they were illegal. This ruling made it legitimate for the EU and other countries to impose retaliatory tariffs on US products. Pres- ident Bush consequently announced that the steel tariffs would be abolished.
The greater power of the WTO has persuaded many countries to bring their disputes to it. From January 1995 to June 2015 496 disputes had been brought to the WTO (compared with 300 to GATT over the whole of its 48 years).
Pause for thought
Could US action to protect its steel industry from foreign com- petition be justified in terms of the interests of the USA as a whole (as opposed to the steel industry in particular)?
Trade rounds Periodically, member countries have met to negotiate reductions in tariffs and other trade restrictions. There have been eight ‘rounds’ of such negotiations since the signing of GATT in 1947. The last major round to be completed was the Uruguay Round, which began in Uruguay in 1986, con- tinued at meetings around the world and culminated in a deal being signed in April 1994. By that time, the average tariff on manufactured products was 4 per cent and fall- ing. In 1947 the figure was nearly 40 per cent. The Uruguay Round agreement also involved a programme of phasing in substantial reductions in tariffs and other restrictions up to the year 2002 (see Case study I.6 in MyEconLab).
Despite the reduction in tariffs, many countries have still tried to restrict trade by various other means, such as quotas and administrative barriers. Also, barriers have been particularly high on certain non-manufactures. Agricultural protection in particular has come in for sustained criticism by developing countries. High fixed prices and subsidies given to farmers in the EU, the USA and other advanced countries mean that the industrial- ised world continues to export food to many developing countries which have a comparative advantage in food production! Farmers in developing countries often find it impossible to compete with subsidised food imports from the rich countries.
The most recent round of trade negotiations began in Doha, Qatar, in 2001 (see Box 24.3). The negotiations have focused on both trade liberalisation and measures to encourage development of poorer countries. In par- ticular, the Doha Development Agenda, as it is called, is concerned with measures to make trade fairer so that its benefits are spread more evenly around the world. This would involve improved access for developing coun- tries to markets in the rich world. The Agenda is also concerned with the environmental impacts of trade and development.
The negotiations were originally due to be completed in 2005, but, as Box 24.3 explains, deadlines contin- ued to be missed. December 2013, however, saw a series of agreements at a WTO ministerial conference in Bali. The so-called Bali Package included commitments to streamline trade, boost trade among least developed countries and provide ‘food security’ for developing countries. The deal was proclaimed as the first substantial agreement since the WTO was formed in 1995. Nonethe- less, considerable work remained in meeting the goals set in Doha.
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BOX 24.3 THE DOHA DEVELOPMENT AGENDA
A new direction for the WTO?
countries to reduce industrial tariffs by more than 50 per cent, and by the USA and the EU to make deep cuts in agricultural sub- sidies and tariffs, the talks foundered over the question of agri- cultural protection for developing countries. This was item 18 on a ‘to-do’ list of 20 items; items 1 to 17 had already been agreed. China and India wanted to protect poor farmers by retaining the ability to impose temporary tariffs on food imports in the event of a drop in food prices or a surge in imports. The USA objected. When neither side would budge, the talks collapsed. But even ‘success’ would not have addressed some thorny issues, such as achieving equal access to rich countries’ mar- kets by all banana-producing countries (see Box 25.1) and protecting cotton producers in developing countries from cheap subsidised cotton grown in the USA. And Africa’s inter- ests would not have been properly addressed. In fact, no Afri- can country was present in the inner circle of talks at the end. Many commentators, however, argued that failure was no catastrophe. The gain from total liberalisation of trade would have boosted developing countries’ GDP by no more than 1 per cent. And anyway, tariffs were generally falling and were already at an all-time low. But with the global economic downturn of 2008/9, there were worries that protection- ism would begin to rise again. This was a classic prisoner’s dilemma (see page 206–7). Policies that seemed to be in the interests of countries separately would be to the overall det- riment of the world. The Nash equilibrium of such a ‘game’, therefore, is one where countries are generally worse off. As it turned out, the worries were largely unfounded
The Bali Package and the push to agreement At the WTO’s Bali Ministerial Conference in December 2013, an agreement was reached on a package of issues. The result was a streamlining of trade, allowing developing countries more options for providing food security, boosting least developed countries’ trade and, more generally, promoting develop- ment. The deal was the first substantial agreement since the WTO was formed in 1995. At the heart of the agreement is the simplifying of customs procedures, making them more transparent, and ensuring that trade is made ‘easier, faster and cheaper’. Meanwhile, the deal also permits developing countries to continue sub- sidising their agriculture in order to promote food security, provided the practice does not distort international trade. According to the EU’s trade commissioner Karel De Gucht, about one-quarter of the goals set for the Doha Round have been achieved in this agreement. This, of course, still leaves a long way to go if all the Doha objectives are to be met. World trade, although now likely to be somewhat freer, is still not free; developing countries will still find access restricted for their agricultural products, and manufactures too, to many markets in the rich world; rich countries will still find access restricted for their manufactured products and services to many markets in the developing world. By the time you read this, a final agreement may have been reached – or perhaps not!
Outline the advantages and drawbacks of adopting a free trade strategy for developing economies. How might the Doha Devel- opment Agenda go some way to reducing these drawbacks?
Globalisation, based on the free play of comparative advantage, economies of scale and innovation, has produced a genuinely radical force, in the true sense of the word. It essentially amplifies and reinforces the strengths, but also the weaknesses, of market capitalism: its efficiency, its instability, and its inequality. If we want globalisation not only to be efficiency-boosting but also fair, we need more international rules and stronger multilateral institutions.2
In November 1999, the members of the World Trade Organi- zation met in Seattle in the USA. What ensued became known as the ‘battle of Seattle’ (see Case study I.3 in MyEconLab). Anti-globalisation protesters fought with police; the world’s developing economies fell out with the world’s developed economies; and the very future of the WTO was called into question. The WTO was accused of being a free trader’s charter, in which the objective of free trade was allowed to ride rough- shod over anything that might stand in its way. Whatever the issue – the environment, the plight of developing countries, the dominance of trade by multinationals – free trade was king. At Seattle, both the protesters and developing countries argued that things had gone far enough. The WTO must redefine its role, they argued, to respect all stakeholders. More radical voices called for the organisation to be scrapped. As Pascal Lamy, then EU Trade Commissioner, made clear in the quote above, rules had to be strengthened, and the WTO had to ensure that the gains from trade were fairer and more sustainable. The rebuilding process of the WTO began in Doha, Qatar in November 2001. The meeting between the then 142 mem- bers of the WTO concluded with the decision to launch a new round of WTO trade talks, to be called the ‘Doha Development Agenda’. The talks are designed to increase the liberalisation of trade. However, such a goal is to be tempered by a policy of strengthening assistance to developing economies. Other areas identified for discussion include: greater liberal- isation of agriculture; rules to govern foreign direct invest- ment; the co-ordination of countries’ competition policies; the use and abuse of patents on medicines and the needs of developing countries. The talks were originally scheduled for completion by January 2005, but this deadline was extended several times as new talks were arranged and failed to reach agreement. A par- ticular sticking point was the unwillingness of rich countries, and the USA and the EU in particular, to liberalise trade in agricultural products, given the pressure from their domestic farmers. The USA was unwilling to make substantial cuts in agricultural subsidies and the EU in agricultural tariffs. There was also an unwillingness by large developing coun- tries, such as India and Brazil, to reduce protection of their industrial and service sectors. What is more, there were large divergences in opinion between developing countries on how much they should reduce their own agricultural protection.
Breakdown of the talks The talks seemed finally to have broken down at a meeting in Geneva in July 2008. Despite the willingness of developing
2 ‘Global policy without democracy’ (speech by Pascal Lamy, EU Trade Commissioner, given in 2001).
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S U M M A R Y 4 5 3
SUMMARY
1a World trade has grown, for many years, significantly faster than the growth in world output.
1b The developed nations have tended to dominate world trade. However, the share of world trade accounted for by developing countries has risen rapidly in recent times and is now over 43 per cent. The growth in exports from the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has been especially rapid.
1c The composition of world trade is largely dominated by manufacturing products, although trade in services has expanded over recent years.
2a Countries can gain from trade if they specialise in pro- ducing those goods in which they have a comparative advantage, i.e. those goods that can be produced at rel- atively low opportunity costs. This is merely an extension of the argument that gains can be made from the special- isation and division of labour.
2b If two countries trade, then, provided that the trade price ratio of exports and imports is between the pre-trade price ratios of these goods in the two countries, both countries can gain.
2c With increasing opportunity costs there will be a limit to specialisation and trade. As a country increasingly specialises, its (marginal) comparative advantage will eventually disappear.
2d Gains from trade also arise from decreasing costs (econo- mies of scale), differences in demand between countries, increased competition from trade and the transmission of growth from one country to another. There may also be non-economic advantages from trade.
2e The terms of trade give the price of exports relative to the price of imports expressed as an index, where the base year is 100.
3a Countries use various methods to restrict trade, includ- ing tariffs, quotas, exchange controls, import licensing, export taxes, and legal and administrative barriers. Coun- tries may also promote their own industries by subsidies.
3b Reasons for restricting trade that have some validity in a world context include the infant industry argument, the problems of relying on exporting goods whose market is growing slowly or even declining, dumping and other unfair trade practices, the danger of the establishment of a foreign-based monopoly, the need to spread the risks of fluctuating export prices, and the problems that free trade may adversely affect consumer tastes, may allow the importation of harmful goods and may not take account of externalities.
3c Often, however, the arguments for restricting trade are in the context of one country benefiting even though other countries may lose more. Countries may intervene in trade in order to exploit their monopoly/monopsony power or to protect declining industries.
3d Finally, a country may have other objectives in restricting trade, such as remaining self-sufficient in certain strate- gic products, not trading with certain countries of which it disapproves, protecting traditional ways of life or sim- ply retaining a non-specialised economy.
3e Arguments for restricting trade, however, are often fal- lacious. In general, trade brings benefits to countries, and protection to achieve one objective may be at a very high opportunity cost. Even if government intervention to protect certain parts of the economy is desirable, restricting trade is unlikely to be a first-best solution to the problem, since it involves side-effect costs. What is more, restricting trade may encourage retaliation; it may allow inefficient firms to remain inefficient; it may involve considerable bureaucracy.
4 Most countries of the world are members of the WTO and in theory are in favour of moves towards freer trade. The WTO is more powerful than its predecessor, GATT. It has a disputes procedure and can enforce its rulings. In practice, however, countries have been very unwilling to abandon restrictions if they believe that they can gain from them, even though they might be at the expense of other countries.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
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4 5 4 C H A P T E R 2 4 I N T E R N A T I O N A L T R A D E
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 What is likely to be the impact of rising levels of intra-re- gional trade for the world economy?
2 Imagine that two countries, Richland and Poorland, can produce just two goods, computers and coal. Assume that for a given amount of land and capital, the output of these two products requires the following constant amounts of labour:
Richland Poorland
1 computer 2 4
100 tonnes of coal 4 5
Assume that each country has 20 million workers. a) Draw the production possibility curves for the two
countries (on two separate diagrams). b) If there is no trade, and in each country 12 million
workers produce computers and 8 million workers produce coal, how many computers and tonnes of coal will each country produce? What will be the total production of each product?
c) What is the opportunity cost of a computer in (i) Richland; (ii) Poorland?
d) What is the opportunity cost of 100 tonnes of coal in (i) Richland: (ii) Poorland?
e) Which country has a comparative advantage in which product?
f) Assuming that price equals marginal cost, which of the following would represent possible exchange ratios?
(i) 1 computer for 40 tonnes of coal; (ii) 2 computers for 140 tonnes of coal; (iii) 1 computer for 100 tonnes of coal; (iv) 1 computer for 60 tonnes of coal; (v) 4 computers for 360 tonnes of coal. g) Assume that trade now takes place and that
1 computer exchanges for 65 tonnes of coal. Both countries specialise completely in the product in which they have a comparative advantage. How much does each country produce of its respective product?
h) The country producing computers sells 6 million domestically. How many does it export to the other country?
i) How much coal does the other country consume? 3 Why doesn’t the USA specialise as much as General Motors
or Texaco? Why doesn’t the UK specialise as much as GlaxoSmithKline? Is the answer to these questions similar to the answer to the questions, ‘Why doesn’t the USA spe- cialise as much as Luxembourg?’, and ‘Why doesn’t ICI or Unilever specialise as much as the local florist?’
4 To what extent are the arguments for countries special- ising and then trading with each other the same as those for individuals specialising in doing the jobs to which they are relatively well suited?
5 The following are four items that are traded internation- ally: wheat; computers; textiles; insurance. In which one of the four is each of the following most likely to have a comparative advantage: India; the UK; Canada; Japan? Give reasons for your answer.
6 Go through each of the arguments for restricting trade (both those of general validity and those having some validity for specific countries) and provide a counter- argument for not restricting trade.
7 If countries are so keen to reduce the barriers to trade, why do many countries frequently attempt to erect barriers?
8 Debate the following: ‘All arguments for restricting trade boil down to special pleading for particular interest groups. Ultimately there will be a net social cost from any trade restrictions.’
9 If rich countries stand to gain substantially from freer trade, why have they been so reluctant to reduce the lev- els of protection of agriculture?
10 Make out a case for restricting trade between the UK and Japan. Are there any arguments here that could not equally apply to a case for restricting trade between Scotland and England or between Liverpool or Manchester?
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Trading blocs
C h
a p
te r 25
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ Why do countries form free trade areas and other types of trading alliance, and what forms can they take? ■ Do they result in a creation of trade or a mere diversion of trade from outside to inside the area? ■ What trading alliances exist around the world and what are their features? ■ How has the EU evolved and to what extent is it a true common market? ■ How has the single market in the EU benefited companies and member states?
The world economy seems to have been increasingly forming into a series of trade blocs, based upon regional groupings of countries: a European region centred on the European Union, an Asian region on Japan, a North American region on the USA and a Latin American region. Such trade blocs are examples of preferential trading arrangements . These arrangements involve trade restrictions with the rest of the world, and lower or zero restric- tions between the members.
Although trade blocs clearly encourage trade between their members (intra-regional trade has been growing sig- nificantly faster than trade between regions), many countries outside these blocs complain that they benefit the members at the expense of the rest of the world. For many developing economies, in need of access to the most prosperous nations in the world, this represents a significant check on their ability to grow and develop.
In this chapter we shall first consider why groups of countries might wish to establish trade blocs, and what they seek to gain beyond the benefits that result from free and open trade. We will then look at the world’s trade blocs as they currently stand, paying particular attention to the European Union, which is by far the most advanced in respect to establishing a high level of regional integration.
Definition
Preferential trading arrangement A trading arrangement whereby trade between the signatories is freer than trade with the rest of the world.
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Types of preferential trading arrangement There are three possible forms that such trading arrange- ments might take.
Free trade areas A free trade area is where member countries remove tariffs and quotas between themselves, but retain whatever restric- tions each member chooses with non-member countries. Some provision will have to be made to prevent imports from outside coming into the area via the country with the lowest external tariff.
Customs unions A customs union is like a free trade area, but in addition members must adopt common external tariffs and quotas with non- member countries.
Common markets A common market is where member countries operate as a single market. Like a customs union there are no tariffs and quotas between member countries and there are common external tariffs and quotas. But a common market goes fur- ther than this. A full common market includes the follow- ing features:
■ A common system of taxation. In the case of a perfect com- mon market, this will involve identical rates of tax in all member countries.
■ A common system of laws and regulations governing pro- duction, employment and trade. For example, in a perfect common market there would be a single set of laws gov- erning issues such as product specification (e.g. permis- sible artificial additives to foods, or levels of exhaust emissions from cars), the employment and dismissal of labour, mergers and takeovers, and monopolies and restrictive practices.
■ Free movement of labour, capital and materials, and of goods and services. In a perfect common market, this will involve a total absence of border controls between mem- ber states, the freedom of workers to work in any mem- ber country, and the freedom of firms to expand into any member state.
■ The absence of special treatment by member governments of their own domestic industries. Governments are large pur- chasers of goods and services. In a perfect common mar- ket, they should buy from whichever companies within the market offer the most competitive deal and not show favouritism towards domestic suppliers: they should operate a common procurement policy.
The definition of a common market is sometimes extended to include the following two features of economic and monetary union.
■ A fixed exchange rate between the member countries’ curren- cies. In the extreme case, this would involve a single currency for the whole market.
■ Common macroeconomic policies. To some extent this must follow from a fixed exchange rate, but in the extreme case it will involve a single macroeconomic management of the whole market, and hence the aboli- tion of separate fiscal or monetary intervention by indi- vidual member states.We will examine European economic and monetary union in section 32.3.
The direct effects of a customs union: trade creation and trade diversion By joining a customs union (or free trade area), a country will find that its trade patterns change. Two such changes can be distinguished: trade creation and trade diversion.
Trade creation Trade creation is where consumption shifts from a high- cost producer to a low-cost producer. The removal of trade barriers allows greater specialisation according to compar- ative advantage. Instead of consumers having to pay high prices for domestically produced goods in which the coun- try has a comparative disadvantage, the goods can now be obtained more cheaply from other members of the customs union. In return, the country can export to them goods in which it has a comparative advantage.
Trade diversion Trade diversion is where consumption shifts from a lower-cost producer outside the customs union to a higher- cost producer within the union.
KI 37 p 444
PREFERENTIAL TRADING25.1
Definitions
Free trade area A group of countries with no trade barri- ers between themselves.
Customs union A free trade area with common external tariffs and quotas.
Common market A customs union where the member countries act as a single market with free movement of labour and capital, common taxes and common trade laws.
Trade creation Where a customs union leads to greater specialisation according to comparative advantage and thus a shift in production from higher-cost to lower-cost sources.
Trade diversion Where a customs union diverts con- sumption from goods produced at a lower cost outside the union to goods produced at a higher cost (but tariff free) within the union.
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Assume that the most efficient producer of good y in the world is New Zealand – outside the EU. Assume that before membership of the EU, the UK paid a similar tariff on good y from any country, and thus imported the product from New Zealand rather than from the EU.
After the UK joined the EU, however, the removal of the tariff made the EU product cheaper, since the tariff remained on the New Zealand product. Consumption thus switched to a higher-cost producer. There was thus a net loss in world efficiency. As far as the UK was concerned, consumers still gained, since they were paying a lower price than before. However, there was a loss to domestic produc- ers (from the reduction in protection, and hence reduced prices and profits) and to the government (from reduced tariff revenue). These losses may have been smaller or larger than the gain to consumers: in other words, there may have still been a net gain to the UK, but there could have been a net loss, depending on the circumstances.
Longer-term effects of a customs union Over the longer term, there may be other gains and losses from being a member of a customs union.
Longer-term advantages
■ Increased market size may allow a country’s firms to exploit (internal) economies of scale. This argument is more important for small countries, which therefore have more to gain from an enlargement of their markets.
■ External economies of scale. Increased trade may lead to improvements in the infrastructure of the members of
the customs union (better roads, railways, financial ser- vices, etc.). This, in turn, could then bring greater long- term benefits from trade between members, and from external trade too, by making the transport and han- dling of imports and exports cheaper.
■ The bargaining power of the whole customs union with the rest of the world may allow member countries to gain better terms of trade. This, of course, will necessarily involve a degree of political co-operation between the members.
■ Increased competition between member countries may stimulate efficiency, encourage investment and reduce monopoly power. Of course, a similar advantage could be gained by the simple removal of tariffs with any com- peting country.
■ Integration may encourage a more rapid spread of technology.
Longer-term disadvantages
■ Resources may flow from the country to more efficient members of the customs union, or to the geographical centre of the union (so as to minimise transport costs). This can be a major problem for a common market (where there is free movement of labour and capital). The country could become a depressed ‘region’ of the community.
■ If integration encourages greater co-operation between firms in member countries, it may also encourage greater oligopolistic collusion, thus keeping prices higher to the consumer. It may also encourage mergers and takeovers, which would increase monopoly power.
■ Diseconomies of scale. If the union leads to the develop- ment of very large companies, they may become bureau- cratic and inefficient.
■ The costs of administering the customs union may be high. This problem is likely to worsen the more interven- tion there is in the affairs of individual members.
Pause for thought
Is joining a customs union more likely to lead to trade crea- tion or trade diversion in each of the following cases? (a) The union has a very high external tariff. (b) Cost differences are very great between the country and members of the union.
PREFERENTIAL TRADING IN PRACTICE25.2
Preferential trading has the greatest potential to benefit countries whose domestic market is too small, taken on its own, to enable them to benefit from economies of scale, and where they face substantial barriers to their exports. Most developing countries fall into this category and as a result many have attempted to form preferential trading arrangements.
Examples in Latin America and the Caribbean include t h e L a t i n A m e r i c a n I n t e g r a t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n ( L A I A ) , the Andean Community, the Central American Inte- gration System (SICA) and the Caribbean Community
(CARICOM). A Southern Common Market (MerCoSur) was formed in 1991, consisting of Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. It has a common external tariff and most of its internal trade is free of tariffs.
In 1993, the six original ASEAN nations (Brunei, Indo- nesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand) agreed to work towards an ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). ASEAN (the Association of South-East Asian Nations) now has ten members (the new ones being Laos, Myanmar, Vietnam and Cambodia) and is dedicated to increased eco- nomic co-operation within the region. What progress has
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been made in achieving AFTA? Virtually all tariffs between the six original members were eliminated by 2010 and there were plans to eliminate them for the remaining countries by 2015. ASEAN hoped to announce the establishment of a common market known as the ASEAN Economic Commu- nity (AEC) by the end of 2015.
In Africa, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has been attempting to create a common market between its 15 members. The West African franc is used in eight of the countries by a population of over 100 million people. A further six countries plan to introduce a common currency, as part of the West African Monetary Zone (WAMZ). However, the start date for the Eco, as the currency is to be known, has had to be put back several times as countries struggle to meet a series of convergence criteria. The ultimate goal is to combine the two currency areas and adopt a single currency for all member states.
North America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) NAFTA is one of the two most powerful trading blocs in the world (the other being the EU). It came into force in 1994 and consists of the USA, Canada and Mexico. The three countries have agreed to abolish tariffs between themselves in the hope that increased trade and co-operation will fol- low. Tariffs between the USA and Canada were phased out by 1999 and tariffs between all three countries were elimi- nated as of 1 January 2008. New non-tariff restrictions will not be permitted either, but many existing ones can remain in force, thus preventing the development of true free trade between the members. Indeed, some industries, such as tex- tiles and agriculture, will continue to have major non-tariff restrictions.
NAFTA members hope that, with a market similar in size to the EU, they will be able to rival the EU’s economic power in world trade. Other countries may join in the future, so NAFTA may eventually develop into a Western Hemisphere free trade association.
NAFTA is principally a free trade area and not a common market. Unlike the EU, it does not seek to harmonise laws and regulations, except in very specific areas such as envi- ronmental management and labour standards. Member
countries are permitted total legal independence, subject to the one proviso that they must treat firms of other mem- ber countries equally with their own firms – the principle of ‘fair competition’. Nevertheless, NAFTA has encouraged a growth in trade between its members, most of which is trade creation rather than trade diversion.
Case study I.11 in MyEconLab looks at the costs and ben- efits of NAFTA membership to the three countries involved.
The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) The most significant move towards establishing a more widespread regional economic organisation in East Asia appeared with the creation of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in 1989 (APEC). APEC links 21 econ- omies of the Pacific Rim, including Asian, Australasian and North and South American countries (19 countries, plus Hong Kong and Taiwan). These countries account for around 57 per cent of the world’s total output and 46 per cent of world merchandise trade. At the 1994 meeting of APEC leaders, it was resolved to create a free trade area across the Pacific by 2010 for the developed industrial countries, and by 2020 for the rest.
Unlike the EU and NAFTA, APEC is likely to remain solely a free trade area and not to develop into a customs union, let alone a common market. Within the region there exists a wide disparity in GDP per capita, ranging in 2015 from $56 400 in the USA, $52 400 in Australia and $33 200 in Japan to a mere $2600 in Papua New Guinea and $2200 in Vietnam. Such disparities create a wide range of national interests and goals. Countries are unlikely to share com- mon economic problems or concerns. In addition, political differences and conflicts within the region are widespread, reducing the likelihood that any organisational agreement beyond a simple economic one would succeed. However, the economic benefits from free trade, and the resulting closer regional ties, could be immense.
The longest established and most comprehensive preferen- tial trading arrangement is the EU. In the remainder of this chapter we will consider the development of the EU and its implications for business.
THE EUROPEAN UNION25.3
The European Economic Community (EEC) was formed by the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957 and came into operation on 1 January 1958.
The original six member countries of the EEC (Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands and West Ger- many) had already made a move towards integration with the formation of the European Coal and Steel Commu-
nity in 1952. This had removed all restrictions on trade in coal, steel and iron ore between the six countries. The aim had been to gain economies of scale and allow more effective competition with the USA and other foreign producers.
The EEC extended this principle and aimed eventually to be a full common market with completely free trade
KI 36 p 354
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between members in all products, and with completely free movement of labour, enterprise and capital.
All internal tariffs between the six members had been abolished and common external tariffs established by 1968. But this still only made the EEC a customs union, since a number of restrictions on internal trade remained (legal, administrative, fiscal, etc.). Nevertheless, the aim was even- tually to create a full common market.
In 1973 the UK, Denmark and Ireland became members. Greece joined in 1981, Spain and Portugal in 1986, and Sweden, Austria and Finland in 1995. Then in May 2004 a further 10 countries joined: Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slo- vakia and Slovenia. Bulgaria and Romania joined in 2007. With the accession of Croatia in July 2013, the European Union now has 28 members.
From customs union to common market The EU is clearly a customs union. It has common external tariffs and no internal tariffs. But is it also a common mar- ket? For years there have been certain common economic policies.
Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). The EU has tradition- ally set common high prices for farm products. This has involved charging variable import duties to bring for- eign food imports up to EU prices and intervention to buy up surpluses of food produced within the EU at these above-equilibrium prices. Although the main method of support has shifted to providing subsidies (or ‘income sup- port’) unrelated to current output, this still represents a common economic policy of agricultural support.
Regional policy. EU regional policy provides grants to firms and local authorities in relatively deprived regions of the Union.
Competition policy. EU policy here has applied primarily to companies operating in more than one member state (see section 21.1). For example, Article 101 of the Treaty of Lis- bon prohibits agreements between firms operating in more than one EU country (e.g. over pricing or sharing out mar- kets) which adversely affect competition in trade between member states.
Harmonisation of taxation. VAT is the standard form of indi- rect tax throughout the EU. However, there are substantial differences in VAT rates between member states, as there are with other tax rates.
Social policy. In 1989 the European Commission presented a Social Charter to the EU heads of state (see Case study I.12 in MyEconLab). This spelt out a series of worker and social rights that should apply in all member states. These rights were grouped under 12 headings covering areas such as the guarantee of decent levels of income for both the employed
and the non-employed, freedom of movement of labour between EU countries, freedom to belong to a trade union and equal treatment of women and men in the labour mar- ket. The Social Charter was only a recommendation and each element had to be approved separately by the Euro- pean Council of Ministers.
The Social Chapter of the Maastricht Treaty (1991) attempted to move the Community forward in implement- ing the details of the Social Charter in areas such as maxi- mum working hours, minimum working conditions, health and safety protection, the provision of information to and consultation with workers, and equal opportunities.
The UK Conservative government at the time refused to sign this part of the Maastricht Treaty. It maintained that such measures would increase costs of production and would, therefore, make EU goods less competitive in world trade and increase unemployment. Critics of the UK posi- tion argued that the refusal to adopt minimum working conditions (and also a minimum wage rate) would make the UK the ‘cheap labour sweat-shop’ of Europe. One of the first acts of the incoming Labour government in 1997 was to sign up to the Social Chapter.
Despite these various common policies, in other respects the Community of the 1970s and 1980s was far from a true common market: there were all sorts of non-tariff barriers, such as high taxes on wine by non-wine-producing coun- tries, special regulations designed to favour domestic producers, governments giving contracts to domestic pro- ducers (e.g. for defence equipment), and so on.
The Single European Act of 1986, however, sought to remove these barriers and to form a genuine common mar- ket by the end of 1992. One of the most crucial aspects of the Act was its acceptance of the principle of mutual recog- nition. This is the principle whereby if a firm or individual is permitted to do something under the rules and regula- tions of one EU country, it must thereby also be permitted to do it in all other EU countries. This means that firms and individuals can choose the country’s rules that are least constraining. It also means that individual governments can no longer devise special rules and regulations that keep out competitors from other EU countries.
KI 21 p 175
KI 32 p 343
Pause for thought
Does the adoption of laws enforcing improved working condi- tions necessarily lead to higher costs per unit of output?
Definition
Mutual recognition The EU principle that one country’s rules and regulations must apply throughout the Union. If they conflict with those of another country, individu- als and firms should be able to choose which to obey.
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The benefits and costs of the single market It is difficult to quantify the benefits and costs of the single market, given that many occur over a long period. Also it is difficult to know to what extent the changes taking place are the direct result of the single market.
In 2012, the European Commission published 20 Years of the European Single Market. This stated that: ‘EU27 GDP in 2008 was 2.13 per cent or €233 billion higher than it would have been if the Single Market had not been launched in 1992. In 2008 alone, this amounted to an average of €500 extra in income per person in the EU27. The gains come from the Single Market programme, liberalisation in net- work industries such as energy and telecommunication, and the enlargement of the EU to 27 member countries.’
Even though the precise magnitude of the benefits is dif- ficult to estimate, it is possible to identify the types of bene- fit that have resulted, many of which have been substantial.
Trade creation. Costs and prices have fallen as a result of a greater exploitation of comparative advantage. Member countries can now specialise further in those goods and ser- vices that they can produce at a comparatively low oppor- tunity cost.
Reduction in the direct costs of barriers. This category includes administrative costs, border delays and technical regula- tions. Their abolition or harmonisation has led to substan- tial cost savings.
Economies of scale. With industries based on a Europe-wide scale, many firms and their plants can be large enough to gain the full potential economies of scale. Yet the whole European market is large enough for there still to be ade- quate competition. Such gains have varied from industry to industry depending on the minimum efficient scale of a plant or firm (see Box 9.4 on p. 156). Economies of scale have also been gained from mergers and other forms of industrial restructuring.
Greater competition. Increased competition between firms has led to lower costs, lower prices and a wider range of products available to consumers. This has been particularly so in newly liberalised service sectors such as transport, financial services, telecommunications and broadcasting. In the long run, greater competition can stimulate greater innovation, the greater flow of technical information and the rationalisation of production.
Despite these gains, the single market has not received uni- versal welcome within the EU. Its critics argue that, in a Europe of oligopolies, unequal ownership of resources, rap- idly changing technologies and industrial practices, and fac- tor immobility, the removal of internal barriers to trade has merely exaggerated the problems of inequality and economic power. More specifically, the following criticisms are made.
Radical economic change is costly. Substantial economic change is necessary to achieve the full economies of scale and efficiency gains from a single European market. These changes necessarily involve redundancies – from bankrupt- cies, takeovers, rationalisation and the introduction of new technology. The severity of this ‘structural’ and ‘technolog- ical’ unemployment (see section 26.3) depends on (a) the pace of economic change and (b) the mobility of labour – both occupational and geographical. Clearly, the more integrated markets become across the EU, the less the costs of future economic change.
Adverse regional effects. Firms are likely to locate as near as possible to the ‘centre of gravity’ of their markets and sources of supply. If, before barriers are removed, a firm’s prime market is the UK, it might well locate in the Mid- lands or the north of England. If, however, with barriers now removed, its market has become Europe as a whole, it may choose to locate in the south of England or in France, Germany or the Benelux countries instead. The creation of a single European market thus tends to attract capital and jobs away from the edges of the Union to its geographical centre.
In an ideal market situation, areas like Cornwall, the south of Italy, Portugal and parts of eastern Europe should attract resources from other parts of the Union. As these are relatively depressed areas, wage rates and land prices are lower. The resulting lower industrial costs should encour- age firms to move there. In practice, however, as capital and labour (and especially young and skilled workers) leave the extremities of the Union, so these regions are likely to become more depressed. If, as a result, their infrastructure is neglected, they then become even less attractive to new investment.
The development of monopoly/oligopoly power. The free move- ment of capital can encourage the development of giant ‘Euro-firms’ with substantial economic power. Indeed, recent years have seen some very large European mergers (see Box 15.1). This can lead to higher, not lower prices and less choice for the consumer. It all depends on just how effective competition is, and how effective EU com- petition policy is in preventing monopolistic and collusive practices.
Trade diversion. Just as trade creation has been a poten- tial advantage of completing the internal market, so trade diversion has been a possibility too. This is more likely if external barriers remain high (or are even increased) and internal barriers are completely abolished.
KI 43 p 547
KI 37 p 444
Pause for thought
Why may the newer members of the EU have the most to gain from the single market, but also the most to lose?
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BEYOND BANANAS
EU/US trade disputes
BOX 25.1
Trade relations between the EU and USA have been strained in recent years. The World Trade Organization (WTO), set up to manage trade and prevent such disputes arising, has been slow in resolving the issues and restoring order. The problems between the EU and USA started over bananas.
Bananas The EU/US ‘banana war’ began in 1993 when the EU adopted a tariff and quota system that favoured banana producers in African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries, mostly ex-Eu- ropean colonies. Predictably, Latin American banana produc- ers, owned by large American multinationals like Chiquita and Dole, took exception to this move. Latin American producers, with huge economies of scale, were able to produce bananas at considerably lower cost than producers in the ACP coun- tries. But, faced with significant tariffs on entry into the EU market, their bananas became more expensive. Championed by the USA, the Latin American producers won the case at the WTO for removing the agreement. The EU, however, failed to comply, arguing that the prefer- ential access to EU markets for ACP producers was part of a general development strategy, known as the ‘Lomé Conven- tion’, to support developing economies. Without preferential access, it was argued, ACP banana producers could simply not compete on world markets. As a European Commission document highlighted: ‘The destruction of the Caribbean banana industry would provoke severe economic hardship and political instability in a region already struggling against deprivation.’1
As the EU refused to comply with the WTO ruling, the USA imposed $191 million worth of tariffs on EU exports in March 1999. After a series of battles over the issue at the WTO, the EU finally agreed in 2009 to reform its banana protocol and to cut tariffs on non-ACP bananas from $234 per tonne to $196 per tonne straight away and to $150 by 2016. In return, it would pay compensation to ACP nations. The deal, however, is dependent on agreement of the Doha round of trade negotiations, which is still on-going, as discussed in Box 24.3.
Hormone-treated beef Trade disputes between the EU and the USA have not just concerned bananas. A dispute over hormone-treated beef has been going on for a staggering 20 years. In January 1996 the US requested ‘consultations’ with the EU following an EU directive prohibiting the use in livestock farming of certain substances ‘having a hormonal action’. In 1998, the WTO panel ruled against a ban by the EU on imports of hormone-treated beef from the USA and Canada. The ruling permitted the two countries to impose retaliatory sanctions on EU imports. After a process of arbitration, the values were set at $116.8 million for the USA and CDN$11.1 million for Canada. Despite this, the EU continued to refuse to import any animal products, live or processed, that had received growth hor- mones. The ban was made on grounds of public health, and this remains the crux of the dispute. The EU argues that it has not been proven that hormone-treated beef is safe. In reply,
the Americans argue that the EU has not provided evidence that it is otherwise. Following an independent assessment of the risks to consum- ers of hormone-treated meat, which resulted in the EU ban- ning certain hormones by its farmers, the EU argued that the sanctions should be lifted as it was no longer in breach of the WTO rules. In November 2004, the EU asked the WTO to rule that continued US and Canadian sanctions related to the beef hormone ruling were illegal. In February 2005, a WTO panel was set up to consider the case. The EU, Canada and the USA would all make representations. In addition Australia, Mex- ico, China and Taiwan were permitted to make ‘third-party’ representations. In April 2008, a WTO disputes panel ruled that the EU violated WTO rules in continuing to ban one of the hormones at issue, but also ruled that the USA and Canada were wrong in taking unilateral actions in imposing sanctions against the EU. Both sides appealed but the USA put in place a modified set of duties in January 2009. However, in April 2009 the USA and EU resolved to work through the dispute: the EU would maintain its ban on hor- mone-treated beef, but the USA would start to remove its sanctions if the EU’s duty-free import quotas of hormone-free beef increased significantly. The volumes of hormone-free beef exempted from taxation would increase to 48 200 tonnes and so, in May 2012, the USA removed its import duties on all targeted European luxury foods.
Genetically modified (GM) foods
A more recent trade dispute, again in the field of public health, concerns the development of GM food. GM strains of maize and soya have been available in the USA for many years, but the export of such products, whether as seed or food, is banned from the EU. The US position is that EU consumers should be free to choose whether they have GM food or not. This, not surprisingly, is rejected by the EU on the basis that GM foods might contam- inate the entire food supply once introduced. In July 2000, the EU decided to continue with its GM food ban indefinitely. In response to a complaint to the WTO by the USA, Canada and Argentina, a panel was set up in March 2004 to consider the case. In 2006 the WTO concluded that the EU’s GM ban was illegal because the risks shown by the scientific evidence did not warrant the ban. Accordingly, WTO rules should apply across EU member states. In January 2008, the US and the EU informed the Dispute Settlement Board that they had reached an agreement on ‘procedures’ for the EU implementing the WTO’s ruling. Signs that the dispute was ending emerged in 2010, with GM crops being permitted to be grown under strict regulations throughout Europe. Barack Obama has called for a free-trade agreement between the EU and USA, but despite the progress, GM crops do continue to be tightly regulated across Europe, including the requirement that products are clearly labelled.
1‘EC fact sheet on Caribbean bananas and the WTO’, Press Release, European Commission (18 March 1997).
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4 6 2 C H A P T E R 2 5 T R A D I N G B L O C S
Perhaps the biggest objection raised against the single European market is a political one: the loss of national sov- ereignty. Governments find it much more difficult to inter- vene at a microeconomic level in their own economies.
Completing the internal market Despite the reduction in barriers, the internal market is still not ‘complete’. In other words, various barriers to trade between member states still remain.
To monitor progress an ‘Internal Market Scoreboard’ w a s e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1 9 9 7 . T h i s i s p u b l i s h e d e v e r y s i x months and shows progress towards the total abandon- ment of any forms of internal trade restrictions (see Box 25.2). It shows the percentage of EU Internal Market Directives still to be transposed into national law. In addition to giving each country’s ‘transposition deficit’, the Scoreboard identifies the number of infringements of the internal market that have taken place. The hope is that the ‘naming and shaming’ of countries will encour- age them to make more rapid progress towards totally free trade within the EU.
In 1997, the average transposition deficit of member countries was 6.3 per cent. By 1999, this had fallen to 3.5 per cent. An average deficit target of 1 per cent was set in
2007 and this was reached by 2008. Data for 2014 show the average transposition deficit at just 0.7 per cent.
Nevertheless, national governments continued to intro- duce new technical standards, several of which have had the effect of erecting new barriers to trade. Also, infringe- ments of single market rules by governments have not always been dealt with. The net result is that, although trade is much freer today than in the early 1990s, especially given the transparency of pricing with the euro, there still exist various barriers, especially to the free movement of goods.
To counteract new barriers, the EU periodically issues new Directives. If this process is more rapid than that of the transposition of existing Directives into national law, the transposition deficit increases.
The effect of the new member states Given the very different nature of the economies of many of the new entrants to the EU, and their lower levels of GDP per head, the potential for gain from membership has been substantial. The gains come through trade creation, increased competition, technological transfer and inward investment, both from other EU countries and from outside the EU.
Airbus Another recent branch of the current EU/US trade dispute concerns Airbus and EU industrial policy (an area which has been a bone of contention for the USA for many years). The issue concerns the new superjumbo, the A380. The Americans are very unhappy with the loans and subsidies, claimed to be $15 billion, which have been provided by EU members to com- panies within the Airbus Consortium to develop the aircraft. The American complaint is that such subsidies have broken the WTO subsidy code and, as such, are unfair. In October 2004, the USA requested the establishment of a WTO panel to consider the case. This provoked a counter- request by Airbus, claiming unfair subsidies of $27.3 billion for Boeing by the US government since 1992. In July 2005, two panels were set up to deal with the two sets of allegations. In June 2010, the WTO panel found Airbus guilty of using some illegal subsidies to win contracts through predatory pricing, but dismissed several of Boeing’s claims because many of the subsidies were reimbursable at commercial rates of interest. However, some of the ‘launch aid’ for research and development was given at below market rates and so violated WTO rules. The report evoked appeal and counter-appeal from both sides, but the WTO’s Appellate Body reported in May 2011 upholding the case that ‘certain subsidies’ provided by the EU and member states were incompatible with WTO rules. In June 2011, the EU accepted the findings. In March 2011, the WTO panel found Boeing guilty of three violations of WTO rules on subsidies, including subsidies
between 1989 and 2006 worth at least $5.3 billion. These subsidies were adjudged to have resulted in lost sales, espe- cially to third-country markets, and in significantly suppress- ing the price of Airbus aircraft. In April 2011, the USA notified the WTO of its intention to appeal the judgment. The WTO’s Appellate Body reported back in March 2012. While some of the detailed findings of the initial 2011 panel report were overturned, it nonetheless agreed that in broad terms that there had been breaches of the SCM agree- ment on subsidies and, as a result, serious prejudice to the interests of the EU. In April 2012, the USA informed the WTO’s Dispute Settlement Board that it intended to implement the recommendations and rulings to respect the SCM Agreement. However, the dispute was to continue. In October 2012, the European Union requested the establishment of a compliance panel, arguing that the USA had failed to comply with the rec- ommendations and rulings of the Dispute Settlement Board. Shortly after, the USA said that it objected to the level of sus- pension of concessions and other obligations. Because of the complexities around the dispute, rulings were delayed and, at the time of writing, proceedings continue. Furthermore, with continuous development and investment in both existing and new models of aircraft, the prospect of further wrangles remains.
Why does the WTO appear to be so ineffective in resolving the disputes between the EU and USA?
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2 5 . 3 T H E E U R O P E A N U N I O N 4 6 3
A study in 20042 concluded that Poland’s GDP would rise by 3.4 per cent and Hungary’s by almost 7 per cent. Real wages would rise, with those of unskilled workers ris- ing faster than those of skilled workers, in accordance with these countries’ comparative advantage. There would also be benefits for the 15 pre-2004 members from increased trade and investment, but these would be relatively minor in comparison to the gains to the new members.
In future years, now that the euro is used by 19 of the 28 member states, with the possibility of others adopting it at some time, trade within the EU is likely to continue to grow as a proportion of GDP. We examine the benefits and costs of the single currency and the whole process of economic and monetary union in the EU in Section 32.3.
2M. Maliszewska, Benefits of the Single Market Expansion for Current and New Mem- ber States (Centrum Analiz Spoleczno-Ekonomicznych, 2004).
BOX 25.2 THE INTERNAL MARKET SCOREBOARD
Keeping a tally on progress to a true single market
This success or otherwise of implementing EU internal market directives is measured by the Internal Market Scoreboard. The Scoreboard tracks the transposition deficit for each country.
This is the percentage of directives that have failed to be implemented into national law by their agreed deadline.
Source: Single Market scoreboard (European Commission)
The Scoreboard has been published every six months since 1997 and, in addition to tracking the deficit for each country, also shows the average deficit across all EU countries. The chart shows that the average deficit was falling until May 2002, but then rose somewhat. Part of the problem is that new directives are being issued as existing ones are being implemented. After 2004, the transposition deficit tended to fall, even with the accession of ten new members in 2004 and two more in 2007. An average deficit target of 1 per cent was set in 2007 and this was reached by 2008. The average deficit fell further in 2009 to 0.7 per cent but then rose to 0.9 per cent in 2010 and to 1.2 in 2011. But then it rose to 0.9 per cent in 2010 and to 1.2 in 2011. Behind the rise in the average deficit in 2010 and 2011 was a reduction in the speed with which directives were being enacted. To tackle delays, a target of ‘zero tolerance’ operates for delays of two years or more in transposing directives. Overly long delays are seen as impairing the functioning of Single Market. In the 2011 Single Market Act the European Commission pro- posed a target transposition deficit of close to 0.5 per cent.
The transposition deficit began to decline and by November 2014 the EU average had fallen to 0.5 per cent. However, by May 2015 the transposition deficit had again risen above target to stand at 0.7 per cent. As well as the transposition deficit, the Scoreboard also measures the compliance deficit: the percentage of trans- posed directives where infringement proceedings for non-conformity have been initiated by the Commission. The proposed target for the compliance deficit is 0.5 per cent. In recent times the compliance deficit has been relatively stable. Through 2014 and into 2015 it stood at between 0.5 and 0.7 per cent.
1. What value are scoreboards for member states and the European Commission?
2. Why do you think that it is so important that legislation, such as that governing the Internal Market, is in place in all member states at the same time?
Note: Internal Market Scoreboards can be accessed at http://ec.europa.eu/ internal_market/score/index_en.htm
0.7
4.5
3.9
3.5
3.6 3.5 3.0
2.5 2.0
1.8
2.1
6.3
2.32.4 2.9
2.2
2.1 1.9
2.2
7.1
1.6
1.2
3.6
1.9 1.9
1.6
0.9
1.21.2 0.91.0
0.7
0.9 1.01.01.2
0.6 0.6 0.5
0.70.7
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015
EU15 EU25
EU27 EU28
Internal Market Scoreboard: average transposition deficit
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4 6 4 C H A P T E R 2 5 T R A D I N G B L O C S
SUMMARY
1a Countries may make a partial movement towards free trade by the adoption of a preferential trading system. This involves free trade between the members, but restrictions on trade with the rest of the world. Such a system can be either a simple free trade area, or a cus- toms union (where there are common restrictions with the rest of the world), or a common market (where in addition there is free movement of capital and labour, and common taxes and trade laws).
1b A preferential trading area can lead to trade creation where production shifts to low-cost producers within the area, or to trade diversion where trade shifts away from lower-cost producers outside the area to higher-cost pro- ducers within the area.
1c Preferential trading may bring dynamic advantages of increased external economies of scale, improved terms of trade from increased bargaining power with the rest of the world, increased efficiency from greater competition between member countries, and a more rapid spread of technology. On the other hand, it can lead to increased regional problems for members, greater oligopolistic col- lusion and various diseconomies of scale. There may also be large costs of administering the system.
2 There have been several attempts around the world to form preferential trading systems. The two most powerful are the European Union and the North America Free Trade Association (NAFTA).
3a The European Union is a customs union in that it has common external tariffs and no internal ones. But virtually from the outset it has also had elements of a common market, particularly in the areas of agricultural policy, regional policy and competition policy, and to some extent in the areas of tax harmonisation, transport policy and social policy.
3b The Single European Act of 1986 sought to sweep away any remaining restrictions and to establish a genuine free market within the EU: to establish a full common market. Benefits from completing the internal market have included trade creation, cost savings from no longer having to administer barriers, economies of scale for firms now able to operate on a Europe-wide scale, and greater competition leading to reduced costs and prices, greater flows of technical information and more innova- tion.
3c The actual costs and benefits of EU membership to the various countries vary with their particular economic cir- cumstances – for example, the extent to which they gain from trade creation, or lose from adverse regional effects – and with their contributions to and receipts from the EU budget.
3d These costs and benefits in the future will depend on just how completely the barriers to trade are abolished, on the extent of monetary union and on the effects of the enlargement of the Union.
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 What factors will determine whether a country’s joining a customs union will lead to trade creation or trade diver- sion?
2 Assume that a group of countries forms a customs union. Is trade diversion in the union more likely or less likely in the following cases? a) Producers in the union gain monopoly power in
world trade. b) Modern developments in technology and
communications reduce the differences in production costs associated with different locations.
c) The development of an internal market within the union produces substantial economies of scale in many industries.
3 Are NAFTA and APEC likely to develop along the same lines as the EU? Explain your answer.
4 Why is it difficult to estimate the magnitude of the bene- fits of completing the internal market of the EU?
5 Look through the costs and benefits that we identified from the single European market. Do the same costs and benefits arise from a substantially enlarged EU?
6 To what extent do non-EU countries gain or lose from the existence of the EU?
7 If there have been clear benefits from the single market programme, why do individual member governments still try to erect barriers, such as new technical standards?
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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ADDITIONAL PART I CASE STUDIES IN THE ECONOMICS FOR BUSINESS MyEconLab (www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman)
I.1 Investing in Wales. The factors influencing the investment in Wales by the Korean multinational, LG.
I.2 The Maharaja Mac. An examination of activities of McDonald’s in India.
I.3 Ethical business. An examination of the likelihood of success of companies which trade fairly with developing countries.
I.4 Free trade and the environment. Do whales, the rainforests and the atmosphere gain from free trade?
I.5 The Uruguay round. An examination of the negotiations that led to substantial cuts in trade barriers.
I.6 The Battle of Seattle. This looks at the protests against the WTO at Seattle in November 1999 and considers the arguments for and against the free trade policies of the WTO.
I.7 The World Trade Organization. This looks at the various opportunities and threats posed by this major international organisation.
I.8 High oil prices. What is their effect on the world economy?
I.9 Crisis in South East Asia. Causes of the severe recession in many South East Asian countries in 1997/8.
I.10 A miracle gone wrong. Lessons from East Asian crisis of the late 1990s.
I.11 Assessing NAFTA. Who are the winners and losers from NAFTA?
I.12 The benefits of the Single Market. Evidence of achievements and the Single Market Action Plan of 1997.
I.13 The social dimension of the EU The principles of the Social Charter.
I.14 Steel barriers. Looking after the US steel industry. I.15 Banana, banana. A more detailed examination than
that in Box 25.1 of the dispute between the USA and the EU over banana imports.
I.16 Immigration, the Single European Market and the UK labour market. This case study looks at efforts to quantify the impact of immigration on the UK labour market following the expansion of the EU in 2004.
WEBSITES RELEVANT TO PART I
Numbers and sections refer to websites listed in the Web appendix and hotlinked from this text’s website at www.pearsoned. co.uk/sloman
■ For news articles relevant to Part I, see the Economics News Articles link from the text’s website.
■ For general news on business in the international environment, see websites in section A, and particularly A1–5, 7–9, 21–25, 31. See also links to newspapers worldwide in A38, 39 and 43, and the news search feature in Google at A41. See also links to economics news in A42.
■ For articles on various aspects of trade and developing countries, see A27, 28; I9.
■ For international data on imports and exports, see site H16 > Documents, Data and Resources > Statistics. See also World Economic Outlook in H4 and trade data in B24. See also the trade topic in I14.
■ For UK data, see B1, 1. National Statistics > Publications > Books > Annual Abstract > External trade and investment. See also B4 and 34. For EU data, see B38, 47.
■ For discussion papers on trade, see H4, 7, 12.
■ For trade disputes, see H16.
■ For various pressure groups critical of the effects of free trade and globalisation, see H13, 14.
■ For information on various preferential trading arrangements, see H20–23.
■ For EU sites, see G1, 7, 20.
■ For information on trade and developing countries, see H4, 7, 9, 10, 16, 17. See also links to development sites in I9.
■ Sites I8, 11, 14, 16 contain links to various topics in International Economics.
■ For information and data on trade, development, finance and cross-border investment flows see site H2.
■ For student resources relevant to this chapter, see sites C1–7, 9, 10, 19.
W E B R E F E R E N C E S 4 6 5
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The macroeconomic environment
The Financial Times, 11 March 2015 FT
China data point to sharper downturn By Jamil Anderlini in Beijing and Gabriel Wildau in Shanghai
China’s economy slowed at its sharpest rate in the first two months of the year since the global finan- cial crisis, heightening fears that this deceleration will undermine global growth.
Chinese industrial production, regarded as a good proxy for broader economic growth, expanded 6.8 per cent in January and February from a year earlier. Excluding the financial crisis, it was the slowest reading since records started in 1995, Goldman Sachs said.
Fixed asset investment and retail sales also slowed significantly, data showed on Wednesday.
‘Today’s disappointing data release highlights just how quickly domestic demand is deterio- rating as the ongoing property downturn con- tinues to spread its negative impact through the economy,’ said Wang Tao, UBS chief China economist.
Weakening Chinese demand has been one of the main causes of falling global commodity prices and weaker emerging markets. An extended slow- down in the economy could further sharpen the divergence developing between the US, whose prospects have been brightening, and other im- portant global economies.
Expectations that the US Federal Reserve will soon raise rates is sending the dollar rocket- ing higher, while central banks in the eurozone, China and many emerging markets are all easing to fight falling inflation and shore up growth.
China expanded at the slowest pace since 1990 last year, contrasting with the decades of double-digit growth since the late 1970s. The International Monetary Fund has already cut its gross domes- tic product estimate to 6.8 per cent this year and 6.5 per cent in 2016, the first time the IMF forecast lower growth in China than in India for decades.
Fixed asset investment, key in an economy where investment contributes more to growth than al- most any other in history, expanded 13.9 per cent in the first two months from a year earlier, down from an annual expansion of 15.7 per cent last year.
Retail sales, one measure of how successful China has been at shifting to a more consumption-based growth model, also slowed in the first two months, expanding 10.7 per cent compared with 11.9 per cent growth in December.
The broad slowdown is being led by a serious de- cline in China’s previously overheated real estate
The FT Reports. . .
© The Financial Times Limited 2015. All Rights Reserved.
J Part
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sector, where prices and sales have fallen since the start of last year.
In a sign of further pain to come, housing sales in the first two months of the year fell 16.3 per cent in terms of floor space from a year earlier, after falling 7.6 per cent in December.
China’s housing market has only existed since the late 1990s when the government privatised and com- mercialised housing that was previously assigned to people by the government or their ‘work unit’.
The latest figures confirm the worst fall in the market since at least the financial crisis, follow- ing more than a decade of frantic building that has created massive oversupply and left countless half-built and half-empty apartment complexes across the country.
The full impact of the housing slump is yet to be felt.
Property investment increased more than 10 per cent last year to Rmb9.5tn ($1.5tn) while sales fell roughly 8 per cent in terms of floor area.
This has exacerbated oversupply and thus the prospect of much slower overall economic growth once investment follows sales down.
‘Economic momentum appears markedly weaker than suggested by the recent recovery in export growth and Purchasing Managers’ index read- ings,’ said Julian Evans-Pritchard, China econ- omist at Capital Economics. ‘As such, a further slowdown in GDP growth in this quarter now looks likely.’
The growth in fixed asset investment in the first two months was the weakest in China since De- cember 2000, when the country’s banking system was technically bankrupt following a massive build-up of bad loans in the 1990s.
The latest industrial production figures are the worst since December 2008, in the immediate af- termath of Lehman Brothers’ bankruptcy and a subsequent collapse in Chinese exports.
China is also struggling with a huge and growing debt load and the threat of deflation.
At 282 per cent of GDP by the middle of last year, according to estimates from McKinsey, China’s overall debt load is higher than that of the US or Germany.
The economy expanded 7.4 per cent last year, the slowest pace in almost a quarter of a century and the government has lowered its growth target this year to ‘around 7 per cent’ from last year’s ‘around 7.5 per cent’.
Still, many economists believe the slowdown in the property market will make it difficult for Bei- jing to achieve that lower goal.
‘The extremely weak activity data at the begin- ning of the year suggest that China needs to en- gage into more aggressive policy easing,’ Li-Gang Liu, chief greater China economist at ANZ, wrote in a note, adding that China’s first-quarter growth could miss 7 per cent.
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The success of an individual business depends not only on its own particular market and its own particular decisions. It also depends on the whole macroeconomic envi- ronment in which it operates, as can be seen in the Financial Times article opposite.
If the economy is booming, then individual businesses are likely to be more profitable than if the economy is in recession. If the exchange rate rises (or falls), this will have an impact on the competitiveness of businesses trading overseas, and on the costs and profitability of business in general. Similarly, business profitability will be affected by interest rates, the general level of prices and wages and the level of unemployment.
It is thus important for managers to understand the forces that affect the performance of the economy. In the remaining chapters of the text, we will examine these macroe- conomic forces and their effects on the business sector.
In Chapter 26 we examine the macroeconomic environment in which businesses oper- ate. We identify the main macroeconomic variables that determine this environment and analyse how they are interrelated. In particular, we look at the objectives of eco- nomic growth, low unemployment and low inflation. We also consider the trade-offs facing policy makers in trying to achieve these objectives and how policy impacts on business.
Chapter 27 looks at macroeconomic issues arising from a country’s economic relation- ships with the rest of the world. In particular, it looks at the balance of payments and the role of exchange rates in influencing economic performance.
Chapter 28 looks at the significance of the financial system for both individual busi- nesses and the economy. In particular, it looks at the behaviour of financial institu- tions and the role of money. You will be able to judge whether ‘Banks are dangerous institutions’, as Mervyn King states.
Finally, in Chapter 29 we examine various theories about how the economy operates and the implications for business. We look at the relationship between inflation and unemployment and examine the possible causes of the business cycle. We also see the important role played by the expectations of both business and consumers.
Banks are dangerous institutions. They borrow short and lend long. They create liabilities which promise to be liquid and hold few liquid assets themselves. That though is hugely valuable for the rest of the economy. Household savings can be channelled to finance illiquid investment projects while providing access to liquidity for those savers who may need it.
Mervyn King, Former Governor of the Bank of England, ‘Finance: a return from risk’, speech to the Worshipful Company of International Bankers, at the Mansion House, 17 March 2009 (www.bankofengland.co.uk); see www. bankofengland.co.uk/mfsd/iadb/notesiadb/ Revisions.htm for the Revisions Policy.
Key terms
Actual and potential eco- nomic growth
Output gap Aggregate demand Aggregate supply Business cycle Unemployment Inflation Circular flow of income Injections and withdrawals The balance of payments The exchange rate Fixed and floating
exchange rates Functions of money Assets and liabilities (of
banks) Central bank Money market Money supply Credit creation Deposits multiplier Money multiplier Demand for money Keynesian New classical Aggregate expenditure Marginal propensity to
consume The multiplier The accelerator The quantity theory of
money Expectations The Phillips curve Real business cycles
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C h
a p
te r 26
The macroeconomic environment of business
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ What determines the level of activity in the economy and hence the overall business climate? ■ If a stimulus is given to the economy, what will be the effect on business output? ■ Why do economies experience periods of boom followed by periods of recession? What determines the length and magni-
tude of these ‘phases’ of the business cycle? ■ What are the causes of unemployment and how does unemployment relate to the level of business activity? ■ What are the causes of inflation and how does inflation relate to the level of business activity? ■ What is meant by ‘GDP’ and how is it measured?
We have seen how the success or failure of businesses can be affected by market conditions and by the strategic choices that firms make. Yet the macroeconomic environment is very important too. Recent history shows this very clearly indeed. In 2009 global output fell by 2 per cent in the aftermath of the financial crisis. A greater understanding of the macroeconomic environment and how it is influenced can help firms to plan and make deci- sions to boost their profitability.
In this chapter we shall identify what the main macroeconomic variables are and how they are related. We shall also have a preliminary look at how policy makers, such as the government and the central bank, can influence these variables in order to create a more favourable environment for business. Macroeconomic policy will be dis- cussed in more detail in Part K.
KI 36 p 354
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4 7 0 C H A P T E R 2 6 T H E M A C R O E C O N O M I C E N V I R O N M E N T O F B U S I N E S S
INTRODUCTION TO THE MACROECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT26.1
The macroeconomic environment can be described by a series of interrelated macroeconomic variables. We can group them under the following headings: economic growth, unemployment, inflation and the economic rela- tionships with the rest of the world, the financial well-be- ing of individuals, businesses and other organisations, governments and nations and the relationship between the financial system and the economy.
Economic growth. Governments hope to achieve high rates of economic growth over the long term: in other words, growth that is sustained over the years and is not just a temporary phenomenon. They also try to achieve stable growth, avoiding both recessions and excessive short-term growth that cannot be sustained. In practice, however, this can often prove difficult to achieve, as recent history has shown.
Unemployment. Reducing unemployment is another major macroeconomic aim of governments not only for the sake of the unemployed themselves, but also because it repre- sents a waste of human resources and because unemploy- ment benefits are a drain on government revenues.
Inflation. By inflation we mean a general rise in prices throughout the economy. The annual rate of inflation is the percentage increase in prices over a 12-month period. Government policy here is to keep inflation both low and stable. In fact, this has led many governments to adopt an inflation rate target and to delegate responsibility to its cen- tral bank for interventions in money markets to affect inter- est rates (we consider these interventions in section 30.3). The hope is that by demonstrating a commitment to low inflation and depoliticising the determination of interest rates, peoples’ expectations of inflation will be lower than they otherwise would be. In turn, lower expectations of inflation help to keep actual rates of inflation lower.
Low and stable inflation is thought to aid the process of economic decision making. For example, businesses will be able to set prices and wage rates, and make investment deci- sions, with far more confidence. We have become used to low inflation rates and in some countries, like Japan, peri- ods of deflation, where prices in general fall. Even though inflation rates rose in many countries in 2008 and then again in 2010–11, figures remained much lower than in the past; in 1975, UK inflation reached over 23 per cent.
The balance of payments. Governments aim to provide an environment in which exports can grow without an exces- sive growth in imports. They also aim to make the econ-
omy attractive to inward investment. In other words, they seek to create a climate in which the country’s earnings of foreign currency at least match, or preferably exceed, the country’s expenditure of foreign currency: they seek to achieve a favourable balance of payments.
The achievement of a favourable balance of payments depends, in part, on whether changes in exchange rates allow the country’s goods and services to remain price com- petitive on international markets. A lower exchange rate (i.e. fewer dollars, yen, euros, etc. to the pound) will make UK goods cheaper to overseas buyers, and thus help to boost UK exports. On the other hand, it will make imports more expensive and could increase the rate of inflation. The government or central bank may thus seek to manipulate exchange rates to make them ‘more favourable’, whether lower or higher.
Financial well-being. It is increasingly recognised that the behaviour of individuals, businesses (including financial institutions), governments and nations is affected by their financial well-being. In analysing their well-being we can look at trends in three key accounts which are compiled for the main sectors of the economy: the household, corporate and government sectors and the economy as whole.
First, there is the income account which records the var- ious flows of income and receipts alongside the amounts either spent or saved. In the case of the national accounts, economic growth refers to the annual real growth in a country’s income flows (i.e. after taking inflation into account).
Second, there is the financial account. The financial bal- ance sheet gives a complete record of the stocks of financial assets (arising from saving) and financial liabilities (arising from borrowing) of a sector, and includes things such as currency, bank deposits, loans, bonds and shares. Changes in such balances over time (flows of new saving and bor-
KI 2 p 18
KI 38 p 470
KI 39 p 471
KI 27 p 322
Definitions
Balance of payments account A record of the country’s transactions with the rest of the world. It shows the coun- try’s payments to or deposits in other countries (debits) and its receipts or deposits from other countries (credits). It also shows the balance between these debits and credits under various headings.
Exchange rate The rate at which one national currency exchanges for another. The rate is expressed as the amount of one currency that is necessary to purchase one unit of another currency (e.g. £1 = €1.30). Rate of economic growth The percentage increase in output over a 12-month period.
Rate of inflation The percentage increase in prices over a 12-month period.
Economies suffer from inherent instability. As a result, economic growth and other macroeconomic indicators tend to fluctuate.
KEY IDEA
38
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The distinction between actual and potential growth Before examining the causes of economic growth, it is essential to distinguish between actual and potential eco- nomic growth.
Actual growth is the percentage annual increase in national output or ‘GDP’ (gross domestic product): in other words, the rate of growth in actual output produced. When statistics on GDP growth rates are published, it is actual growth they are referring to. (We examine the measurement
of GDP in the appendix to this chapter.) Figure 26.1 shows annual growth rates for four economies.
Potential growth is the speed at which the economy could grow. It is the percentage annual increase in the econ- omy’s capacity to produce: the rate of growth in potential output.
ECONOMIC GROWTH26.2
rowing) were important in explaining the credit crunch and subsequent deep recession of the late 2000s/early 2010s.
Third, there is the capital account which records the stock of non-financial (physical) wealth, arising from acquir- ing or disposing of physical assets, such as property and machinery. Changes over time (inflows and outflows) in the capital balance sheets of the different sectors give impor- tant insights into relationships between the sectors of the economy and to possible growing tensions.
The national balance sheet is a measure of the wealth of a country. It can be presented so as to show the contribu- tion of each sector and/or the composition of wealth. The balance of a sector’s or country’s stock of both financial and non-financial wealth is referred to as its net worth.
Financial stability. A core aim of the government and the central bank is to ensure the stability of the financial sys- tem. After all, financial markets and institutions are an integral part of economies. Their well-being is crucial to the well-being of an economy.
Because of the global interconnectedness of financial institutions and markets, problems can spread globally like a contagion. The financial crisis of the late 2000s showed how financially distressed financial institutions can cause serious economic upheaval on a global scale. A major part of the global response to the financial crisis has been to try to ensure that financial institutions are more financially resilient, as we shall see in Chapter 28. In particular, finan- cial institutions should have more loss-absorbing capacity and therefore be better able to withstand ‘shocks’ and dete- riorating macroeconomic conditions.
From the above issues we can identify a series of macroeco- nomic policy objectives that policy makers, including gov- ernments, might typically pursue:
■ High and stable economic growth. ■ Low unemployment. ■ Low rates of inflation. ■ The avoidance of balance of payments deficits and
excessive exchange rate fluctuations. ■ A stable financial system. ■ The avoidance of excessively financially distressed sec-
tors of the economy, including government.
Unfortunately, these policy objectives may conflict. For example, a policy designed to accelerate the rate of eco- nomic growth may result in a higher rate of inflation, a balance of payments deficit and excessive borrowing. Gov- ernments are thus often faced with awkward policy choices, illustrating how societies face trade-offs between economic objectives.
In understanding these choices and their implications, it is important to analyse the determinants of the key issues that shape the macroeconomic environment. In this chap- ter we will examine economic growth, unemployment and inflation. In Chapter 27 we will focus on the balance of pay- ments and its relation to the exchange rate before then in Chapter 28 considering the financial system and the finan- cial well-being of economic agents (i.e. households, busi- nesses and governments).
Balance sheets affect people’s behaviour. The size and structure of governments’, institutions’ and indi- viduals’ liabilities (and assets too) affect economic well-being and can have significant effects on behav- iour and economic activity.
KEY IDEA
39
Societies face trade-offs between economic objec- tives. For example, the goal of faster growth may conflict with that of greater equality; the goal of lower unemployment may conflict with that of lower inflation (at least in the short run). This is an example of opportunity cost: the cost of achieving more of one objective may be achieving less of another. The existence of trade-offs means that policy makers must make choices.
KEY IDEA
40
Definition
Net worth The market value of a sector’s stock of finan- cial and non-financial wealth.
KI 38 p 470
KI 41 p 471
Living standards are limited by a country’s ability to produce. Potential national output depends on the country’s resources, technology and productivity.
KEY IDEA
41
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Potential output (i.e. potential GDP) is the level of out- put when the economy is operating at ‘normal capacity uti- lisation’. This allows for firms having a planned degree of spare capacity to meet unexpected demand or for hold-ups in supply. It also allows for some unemployment as people move from job to job. Potential output is thus somewhat below full-capacity output, which is the absolute maxi- mum that could be produced with firms working flat-out.
The difference between actual and potential output is known as the output gap. Thus if actual output exceeds potential output, the output gap is positive: the economy is operating above normal capacity utilisation. If actual out- put is below potential output, the output gap is negative: the economy is operating below normal capacity utilisa- tion. Box 26.1 looks at the output gap for the UK and three other economies since the mid-1980s.
If the actual growth rate is less than the potential growth rate, there will be an increase in spare capacity and an increase in unemployment: the output gap will become more negative (or less positive). To close a negative out- put gap, the actual growth rate would temporarily have to exceed the potential growth rate. In the long run, how- ever, the actual growth rate will be limited to the potential growth rate.
There are two key issues around economic growth: the rate of growth over the long term and short-term fluctua- tions. To help illustrate them, consider Figure 26.2, which shows for the UK the level of output (real GDP) along- side the annual rate of growth in output since the 1850s. We can see how short-term economic growth rates vary
considerably. This illustrates the inherent volatility of economies. But we also observe how output levels rise over the longer term.
These two issues pose challenges for policy makers. First, what can be done to ensure that actual output is kept as close as possible to potential output and fluctuations in growth kept to a minimum? Second, what determines the rate of potential economic growth and what can be done to increase it?
Actual economic growth and the business cycle Although growth in potential output varies to some extent over the years – depending on the rate of advance of tech- nology, the level of investment and the discovery of new
KI 41 p 471
KI 38 p 470
Growth rates in selected industrialised economiesFigure 26.1
Definitions
Actual growth The percentage annual increase in national output actually produced.
Potential growth The percentage annual increase in the capacity of the economy to produce.
Potential output The output that could be produced in the economy if all firms were operating at their normal level of capacity utilisation.
Output gap Actual output minus potential output.
Business cycle or trade cycle The periodic fluctuations of national output around its long-term trend.
Notes: 2015–17 based on forecasts; EU-15 = the member countries of the European Union prior to 1 May 2004 Source: Based on data in AMECO database (European Commission, DGECFIN, November 2015)
UK EU-15
USA Japan
26
24
22
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
A nn
ua l %
c ha
ng e
in r
ea l G
D P
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raw materials – it nevertheless tends to be much steadier than the growth in actual output.
As we have seen, actual growth tends to fluctuate. In some years there is a high rate of economic growth: the country experiences a boom. In other years, economic growth is low or even negative: the country experiences a recession.1 This cycle of booms and recessions is known as the business cycle or trade cycle.
There are four ‘phases’ of the business cycle. They are illustrated in Figure 26.3.
1 The upturn. In this phase, a stagnant economy begins to recover and growth in actual output resumes.
2 The rapid expansion. During this phase, there is rapid economic growth: the economy is booming. A fuller use is made of resources and the gap between actual and full-capacity output narrows.
3 The peaking out. During this phase, growth slows down or even ceases.
4 The slowdown, recession or slump. During this phase, there is little or no growth or even a decline in output. Increas- ing slack develops in the economy.
Long-term output trend. A line can be drawn showing the trend of national output over time (i.e. ignoring the cyclical fluctuations around the trend). This is shown as the dashed line in Figure 26.3. If, over time, firms on average operate with a ‘normal’ degree of capacity utilisation, the trend out-
put line will be the same as the potential output line. If the average level of capacity that is unutilised stays constant from one cycle to another, the trend line will have the same slope as the full-capacity output line. In other words, the trend (or potential) rate of growth will be the same as the rate of growth of capacity.
If, however, the level of unutilised capacity changes from one cycle to another, then the trend line will have a different slope from the full-capacity output line. For exam- ple, if unemployment and unused industrial capacity rise from one peak to another, or from one trough to another, then the trend line will move further away from the full-ca- pacity output line (i.e. it will be less steep).
The business cycle in practice The business cycle illustrated in Figure 26.3 is a ‘stylised’ cycle. It is nice and smooth and regular. Drawing it this way allows us to make a clear distinction between each of the four phases. In practice business cycles are highly irregular. They are irregular in two ways.
The magnitude of the phases. Sometimes in phase 2 there is a very high rate of economic growth, considerably higher
Output and economic growth in the UK since 1850Figure 26.2
100
1 000
10 000
1850 1900 1950 2000
R e
al G
D P
, 1 8
5 0
5 1
0 0
( lo
g s
ca le
)
212
210
28
26
24
22
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
A n
n u
al % ch
an g
e
Pause for thought
If the average percentage (as opposed to the average level) of full-capacity output that was unutilised remained constant, would the trend line have the same slope as the potential output line?
1In official statistics, a recession is defined as when an economy experiences fall- ing national output (negative growth) for two or more quarters.
Note: Growth is the annual growth in constant-price GDP Sources: 1850–1948 based on data from Bank of England available at http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/research/Pages/onebank/threecenturies. aspx; from 1949 based on data from Quarterly National Accounts series YBEZ (National Statistics)
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than the economy’s longer-term average. On other occa- sions in phase 2 growth is much gentler. Sometimes in phase 4 there is a recession, with an actual decline in out- put as occurred in 2008/9. On other occasions, phase 4 is merely a ‘pause’, with growth simply being low.
The length of the phases. Some booms are short lived, lasting only a few months or so. Others are much longer, lasting perhaps three or four years. Likewise some recessions are short, while others are long. Sometimes a recession can be closely followed by another recession with the economic upturn only short-lived. Economists refer to this as a dou- ble-dip recession. Such a situation occurred when the reces- sion of 1973/4 was followed by another recession in 1975.
Nevertheless, despite the irregularity of the fluctuations, cycles are still clearly discernible. These cycles are more readily apparent when we focus on growth rather than the level of output. We can see this by revisiting Figure 26.2 (on page 473). While the plot of real GDP gives us a sense that growth is irregular, since if growth was constant we would have a straight line (as it is plotted on a log scale), it is by looking at the annual rates of change (growth) that we can see the true extent of this.
Causes of fluctuations in actual growth Economists typically focus on variations in the growth of ‘aggregate demand’ in explaining variations in the rate of actual growth in the short run.
Aggregate demand (AD) is the total spending on goods and services made within the country. This spending
consists of four elements: consumer spending (C), invest- ment expenditure by firms (I), government spending (G) and the expenditure by foreign residents on the country’s goods and services (i.e. their purchases of its exports) (X). From these four must be subtracted any expenditure that goes on imports (M), since this is expenditure that ‘leaks’ abroad and is not spent on domestic goods and services. Thus:
AD = C + I + G + X - M
A rapid rise in aggregate demand will create shortages. This will tend to stimulate firms to increase output, thereby reducing slack in the economy. Likewise, a reduction in aggregate demand will leave firms with increased stocks of unsold goods. They will therefore tend to reduce output.
Aggregate demand and actual output therefore tend to fluctuate together in the short run. A boom is associated with a rapid rise in aggregate demand: the faster the rise in aggregate demand, the higher the short-run growth rate. A recession, by contrast, is associated with a reduction in aggregate demand.
The business cycleFigure 26.3
N at
io na
l o ut
pu t
(G D
P )
Time
1
1 2
23
3
4
4 Actual output
Full-capacity output
Trend output
0
Definition
Aggregate demand Total spending on goods and ser- vices made in the economy. It consists of four elements: consumer spending (C), investment (I), government spending (G) and the expenditure on exports (X), less any expenditure on foreign goods and services (M): AD = C + I + G + X - M
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BOX 26.1 OUTPUT GAPS
An alternative measure of excess or deficient demand
Production function approach. Many forecasting bodies use an approach which borrows ideas from economic theory. Specif- ically, it uses the idea of a production function which relates output to a set of inputs. Estimates of potential output are generated by using statistics on the size of a country’s capital stock, the potential available labour input and, finally, the productivity or effectiveness of these inputs in producing output. In addition to these statistical approaches, use could be made of business surveys. In other words, we ask businesses directly. However, survey-based evidence can provide only a broad guide to rates of capacity utilisation and whether there is deficient or excess demand.
International evidence The diagram shows output gaps for six economies from 1970 estimated using a production function approach. What is apparent from the chart is that all the economies have expe- rienced significant output gaps, both positive and negative. This helps to illustrate that economies are inherently volatile. However, while output gaps vary from year to year, over the longer term the average output gap tends towards zero. The diagram shows how the characteristics of countries’ busi- ness cycles can differ, particularly in terms of depth and dura- tion. But, we also see evidence of an international business cycle (see page 622), where national cycles appear to share characteristics. This is true of the late 2000s and early 2010s. Increasing global interconnectedness from financial and trading links meant that the financial crisis of the late 2000s spread like a contagion.
How might the behaviour of firms differ during periods of neg- ative and positive output gaps?
If the economy grows, how fast and for how long can it grow before it runs into inflationary problems? On the other hand, what minimum rate must be achieved to avoid rising unem- ployment? To answer these questions, economists have developed the concept of ‘output gaps’.2 The output gap is the difference between actual output and potential output. If actual output is below potential output (the gap is neg- ative), there will be a higher than normal level of unem- ployment as firms are operating below their normal level of capacity utilisation. There will, however, be a downward pres- sure on inflation, resulting from a lower than normal level of demand for labour and other resources. If actual output is above potential output (the gap is positive), there will be excess demand and a rise in inflation. Generally, the gap will be negative in a recession and positive in a boom. In other words, output gaps follow the course of the business cycle. But how do we measure output gaps? There are two principal statistical techniques.
De-trending techniques. This approach is a purely mechanical exercise which involves smoothing the actual GDP figures. In doing this, it attempts to fit a trend growth path along the lines of the dashed line in Figure 26.3. The main disadvan- tage of this approach is that it is not grounded in economic theory and therefore does not take into consideration those factors that economists consider to be important in deter- mining output levels over time.
2See C. Giorno et al., ‘Potential output, output gaps and structural budget balances’, OECD Economic Studies, no. 24 (1995), p. 1.
Output gaps, 1970–2017
Germany Italy USA
Ireland UK Netherlands
26
25
24
23
22
21
0
2
1
3
4
5
6
7
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
% o
f po
te nt
ia l G
D P
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Note: Figures for Germany based on West Germany only up to 1991; data from 2015 based on forecasts Source: Based on data from AMECO database (European Commission, DGECFIN)
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While much of the analysis of business cycles focuses on fluctuations in aggregate demand, shifts in ‘aggregate supply’ can also lead to fluctuations in the rate of economic growth. Aggregate supply (AS) is the total amount of goods and services supplied by firms within the country. Sudden sharp changes to input prices could affect firms’ output decisions. For instance, increases in input costs, such as those in employing labour, could result in firms reducing production levels.
When viewing economic growth over the longer term, aggregate supply takes on increasing importance. This is because a rapid rise in aggregate demand is not enough to ensure a continuing high level of growth over a number of years. Without an expansion of potential output too, rises in actual output must eventually come to an end as spare capacity is used up.
In the long run, therefore, there are two determinants of actual growth:
■ the growth in aggregate demand, which determines whether potential output will be realised;
■ the growth in potential output.
Potential economic growth Potential economic growth represents an increase in the capacity of the economy to produce. Here, therefore, we are focusing on aggregate supply.
Figure 26.4 shows estimates of potential output from 1970 for five developed economies. We observe varia-
tions across countries in the rate at which potential output increases. To understand why this might be the case we need to consider the principal determinants of potential output. These can be grouped in two main categories: (a) the amount of resources available and (b) their productivity.
Increases in the quantity of resources Capital. The nation’s output depends on its stock of capi- tal (K). An increase in this stock (through investment) will increase output. If we ignore the problem of machines wearing out or becoming obsolete and needing replacing, then the stock of capital will increase by the amount of investment. The rise in output that results will depend on the productivity of capital.
The rate of growth, as we saw in section 23.7 (page 435), depends on the marginal capital/output ratio (k). This is the amount of extra capital (∆K) divided by the amount of extra annual output that it produces (∆Y). The lower the value of k, the higher is the productivity of capital (i.e. the less extra capital you need to produce extra out- put). The rate of growth in potential output also depends on the proportion of national income that is invested (i), which, assuming that all saving is invested, will equal the
KI 19 p 142
Potential output in selected industrialised economiesFigure 26.4
UK France ItalyItaly
USA Netherlands
100
150
200
250
300
350
400
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
In de
x, 1
97 0
5 1
00
Definition
Aggregate supply The total amount of goods and ser- vices produced in the economy.
Source: Based on data in AMECO database (European Commission, DGECFIN, November 2015)
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proportion of national income that is saved (s). The for- mula for growth becomes:
g = i/k (or g = s/k)
Thus if 20 per cent of national income went in new investment (i = 20%), and if each £1 of new investment yielded 25p of extra income per year (k = 4), then the growth rate would be 5 per cent. A simple example will demonstrate this. If national income is £2 trillion (i.e. £2000 billion), then £400 billion will be invested (i = 20%). This will lead to extra annual output of £100 billion (k = 4). Thus national income grows to £2.1 trillion (i.e. £2100 bil- lion): a growth of 5 per cent.
But what determines the rate of investment? There are a number of determinants. These include the confidence of businesspeople about the future demand for their products, the ability of firms to finance investment projects, the prof- itability of business, the tax regime, the rate of growth in the economy and the rate of interest.
Over the long term, if investment is to increase, then saving must increase in order to finance that investment. Put another way, people must be prepared to forgo a cer- tain amount of consumption in order to allow resources to be diverted into producing more capital goods: factories, machines, etc.
Note that if investment is to increase, there may also need to be a steady increase in aggregate demand. In other words, if firms are to be encouraged to increase their capac- ity by installing new machines or building new factories, they may need first to see the demand for their products growing. Here a growth in potential output is the result of a growth in aggregate demand and hence actual output.
Labour. If there is an increase in the working population, there will be an increase in potential output. This increase in working population may result from a larger ‘partici- pation rate’: a larger proportion of the total population in work or seeking work. For example, if a greater proportion of women with children decide to join the labour market, the working population will rise.
Alternatively, a rise in the working population may be the result of an increase in total population. There is a problem here. If a rise in total population does not result in a greater proportion of the population working, output per head of the population may not rise at all. In practice, many developed countries are faced with a growing proportion of their population above retirement age, and thus a potential fall in output per head of the population.
Land and raw materials. The scope for generating growth here is usually very limited. Land is virtually fixed in quan- tity. Land reclamation schemes and the opening up of mar- ginal land can add only tiny amounts to GDP. Even if new raw materials are discovered (e.g. oil), this will only result in short-term growth: i.e. while the rate of extraction is building up. Once the rate of extraction is at a maximum,
economic growth will cease. Output will simply remain at the new higher level, until eventually the raw materials begin to run out. Output will then fall back again.
The problem of diminishing returns. If a single factor of pro- duction increases in supply while others remain fixed, diminishing returns will set in. For example, if the quan- tity of capital increases with no increase in other factors of production, then diminishing returns to capital will set in. The rate of return on capital will fall. Unless all factors of production increase, therefore, the rate of growth is likely to slow down.
Then there is the problem of the environment. If a rise in labour and capital leads to a more intensive use of land and natural resources, the resulting growth in output may be environmentally unsustainable. The solution to the prob- lem of diminishing returns is for there to be an increase in the productivity of resources.
Increases in the productivity of resources Technological improvements can increase the marginal productivity of capital. Much of the investment in new machines is not just in extra machines, but in superior machines producing a higher rate of return. Consider the microchip revolution of recent years. Modern computers can do the work of many people and have replaced many machines which were cumbersome and expensive to build. Improved methods of transport have reduced the costs of moving goods and materials. Improved communications (such as the Internet) have reduced the costs of transmit- ting information. The high-tech world of today would seem a wonderland to a person of 100 years ago.
As a result of technical progress, the productivity of cap- ital has tended to increase over time. Similarly, as a result of new skills, improved education and training, and bet- ter health, the productivity of labour has also tended to increase over time.
But technical progress on its own is not enough. There must also be the institutions and attitudes that encour- age innovation. In other words, the inventions must be exploited.
Policies to achieve growth How can governments increase a country’s growth rate? Policies differ in two ways.
First, they may focus on the demand side or the supply side of the economy. In other words, they may attempt to create sufficient aggregate demand to ensure that firms wish to invest and that potential output is realised. Or
KI 20 p 142
KI 19 p 142
KI 36 p 354
Pause for thought
Will the rate of actual growth have any effect on the rate of potential growth?
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alternatively, they may seek to increase aggregate supply by concentrating on measures to increase potential output: measures to encourage research and development, innova- tion and training. (Chapter 30 looks at demand-side poli- cies, while Chapter 31 looks at supply-side ones.)
Second, they may be market-orientated or intervention- ist policies. Many economists and politicians, especially those on the political right, believe that the best envi- ronment for encouraging economic growth is one where
private enterprise is allowed to flourish: where entrepre- neurs are able to reap substantial rewards from investment in new techniques and new products. Such economists therefore advocate policies designed to free up the market. Others, however, argue that a free market will be subject to considerable cyclical fluctuations and market distortions. Such economists, therefore, tend to advocate intervention by the government to reduce these fluctuations and com- pensate for market failures.
UNEMPLOYMENT26.3
The meaning of unemployment Unemployment can be expressed either as a number (e.g. 3 million) or as a percentage (e.g. 10 per cent). But just who should be included in the statistics? Should it be everyone without a job? The answer is clearly no, since we would not want to include children and pensioners. We would probably also want to exclude those who were not looking for work, such as parents choosing to stay at home to look after children.
The most usual definition that economists use for the number unemployed is: those of working age who are without work, but who are available for work at current wage rates. If the figure is to be expressed as a percentage, then it is a percent- age of the total labour force. The labour force is defined as: those in employment plus those unemployed. Thus if 30 million people were employed and 2 million people were unem- ployed, the unemployment rate would be:
2 30 + 2
* 100 = 6.25
Official measures of unemployment Two common measures of unemployment are used in offi- cial statistics. The first is claimant unemployment. This is simply a measure of all those in receipt of unemploy- ment-related benefits. In the UK, claimants receive the ‘job-seeker’s allowance’.
The second measure is the standardised unemployment rate. Since 1998, this has been the main measure used by the UK government. It is the measure used by the Interna- tional Labour Organization (ILO) and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), two international organisations that publish unemployment statistics for many countries.
In this measure, the unemployed are defined as people of working age who are without work, available to start work within two weeks and actively seeking employment or waiting to take up an appointment. The figures are compiled from the results of national labour force surveys. In the UK the labour force survey is conducted quarterly.
But is the standardised unemployment rate likely to be higher or lower than the claimant unemployment rate? The
standardised rate is likely to be higher to the extent that it includes people seeking work who are nevertheless not enti- tled to claim benefits, but lower to the extent that it excludes those who are claiming benefits and yet who are not actively seeking work. Clearly, the tougher the benefit regulations, the lower the claimant rate will be relative to the standard- ised rate. In the three months to December 2014 standard- ised unemployment in the UK (for those aged 16 and over) was estimated at 1.86 million (5.7 per cent) while the claim- ant count in December 2014 was 0.86 million (2.5 per cent).
The costs of unemployment The most obvious cost of unemployment is to the unem- ployed themselves. There is the direct financial cost of the loss in their earnings, measured as the difference between their previous wage and their unemployment benefit. Then there are the personal costs of being unemployed. The longer people are unemployed, the more dispirited they may become. Their self-esteem is likely to fall, and they are more likely to succumb to stress-related illness.
Then there are the costs to the family and friends of the unemployed. Personal relations can become strained, and there may be an increase in domestic violence and the number of families splitting up.
Definitions
Number unemployed (economist’s definition) Those of working age who are without work, but who are availa- ble for work at current wage rates.
Labour force The number employed plus the number unemployed.
Unemployment rate The number unemployed expressed as a percentage of the labour force.
Claimant unemployment Those in receipt of unem- ployment-related benefits.
Standardised unemployment rate The measure of the unemployment rate used by the ILO and OECD. The unemployed are defined as people of working age who are without work, available for work and actively seeking employment.
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Then there are the broader costs to the economy. Unemploy- ment benefits are a cost borne by taxpayers. There may also have to be extra public spending on benefit offices, social services, health care and the police. What is more, unem- ployment represents a loss of output. Apart from the lack of income to the unemployed themselves, this under-utilisa- tion of resources leads to lower incomes for other people too:
■ Firms lose the profits that could have been made, had there been full employment.
■ The government loses tax revenues, since the unem- ployed pay no income tax and national insurance, and, given that the unemployed spend less, they pay less VAT and excise duties.
■ Other workers lose any additional wages they could have earned from higher national output.
The costs of unemployment are to some extent offset by benefits. If workers voluntarily quit their job to look for a better one, then they must reckon that the benefits of a bet- ter job more than compensate for their temporary loss of income. From the nation’s point of view, a workforce that is prepared to quit jobs and spend a short time unemployed will be a more adaptable, more mobile workforce – one that is responsive to changing economic circumstances. Such a workforce will lead to greater allocative efficiency in the short run and more rapid economic growth over the longer run.
Long-term involuntary unemployment is quite another matter. The costs clearly outweigh any benefits, both for the individuals concerned and for the economy as a whole. A demotivated, deskilled pool of long-term unemployed is a serious economic and social problem.
Unemployment and the labour market We now turn to the causes of unemployment. These causes fall into two broad categories: equilibrium unemployment and disequilibrium unemployment. To make clear the dis- tinction between the two, it is necessary to look at how the labour market works.
Figure 26.5 shows the aggregate demand for labour and the aggregate supply of labour: that is, the total demand and supply of labour in the whole economy. The real aver- age wage rate is plotted on the vertical axis. This is the aver- age wage rate expressed in terms of its purchasing power: in other words, after taking inflation into account.
The aggregate supply of labour curve (ASL) shows the number of workers willing to accept jobs at each wage rate. This curve is relatively inelastic, since the size of the work- force at any one time cannot change significantly. Never- theless, it is not totally inelastic because (a) a higher wage rate will encourage some people to enter the labour market (e.g. parents raising children) and (b) the unemployed will be more willing to accept job offers rather than continuing to search for a better-paid job.
The aggregate demand for labour curve (ADL) slopes downward. The higher the wage rate, the more will firms
attempt to economise on labour and to substitute other fac- tors of production for labour.
The labour market is in equilibrium at a wage of We in Figure 26.5, where the demand for labour equals the sup- ply. If the wage were above We, the labour market would be in a state of disequilibrium. At a wage rate of W1, there is an excess supply of labour of A – B. This is called disequilib- rium unemployment.
For disequilibrium unemployment to occur, two condi- tions must hold:
■ The aggregate supply of labour must exceed the aggre- gate demand.
■ There must be a ‘stickiness’ in wages. In other words, the wage rate must not immediately fall to We.
Even when the labour market is in equilibrium, how- ever, not everyone looking for work will be employed. Some people will hold out, hoping to find a better job. The curve N in Figure 26.6 shows the total number in the labour force. The horizontal difference between it and the aggregate supply of labour curve (ASL) represents the excess of people looking for work over those actually willing to accept jobs. Qe represents the equilibrium level of employment and the distance D – E represents the equilibrium level of unemploy- ment. This is sometimes known as the natural level of unem- ployment.
Disequilibrium unemploymentFigure 26.5
B AW1
We
ASL
ADL
No. of workers
A ve
ra ge
(r ea
l) w
ag e
ra te
O
Equilibrium unemploymentFigure 26.6
We
Qe
ASL
E
N
D
ADL
No. of workers
A ve
ra ge
(r ea
l) w
ag e
ra te
O
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Types of disequilibrium unemployment There are three possible causes of disequilibrium unem- ployment.
Real-wage unemployment This is where trade unions use their monopoly power to drive wages above the market-clearing level. In Figure 26.5, the wage rate is driven up above We. Excessive real wage rates were blamed by the Thatcher and Major governments for the high unemployment of the 1980s and early 1990s. The pos- sibility of higher real-wage unemployment was also one of the reasons for their rejection of a national minimum wage.
Even though unions have the power to drive up wages in some industries, their power to do so has waned in recent years. Labour markets have become more flexible (see section 18.4). What is more, the process of globalisation has meant that many firms face intense competition from rivals in China, India and many other countries. This makes it impossible for them to concede large pay increases. In many cases, they can simply use labour in other countries if domes- tic labour is too expensive. For example, many firms employ call-centre workers in India, where wages are much lower.
As far as the national minimum wage is concerned, evi- dence from the UK suggests that the rate has not been high enough to have significant adverse effects on employment (see pages 313–14.
Demand-deficient or cyclical unemployment Demand-deficient or cyclical unemployment is associated with recessions, such as that of 2008/9. As the economy
moves into recession, consumer demand falls. Firms find that they are unable to sell their current level of output. For a time they may be prepared to build up stocks of unsold goods, but sooner or later they will start to cut back on production and cut back on the amount of labour they employ. In Figure 26.5 the ADL curve shifts to the left. The deeper the recession becomes and the longer it lasts, the higher will demand-deficient unemployment become.
Later, as the economy recovers and begins to grow again, so demand-deficient unemployment will start to fall. Because demand-deficient unemployment fluctuates with the business cycle, it is sometimes referred to as ‘cycli- cal unemployment’. Figure 26.7 shows the fluctuations in
KI 38 p 470
Definitions
Aggregate supply of labour curve A curve showing the total number of people willing and able to work at differ- ent average real wage rates.
Aggregate demand for labour curve A curve showing the total demand for labour in the economy at different average real wage rates.
Disequilibrium unemployment Unemployment resulting from real wages in the economy being above the equilibrium level.
Equilibrium (‘natural’) unemployment The difference between those who would like employment at the cur- rent wage rate and those willing and able to take a job.
Demand-deficient or cyclical unemployment Dise- quilibrium unemployment caused by a fall in aggregate demand with no corresponding fall in the real wage rate.
Standardised unemployment rates in selected industrialised economiesFigure 26.7
USA Japan
EU-15 UK
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
U en
m pl
oy m
en t
(p er
ce nt
ag e
of w
or kf
or ce
)
Notes: Figures for 2015–17 based on forecasts; EU-15 = the member countries of the European Union prior to 1 May 2004 Source: Based on data in AMECO Database (European Commission, DGECFIN, November 2015)
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unemployment in various industrial countries. If you com- pare this figure with Figure 26.1, you can see how unem- ployment tends to rise in recessions and fall in booms.
Growth in the labour supply If labour supply rises with no corresponding increase in the demand for labour, the equilibrium real wage rate will fall. If the real wage rate is ‘sticky’ downwards, unemploy- ment will occur. This tends not to be such a serious cause of unemployment as demand deficiency, since the supply of labour changes relatively slowly. Nevertheless, there is a problem of providing jobs for school leavers each year with the sudden influx of new workers on to the labour market.
There is also a potential problem over the longer term if social trends lead to more couples with children both seeking employment. In practice, however, with the rapid growth of part-time employment and the high cost of childcare, this has not been a major cause of excess labour supply.
Equilibrium unemployment If you look at Figure 26.7, you can see how unemployment was higher in the 1980s and 1990s than in the 1970s. Part of the reason for this was the growth in equilibrium unem- ployment. In the 2000s, unemployment fell in many coun- tries – at least until the financial crisis of 2007/8. Again, part of the reason for this was a change in equilibrium unem- ployment, but this time a fall.
Although there may be overall macroeconomic equi- librium, with the aggregate demand for labour equal to the aggregate supply, and thus no disequilibrium unemploy- ment, at a microeconomic level supply and demand may not match. In other words, there may be vacancies in some parts of the economy, but an excess of labour (unemploy- ment) in others. This is equilibrium unemployment. There are various types of equilibrium unemployment.
Frictional (search) unemployment Frictional unemployment occurs when people leave their jobs, either voluntarily or because they are sacked or made redundant, and are then unemployed for a period of time while they are looking for a new job. They may not get the first job they apply for, despite a vacancy existing. The employer may continue searching, hoping to find a bet- ter-qualified person. Likewise, unemployed people may choose not to take the first job they are offered. Instead they may continue searching, hoping that a better one will turn up.
The problem is that information is imperfect. Employers are not fully informed about what labour is available; work- ers are not fully informed about what jobs are available and what they entail. Both employers and workers, therefore, have to search: employers search for the right labour and workers search for the right jobs.
Structural unemployment Structural unemployment is where the structure of the economy changes. Employment in some industries may expand while in others it contracts. There are two main rea- sons for this.
A change in the pattern of demand. Some industries expe- rience declining demand. This may be due to a change in consumer tastes. Certain goods may go out of fashion. Or it may be due to competition from other industries. For example, consumer demand may shift away from coal and to other fuels. This will lead to structural unemployment in mining areas.
A change in the methods of production (technological unemploy- ment). New techniques of production often allow the same level of output to be produced with fewer workers. This is known as ‘labour-saving technical progress’. Unless output expands sufficiently to absorb the surplus labour, people will be made redundant. This creates technological unemploy- ment. An example is the job losses in the banking industry caused by the increase in the number of cash machines and by the development of telephone and Internet banking.
Structural unemployment often occurs in particular regions of the country. When it does, it is referred to as regional unemployment. This is most likely to occur when particular industries are concentrated in particular areas. For example, the decline in the South Wales coal-mining industry led to high unemployment in the Welsh valleys.
Seasonal unemployment Seasonal unemployment occurs when the demand for cer- tain types of labour fluctuates with the seasons of the year. This problem is particularly severe in holiday areas such as Cornwall, where unemployment can reach very high levels in the winter months.
KI 8 p 42
Definitions
Frictional (search) unemployment Unemployment that occurs as a result of imperfect information in the labour market. It often takes time for workers to find jobs (even though there are vacancies) and in the meantime they are unemployed.
Structural unemployment Unemployment that arises from changes in the pattern of demand or supply in the economy. People made redundant in one part of the economy cannot immediately take up jobs in other parts (even though there are vacancies).
Technological unemployment Structural unem- ployment that occurs as a result of the introduction of labour-saving technology.
Regional unemployment Structural unemployment occurring in specific regions of the country.
Seasonal unemployment Unemployment associated with industries or regions where the demand for labour is lower at certain times of the year.
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THE DURATION OF UNEMPLOYMENT
Taking a dip in the unemployment pool
INFLATION26.4
Inflation refers to rising price levels; deflation refers to fall- ing price levels. The annual rate of inflation measures the annual percentage increase in prices. If the rate of inflation is negative, then prices are falling and we are measuring the rate of deflation.
Typically inflation relates to consumer prices. The gov- ernment publishes a ‘consumer prices index’ (CPI) each month, and the rate of inflation is the percentage increase in that index over the previous 12 months.
BOX 26.2
A few of the unemployed may never have had a job and maybe never will. For most, however, unemployment lasts only a cer- tain period. For some it may be just a few days while they are between jobs. For others it may be a few months. For others – the long-term unemployed – it could be several years. Long- term unemployment negatively affects a country’s potential output, particularly by reducing a country’s stock of human capital. Therefore, the length of time people spend unem- ployed is an important labour market issue. Long-term unemployment is normally defined as those who have been unemployed for over 12 months. Chart (a) shows the composition of standardised unemployment in the UK by duration since the early 1990s. It shows how long-term unemployment fell from the mid-1990s until the economic downturn in the late 2000s. As a result, the percentage of unemployed people classified as long-term unemployed, which had hit 45 per cent in 1994, fell to just below 20 per cent by 2005, before rising to 37 per cent during 2014 before then easing again in 2015.
But what determines the average duration of unemployment? There are three important factors here.
The number unemployed (the size of the stock of unemployment) Unemployment is a ‘stock’ concept: it measures a quantity of people unemployed at a particular point in time. The higher the stock of unemployment, the longer will tend to be the duration of unemployment. There will be more people com- peting for vacant jobs.
The rate of inflow and outflow from the stock of unemployment The people making up the unemployment total are constantly changing. Each week some people are made redundant or quit their jobs. They represent an inflow to the stock of unemploy- ment. Other people find jobs and thus represent an outflow from the stock of unemployment. Unemployment is often referred to as ‘the pool of unemployment’.
1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015
3250
3000
2750
2500
2250
2000
1750
1500
1250
1000
750
500
250
0
U ne
m pl
oy m
en t
(0 00
s)
Over 12 months Over 6 and up to 12 months Up to 6 months
(a) UK unemployment by duration
KI 27 p 322
Source: Based on data from Labour Market Statistics, series YBWF, YBWG and YBWH (National Statistics)
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THE DURATION OF UNEMPLOYMENT
Taking a dip in the unemployment pool
If the inflow of people into the unemployment pool exceeds the outflow, the pool of unemployed people will rise. The duration of unemployment will depend on the rate of inflow and outflow. The rate is expressed as the number of people per period of time. Chart (b) shows the total inflows and out- flows in the UK since 1989. In each of the years, the outflows (and inflows) exceed the total number unemployed. The bigger the flows are relative to the total number unemployed, the less will be the average duration of unemployment. This is because people move into and out of the unemployment pool more quickly, and hence their average stay will be shorter.
The phase of the business cycle The duration of unemployment will also depend on the phase of the business cycle. At the onset of a recession,
unemployment will rise, but as yet the average length of unemployment is likely to have been relatively short. Once a recession has lasted for a period of time, however, people will on average have been out of work longer; and this long-term unemployment is likely to persist even when the economy is pulling out of recession.
1. If the number unemployed exceeded the total annual out- flow, what could we conclude about the average duration of unemployment?
2. Make a list of the various inflows to and outflows from employment from and to (a) unemployment; (b) outside the workforce?
Inflows Outflows Total unemployment
0.0
0.5
1.0
1.5
2.0
2.5
3.0
3.5
4.0
4.5
5.0
1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014
U n
e m
p lo
ym e
n t
(m ill
io n
s)
(b) UK claimant unemployment: total stock and annual flows
KI 38 p 470
A broader measure of inflation relates to the rate at which the prices of all domestically produced goods and services are changing. The price index used in this case is known as the GDP deflator. Figure 26.8 shows the annual rates of change in the GDP deflator for the USA, Japan, the UK and the EU-15. As you can see, inflation was particularly severe in the mid-1970s, but rates have been relatively low
Source: Based on data from Labour Market Statistics (National Statistics)
Definition
GDP deflator The price index of all final domestically produced goods and services: i.e. all items that contribute towards GDP.
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in more recent years and indeed Japan experienced a period of prolonged deflation.
You will also find rates of inflation reported for a variety of goods and services. For example, inflation rates are pub- lished for wages (wage inflation), commodity prices, food prices, house prices, import prices, prices after taking taxes into account and so on.
Figure 26.9 shows three inflation rate measures for the UK from 2001. The three annual inflation rates have varied between –3 and 6 per cent over the period. Interestingly, from 2008 to mid-2014 we see that the annual rate of CPI inflation – the Bank of England’s target measure – con- sistently exceeded the annual growth of average weekly earnings. This meant that the purchasing power of aver-
Inflation rates in selected industrialised economiesFigure 26.8
USA Japan
EU-15 UK
25
0
5
10
15
20
25
1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
A nn
ua l %
in cr
ea se
in G
D P
d efl
at or
Selection of UK inflation ratesFigure 26.9
Consumer price index (CPI) Average weekly earnings (AWE)
GDP deflator
23
22
21
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015
A nn
ua l r
at e
of in
fla tio
n, %
Notes: (i) Based on the annual rate of increase in the GDP deflator; (ii) Figures from 2015 based on forecasts; (iii) EU-15 = the member countries of the European Union prior to 1 May 2004. Source: Based on data in AMECO database (European Commission, DGECFIN, November 2015)
Note: AWE is the average regular weekly pay (including bonuses) over the latest 3 months Source: based on Time series data, series IHYU, D7G7 and KAC3 (National Statistics)
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age weekly earnings was being eroded by higher consumer prices.
When there is inflation, we have to be careful in assessing how much national output, consumption, wages, etc. are increasing. Take the case of GDP. GDP in year 2 may seem higher than in year 1, but this may be partly (or even wholly) the result of higher prices. Thus GDP in money terms may have risen by 5 per cent, but if inflation is 3 per cent, real growth in GDP will be only 2 per cent. In other words, the volume of output will be only 2 per cent higher.
Before we proceed, a word of caution: be careful not to confuse a rise or fall in inflation with a rise or fall in prices. A rise in inflation means a faster increase in prices. A fall in inflation means a slower increase in prices (but still an increase as long as inflation is positive).
The costs of inflation A lack of growth is obviously a problem if people want higher living standards. Unemployment is obviously a problem, both for the unemployed themselves and also for society, which suffers a loss in output and has to support the unemployed. But why is inflation a problem? If firms are faced with rising costs, does it really matter if they can simply pass them on in higher prices? Similarly for workers, if their wages keep up with prices, there will not be a cut in their living standards.
If people could correctly anticipate the rate of inflation and fully adjust prices and incomes to take account of it, then the costs of inflation would indeed be relatively small. For us as consumers, they would simply be the relatively minor inconvenience of having to adjust our notions of what a ‘fair’ price is for each item when we go shopping. For firms, they would again be the relatively minor costs of having to change price labels, or prices in catalogues or on menus, or to adjust slot machines. These are known as menu costs.
In reality, people frequently make mistakes when pre- dicting the rate of inflation and are not able to adapt to it fully. This leads to the following problems, which are likely to be more serious the higher the rate of inflation becomes and the more the rate fluctuates.
Redistribution. Inflation redistributes income away from those on fixed incomes and those in a weak bargaining posi- tion, to those who can use their economic power to gain large pay, rent or profit increases. It redistributes wealth to those with assets (e.g. property) that rise in value particu- larly rapidly during periods of inflation, and away from those with savings that pay rates of interest below the rate
of inflation and hence whose value is eroded by inflation. Pensioners may be particularly badly hit by rapid inflation.
Uncertainty and lack of investment. Inflation tends to cause uncertainty in the business community, especially when the rate of inflation fluctuates. (Generally, the higher the rate of inflation, the more it fluctuates.) If it is difficult for firms to predict their costs and revenues, they may be dis- couraged from investing. This will reduce the rate of eco- nomic growth. On the other hand, as will be explained below, policies to reduce the rate of inflation may them- selves reduce the rate of economic growth, especially in the short run. This may then provide the government with a policy dilemma.
Balance of payments. Inflation is likely to worsen the balance of payments. If a country suffers from relatively high infla- tion rates, its exports will become less competitive in world markets. At the same time, imports will become relatively cheaper than home-produced goods. Thus exports will fall and imports will rise. As a result the balance of payments will deteriorate and/or the exchange rate will fall, or interest rates will have to rise. Each of these effects can cause prob- lems. This is examined in more detail in the next chapter.
Resources. Extra resources are likely to be used to cope with the effects of inflation. Accountants and other financial experts may have to be employed by companies to help them cope with the uncertainties caused by inflation.
The costs of inflation may be relatively mild if the inflation rate is kept to single figures. They can be very serious, how- ever, if inflation gets out of hand. If inflation develops into ‘hyperinflation’, with prices rising perhaps by several hun- dred or even thousand per cent per year, the whole basis of the market economy will be undermined. Firms constantly raise prices in an attempt to cover their rocketing costs. Workers demand huge pay increases in an attempt to stay ahead of the rocketing cost of living. Thus prices and wages chase each other in an ever-rising inflationary spiral. People will no longer want to save money. Instead they will spend it as quickly as possible before its value falls any further. People may even resort to barter in an attempt to avoid using money altogether.
Hyperinflation has occurred in various countries. Extreme examples include Germany in the early 1920s,
KI 42 p 485
KI 42 p 485
KI 32 p 343
KI 14 p 82
The distinction between nominal and real figures. Nominal figures are those using current prices, inter- est rates, etc. Real figures are figures corrected for inflation.
KEY IDEA
42
Definitions
Real growth values Values of the rate of growth of GDP or any other variable after taking inflation into account. The real value of the growth in a variable equals its growth in money (or ‘nominal’) value minus the rate of inflation.
Menu costs of inflation The costs associated with hav- ing to adjust price lists or labels.
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Serbia and Montenegro in 1993–5 and Zimbabwe in 2006–8. In each case, inflation peaked at several million per cent.
Aggregate demand and supply and the level of prices The level of prices in the economy is determined by the interaction of aggregate demand and aggregate supply. The analysis is similar to that of demand and supply in individ- ual markets, but there are some crucial differences. Figure 26.10 shows aggregate demand and supply curves. Let us examine each in turn.
Aggregate demand curve The aggregate demand curve shows how much national output (real GDP) will be demanded at each level of prices (GDP deflator). But why does the AD curve slope down- wards: why do people demand fewer products as prices rise? There are three main reasons:
■ International substitution effect. If prices rise, people will be encouraged to buy fewer of the country’s products and more imports instead (which are now relatively cheaper); also the country will sell fewer exports. Thus aggregate demand will be lower.
■ Inter-temporal substitution effect. As prices rise, people will need more money to pay for their purchases. With a given supply of money in the economy, this will have the effect of driving up interest rates (we will explore this in Chapter 28). The effect of higher interest rates will be to discourage borrowing and encourage saving. Both will have the effect of reducing spending and hence reducing aggregate demand.
■ Real balance effect. If prices rise, the real value of people’s savings will be eroded. They may thus save more (and spend less) to compensate.
The above three effects are substitution effects of the rise in prices (see page 53). They involve a switch to alterna- tives – either imports or saving.
There may also be an income effect. This will occur pro- vided consumers’ incomes do not rise as fast as prices, caus- ing a fall in consumers’ real incomes. Consumers cut down on consumption as they cannot afford to buy so much. Firms, on the other hand, with falling real wage costs, are likely to find their profit per unit rising. However, they are unlikely to spend much more on investment, if at all, as consumer expenditure is falling. The net effect is a fall in aggregate demand.
Aggregate supply curve The aggregate supply curve slopes upwards – at least in the short run. In other words, the higher the level of prices, the more will be produced. The reason is simple: provided that factor prices (and, in particular, wage rates) do not rise as rapidly as product prices, firms’ profitability at each level of output will be higher than before. This will encourage them to produce more.
Equilibrium The equilibrium price level will be where aggregate demand equals aggregate supply. To demonstrate this, consider what would happen if aggregate demand exceeded aggre- gate supply: for example, at P2 in Figure 26.10. The resulting shortages throughout the economy would drive up prices. This would cause a movement up along both the AD and AS curves until AD = AS (at Pe).
Shifts in the AD or AS curves If there is a change in the price level there will be a move- ment along the AD and AS curves. If any other determinant of AD or AS changes, the respective curve will shift. The analysis here is very similar to shifts and movements along demand and supply curves in individual markets (see pages 55 and 57–8).
The aggregate demand curve will shift if there is a change in any of its components: consumption, investment, gov- ernment expenditure or exports minus imports. Thus if the government decides to spend more, or if consumers spend more as a result of lower taxes, or if business confidence increases so that firms decide to invest more, the AD curve will shift to the right.
KI 11 p 59
KI 11 p 59
KI 10 p 52
Pause for thought
Do you personally gain or lose from inflation? Why?
Aggregate demand and aggregate supplyFigure 26.10
P ric
e le
ve l
National output (GDP)
AD
P2
Pe
AS
O
Pause for thought
Give some examples of events that could shift (a) the AD curve to the left; (b) the AS curve to the left.
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Similarly, the aggregate supply curve will shift to the right if there is a rise in labour productivity or in the stock of capital: in other words, if there is a rise in potential output.
Causes of inflation Demand-pull inflation Demand-pull inflation is caused by continuing rises in aggregate demand. In Figure 26.10, the AD curve shifts to the right, and continues doing so. Firms will respond to the rise in aggregate demand partly by raising prices and partly by increasing output (there is a move up along the AS curve). Just how much they raise prices depends on how much their costs rise as a result of increasing output. This in turn depends upon how close actual output is to potential output. The less slack there is in the economy, the more will firms respond to a rise in demand by raising their prices (the steeper will be the AS curve).
Demand-pull inflation is typically associated with a booming economy. Many economists therefore argue that it is the counterpart of demand-deficient unemploy- ment. When the economy is in recession, demand-de- ficient unemployment will be high, but demand-pull inflation will be low. When, on the other hand, the econ- omy is near the peak of the business cycle, demand-pull inflation will be high, but demand-deficient unemploy- ment will be low.
Cost-push inflation Cost-push inflation is associated with continuing rises in costs and hence continuing leftward (upward) shifts in the AS curve. Such shifts occur when costs of production rise independently of aggregate demand. If firms face a rise in costs, they will respond partly by raising prices and passing the costs on to the consumer, and partly by cutting back on production (there is a movement back along the AD curve).
Just how much firms raise prices and cut back on pro- duction depends on the shape of the aggregate demand curve. The less elastic the AD curve, the less sales will fall as a result of any price rise, and hence the more will firms be able to pass on the rise in their costs to consumers as higher prices.
Note that the effect on output and employment is the opposite of demand-pull inflation. With demand-pull inflation, output and hence employment tend to rise. With cost-push inflation, however, output and employ- ment tend to fall.
It is important to distinguish between single shifts in the aggregate supply curve (known as ‘supply shocks’) and continuing shifts. If there is a single leftward shift in aggre- gate supply, there will be a single rise in the price level. For example, if the government raises the excise duty on petrol
and diesel, there will be a single rise in road fuel prices and hence in industry’s fuel costs. This will cause tempo- rary inflation while the price rise is passed on through the economy. Once this has occurred, prices will stabilise at the new level and the rate of inflation will fall back to zero again. If cost-push inflation is to continue over a number of years, therefore, the aggregate supply curve must contin- ually shift to the left. If cost-push inflation is to rise, these shifts must get more rapid.
Rises in costs may originate from a number of differ- ent sources, such as trade unions pushing up wages, firms with monopoly power raising prices in order to increase their profits, or increases in international commodity prices. With the process of globalisation and increased international competition, cost-push pressures have tended to decrease in recent years. The major exception is the price of various commodities and especially oil. For example, the near tripling of oil prices from $51 per barrel in January 2007 to $147 per barrel in July 2008 and again from $41 a barrel in January 2009 to $126 a barrel in April 2011 put upward pressure on costs and prices around the world.
D e m a n d - p u l l a n d c o s t - p u s h i n f l a t i o n c a n o c c u r together, since wage and price rises can be caused both by increases in aggregate demand and by independent causes pushing up costs. Even when an inflationary process starts as either demand-pull or cost-push, it is often difficult to separate the two. An initial cost-push inflation may encour- age the government to expand aggregate demand to offset rises in unemployment. Alternatively, an initial demand- pull inflation may strengthen the power of certain groups, which then use this power to drive up costs. Either way, the result is likely to be continuing rightward shifts in the AD curve and leftward shifts in the AS curve. Prices will carry on rising.
Expectations and inflation Workers and firms take account of the expected rate of infla- tion when making decisions.
Imagine that a union and an employer are negotiating a wage increase. Let us assume that both sides expect a rate of inflation of 5 per cent. The union will be happy to receive a wage rise somewhat above 5 per cent. That way the mem- bers would be getting a real rise in incomes. The employers will be happy to pay a wage rise somewhat below 5 per cent.
KI 13 p 78
Definitions
Demand-pull inflation Inflation caused by persistent rises in aggregate demand.
Cost-push inflation Inflation caused by persistent rises in costs of production (independently of demand).
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4 8 8 C H A P T E R 2 6 T H E M A C R O E C O N O M I C E N V I R O N M E N T O F B U S I N E S S
INFLATION OR DEFLATION
Where’s the danger?
Energy Agriculture Fertilizers Metals and minerals
275
250
225
0
25
50
75
100
125
150
175
200
225
250
2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015
A nn
ua l r
at e
of p
ric e
in fla
ti on
, %
Commodity price inflation from 2001
BOX 26.3
During the first half of the 2000s it appeared that inflation was no longer a serious worry in many developed economies. Instead, ‘deflation’ (i.e. falling prices) had become a source of concern. One of the main reasons for this was dubbed the ‘China price effect’. The rapid growth in cheap Chinese imports into developed countries was exerting downward pressure on prices. The Japanese economy has been in deflation for a decade or so and central banks, including the US Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank, were now sounding warnings that deflation was a real and present danger to their economies too.
A return of inflation? The USA and other OECD economies staged a rapid recovery after 2003. Between 2004 and 2007 global growth averaged 3.9 per cent each year. The UK and USA saw average annual economic growth rates of 2.7 and 2.9 per cent respectively. These rates, however, were dwarfed by China and India, which experienced growth rates of 12.1 per cent and 9.0 per cent respectively over the same period. The rapid growth in aggregate demand in many OECD coun- tries put upward pressure on prices and wages but, unlike pre- viously, a new China price effect was beginning to reinforce this upward pressure. By 2007/8, the growth in China, India and other rapidly developing countries was causing significant inflation in com- modity prices, i.e. in the prices of raw material and primary agricultural products. This emergence of rapid commodity price inflation can be clearly seen in the chart.
Swinging between inflation and deflation? However, with the onset of recession in mid-2008, inflation started to fall and the new China price effect seemed to have
gone away. Once more there seemed to be a spectre of deflation. By 2009, many people were asking themselves why they should buy now when, by delaying, they might be able to get an item more cheaply later on. The effect of this would be a leftward shift in the AD curve, which forces prices down even further. But the worry about deflation was short-lived. In 2010, the global economy expanded by 4.1 per cent and by a further 3.0 per cent in 2011. This was mirrored by the likes of China and India which saw their respective economies expand by 10.6 per cent and 10.3 per cent in 2010 and by 9.5 per cent and 6.6 per cent in 2011. In the UK, the annual rate of CPI inflation peaked at 5.2 per cent in the 12 months to September 2011, significantly above the Bank of England’s central inflation target of 2 per cent. The period 2012 to 2014 saw a slight easing of global growth, with the world economy expanding by around 2.5 per cent each year. This was reflected in a cooling of the rate of com- modity price inflation. By 2014 commodity prices in general and oil prices in particular were falling. The fall in oil prices from around $100 per barrel to around $60 in the second half of the year reflected both worries for the prospects of economic growth, especially in the eurozone, and increased supply, especially from shale deposits in the USA. Falling commodity prices helped to moderate consumer price inflation rates. At the start of 2015, the annual rate of CPI inflation in the UK had fallen back significantly to around zero per cent. Meanwhile in the eurozone there was deflation, with the CPI inflation rate as low as –0.6 per cent in January and then around zero for the rest of the year.
1. What long-term economic benefits might deflation generate for business and the economy in general?
2. Would an inflationary China price effect be an example of demand-pull or cost-push inflation?
Source: Based on data from World Bank Commodity Data (Pink Sheet), (World Bank)
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2 6 . 5 T H E B U S I N E S S C Y C L E A N D K E Y M A C R O E C O N O M I C V A R I A B L E S 4 8 9
THE BUSINESS CYCLE AND KEY MACROECONOMIC VARIABLES26.5
In the short term (up to about two years), several of our key macroeconomic variables identified in section 26.1 are likely to be related. This happens when they depend on aggregate demand and so vary with the course of the busi- ness cycle. This is illustrated in Figure 26.11
I n t h e e x p a n s i o n a r y p h a s e o f t h e b u s i n e s s c y c l e (phase 2), aggregate demand grows rapidly. There will be relatively rapid growth in output, with a positive output gap emerging, and (demand-deficient) unemployment will fall. However, the growing shortages lead to higher (demand-pull) inflation and a deteriorating balance of payments as the extra demand ‘sucks in’ more imports and as higher prices make domestic goods less competitive internationally.
At the peak of the cycle (phase 3), unemployment is probably at its lowest and output at its highest (for the time being). But growth has already ceased or at least slowed
down. Inflation and balance of payments problems are probably acute.
As the economy moves into phase 4 (let us assume that this is an actual recession with falling output), the reverse will happen to that of phase 2. Falling aggregate demand will make growth negative and demand-deficient unem- ployment higher, but inflation is likely to slow down and the balance of payments will improve. These two improve- ments may take some time to occur, however.
We might also expect the financial well-being of economic agents to change over the course of the busi- ness cycle. For example, in phase 2 as aggregate demand increases the increase in national income allows economic agents to accumulate financial and non-financial assets and/or to reduce holdings of financial liabilities. But, exactly how the balance sheets are affected will depend on the actual behaviour of economic agents.
The business cycle and macroeconomic objectivesFigure 26.11
Full-capacity output
Actual output
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
Low inflation, current account surplus but low output, high unemployment
R ea
l G D
P
TimeO
High output, low unemployment but high inflation, current account deficit
KI 38 p 470
After all, they can put their price up by 5 per cent, knowing that their rivals will do approximately the same. The actual wage rise that the two sides agree on will thus be somewhere around 5 per cent.
Now let us assume that the expected rate of inflation is 10 per cent. Both sides will now negotiate around this benchmark, with the outcome being somewhere round about 10 per cent.
Thus the higher the expected rate of inflation, the higher will be the level of pay settlements and price rises, and hence the higher will be the resulting actual rate of inflation.
In recent years the importance of expectations in explain- ing the actual rate of inflation has been increasingly recog- nised by economists. (We examine this in Chapter 29.)
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4 9 0 C H A P T E R 2 6 T H E M A C R O E C O N O M I C E N V I R O N M E N T O F B U S I N E S S
Some economists argue that while the balance sheets of people, businesses, governments and even whole nations are affected by the business cycle, these balance sheets can affect the actual path of the economy. In other words, there is a feedback loop from the health of the balance sheets to the macroeconomy. Financial well-being is affected by the macroeconomic environment, but the macroeconomic environment can be affected by financial well-being.
For example, the slowdown phase of the business cycle (phase 4) could be the result of financially distressed eco- nomic agents. A balance sheet recession is said to occur when high levels of private-sector indebtedness result in the private sector looking to increase its saving and/or pay down debt. Unfortunately, this only helps to dampen aggregate demand and reduce the rate of economic growth. It is argued that this process contributed to the economic slowdown that took place in the late 2000s following the financial crisis.
As we saw earlier (page 485), policy makers are often faced with a dilemma. If they reflate the economy, this will
stimulate economic growth and reduce unemployment, but the rate of inflation will rise and the balance of exports over imports (net exports) will deteriorate. If they deflate the economy, it is the other way round: inflation and net exports will improve, but unemployment will rise and growth, or even output, will fall.
The situation is further complicated by the behaviour of financial institutions and the financial well-being of economic agents. This suggests that policy makers need also to be concerned by the risks to the economy arising from the financial system. This is a theme we return to in Chapter 28.
KI 39 p 471
Pause for thought
How might the behaviour of financial institutions change over the course of the business cycle so affecting the business cycle itself?
Pause for thought
Could the financial position of the public sector result in a ‘public-sector balance sheet recession’?
Definition
Balance sheet recession An economic slowdown or recession caused by the private sector looking to improve their financial well-being by increasing their saving and/ or paying down debt.
THE CIRCULAR FLOW OF INCOME26.6
Another way of understanding the relationship between some of the key macroeconomic variables is to use a simple model of the economy. This is the circular flow of income, which is shown in Figure 26.12. In the diagram, the econ- omy is divided into two major groups: firms and households. Each group has two roles. Firms are producers of goods and services; they are also the employers of labour and other fac- tors of production. Households (which is the word we use for individuals) are the consumers of goods and services; they are also the suppliers of labour and various other fac- tors of production. In the diagram there is an inner flow and various outer flows of income between these two groups.
Before we look at the various parts of the diagram, a word of warning. Do not confuse money and income. Money is a stock concept. At any given time, there is a certain quantity of money in the economy (e.g. £1 trillion). But that does not tell us the level of national income. Income is a flow con- cept (as is expenditure). It is measured as so much per period of time.
The relationship between money and income depends on how rapidly the money circulates: its ‘velocity of circu- lation’. (We will examine this concept in detail later on.) If there is £1 trillion of money in the economy and each £1 on average is paid out as income twice each year, then annual national income will be £2 trillion.
The inner flow, withdrawals and injections The inner flow Firms pay money to households in the form of wages and salaries, dividends on shares, interest and rent. These pay- ments are in return for the services of the factors of pro- duction – labour, capital and land – that are supplied by households. Thus on the left-hand side of the diagram money flows directly from firms to households as ‘factor payments’.
Households, in turn, pay money to domestic firms when they consume domestically produced goods and ser- vices (Cd). This is shown on the right-hand side of the inner flow. There is thus a circular flow of payments from firms to households to firms and so on.
If households spend all their incomes on buying domestic goods and services, and if firms pay out all this income they receive as factor payments to domestic households, and if the
KI 27 p 322
Definition
The consumption of domestically produced goods and services (Cd) The direct flow of money payments from households to firms.
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2 6 . 6 T H E C I R C U L A R F L O W O F I N C O M E 4 9 1
velocity of circulation does not change, the flow will continue at the same level indefinitely. The money just goes round and round at the same speed and incomes remain unchanged.
In the real world, of course, it is not as simple as this. Not all income gets passed on round the inner flow; some is withdrawn. At the same time, incomes are injected into the flow from outside. Let us examine these withdrawals and injections.
Withdrawals Only part of the incomes received by households will be spent on the goods and services of domestic firms. The remainder will be withdrawn from the inner flow. Likewise, only part of the incomes generated by firms will be paid to domestic households. The remainder of this will also be withdrawn. There are three forms of withdrawals (W) (or ‘leakages’ as they are sometimes called).
Net saving (S). Saving is income that households choose not to spend but to put aside for the future. Savings are normally deposited in financial institutions such as banks and build- ing societies. This is shown in the bottom right of the dia- gram. Money flows from households to ‘banks, etc.’. What we are seeking to measure here, however, is the net flow from households to the banking sector. We therefore have to subtract from saving any borrowing or drawing on past savings by households in order to get the net saving flow. Of course, if household borrowing exceeded saving, the net flow would be in the other direction: it would be negative.
Net taxes (T). When people pay taxes (to either central or local government), this represents a withdrawal of money from the inner flow in much the same way as saving: only in this case people have no choice. Some taxes, such as income tax and employees’ national insurance contributions, are paid out of household incomes. Others, such as VAT and excise duties, are paid out of consumer expenditure. Oth- ers, such as corporation tax, are paid out of firms’ incomes before being received by households as dividends on shares. (For simplicity, however, we show taxes being withdrawn at just one point. It does not affect the argument.)
When, however, people receive benefits from the gov- ernment, such as working tax credit, child benefit and pensions, the money flows the other way. Benefits are thus equivalent to a ‘negative tax’. These benefits are known as transfer payments. They transfer money from one group of people (taxpayers) to others (the recipients).
In the model, ‘net taxes’ (T) represent the net flow to the government from households and firms. It consists of total taxes minus benefits.
Import expenditure (M). Not all consumption is of totally home-produced goods. Households spend some of their incomes on imported goods and services, or on goods
The circular flow of incomeFigure 26.12
BANKS, etc. GOVERNMENT
Net saving S
Investment I
Net taxes T Import expenditure M
Export expenditure X
Government expenditure G
INNER FLOW
WITHDRAWALS
INJECTIONS
Factor payments Factor payments
Consumption of domestically produced goods and services
Consumption of domestically produced goods and services
ABROAD
Definitions
Withdrawals (W) (or leakages) Incomes of households or firms that are not passed on round the inner flow. Withdrawals equal net saving (S) plus net taxes (T) plus import expenditure (M): W = S + T + M. Transfer payments Moneys transferred from one person or group to another (e.g. from the government to individ- uals) without production taking place.
Pause for thought
Would this argument still hold if prices rose?
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4 9 2 C H A P T E R 2 6 T H E M A C R O E C O N O M I C E N V I R O N M E N T O F B U S I N E S S
and services using imported components. Although the money that consumers spend on such goods initially flows to domestic retailers, it will eventually find its way abroad, either when the retailers or wholesalers themselves import them, or when domestic manufacturers purchase imported inputs to make their products. This expenditure on imports constitutes the third withdrawal from the inner flow. This money flows abroad.
Total withdrawals are simply the sum of net saving, net taxes and the expenditure on imports:
W = S + T + M
Injections Only part of the demand for firms’ output arises from con- sumers’ expenditure. The remainder comes from other sources outside the inner flow. These additional compo- nents of aggregate demand are known as injections (J). There are three types of injection.
Investment (I). This consists of investment in plant and equipment. It also includes the building up of stocks of inputs, semi-finished or finished goods. When firms invest, they obtain the money from various financial institutions, either from past savings or from loans, or through a new issues of shares.
Government expenditure (G). When the government spends money on goods and services produced by firms, this counts as an injection. Examples of such government expenditure are spending on roads, hospitals and schools. (Note that government expenditure in this model does not include state benefits. These transfer payments, as we saw above, are the equivalent of negative taxes and have the effect of reducing the T component of withdrawals.)
Export expenditure (X). Money flows into the circular flow from abroad when residents abroad buy our exports of goods and services.
Total injections are thus the sum of investment, govern- ment expenditure and exports:
J = I + G + X
Aggregate demand, which is the total spending on out- put, is thus Cd + J.
The relationship between withdrawals and injections There are indirect links between saving and investment via financial institutions, between taxation and government expenditure via the government (central and local), and between imports and exports via foreign countries. These links, however, do not guarantee that S = I or G = T or M = X.
Take investment and saving. The point here is that the decisions to save and invest are made by different people, and thus they plan to save and invest different amounts.
Likewise the demand for imports may not equal the demand for exports. As far as the government is concerned, it may choose not to make T = G. It may choose not to spend all its tax revenues: to run a ‘budget surplus’ (T 7 G); or it may choose to spend more than it receives in taxes: to run a ‘budget deficit’ (G 7 T), by borrowing or printing money to make up the difference.
Thus planned injections (J) may not equal planned with- drawals (W).
The circular flow of income and our key macroeconomic variables If planned injections are not equal to planned withdrawals, what will be the consequences? If injections exceed with- drawals, the level of expenditure will rise. The extra aggregate demand will generate extra incomes. In other words, actual national income will rise. If this rise in actual income exceeds any rise there may have been in potential income, there will be the following effects upon the macroeconomic objectives:
■ There will be economic growth. The greater the initial excess of injections over withdrawals, the bigger will be the rise in national income.
■ Unemployment will fall as firms take on more workers in order to meet the extra demand for output.
■ The rate of inflation will tend to rise. The more the gap is closed between actual and potential income, the more difficult will firms find it to meet extra demand, and the more likely they will be to raise prices.
■ The exports and imports part of the balance of payments will tend to deteriorate. The higher demand sucks more imports into the country, and higher domestic inflation makes exports less competitive and imports relatively cheaper compared with home-produced goods. Thus imports will tend to rise and exports will tend to fall (net exports fall).
■ An increase in national income allows economic agents to accumulate financial and non-financial assets and/or to reduce holdings of financial liabilities.
Changes in injections and withdrawals thus have a cru- cial effect on the whole macroeconomic environment in which businesses operate. We will examine some of these effects in more detail in the following chapters.
Definition
Injections (J) Expenditure on the production of domestic firms coming from outside the inner flow of the circular flow of income. Injections equal investment (I) plus gov- ernment expenditure (G) plus expenditure on exports (X).
Pause for thought
What will be the effect on each of the key macroeconomic vari- ables if planned injections are less than planned withdrawals?
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S U M M A R Y 4 9 3
SUMMARY
1 The macroeconomic environment is characterised by a series of interrelated macroeconomic variables. These include: economic growth, unemployment, inflation, the balance of payments, exchange rates, the financial well-being of economic agents (i.e. households, busi- nesses, governments and nations) and the stability of the financial system (e.g. flows of credit).
2a Actual growth must be distinguished from potential growth. The actual growth rate is the percentage annual increase in the output that is actually produced, whereas potential growth is the percentage annual increase in the capacity of the economy to produce (whether or not it is actually produced).
2b Actual growth will fluctuate with the course of the business cycle. The cycle can be broken down into four phases: the upturn, the rapid expansion, the peak- ing-out, and the slowdown or recession. In practice the length and magnitude of these phases will vary: the cycle is thus irregular.
2c Actual growth is determined by potential growth and by the level of aggregate demand. If actual output is below potential output, actual growth can temporarily exceed potential growth, if aggregate demand is rising sufficiently. In the long term, however, actual output can only grow as fast as potential output will permit.
2d Potential growth is determined by the rate of increase in the quantity of resources: capital, labour, land and raw materials; and by the productivity of resources. The productivity of capital can be increased by tech- nological improvements and the more efficient use of the capital stock; the productivity of labour can be increased by better education, training, motivation and organisation.
3a The two most common measures of unemployment are claimant unemployment (those claiming unemploy- ment-related benefits) and ILO/OECD standardised unemployment (those available for work and actively seeking work or waiting to take up an appointment).
3b The costs of unemployment include the financial and other personal costs to the unemployed person, the costs to relatives and friends, and the costs to society at large in terms of lost tax revenues, lost profits and lost wages to other workers, and in terms of social disruption.
3c Unemployment can be divided into disequilibrium and equilibrium unemployment.
3d Disequilibrium unemployment occurs when the average real wage rate is above the level that will equate the aggregate demand and supply of labour. It can be caused by unions or government pushing up wages (real-wage unemployment), by a fall in aggregate demand but a downward ‘stickiness’ in real wages (demand-deficient unemployment), or by an increase in the supply of labour.
3e Equilibrium unemployment occurs when there are peo- ple unable or unwilling to fill job vacancies. This may be due to poor information in the labour market and hence a time lag before people find suitable jobs (frictional unemployment), to a changing pattern of demand or
supply in the economy and hence a mismatching of labour with jobs (structural unemployment – specific types being technological and regional unemploy- ment), or to seasonal fluctuations in the demand for labour.
4a Inflation redistributes incomes from the economically weak to the economically powerful; it causes uncer- tainty in the business community and as a result reduces investment; it tends to lead to balance of payments problems and/or a fall in the exchange rate; it leads to resources being used to offset its effects. The costs of inflation can be very great indeed in the case of hyper- inflation.
4b Equilibrium in the economy occurs when aggregate demand equals aggregate supply. Inflation can occur if there is a rightward shift in the aggregate demand curve or an upward (leftward) shift in the aggregate supply curve.
4c Demand-pull inflation occurs as a result of increases in aggregate demand. This can be due to monetary or non-monetary causes.
4d Cost-push inflation occurs when there are increases in the costs of production independent of rises in aggregate demand. Cost-push inflation can be of a number of dif- ferent varieties: wage push, profit push or import-price push.
4e Cost-push and demand-pull inflation can interact to form spiralling inflation.
4f Expectations play a crucial role in determining the rate of inflation. The higher people expect inflation to be, the higher it will be.
5 In the short run, several important macroeconomic variables are related to aggregate demand and the business cycle. In the expansion phase, growth is high and unemployment is falling, but inflation is rising and the current account of the balance of payments is moving into deficit. In the recession, the reverse is the case.
6a The circular flow of income model depicts the flows of money around the economy. The inner flow shows the direct flows between firms and households. Money flows from firms to households in the form of factor payments, and back again as consumer expenditure on domestically produced goods and services.
6b Not all income gets passed on directly around the inner flow. Some is withdrawn in the form of saving, some is paid in taxes, and some goes abroad as expenditure on imports.
6c Likewise not all expenditure on domestic firms is by domestic consumers. Some is injected from outside the inner flow in the form of investment expenditure, gov- ernment expenditure and expenditure on the country’s exports.
6d Planned injections and withdrawals are unlikely to be the same. If injections exceed withdrawals, national income will rise, unemployment will tend to fall, inflation will tend to rise and the current account of the balance of payments will tend to deteriorate. The reverse will hap- pen if withdrawals exceed injections.
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4 9 4 C H A P T E R 2 6 T H E M A C R O E C O N O M I C E N V I R O N M E N T O F B U S I N E S S
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 The following table shows index numbers for real GDP (national output) for various countries (2007=100). Using the formula g = (Y
t − Y
t−1 )/Y
t−1 × 100 (where g is the
rate of growth, Y is the index number of output, t is any given years and t − 1 is the previous year):
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015
EU-15 100.0 100.3 95.8 97.8 99.4 98.8 98.7 99.9 101.7
UK 100.0 99.7 95.4 97.2 98.8 99.4 101.1 104.0 106.6
USA 100.0 99.7 96.9 99.4 101.0 103.3 105.6 108.2 111.5
Japan 100.0 99.0 93.5 97.8 97.4 99.1 100.7 100.7 101.8
Source: AMECO database (European Commission, DGECFIN)
10 If everyone’s incomes rose in line with inflation, would it matter if inflation were 100 per cent or even 1000 per cent per annum?
11 Imagine that you had to determine whether a particular period of inflation was demand-pull, or cost-push, or a combination of the two. What information would you require in order to conduct your analysis?
12 In terms of the UK circular flow of income, are the follow- ing net injections, net withdrawals or neither? If there is uncertainty, explain your assumptions.
a) Firms are forced to take a cut in profits in order to give a pay rise.
b) Firms spend money on research.
c) The government increases personal tax allowances.
d) The general public invests more money in building societies.
e) UK investors earn higher dividends on overseas investments.
f) The government purchases US military aircraft.
g) People draw on their savings to finance holidays abroad.
h) People draw on their savings to finance holidays in the UK.
i) The government runs a budget deficit (spends more than it receives in tax revenues) and finances it by borrowing from the general public.
j) The government runs a budget deficit and finances it by printing more money.
k) As consumer confidence rises, households decrease their precautionary saving.
a) (i) Work out the growth rate (g) for each country for each year from 2008 to 2015.
(ii) Plot the figures on a graph. (iii) Describe the patterns that emerge. b) (i) For each country work out the percentage
increase in real GDP between 2007 and 2015. (ii) Prepare a column chart showing the percentage
increase in output over this period with the countries ranked from largest to smallest by the size of increase.
(iii) Comment on your findings. 2 In 1974 the UK economy shrank by 2.5 per cent before
shrinking by a further 1.5 per cent in 1975. However, the figures for GDP showed a rise of 12 per cent in 1974 and 24 per cent in 1975. What explains these apparently con- tradictory results?
3 Figure 26.3 shows a decline in actual output in reces- sions. Redraw the diagram, only this time show a mere slowing down of growth in phase 4.
4 At what point of the business cycle is the country now? What do you predict will happen to growth over the next two years? On what basis do you make your prediction?
5 For what possible reasons may one country experience a persistently faster rate of economic growth than another?
6 Would it be desirable to have zero unemployment? 7 What major structural changes have taken place in the
UK economy in the past 10 years that have contributed to structural unemployment?
8 What would be the benefits and costs of increasing the rate of unemployment benefit?
9 Do any groups of people gain from inflation?
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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A P P E N D I X : M E A S U R I N G N A T I O N A L I N C O M E A N D O U T P U T 4 9 5
Three routes: one destination To assess how fast the economy has grown, we must have a means of measuring the value of the nation’s output. The measure we use is called gross domestic product (GDP).
GDP can be calculated in three different ways, which should all result in the same figure. These three methods are illustrated in the simplified circular flow of income shown in Figure 26.13.
The product method This first method of measuring GDP is to add up the value of all the goods and services produced in the country, industry by industry. In other words, we focus on firms and add up all their production. This method is known as the product method.
In the national accounts these figures are grouped together into broad categories such as manufacturing, con- struction and distribution. The figures for the UK economy for 2013 are shown in the top part of Figure 26.14.
When we add up the output of various firms, we must be careful to avoid double counting. For example, if a manufac- turer sells a television to a retailer for £200 and the retailer sells it to the consumer for £300, how much has this tele- vision contributed to GDP? The answer is not £500. We do not add the £200 received by the manufacturer to the £300 received by the retailer: that would be double counting. Instead we either just count the final value (£300) or the value added at each stage (£200 by the manufacturer + £100 by the retailer).
The sum of all the values added by all the various indus- tries in the economy is known as gross value added (GVA) at basic prices.
How do we get from GVA to GDP? The answer has to do with taxes and subsidies on products and is shown in the bottom part of Figure 26.14. Taxes paid on goods and ser- vices (such as VAT and duties on petrol and alcohol) and any subsidies on products are excluded from gross value added (GVA), since they are not part of the value added in production. Nevertheless, the way GDP is measured throughout the EU is at market prices: i.e. at the prices actu- ally paid at each stage of production. Thus GDP at market prices (sometimes referred to simply as GDP) is GVA plus taxes on products minus subsidies on products.
The income method The second approach is to focus on the incomes generated from the production of goods and services. A moment’s reflection will show that this must be the same as the sum of all values added at each stage of production. Value added is simply the difference between a firm’s revenue from sales and the costs of its purchases from other firms. This differ- ence is made up of wages and salaries, rent, interest and profit. In other words, it consists of the incomes earned by those involved in the production process.
Since GVA is the sum of all values added, it must also be the sum of all incomes generated: the sum of all wages and salaries, rent, interest and profit.
The second part of Figure 26.14 shows how these incomes are grouped together in the official statistics. As you can see, the total is the same as that in the top part Fig- ure 26.14, even though the components are quite different.
Note that we do not include transfer payments such as social security benefits and pensions. Since these are not payments for the production of goods and services, they are excluded from GVA. Conversely, part of people’s gross income is paid in income taxes. Since it is this gross (pre- tax) income that arises from the production of goods and services, we count wages, profits, interest and rent before the deduction of income taxes.
As with the product approach, if we are working out GVA, we measure incomes before the payment of taxes on products or the receipt of subsidies on products, since it is
APPENDIX: MEASURING NATIONAL INCOME AND OUTPUT
The circular flow of income and expenditureFigure 26.13
(1) Production
(3) Expenditure(2) Incomes
Definitions
Gross value added (GVA) at basic prices The sum of all the values added by all industries in the economy over a year. The figures exclude taxes on products (such as VAT) and include subsidies on products.
Gross domestic product (GDP) (at market prices) The value of output produced within a country over a 12-month period in terms of the prices actually paid. GDP = GVA + taxes on products − subsidies on products.
KI 27 p 322
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these pre-tax-and-subsidy incomes that arise from the value added by production. When working out GDP, however, we add in these taxes and subtract these subsidies to arrive at a market price valuation.
The expenditure method The final approach to calculating GDP is to add up all expenditure on final output (which will be at market prices). This will include the following:
■ Consumer expenditure (C). This includes all expenditure on goods and services by households and by non-profit institutions serving households (NPISH) (e.g. clubs and societies).
■ Government expenditure (G). This includes central and local government expenditure on final goods and ser- vices. Note that it includes non-marketed services (such as health and education), but excludes transfer pay- ments, such as pensions and social security payments.
UK GDP: 2013Figure 26.14
Agriculture, forestry and fishing
Mining & quarrying; electricity & gas; water supply & sewerage
Manufacturing
Construction
Wholesale & retail trade; repair of motor vehicles
Hotels, restaurants & food services
Transportation; information & communication
Financial and insurance activities
Real estate
Public administration & defence
Education; human health & social work
Other services
GVA (gross value added at basic prices)
9 937
67 460
147 697
92 363
171 940
43 044
159 424
122 587
175 678
79 298
206 336
249 540
1 525 304
0.7
4.4
9.7
6.1
11.3
2.8
10.5
8.0
11.5
5.2
13.5
16.4
100.0
Compensation of employees (wages and salaries)
Operating surplus (gross profit, rent and interest of firms government and other institutions)
Mixed incomes
Tax less subsidies on production (other than those on products) plus statistical discrepancy
GVA (gross value added at basic prices)
877 883
523 351
98 848
25 222
1 525 304
57.6
34.3
6.5
1.7
100.0
UK GVA (product based measure): 2013 £m % of GVA
UK GVA by category of income: 2013
GVA (gross value added at basic prices)
plus VAT and other taxes on products
less Subsidies on products
GDP (at market prices)
1 525 304
194 735
–6 737
1 713 302
UK GDP: 2013
Pause for thought
If a retailer buys a product from a wholesaler for £80 and sells it to a consumer for £100, then the £20 of value that has been added will go partly in wages, partly in rent and partly in prof- its. Thus £20 of income has been generated at the retail stage. But the good actually contributes a total of £100 to GDP. Where, then, is the remaining £80 worth of income recorded?
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A P P E N D I X : M E A S U R I N G N A T I O N A L I N C O M E A N D O U T P U T 4 9 7
■ Investment expenditure (I). This includes investment in capital, such as buildings and machinery. It also includes the value of any increase (+) or decrease (−) in invento- ries, whether of raw materials, semi-finished goods or finished goods.
■ Exports of goods and services (X). ■ Imports of goods and services (M). These have to be sub-
tracted from the total in order to leave just the expendi- ture on domestic product. In other words, we subtract the part of consumer expenditure, government expendi- ture and investment that goes on imports. We also sub- tract the imported component (e.g. raw materials) from exports.
GDP (at market prices) = C + G + I + X - M
Table 26.1 shows the calculation of UK GDP by the expenditure approach.
From GDP to national income Gross national income Some of the incomes earned in the country will go abroad. These include wages, interest, profit and rent earned in this country by foreign residents and remitted abroad, and taxes on production paid to foreign governments and institu- tions (e.g. the EU). On the other hand, some of the incomes earned by domestic residents will come from abroad. Again, these can be in the form of wages, interest, profit or rent, or in the form of subsidies received from governments or institutions abroad. Gross domestic product, however, is concerned with those incomes generated within the coun- try, irrespective of ownership. If, then, we are to take ‘net income from abroad’ into account (i.e. these inflows minus outflows), we need a new measure. This is gross national income (GNY).3 It is defined as follows:
GNY at market prices = GDP at market prices + net income from abroad
Thus GDP focuses on the value of domestic production, whereas GNY focuses on the value of incomes earned by domestic residents.
Net national income The measures we have used so far ignore the fact that each year some of the country’s capital equipment will wear out or become obsolete: in other words, they ignore capi- tal depreciation. If we subtract an allowance for deprecia- tion (or ‘capital consumption’) we get net national income (NNY):
NNY at market prices = GNY at market prices – depreciation
Table 26.2 shows GDP, GNY and NNY figures for the UK.
Households’ disposable income Finally, we come to a term called households’ disposable income. It measures the income people have available for spending (or saving): i.e. after any deductions for income tax, national insurance, etc. have been made. It is the best measure to use if want to see how changes in household income affect consumption.
How do we get from GNY at market prices to house- holds’ disposable income? We start with the incomes that
£ million % of GDP
Consumption expenditure of house- holds and NPISH (C)
1 110 807 64.8
Government final consumption (G) 346 774 20.2
Gross capital formation (I) 291 717 17.0
Exports of goods and services (X) 511 275 29.8
less Imports of goods and services (M) -543 375 -31.7 Statistical discrepancy -3 896 -0.2 GDP at market prices 1 713 302 100.0
UK GDP at market prices by category of expenditure, 2013
Table 26.1
Source: United Kingdom National Accounts (National Statistics)
3 In the official statistics, this is referred to as GNI. We use Y to stand for income, however, to avoid confusion with investment.
£ million
Gross domestic product (GDP) 1 713 302
Plus net income from abroad -13 132 Gross national income (GNY) 1 700 170
Less capital consumption (depreciation) 227 981
Net national income (NNY) 1 472 189
UK GDP, GNY and NNY at market prices: 2013
Table 26.2
Source: United Kingdom National Accounts (National Statistics).
Definitions
Gross national income (GNY) GDP plus net income from abroad.
Depreciation The decline in value of capital equipment due to age or wear and tear.
Net national income (NNY) GNY minus depreciation.
4 We also include income from any public-sector production of goods or services (e.g. health and education) and production by non-profit institutions serving households.
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firms receive 4 from production (plus income from abroad) and then deduct that part of their income that is not distrib- uted to households. This means that we must deduct taxes that firms pay – taxes on goods and services (such as VAT), taxes on profits (such as corporation tax) and any other taxes – and add in any subsidies they receive. We must then subtract allowances for depreciation and any undistributed profits. This gives us the gross income that households receive from firms in the form of wages, salaries, rent, inter- est and distributed profits.
To get from this what is available for households to spend we must subtract the money households pay in income taxes and national insurance contributions, but
add all benefits to households such as pensions and child benefit.
Households’ disposable income
Definition
Households’ disposable income The income available for households to spend: i.e. personal incomes after deducting taxes on incomes and adding benefits.
SUMMARY TO APPENDIX
1 National income is usually expressed in terms of gross domestic product. This is simply the value of domestic production over the course of the year. It can be meas- ured by the product, expenditure or income methods.
2 The product method measures the values added in all parts of the economy.
3 The income method measures all the incomes generated from domestic production: wages and salaries, rent and profit.
4 The expenditure method adds up all the categories of expenditure: consumer expenditure, government expenditure, investment and exports. We then have to deduct the element of each that goes on imports in order to arrive at expenditure on domestic products. Thus GDP = C + G + I + X - M.
5 GDP at market prices measures what consumers pay for output (including taxes and subsidies on what they buy). Gross value added (GVA) measures what factors of production actually receive. GVA, therefore, is GDP at market prices minus taxes on products plus subsidies on products.
6 Gross national income (GNY) takes account of incomes earned from abroad (+) and incomes earned by people abroad from this country (−). Thus GNY = GDP plus net income from abroad.
7 Net national income (NNY) takes account of the deprecia- tion of capital. Thus NNY = GNY − depreciation.
8 Households’ disposable income is a measure of house- hold income after the deduction of income taxes and the addition of benefits.
REVIEW QUESTIONS TO APPENDIX
1 Should we include the sale of used items in the GDP sta- tistics? For example, if you sell your car to a garage for £2000 and it then sells it to someone else for £2500, has this added £2500 to GDP, or nothing at all, or merely the value that the garage adds to the car, i.e. £500?
2 What items are excluded from national income statistics which would be important to take account of if we were to get a true indication of a country’s standard of living?
= GNY at market prices − taxes paid by f i r m s + s u b s i d i e s r e c e i v e d b y f i r m s – depreciation – undistributed profits – personal taxes + benefits
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The balance of payments and exchange rates
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ What is meant by ‘the balance of payments’ and how do trade and financial movements affect it? ■ How are exchange rates determined? ■ What are the implications for business of changes in the exchange rate? ■ What is the relationship between the balance of payments and exchange rates? ■ How do governments and/or central banks seek to influence the exchange rate and what are the implications for other
macroeconomic policies and for business?
In Part I we examined the role of international trade for a country and for business, and saw how trade has grown rapidly since 1945. The world economy has become progressively more interlinked, with multi- national corporations dominating a large proportion of international business. In this chapter we return to look at international trade and the financial flows associated with it. In particular, we shall examine the relationship between the domestic economy and the international trading environment. This will involve considering both the balance of payments and the exchange rate.
We will first explain what is meant by the balance of payments. In doing so, we will see just how the various monetary transactions between the domestic economy and the rest of the world are recorded.
Then we will examine how rates of exchange are deter- mined, and how they are related to the balance of pay- ments. Then we will see what causes exchange rate fluctuations, and what will happen if the government intervenes in the foreign exchange market to pre- vent these fluctuations. Finally, we will consider how exchange rates have been managed in practice.
27.1
A country’s balance of payments account records all the flows of money between residents of that country and the rest of the world. Receipts of money from abroad are regarded as credits and are entered in the accounts with a positive sign. Outflows of money from the country are regarded as debits and are entered with a negative sign.
There are three main parts of the balance of payments account: the current account , the capital account and the financial account . Each part is then subdivided. We shall look at each part in turn, and take the UK as an example. Table 27.1 gives a summary of the UK balance of payments for 2014, while also providing an historical perspective.
KI 27 p 322
KI 27 p 322
THE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS ACCOUNT
27 Chapter
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The current account The current account records payments for imports and exports of goods and services, plus incomes flowing into and out of the country, plus net transfers of money into and out of the country. It is normally divided into four subdivisions.
The trade in goods account. This records imports and exports of physical goods (previously known as ‘visibles’). Exports result in an inflow of money and are therefore a credit item. Imports result in an outflow of money and are there- fore a debit item. The balance of these is called the balance on trade in goods or balance of visible trade or merchan-
dise balance. A surplus is when exports exceed imports. A deficit is when imports exceed exports.
The trade in services account. This records imports and exports of services (such as transport, tourism and insur- ance). Thus the purchase of a foreign holiday would be a debit since it represents an outflow of money, whereas the purchase by an overseas resident of a UK insurance policy would be a credit to the UK services account. The balance of these is called the services balance.
The balance of both the goods and services accounts together is known as the balance on trade in goods and ser- vices or simply the balance of trade.
2014 Average 1987–2014 as % of GDP£m % of GDP
CURRENT ACCOUNT
Balance on trade in goods −123 143 –6.8 −4.1
Balance on trade in services 88 741 4.9 2.4
Balance of trade −34 402 –1.9 −1.7
Income balance −32 901 –1.8 0.4
Net current transfers −25 166 –1.4 −0.9
Current account balance −92 469 –5.1 −2.2
CAPITAL ACCOUNT
Capital account balance −415 0.0 0.0
FINANCIAL ACCOUNT
Net direct investment 81 600 4.5 −1.2
Portfolio investment balance 114 735 6.3 1.8
Other investment balance −102 982 –5.7 1.5
Balance of financial derivatives 14 741 0.8 −0.1
Reserve assets −7 113 –0.4 −0.2
Financial account balance 100 981 5.6 1.9
Net errors and omissions −8 097 −0.4 0.4
Balance 0 0 0
Source: Balance of Payments, Quarter 3 (July to Sept) 2015 and Quarterly National Accounts, Quarter 3 (July to Sept) 2015 (Office for National Statistics, 2015)
UK balance of paymentsTable 27.1
Definitions
Current account of the balance of payments The record of a country’s imports and exports of goods and services, plus incomes and transfers of money to and from abroad.
Balance on trade in goods or balance of visible trade or merchandise balance Exports of goods minus imports of goods.
Services balance Exports of services minus imports of ser- vices.
Balance of trade in goods and services or balance of trade Exports of goods and services minus imports of goods and services.
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The balance of trade directly affects the level of aggregate demand. To see this we return to the circular flow of income model introduced in Section 26.6. A balance of trade deficit, which as Table 27.1 shows has been the norm in the UK for some time, represents a net leakage from the circular flow. This is because imports (a withdrawal) are greater than exports (an injection). Their effect is to reduce aggregate demand. Con- versely, a balance of trade surplus is a net injection for an econ- omy. Trade surpluses act to increase aggregate demand.
In equilibrium, injections must equal withdrawals. Thus a net withdrawal on the balance of trade must be offset by a net injection elsewhere: either investment exceeding sav- ing and/or government expenditure exceeding tax revenue. This is why we often see countries with trade deficits also running government budget deficits. The USA and the UK are two notable examples of countries with ‘twin deficits’.
Income flows. These consist of wages, interest and profits flowing into and out of the country. For example, dividends earned by a foreign resident from shares in a UK company would be an outflow of money (a debit item).
Current transfers of money. These include government contri- butions to and receipts from the EU and international organ- isations, and international transfers of money by private individuals and firms. Transfers out of the country are debits. Transfers into the country (e.g. money sent from Greece to a Greek student studying in the UK) would be a credit item.
The current account balance is the overall balance of all the above four subdivisions. A current account surplus is where credits exceed debits. A current account deficit is where debits exceed credits.
F i g u r e 2 7 . 1 s h o w s t h e c u r r e n t a c c o u n t b a l a n c e expressed as a percentage of GDP for a sample of countries. Since 1984, the UK has consistently experienced a current account deficit.
The capital account The capital account relates to the acquisition and disposal of non-financial assets. This comprises two elements.
First, capital transfers are the flows of funds, into the country (credits) and out of the country (debits), associated with the transfer of ownership of fixed assets (e.g. land). These transfers include money that migrants bring into the country and official debt forgiveness by governments.
Current account balance in selected industrial countriesFigure 27.1
Germany UK Japan
Netherlands USA Australia
28
26
24
22
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
P er
ce nt
ag e
of G
D P
Definitions
Balance of payments on current account The balance on trade in goods and services plus net incomes and cur- rent transfers.
Capital account of the balance of payments The record of transfers of capital to and from abroad.
Notes: Figures from 2015 based on forecasts; German figures are West Germany up to 1991 Source: Based on data in AMECO Database (European Commission, DGECFIN)
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Second, the acquisition or disposal of non-produced, non-fi- nancial assets covers intangibles such as the sales and pur- chases of patents, copyrights and trademarks.
As Table 27.1 shows, the balance on the capital account is small in comparison to that on the current and financial accounts.
The financial account1
The financial account of the balance of payments records cross-border changes in the holding of shares, property, bank deposits and loans, government securities, etc. In other words, unlike the current account which is concerned with money incomes, the financial account is concerned with the pur- chase and sale of assets. Case Study J.7 in MyEconLab consid- ers some of the statistics behind the UK’s financial account.
Direct investment. This involves a significant and lasting interest in a business in another country. If a foreign com- pany invests money from abroad in one of its branches or associated companies in the UK, this represents an inflow of money when the investment is made and is thus a credit item. (Any subsequent profit from this investment that flows abroad will be recorded as an investment income outflow on the current account.) Investment abroad by UK companies represents an outflow of money when the investment is made. It is thus a debit item. Note that what we are talking about here is the acquisition or sale of assets: e.g. a factory or farm, or the takeover of a whole firm, not the imports or exports of equipment.
Portfolio investment. This relates to transactions in debt and equity securities (shares) which do not result in the investor having any significant influence on the operations of a particu- lar business. If a UK resident buys shares in an overseas com- pany, this is an outflow of funds and is hence a debit item.
Other investment and financial flows. While direct and port- folio investments are concerned primarily with long-term investment, these consist primarily of various types of short-term monetary flows between the UK and the rest of the world. Deposits by overseas residents in banks in the UK and loans to the UK from abroad are credit items, since they represent an inflow of money. Deposits by UK residents in overseas banks and loans by UK banks to overseas residents are debit items. They represent an outflow of money.
Short-term monetary flows are common between inter- national financial centres to take advantage of differences in countries’ interest rates and changes in exchange rates.
In the financial account, credits and debits are recorded net. For example, UK investment abroad consists of the net
acquisition of assets abroad (i.e. the purchase less the sale of assets abroad). Similarly, foreign investment in the UK con- sists of the purchase less the sale of UK assets by foreign res- idents. By recording financial account items net, the flows seem misleadingly modest. For example, if UK residents deposited an extra £100 billion in banks abroad but drew out £99 billion, this would be recorded as a mere £1 billion net outflow on the other investment and financial flows account. In fact, total financial account flows vastly exceed current plus capital account flows.
Flows to and from the reserves. The UK, like all other coun- tries, holds reserves of gold and foreign currencies. From time to time the Bank of England (acting as the govern- ment’s agent) will sell some of these reserves to purchase sterling on the foreign exchange market. It does this nor- mally as a means of supporting the rate of exchange (as we shall see below). Drawing on reserves represents a credit item in the balance of payments accounts: money drawn from the reserves represents an inflow to the balance of pay- ments (albeit an outflow from the reserves account). The reserves can thus be used to support a deficit elsewhere in the balance of payments.
Conversely, if there is a surplus elsewhere in the balance of payments, the Bank of England can use it to build up the reserves. Building up the reserves counts as a debit item in the balance of payments, since it represents an outflow from it (to the reserves).
When all the components of the balance of payments account are taken together, the balance of payments should exactly balance: credits should equal debits. As we shall see below, if they were not equal, the rate of exchange would have to adjust until they were, or the government would have to intervene to make them equal.
When the statistics are compiled, however, a number of errors are likely to occur. As a result there will not be a bal- ance. To ‘correct’ for this, a net errors and omissions item
Definitions
Financial account of the balance of payments The record of the flows of money into and out of the country for the purpose of investment or as deposits in banks and other financial institutions. Net errors and omissions A statistical adjustment to ensure that the two sides of the balance of payments account balance. It is necessary because of errors in com- piling the statistics.
1 Prior to October 1998, this account was called the ‘capital account’. The ac- count that is now called the capital account used to be included in the transfers section of the current account. This potentially confusing change of names was adopted in order to bring the UK accounts in line with the system used by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the EU and most individual countries.
Pause for thought
Where would interest payments on short-term foreign deposits in UK banks be entered on the balance of payments account?
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UK balance of payments as a percentage of GDPFigure 27.2
26
25
24
23
22
21
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
1987 1992 1997 2002 2007 2012
P er
ce nt
ag e
of G
D P
Current account balance Financial account net flows
Capital account balance Net errors and omissions
is included in the accounts. This ensures that there will be an exact balance. The main reason for the errors is that the statistics are obtained from a number of sources, and there are often delays before items are recorded and sometimes omissions too.
Figure 27.2 graphically summarises the main accounts of the UK’s balance of payments: current, capital and finan- cial accounts. It presents each as a percentage of national income (see also right-hand column of Table 27.1). In con- junction with the net errors and omissions item, which averages close to zero over the long run, we can see how the accounts combine to give a zero overall balance. For much of the period since the late 1980s, current account deficits
have been offset by surpluses on the financial account. The persistence of the UK’s current account deficit is discussed further in Case Study J.6 in MyEconLab.
Pause for thought
With reference to Table 27.1 and Figure 27.2, compare the 2014 balance of payments figures (as percentages of GDP) with the averages for the period from 1987. In what senses were the 2014 figures more or less favourable than the aver- ages since 1987?
An exchange rate is the rate at which one currency trades for another on the foreign exchange market.
If you want to go abroad, you will need to exchange your pounds into euros, dollars, Swiss francs or whatever. To do this you may go to a bank. The bank will quote you that day’s exchange rates: for example, €1.35 to the pound, or $1.50 to the pound. It is similar for firms. If an importer wants to buy, say, some machinery from Japan, it will require yen to pay the Japanese supplier. It will thus ask the foreign exchange section of a bank to quote it a rate of exchange of the pound into yen. Similarly, if you want to buy some foreign stocks and shares, or if companies based
in the UK want to invest abroad, sterling will have to be exchanged into the appropriate foreign currency.
Likewise, if Americans want to come on holiday to the UK or to buy UK assets, or American firms want to import UK goods or to invest in the UK, they will require sterling. They will be quoted an exchange rate for the pound in the USA: say, £1 = $1.50. This means that they will have to pay $1.50 to obtain £1 worth of UK goods or assets.
Exchange rates are quoted between each of the major currencies of the world. These exchange rates are constantly c hanging. Minute by minute, dealer s in t he foreig n exchange dealing rooms of the banks are adjusting the rates
THE EXCHANGE RATE27.2
Source: Based on data from Balance of Payments, Quarter 3 (July to September) 2015 and Quarterly National Accounts, Quarter 3 (July to September) 2015 (National Statistics, 2015)
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of exchange. They charge commission when they exchange currencies. It is therefore important for them to ensure that they are not left with a large amount of any currency unsold. What they need to do is to balance the supply and demand of each currency: to balance the amount they pur- chase to the amount they sell. To do this they will need to adjust the price of each currency, namely the exchange rate, in line with changes in supply and demand.
Not only are there day-to-day fluctuations in exchange rates, but also there are long-term changes in them. Figure 27.3 shows the average quarterly exchange rates between the pound and various currencies since 1985.
One of the problems in assessing what is happening to a particular currency is that its rate of exchange may rise against some currencies (weak currencies) and fall against others (strong currencies). In order to gain an overall picture of its fluctuations, therefore, it is best to look at a weighted average exchange rate against all other currencies. This is known as the exchange rate index or the effective exchange rate. The weight given to each currency in the index depends on the proportion of trade done with that country. Figure 27.3 also shows the sterling exchange rate index based on January 2005 = 100.
The determination of the rate of exchange in a free market In a free foreign exchange market, the rate of exchange is determined by demand and supply. Thus the sterling exchange rate is determined by the demand and supply of pounds. This is illustrated in Figure 27.4.
For simplicity, assume that there are just two countries: the UK and the USA. When UK importers wish to buy goods from the USA, or when UK residents wish to invest in the USA, they will supply pounds on the foreign exchange mar- ket in order to obtain dollars. In other words, they will go to banks or other foreign exchange dealers to buy dollars in exchange for pounds. The higher the exchange rate, the more dollars they will obtain for their pounds. This will effectively make American goods cheaper to buy, and investment more profitable. Thus the higher the exchange rate, the more pounds will be supplied. The supply curve of pounds therefore typically slopes upwards.
When US residents wish to purchase UK goods or to invest in the UK, they will require pounds. They demand pounds by selling dollars on the foreign exchange mar- ket. In other words, they will go to banks or other foreign
Sterling exchange rates against selected currenciesFigure 27.3
Japanese yen (100s) US dollar Index (Jan 2005 5 100)
Australian dollar Euro
1.00
1.50
2.00
2.50
3.00
3.50
4.00
4.50
5.00
5.50
1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
F o
re ig
n c
u rr
e n
cy u
n its
p e
r £
1
70
75
80
85
90
95
100
105
110
115
120
125
S terling exchange rate index (Jan 2005 5
100)
Pause for thought
How did the pound ‘fare’ compared with the US dollar, Australian dollar and the yen in the period since 1980? What conclusions can be drawn about the relative movements of these three currencies?
Definition
Exchange rate index or effective exchange rate A weighted average exchange rate expressed as an index, where the value of the index is 100 in a given base year. The weights of the different currencies in the index add up to 1.
Note: The euro was introduced in 1999, with notes and coins circulating from 2001. The euro figures prior to 1999 (in grey) are projections backwards in time based on the average exchange rates of the currencies that made up the euro. Source: based on data in Time Series Data: Trade in Goods MRETS (all BOP version – EU2013) (National Statistics)
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Determination of the rate of exchangeFigure 27.4
$ pr
ic e
of £
Quantity of £s0
S by UK
D by USA
ab
cd
2.20
2.00
1.80
1.60
1.40
1.20
1.00
Excess supply of pounds leads to a depreciation.
Shortage of pounds leads to an appreciation.
exchange dealers to buy pounds in exchange for dollars. The lower the dollar price of the pound (the exchange rate), the cheaper it will be for them to obtain UK goods and assets, and hence the more pounds they are likely to demand. The demand curve for pounds, therefore, typically slopes downwards.
The equilibrium exchange rate will be where the demand for pounds equals the supply. In Figure 27.4 this will be at an exchange rate of £1 = $1.60. But what is the mechanism that equates demand and supply?
If the current exchange rate were above the equilibrium, the supply of pounds being offered to the banks would exceed the demand. For example, in Figure 27.4 if the exchange rate were $1.80, there would be an excess supply of pounds of a − b. Banks would not have enough dollars to exchange for all these pounds. But the banks make money by exchang- ing currency, not by holding on to it. They would thus lower the exchange rate in order to encourage a greater demand for pounds and reduce the excessive supply. They would con- tinue lowering the rate until demand equalled supply.
Similarly, if the rate were below the equilibrium, say at $1.40, there would be a shortage of pounds of c − d. The banks would find themselves with too few pounds to meet all the demand. At the same time, they would have an excess supply of dollars. The banks would thus raise the exchange rate until demand equalled supply.
In practice, the process of reaching equilibrium is extremely rapid. The foreign exchange dealers in the banks are continually adjusting the rate as new customers make new demands for currencies. What is more, each bank has to watch closely what the others are doing. They are con- stantly in competition with each other and thus have to keep their rates in line. The dealers receive minute-by-min- ute updates on their computer screens of the rates being offered round the world.
Shifts in the currency demand and supply curves Any shift in the demand or supply curves will cause the exchange rate to change. This is illustrated in Figure 27.5, which this time shows the euro/sterling exchange rate. If the demand and supply curves shift from D1 and S1 to D2 and S2 respectively, the exchange rate will fall from €1.40 to €1.30. A fall in the exchange rate is called a depreciation. A rise in the exchange rate is called an appreciation.
But why should the demand and supply curves shift? The following are the major possible causes of a depreciation:
■ A fall in domestic interest rates. UK rates would now be less competitive for savers and other depositors. More UK residents would be likely to deposit their money abroad (the supply of sterling would rise), and fewer people abroad would deposit their money in the UK (the demand for sterling would fall).
■ Higher inflation in the domestic economy than abroad. UK exports will become less competitive. The demand for sterling will fall. At the same time, imports will become relatively cheaper for UK consumers. The supply of ster- ling will rise.
■ A rise in domestic incomes relative to incomes abroad. If UK incomes rise, the demand for imports, and hence the supply of sterling, will rise. If incomes in other countries fall, the demand for UK exports, and hence the demand for sterling will fall.
KI 10 p 52
Definitions
Depreciation A fall in the free-market exchange rate of the domestic currency with foreign currencies.
Appreciation A rise in the free-market exchange rate of the domestic currency with foreign currencies.
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BOX 27.1 NOMINAL AND REAL EXCHANGE RATES
Searching for a real advantage
its real exchange rate will appreciate relative to its nominal exchange rate. The real exchange rate thus gives us a better idea of the quan- tity of imports a country can obtain from selling a given quan- tity of exports. If the real exchange rate rises, the country can get more imports for a given volume of exports. The chart shows the nominal and real exchange rate indices of sterling. As you can see, the real exchange rate has tended to rise over time relative to the nominal exchange rate. This is because the UK has typically had a higher rate of inflation than the weighted average of its trading partners. The real exchange rate also gives a better idea than the nominal exchange rate of how competitive a country is. The lower the real exchange rate, the more competitive will the country’s exports be. From the chart we can see that the UK became less competitive between 1996 and 2001, and remained at similarly uncompetitive levels until 2008, thanks not only to a rise in the nominal exchange rate index, but also to higher inflation than its trading partners. However, as the financial crisis of the late 2000s unfolded, sterling depreciated sharply. Between July 2007 and October 2009 the nominal and real exchange rate indices fell by 26 per cent and 23 per cent respectively.
If differences in inflation rates were to be reflected in longer- term changes in real exchange rates what pattern should we observe in real exchange rates? Is this supported by the data in the chart?
We have seen on several occasions just how important the distinction between nominal and real is. But, what does this distinction mean when applied to exchange rates? A nominal bilateral exchange rate is simply the rate at which one cur- rency exchanges for another. All exchange rates that you see quoted in the newspapers, on television or the Internet, or at travel agents, banks or airports, are nominal rates. Up to this point we have solely considered nominal rates. The real exchange rate is the exchange rate index adjusted for changes in the prices of exports (measured in the domestic currency) and imports (measured in foreign currencies): in other words, adjusted for the terms of trade, where the terms of trade are defined as the price index of exports divided by the weighted price index of imports (P
X /P
M ), expressed as a
percentage. Thus if a country has a higher rate of inflation for its exports than the weighted average inflation of the imports it buys from other countries, its terms of trade will improve and its real exchange rate index (RERI) will rise relative to its nominal exchange rate index (NERI). The real exchange rate index can thus be defined as: RERI = NERI × P
X /P
M
Thus if (a) a country’s inflation is 5 per cent higher than the trade-weighted average of its trading partners (P
X /P
M rises
by 5 per cent per year) and (b) its nominal exchange rate depreciates by 5 per cent per year (NERI falls by 5 per cent per year), its real exchange rate index will stay the same. Take another example: if a country’s export prices rise faster than the foreign currency prices of its imports (P
X /P
M rises),
Sterling nominal and real exchange rate indices (Jan 1970 = 100)
Nominal exchange rate Real exchange rate
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
110
120
130
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
In d
e x,
J an
1 9
7 0
5 1
0 0
Definitions
Terms of trade The price index of exports divided by the price index of imports and then expressed as a percentage. This means that the terms of trade will be 100 in the base year.
Real exchange rate index (RERI) The nominal exchange rate index (NERI) adjusted for changes in the relative prices of exports and imports: RERI = NERI * PX/PM
Note: Exchange rate indices are BIS narrow indices comprising 27 countries, re-based by the authors, Jan 1970 = 100 Source: Based on data from Bank for International Settlements
K42 p 485
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Floating exchange rates: movement to a new equilibriumFigure 27.5
1.70
1.60
1.50
1.40
1.30
1.20
1.10
1.00 0 Quantity of £s
S1
D1
S2
D2
BOX 27.2 DEALING IN FOREIGN EXCHANGE
A daily juggling act
(The lower the ¥/£ exchange rate, the fewer yen the Japanese will have to pay to obtain pounds.) The banks’ dealers thus find themselves in the delicate posi- tion of wanting to offer a high enough exchange rate to the car importer in order to gain its business, but a low enough exchange rate in order to obtain the required amount of yen. The dealers are thus constantly having to adjust the rates of exchange in order to balance the demand and supply of each currency. In general, the more of any foreign currency that dealers are asked to supply (by being offered sterling), the lower will be the exchange rate they will offer. In other words, a higher supply of sterling pushes down the foreign currency price of sterling.
Assume that an American firm wants to import Scotch whisky from the UK. Describe how foreign exchange dealers will respond.
Imagine that a large car importer in the UK wants to import 5000 cars from Japan costing ¥15 billion. What does it do? It will probably contact a number of banks’ foreign exchange dealing rooms in London and ask them for exchange rate quotes. It thus puts all the banks in competition with each other. Each bank will want to get the business and thereby obtain the commission on the deal. To do this it must offer a higher rate than the other banks, since the higher the ¥/£ exchange rate, the more yen the firm will get for its money. (For an importer a rate of, say, ¥180 to £1 is better than a rate of, say, ¥150.) Now it is highly unlikely that any of the banks will have a spare ¥15 billion. But a bank cannot say to the importer: ‘Sorry, you will have to wait before we can agree to sell them to you.’ Instead the bank will offer a deal and then, if the firm agrees, the bank will have to set about obtaining the ¥15 bil- lion. To do this it must offer Japanese who are supplying yen to obtain pounds at a sufficiently low ¥/£ exchange rate.
■ Relative investment prospects improving abroad. If invest- ment prospects become brighter abroad than in the UK, perhaps because of better incentives abroad, or because of worries about an impending recession in the UK, again the demand for sterling will fall and the supply of sterling will rise.
■ Speculation that the exchange rate will fall. If busi- nesses involved in importing and exporting, and also banks and other foreign exchange dealers, think that the exchange rate is about to fall, they will sell
pounds now before the rate does fall. The supply of sterling will thus rise.
KI 13 p 78
Pause for thought
Go through each of the above reasons for shifts in the demand for and supply of sterling and consider what would cause an appreciation of the pound.
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Exchange rates and the balance of payments: no government or central bank intervention In a free foreign exchange market, the balance of payments will automatically balance. But why?
The credit side of the balance of payments constitutes the demand for sterling. For example, when people abroad buy UK exports or assets they will demand sterling in order to pay for them. The debit side constitutes the supply of sterling. For example, when UK residents buy foreign goods or assets, the importers of them will require foreign currency to pay for them. They will thus supply pounds. A floating exchange rate will ensure that the demand for pounds is equal to the supply. It will thus also ensure that the credits on the balance of payments are equal to the deb- its: that the balance of payments balances.
This does not mean that each part of the balance of pay- ments account separately balances, but simply that any current account deficit must be matched by a capital plus financial account surplus and vice versa.
For example, suppose initially that each part of the balance of payments did separately balance. Then let us assume that interest rates rise. This will encourage larger short-term financial inflows as people abroad are attracted to deposit money in the UK: the demand for sterling would shift to the right (e.g. from D2 to D1 in Figure 27.5). It will also cause smaller short-term financial outflows as UK resi- dents keep more of their money in the country: the supply of sterling shifts to the left (e.g. from S2 to S1 in Figure 27.5). The financial account will go into surplus. The exchange rate will appreciate.
As the exchange rate rises, this will cause imports to be cheaper and exports to be more expensive. The current account will move into deficit. There is a movement up
along the new demand and supply curves until a new equi- librium is reached. At this point, any financial account sur- plus is matched by an equal current (plus capital) account deficit.
Exchange rates and the balance of payments: with government or central bank intervention The government or central bank may be unwilling to let the country’s currency float freely. Frequent shifts in the demand and supply curves would cause frequent changes in the exchange rate. This, in turn, might cause uncer- tainty for businesses, which might curtail their trade and investment.
The central bank may thus intervene in the foreign exchange market. But what can it do? The answer to this will depend on its objectives. It may simply want to reduce the day-to-day fluctuations in the exchange rate, or it may want to prevent longer-term, more fundamental shifts in the rate.
Reducing short-term fluctuations Assume that the UK government believes that an exchange rate of €1.40 to the pound is approximately the long-term equilibrium rate. Short-term leftward shifts in the demand
KI 11 p 59
KI 38 p 470
KI 36 p 354
EXCHANGE RATES AND THE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS27.3
Definition
Floating exchange rate When the government does not intervene in the foreign exchange markets, but sim- ply allows the exchange rate to be freely determined by demand and supply.
BOX 27.3 THE IMPORTANCE OF INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL MOVEMENTS
How a current account deficit can coincide with an appreciating exchange rate
In fact the opposite is likely. The higher interest rates resulting from the higher domestic demand can lead to a massive inflow of short-term finance. The financial account can thus move sharply into surplus. This is likely to outweigh the current account deficit and cause an appreciation of the exchange rate. Exchange rate movements, especially in the short term, are largely brought about by changes on the financial rather than the current account.
Why do high international financial mobility and an absence of exchange controls severely limit a country’s ability to choose its interest rate?
Since the early 1970s, most of the major economies of the world have operated with floating exchange rates. The oppor- tunities that this gives for speculative gain have led to a huge increase in short-term international financial movements. Vast amounts of money transfer from country to country in search of higher interest rates or a currency that is likely to appreciate. This can have a bizarre effect on exchange rates. If a country pursues an expansionary fiscal policy (i.e. cutting taxes and/or raising government expenditure), the current account will tend to go into deficit as extra imports are ‘sucked in’. What effect will this have on exchange rates? You might think that the answer is obvious: the higher demand for imports will create an extra supply of domestic currency on the foreign exchange market and hence drive down the exchange rate.
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for sterling and rightward shifts in the supply, however, are causing the exchange rate to fall below this level (see Figure 27.5). What can the government do to keep the rate at €1.40?
Using reserves. The Bank of England can sell gold and foreign currencies from the reserves to buy pounds. This will shift the demand for sterling back to the right.
Borrowing from abroad. The government can negotiate a for- eign currency loan from other countries or from an inter- national agency such as the International Monetary Fund. It can then use these moneys to buy pounds on the foreign exchange market, thus again shifting the demand for ster- ling back to the right.
Raising interest rates. If the Bank of England raises interest rates, it will encourage people to deposit money in the UK and encourage UK residents to keep their money in the country. The demand for sterling will increase and the sup- ply of sterling will decrease. However, the changes in inter- est rates necessary to manage the exchange rate may come into conflict with other economic objectives, such as keep- ing the rate of inflation on target.
Maintaining a fixed rate of exchange over the longer term Governments may choose to maintain a fixed rate over a number of months or even years. The following are possi- ble methods it can use to achieve this (we are assuming that there are downward pressures on the exchange rate: e.g. as a result of higher aggregate demand and higher inflation).
Contractionary policies. This is where the government delib- erately curtails aggregate demand by either fiscal policy or monetary policy or both.
Contractionary fiscal policy will involve raising taxes and/or reducing government expenditure. Contraction- ary monetary policy involves raising interest rates. Note that in this case we are not just talking about the tempo-
rary raising of interest rates to prevent a short-term outflow of money from the country, but the use of higher interest rates to reduce borrowing and hence dampen aggregate demand.
A reduction in aggregate demand will work in two ways:
■ It reduces the level of consumer spending. This will directly cut imports since there will be reduced spending on Japanese electronics, German cars, Spanish holidays and so on. The supply of sterling coming on to the for- eign exchange market thus decreases.
■ It reduces the rate of inflation. If inflation falls below that of other countries, this will make UK goods more competitive abroad, thus increasing the demand for ster- ling. It will also cut back on imports as UK consumers switch to the now more competitive home-produced goods. The supply of sterling falls.
Supply-side policies. This is where the government attempts to increase the long-term competitiveness of UK goods by encouraging reductions in the costs of production and/ or improvements in the quality of UK goods. For example, the government may attempt to improve the quantity and quality of training and research and development.
Controls on imports and or foreign exchange dealing. This is where the government restricts the outflow of money, either by restricting people’s access to foreign exchange, or by the use of tariffs (customs duties) and quotas. For instance, the Icelandic government put in place controls on foreign currency exchanges in the aftermath of the collapse of its largest banks in 2008 in order to bolster the krona and to build up foreign reserves.
KI 40 p 471
Pause for thought
What problems might arise if the government were to adopt this third method of maintaining a fixed exchange rate?
Are exchange rates best left free to fluctuate and be deter- mined purely by market forces, or should the government or central bank intervene to fix exchange rates, either rig- idly or within bands?
Advantages of fixed exchange rates Surveys reveal that most businesspeople prefer relatively rigid exchange rates: if not totally fixed, then pegged for periods of time, or at least where fluctuations are kept to a minimum. The following arguments are used to justify this preference.
Certainty. With fixed exchange rates, international trade and investment become much less risky, since profits are not affected by movements in the exchange rate.
Assume a firm correctly forecasts that its product will sell in the USA for $1.50. It costs 80p to produce. If the rate of exchange is fixed at £1 = $1.50, each unit will earn £1 and hence make a 20p profit. If, however, the rate of exchange were not fixed, exchange rate fluctuations could wipe out this profit. If, say, the rate appreciated to £1 = $2, and if units continued to sell for $1.50, they would now earn only 75p each, and hence make a 5p loss.
FIXED VERSUS FLOATING EXCHANGE RATES27.4
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Definitions
International liquidity The supply of currencies in the world acceptable for financing international trade and investment.
Devaluation Where the government refixes the exchange rate at a lower level.
Little or no speculation. Provided the rate is absolutely fixed – and people believe that it will remain so – there is no point in speculating. For example, between 1999 and 2001, when the old currencies of the eurozone countries were still used, but were totally fixed to the euro, there was no speculation that the German mark, say, would change in value against the French franc or the Dutch guilder.
Prevents governments pursuing ‘irresponsible’ macroeconomic policies. If a government deliberately and excessively expands aggregate demand – perhaps in an attempt to gain short-term popularity with the electorate – the result- ing balance of payments deficit will force it to constrain demand again (unless it resorts to import controls).
Governments cannot allow their economies to have a persistently higher inflation rate than competitor coun- tries without running into balance of payments crises, and hence a depletion of reserves. Fixed rates thus force govern- ments (in the absence of trade restrictions) to keep the rate of inflation roughly to world levels.
Disadvantages of fixed exchange rates Exchange rate policy may conflict with the interests of domestic business and the economy as a whole. A balance of payments deficit can occur even if there is no excess demand. For example, there can be a fall in the demand for the coun- try’s exports as a result of an external shock or because of increased foreign competition. If protectionism is to be avoided, and if supply-side policies work only over the long run, the government (or central bank) will be forced to raise interest rates. This is likely to have two adverse effects on the domestic economy:
■ Higher interest rates may discourage business invest- ment. This in turn will lower firms’ profits in the long term and reduce the country’s long-term rate of eco- nomic growth. The country’s capacity to produce will be restricted and businesses are likely to fall behind in the competitive race with their international rivals to develop new products and improve existing ones.
■ Higher interest rates will have a dampening effect on the economy by making borrowing more expensive and thereby cutting back on both consumer demand and investment. This can result in a recession with rising unemployment.
The problem is that, with fixed exchange rates, domestic policy is entirely constrained by the balance of payments. Any attempt to cure unemployment by cutting interest rates will simply lead to a balance of payments deficit and thus force governments to raise interest rates again.
Competitive contractionary policies leading to world depression. If deficit countries pursued contractionary policies, but sur- plus countries pursued expansionary policies, there would be no overall world contraction or expansion. Countries may be quite happy, however, to run a balance of payments
surplus and build up reserves. Countries may thus compet- itively deflate – all trying to achieve a balance of payments surplus. But this is beggar-my-neighbour policy. Not all countries can have a surplus. Overall the world must be in balance. The result of these policies is to lead to general world recession and a restriction in growth.
Problems of international liquidity. If trade is to expand, there must be an expansion in the supply of currencies acceptable for world trade (dollars, euros, pounds, gold, etc.): there must be adequate international liquidity. Countries’ reserves of these currencies must grow if they are to be sufficient to maintain a fixed rate at times of balance of payments disequilibrium. Conversely, there must not be excessive international liquidity. Otherwise the extra demand that would result would lead to world inflation. It is important under fixed exchange rates, therefore, to avoid too much or too little international liquidity.
The problem is how to maintain adequate control of international liquidity. The supply of dollars, for example, depends largely on US policy, which may be dominated by its internal economic situation rather than by a concern for the well-being of the international community. Similarly, the supply of euros depends on the policy of the European Central Bank, which is governed by the internal situation in the eurozone countries.
Inability to adjust to shocks. With sticky prices and wage rates, there is no swift mechanism for dealing with sudden balance of payments crises – like that caused by a sudden increase in oil prices. In the short run, countries will need huge reserves or loan facilities to support their currencies. There may be insufficient international liquidity to per- mit this. In the longer run, countries may be forced into a depression, by having to deflate. The alternative may be to resort to protectionism, or to abandon the fixed rate and devalue.
Speculation. If speculators believe that a fixed rate simply cannot be maintained, speculation is likely to be massive. If, for example, there is a large balance of payments deficit, speculative selling will worsen the deficit, and may itself force a devaluation. For example, speculation of this sort had disastrous effects on the Argentinean peso in 2002 (see Case Study J.11) and on the Mexican peso in 1995 and the Thai baht in 1997 (see Case Study J.12).
KI 40 p 471
KI 38 p 470
KI 13 p 78
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Advantages of a free-floating exchange rate The advantages and disadvantages of free-floating rates are to a large extent the opposite of fixed rates.
Automatic correction. The government simply lets the exchange rate move freely to the equilibrium. In this way, balance of payments disequilibria are automatically and instantaneously corrected without the need for specific government policies.
No problem of international liquidity and reserves. Since there is no central bank intervention in the foreign exchange market, there is no need to hold reserves. A currency is auto- matically convertible at the current market exchange rate.
Insulation from external economic events. A country is not tied to a possibly unacceptably high world inflation rate, as it could be under a fixed exchange rate. It is also to some extent protected against world economic fluctuations and shocks.
Governments are free to choose their domestic policy. Under a floating rate the government can choose whatever level of domestic demand it considers appropriate, and simply leave exchange rate movements to take care of any balance of payments effect. Similarly, the central bank can choose whatever rate of interest is necessary to meet domestic objectives, such as achieving a target rate of inflation. The exchange rate will simply adjust to the new rate of inter- est – a rise in interest rates causing an appreciation, a fall causing a depreciation. This freedom for the government and central bank is a major advantage, especially when the effectiveness of contractionary policies under fixed exchange rates is reduced by downward wage and price rigidity, and when competitive contractionary policies between countries may end up causing a world recession.
Disadvantages of a free-floating exchange rate Despite these advantages there are still some potentially serious problems with free-floating exchange rates.
Unstable exchange rates. The less elastic are the demand and supply curves for the currency in Figure 27.4, the greater the change in exchange rate that will be necessary to restore equilibrium following a shift in either demand or supply. In the long run, in a competitive world with domestic substitutes for imports and foreign substitutes for exports, demand and supply curves are relatively elastic. Neverthe- less, in the short run, given that many firms have contracts with specific overseas suppliers or distributors, the demands for imports and exports are less elastic.
Speculation. In an uncertain world, where there are few restrictions on currency speculation, where the fortunes and policies of governments can change rapidly, and where large
amounts of short-term deposits are internationally ‘foot- loose’, speculation can be highly destabilising in the short run. At times of international currency turmoil such spec- ulation can be enormous. In 2014 over $5.3 trillion dollars on average passed daily across the foreign exchanges: greatly in excess of countries’ foreign exchange reserves! If people think that the exchange rate will fall, then they will sell the currency, and this will cause the exchange rate to fall even further, perhaps overshooting the eventual equilibrium.
An example of such overshooting occurred between July 2008 and March 2009 when the pound depreciated 14 per cent against the euro, 29 per cent against the US dollar, 35 per cent against the yen and the exchange rate index fell 17 per cent (see Figure 27.6). Speculators were predicting that interest rates in the UK would fall further than in other countries and stay lower for longer. This was because reces- sion was likely to be deeper in the UK, with inflation under- shooting the Bank of England’s 2 per cent target and perhaps even becoming negative. But the fall in the exchange rate represented considerable overshooting and the exchange rate index rose 9 per cent between March and June 2009.
This is just one example of the violent swings in exchange rates that have occurred in recent years.
Uncertainty for traders and investors. The uncertainty caused by currency fluctuations can discourage international trade and investment. To some extent this problem can be over- come by using the forward exchange market. Here traders agree with a bank today the rate of exchange for some point in the future (say, six months’ time). This allows traders to plan future purchases of imports or sales of exports at a known rate of exchange. Of course, banks charge for this service, since they are taking on the risks themselves of adverse exchange rate fluctuations.
But dealing in the futures market only takes care of short- run uncertainty. Banks will not be prepared to take on the risks of offering forward contracts for several years hence. Thus firms simply have to live with the uncertainty over exchange rates in future years. This may discourage long-term invest- ment. For example, the possibility of exchange rate appreci- ation may well discourage firms from investing abroad, since a higher exchange rate will mean that foreign exchange earn- ings will be worth less in the domestic currency.
KI 10 p 52
KI 12 p 68
KI 38 p 470
KI 13 p 78
KI 14 p 82
Pause for thought
If speculators on average gain from their speculation, who loses?
Definition
Forward exchange market Where contracts are made today for the price at which a currency will be exchanged at some specified future date.
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As Figure 27.3 showed (see page 504), there have been large changes in exchange rates. Such changes not only make it difficult for exporters. Importers too will be hesitant about making long-term deals. For example, a UK manu- facturing firm signing a contract to buy US components in March 2008, when $2.00 worth of components could be purchased for £1, would find it a struggle to make a profit some four years later when less than $1.60 worth of US components could be purchased for £1!
Lack of discipline on the domestic economy. Governments may pursue irresponsibly inflationary policies (e.g. for short- term political gain). This will have adverse effects over the longer term as the government will at some point have to deflate the economy again, with a resulting fall in output and rise in unemployment.
Exchange rates in practice Most countries today have a relatively free exchange rate. Nevertheless, the problems of instability that this can bring are well recognised, and thus many countries seek to regu- late or manage their exchange rate.
There have been many attempts to regulate exchange rates since 1945. By far the most successful was the Bretton Woods system, which was adopted worldwide from the end of the Second World War until 1971. This was a form of adjustable peg exchange rate, where countries pegged (i.e. fixed) their exchange rate to the US dollar, but could
repeg it at a lower or higher level (‘devalue’ or ‘revalue’ their exchange rate) if there was a persistent and substantial balance of payments deficit or surplus.
With growing world inflation and instability from the mid-1960s, it became more and more difficult to maintain fixed exchange rates, and the growing likelihood of devalu- ations and revaluations fuelled speculation. The system was abandoned in the early 1970s. What followed was a period of exchange rate management known as managed flexibil- ity. Under this system, exchange rates were not pegged but allowed to float. However, central banks intervened from time to time to prevent excessive exchange rate fluctua- tions. This system largely continues to this day.
However, on a regional basis, especially within Europe, there were attempts to create greater exchange rate stability. The European system, which began in 1979, involved estab- lishing exchange rate bands: upper and lower limits within which exchange rates were allowed to fluctuate. The name
Depreciating and then appreciating sterling from 2008Figure 27.6
Japanese yen (100s)
Exchange rate index US dollar
Euro
1.00
1.20
1.40
1.60
1.80
2.00
2.20
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015
Fo re
ig n
cu rr
en cy
u ni
ts p
er £
1
75
80
85
90
95
100
S terling exchange rate index, Jan 2005 5
100
Definitions
Adjustable peg A system whereby exchange rates are fixed for a period of time, but may be devalued (or reval- ued) if a deficit (or surplus) becomes substantial.
Managed flexibility (dirty floating) A system of flexible exchange rates, but where the government intervenes to prevent excessive fluctuations or even to achieve an unofficial target exchange rate.
Source: Based on data in Time Series Data: Trade in Goods MRETS (all BOP version – EU2013) (National Statistics)
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given to the EU system was the exchange rate mechanism (ERM). The hope was that this would eventually lead to a single European currency. With a single currency there can be no exchange rate fluctuations between the member states, any more than there can be fluctuations between the Californian and New York dollar, or between the English, Scottish and Welsh pound.
The single currency, the euro, finally came into being in January 1999 (although notes and coins were not intro- duced until January 2002). (We examine the euro and its
effects on the economies of the member states, and those outside too, in section 32.3.)
Definition
ERM (exchange rate mechanism) A semi-fixed system whereby participating EU countries allowed fluctuations against each other’s currencies only within agreed bands. Collectively they floated freely against all other currencies.
BOX 27.4 THE EURO/DOLLAR SEESAW
Ups and downs in the currency market
For periods of time, world currency markets can be quite peaceful, with only modest changes in exchange rates. But with the ability to move vast sums of money very rapidly from one part of the world to another and from one currency to another, speculators can suddenly turn this relatively peace- ful world into one of extreme turmoil. In this box we examine the huge swings of the euro against the dollar since the euro’s launch in 1999. In Case Study J.12 in MyEconLab we examine other examples of currency turmoil.
First the down . . . On 1 January 1999, the euro was launched and exchanged for $1.16. By October 2000 the euro had fallen to $0.85. What was the cause of this 27 per cent depreciation? The main cause was the growing fear that inflationary pressures were increasing in the USA and that, therefore, the Federal Reserve Bank would have to raise interest rates. At the same time, the
eurozone economy was growing only slowly and inflation was well below the 2 per cent ceiling set by the ECB. There was thus pressure on the ECB to cut interest rates. The speculators were not wrong. As the diagram shows, US interest rates rose, and ECB interest rates initially fell, and when eventually they did rise (in October 1999), the gap between US and ECB interest rates soon widened again. In addition to the differences in interest rates, a lack of con- fidence in the recovery of the eurozone economy and a con- tinuing confidence in the US economy encouraged investment to flow to the USA. This inflow of finance (and lack of inflow to the eurozone) further pushed up the dollar relative to the euro. The low value of the euro against the dollar meant a high value of the other currencies, including the pound, relative to the euro. This made it very difficult for companies outside the eurozone to export to eurozone countries and also for those
Fluctuations between the euro and the dollar
▲
0.80
0.90
1.00
1.10
1.20
1.30
1.40
1.50
1.60
1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015
U S
$ / €
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Interest rate
$ / €
ECB interest rate
Fed interest rate
Notes: Federal reserve rate is the federal funds effective rate; ECB interest rate is the main refinancing operations rate Source: Federal Reserve Bank, European Central Bank, Bank of England; Exchange rate based on data from Statistical Interactive Database (Bank of England)
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finances of several eurozone economies. Growth in the eurozone was often elusive, averaging just 0.8 per cent per year from 2010 to 2015. Meanwhile gross public-sector debt across the eurozone countries rose from 66 per cent in 2007 to 96 per cent of GDP by 2015. These concerns contributed to the volatility of the euro. In particular, the euro would tend to weaken at times when there were growing fears of debt default as investors became increasingly reluctant to hold the currency. For instance, in early 2010 fear of a Greek default and growing worries about contagion to other highly indebted eurozone countries, such as Portugal, Ireland, Italy and Spain, led to speculation against the euro. In January 2010, the euro stood at $1.44; by early June, it had fallen to $1.19. This represented a 17 per cent depreciation. But by the end of October 2010 the euro was trading at $1.39 as efforts were made to strengthen the funding mechanisms for eurozone countries in financial distress. In January 2015 on the back of continuing economic fragility, the ECB finally announced what many had being expected: full-scale quantitative easing (see Box 30.4). This marked a crucial stage in monetary easing within the eurozone. Monetary easing creates an increased money supply which, in turn, leads to an increased demand for foreign currencies and drives down the exchange rate. With the ECB reducing interest rates and people increasingly predicting QE, the euro depreciated during 2014. Between March and December 2014 the euro depreciated by 11 per cent against the dollar, while the euro exchange rate index depreciated by 4 per cent. With the announced programme of QE being somewhat larger than markets expected, in the week following the announcement the euro fell a further 2.3 per cent against the dollar, and the euro exchange rate index also fell by 2.3 per cent. The result was the euro was trading at its lowest level against the US dollar since April 2003. From mid 2015, with the US economy recovering relatively strongly, and with relatively optimistic statements about future prospects for growth and employment from Janet Yellen, the Fed’s chair, people began anticipating a rise in US interest rates. The dollar began appreciating again (the euro depreciating). Eventually, in December 2015, the Fed raised interest rates by 0.25 percentage points. Many exporters in the USA were worried that this would lead to a further appreciation and make their products less competitive.
The path of the euro shows that interest-rate volatility and the relative level of interest rates in the USA and the eurozone have been a major contributory factor to exchange-rate volatility between the euro and the dollar. However, more recently, con- cerns over the eurozone economy and the financial well-being of national eurozone governments have played a particularly important role in explaining fluctuations in the euro.
Find out what has happened to the euro/dollar exchange rate over the past 12 months. (You can find the data from the Bank of England’s Statistical Interactive Database at www. bankofengland.co.uk/statistics/index.htm). Explain why the exchange rate has moved the way it has.
competing with imports from the eurozone (which had been made cheaper by the fall in the euro). In October 2000, with the euro trading at around 85¢, the ECB plus the US Federal Reserve Bank, the Bank of England and the Japanese central bank all intervened on the foreign exchange market to buy euros. This arrested the fall, and helped to restore confidence in the currency. People were more willing to hold euros, knowing that central banks would support it.
. . . then the up The position changed completely in 2001. With the US economy slowing rapidly and fears of an impending recession, the Federal Reserve Bank reduced interest rates 11 times during the year: from 6.5 per cent at the beginning of the year to 1.75 per cent at the end (see the chart). Although the ECB also cut interest rates, the cuts were relatively modest: from 4.75 at the begin- ning of the year to 3.25 at the end. With eurozone interest rates now considerably above US rates, the euro began to rise. In addition, a massive deficit on the US current account, and a budget deficit nearing 4 per cent of GDP, made foreign investors reluctant to invest in the US economy. In fact, investors were pulling out of the USA. One estimate suggests that European investors alone sold $70 billion of US assets during 2002. The result of all this was a massive depreciation of the dollar and appreciation of the euro, so that by December 2004 the euro had risen to $1.36: a 60 per cent appreciation since July 2001! In 2004–5, the US economy began to experience strong eco- nomic growth once more (an annual average of 3.4 per cent) and consequently the Fed raised interest rates several times, from 1 per cent in early 2004 to 5.25 per cent by June 2006. With growth in the eurozone averaging just 1.8 per cent in 2004–5, the ECB kept interest rates constant at 2 per cent until early 2006. The result was that the euro depreciated against the dollar in 2005. But then the rise of the euro began again as the US growth slowed and eurozone growth rose and people anticipated a narrowing of the gap between US and eurozone interest rates. In 2007 and 2008, worries about the credit crunch in the USA led the Fed to make substantial cuts in interest rates to stave off recession. In August 2007 the US federal funds rate was 5.25 per cent. It was then reduced on several occasions to stand at between 0 and 0.25 per cent per cent by December 2008. The ECB, in contrast, kept the eurozone rate constant at 4 per cent for the first part of this period and even raised it to 4.25 temporarily in the face of rapidly rising commodity prices (see Box 26.3). As a result, short-term finance flooded into the eurozone and the euro appreciated again, from $1.37 in mid-2007 to $1.58 in mid-2008. Eventually, in September 2008, with the eurozone on the edge of recession and predictions that eurozone rates would drop, the euro at last began to fall. It continued to do so as the ECB cut rates. However, with monetary policy in the euro- zone remaining tighter than in the USA, the euro began to rise again, only falling once more at the end of 2009 and into 2010 as US growth accelerated and speculators anticipated a tightening of US monetary policy.
. . . then seesawing on the back of economic and fiscal fragility The first half of the 2010s was characterised by concerns over the weakness of the eurozone economy and the public
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S U M M A R Y 5 1 5
SUMMARY
1a The balance of payments account records all payments to and receipts from foreign countries. The current account records payments for imports and exports, plus incomes and transfers of money to and from abroad. The capital account records all transfers of capital to and from abroad. The financial account records inflows and outflows of money for investment and as deposits in banks and other financial institu- tions. It also includes dealings in the country’s foreign exchange reserves.
1b The whole account must balance, but surpluses or defi- cits can be recorded on any specific part of the account. Thus the current account could be in deficit but it would have to be matched by an equal and opposite capital plus financial account surplus.
2a The rate of exchange is the rate at which one currency exchanges for another. Rates of exchange are deter- mined by demand and supply in the foreign exchange market. Demand for the domestic currency consists of all the credit items in the balance of payments account. Supply consists of all the debit items.
2b The exchange rate will depreciate (fall) if the demand for the domestic currency falls or the supply increases. These shifts can be caused by a fall in domestic interest rates, higher inflation in the domestic economy than abroad, a rise in domestic incomes relative to incomes abroad, relative investment prospects improving abroad, or the belief among speculators that the exchange rate will fall. The opposite in each case would cause an appreciation (rise).
3a The government can attempt to prevent the rate of exchange from falling by central bank purchases of the domestic currency in the foreign exchange market, either by selling foreign currency reserves or by using foreign loans. Alternatively, the central bank can raise interest rates. The reverse actions can be taken if the government wants to prevent the rate from rising.
3b In the longer term it can prevent the rate from falling by pursuing contractionary policies, protectionist policies, or supply-side policies to increase the competitiveness of the country’s exports.
4a Fixed exchange rates bring the advantage of certainty for the business community, which encourages trade and foreign investment. They also help to prevent gov- ernments from pursuing irresponsible macroeconomic policies.
4b Fixed exchange rates bring the disadvantages of conflict- ing policy goals, the tendency to lead to competitive con- tractionary policies, the problems of ensuring adequate international liquidity to enable intervention, and the restrictions that fixed rates place upon countries when attempting to respond to system shocks.
4c The advantages of free-floating exchange rates are that they automatically correct balance of payments dise- quilibria; they eliminate the need for reserves; and they give governments a greater independence to pursue their chosen domestic policy.
4d On the other hand, a completely free exchange rate can be highly unstable, especially when the elasticities of demand for imports and exports are low; also speculation may be destabilising. This may discourage firms from trading and investing abroad. What is more, a flexible exchange rate, by removing the balance of payments constraint on domestic policy, may encourage govern- ments to pursue irresponsible domestic policies for short-term political gain.
4e There have been various attempts to manage exchange rates, without them being totally fixed. One example was the Bretton Woods system: a system of pegged exchange rates, but where devaluations or revaluations were allowed from time to time. Another was the ERM, which was the forerunner to the euro. Member countries’ currencies were allowed to fluctuate against each other within a band.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 The table below shows the items in the UK’s 2007 balance of payments. a) Fill in the missing totals for (i) the balance of trade,
(ii) the current account balance, (iii) the portfolio investment balance; and (iv) for net errors and omissions.
b) UK’s GDP in 2007 was estimated at £1 518 675 million. Calculate each item on the balance of payments as a percentage of GDP.
c) Compare the value of each item in £ millions and as percentages of GDP with those for 2014 in Table 27.1.
£ millions
Current account:
Balance on trade in goods -93 926 Balance on trade in services 52 602
Balance of trade
Income balance 14 065
Net current transfers -13 996 Current account balance
Capital account:
Capital account balance 310
Financial account:
Net direct investment -8 722 Portfolio investment balance
Other investment balance -24 411 Balance of financial derivatives -26 989 Reserve assets -1 191 Financial account net flows 35 592
Net errors and omissions
2 Assume that there is a free-floating exchange rate. Will the following cause the exchange rate to appreciate or depreciate? In each case you should consider whether there is a shift in the demand or supply curves of sterling (or both) and which way the curve(s) shift(s). a) More Blu-ray players are imported from Japan.
Demand curve shifts left/shifts right/does not shift Supply curve shifts left/shifts right/does not shift
Exchange rate appreciates/depreciates
b) Non-UK residents increase their purchases of UK government securities.
Demand curve shifts left/shifts right/does not shift Supply curve shifts left/shifts right/does not shift
Exchange rate appreciates/depreciates c) UK interest rates fall relative to those abroad.
Demand curve shifts left/shifts right/does not shift Supply curve shifts left/shifts right/does not shift
Exchange rate appreciates/depreciates d) The UK experiences a higher rate of inflation than
other countries. Demand curve shifts left/shifts right/does not shift
Supply curve shifts left/shifts right/does not shift Exchange rate appreciates/depreciates
e) The result of a further enlargement of the EU is for investment in the UK by the rest of the EU to increase by a greater amount than UK investment in other EU countries.
Demand curve shifts left/shifts right/does not shift Supply curve shifts left/shifts right/does not shift
Exchange rate appreciates/depreciates f) Speculators believe that the rate of exchange will fall.
Demand curve shifts left/shifts right/does not shift Supply curve shifts left/shifts right/does not shift
Exchange rate appreciates/depreciates 3 Explain how the current account of the balance of payments
is likely to vary with the course of the business cycle. 4 Is it a ‘bad thing’ to have a deficit on the direct invest-
ment part of the financial account? 5 Why may credits on a country’s short-term financial
account create problems for its economy in the future? 6 What is the relationship between the balance of payments
and the rate of exchange? 7 Consider the argument that in the modern world of large-
scale short-term international financial movements, the ability of individual countries to affect their exchange rate is very limited.
8 To what extent can dealing in forward exchange markets remove the problems of a free-floating exchange rate?
9 What adverse effects on the domestic economy may follow from (a) a depreciation of the exchange rate and (b) an appreciation of the exchange rate?
10 What will be the effects on the domestic economy under free-floating exchange rates if there is a rapid expansion in world economic activity? What will determine the size of these effects?
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Banking, money and interest rates
C h
a p
te r28
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ What are the functions of money? ■ Why do banks play such a crucial role in the functioning of economies? ■ What determines the amount of money in the economy? What causes it to grow and what is the role of banks in this
process? ■ What is the relationship between money and interest rates? ■ How will a change in the money supply and/or interest rates affect the level of business activity?
In this chapter we are going to look at the important role that the banking system plays in the economy. Changes in the behaviour of financial institutions and in the amount of money can have a powerful effect on all the major macroeconomic indicators, such as inflation, unemployment, economic growth, exchange rates, the balance of payments and the financial well-being of different sectors of the economy. Furthermore, the financial crisis of the late 2000s has helped to demonstrate the systemic importance of financial institutions to the economy.
The chapter begins by defining what is meant by money and examining its functions. Then we look at the opera- tion of the financial sector and its role in determining the supply of money.
We then turn to look at the demand for money. Here we are not asking how much money people would like. What we are asking is: how much of people’s assets do they want to hold in the form of money?
Next, we put supply and demand together to show how interest rates are determined, or how money supply must be manipulated to achieve a chosen rate of interest. Finally, we see how changes in money supply and/or interest rates affect aggregate demand and the level of business activity.
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Before going any further we must define precisely what we mean by ‘money’ – not as easy a task as it sounds. Money is more than just notes and coins. In fact the main compo- nent of a country’s money supply is not cash, but deposits in banks and other financial institutions. The bulk of the deposits appear merely as bookkeeping entries in the banks’ accounts.
People can access and use this money in their accounts through debit cards, cheques, standing orders, direct debits, etc. without the need for cash. Only a very small proportion of these deposits, therefore, need to be kept by the banks in their safes or tills in the form of cash.
What items should be included in the definition of money? To answer this we need to identify the functions of money.
The functions of money The main purpose of money is for buying and selling goods, services and assets: i.e. as a medium of exchange. It also has two other important functions. Let us examine each in turn.
A medium of exchange In a subsistence economy where individuals make their own clothes, grow their own food, provide their own enter- tainments, etc., people do not need money. If people want to exchange any goods, they will do so by barter. In other words, they will do swaps with other people.
The complexities of a modern developed economy, however, make barter totally impractical for most pur- poses. What is necessary is a medium of exchange which is generally acceptable as a means of payment for goods and services, and as a means of payment for labour and other factor services. ‘Money’ is any such medium.
To be a suitable physical means of exchange, money must be light enough to carry around, come in a number of denominations, large and small, and not be easy to forge. Alternatively, money must be in a form that enables it to be transferred indirectly through some acceptable mechanism. For example, money in the form of bookkeeping entries in bank accounts can be transferred from one account to another by the use of such mechanisms as debit cards, cheques, standing orders and direct debits.
KI 27 p 322
THE MEANING AND FUNCTIONS OF MONEY28.1
Definition
Medium of exchange Something that is acceptable in exchange for goods and services.
THE FINANCIAL SYSTEM28.2
In order to understand the role of the financial sector in determining the supply of money, it is important to distin- guish different types of financial institution. Each type has a distinct part to play in determining the size of the money supply.
The key role of banks in the monetary system By far the largest element of money supply is bank deposits. It is not surprising then that banks play an absolutely cru- cial role in the monetary system. Banking can be divided
A means of evaluation Money allows the value of goods, services and assets to be compared. The value of goods is expressed in terms of prices, and prices are expressed in money terms. Money also allows dissimilar things, such as a person’s wealth or a company’s assets, to be added up. Similarly, a country’s GDP is expressed in money terms. Money thus serves as a ‘unit of account’.
A means of storing wealth Individuals and businesses need a means whereby the fruits of today’s labour can be used to purchase goods and services in the future. People need to be able to store their wealth: they want a means of saving. Money is one such medium in which to hold wealth. It can be saved.
What should count as money? What items, then, should be included in the definition of money? Unfortunately, there is no sharp borderline between money and non-money.
Cash (notes and coin) obviously counts as money. It readily meets all the functions of money. Goods (fridges, cars and cabbages) do not count as money. But what about various financial assets such as savings accounts, bonds and shares? Do they count as money? The answer is: it depends on how narrowly money is defined.
Pause for thought
Why are debit and credit cards not counted as money?
Countries thus use several different measures of money supply. All include cash, but they vary according to what additional items are included. To understand their signif- icance and the ways in which money supply can be con- trolled, it is first necessary to look at the various types of account in which money can be held and at the various financial institutions involved.
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into two main types: retail banking and wholesale banking (see Chapter 19). Most banks today conduct both types of business and are thus known as ‘universal banks’.
Retail banking is the business conducted by the famil- iar high street banks, such as Barclays, Lloyds TSB, HSBC, Santander, Royal Bank of Scotland and NatWest (part of the RBS group). They operate bank accounts for individuals and businesses, attracting deposits and granting loans at pub- lished rates of interest.
The other major type of banking is wholesale banking. This involves receiving large deposits from and making large loans to companies or other banks and financial insti- tutions; these are known as wholesale deposits and loans. (See section 19.4 for a more detailed account of their activities.)
In the past, there were many independent wholesale banks, known as investment banks. These included famous names such as Morgan Stanley, Rothschild, SG Hambros and Goldman Sachs. With the worldwide financial crisis of 2008, however, most of the independent investment banks merged with universal banks, which conduct both retail and wholesale activities.
The rise of large universal banks has caused concern, however. In the UK in 2010, the Coalition government set up the Independent Commission on Banking (ICB). It was charged with investigating the structure of the banking sys- tem. The ICB proposed functional separation: the ring-fencing of retail from wholesale banking. It argued that the supply of vital retail banking activities needed isolating from the potential contagion from risky wholesale banking activities.
T h e p r i n c i p a l r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s o f t h e I C B w e r e accepted and the Financial Services (Banking Reform) Act became law in December 2013. The Act defines core activities as facilities for accepting deposits, facilities for withdraw- ing money or making payments from deposit accounts and the provision of overdraft facilities. It gives regulators the power to exercise ring-fencing rules to ensure the effective provision of core activities. These include restricting the power of a ring-fenced body to enter into contracts and pay- ments with other members of the banking group. The Act also gives the regulator restructuring powers so as to split banks up to safeguard their future.
Building societies are UK institutions that historically have specialised in granting loans (mortgages) for house purchase. But, like banks, they too are deposit-taking finan- cial institutions and so compete for the deposits of the gen- eral public. In recent years, many building societies have converted to banks.
Banks and building societies are both examples of what are called monetary financial institutions (MFIs). This term is used to describe all deposit-taking institutions, which also includes central banks (e.g. the Bank of England).
Balance sheets Banks and building societies provide a range of financial instruments. These are financial claims, either by customers
on the bank (e.g. deposits) or by the bank on its customers (e.g. loans). They are best understood by analysing the balance sheets of financial institutions, which itemise their liabilities and assets.
A financial institution’s liabilities are those financial instruments involving a financial claim on the financial institution itself. As we shall see, these are largely deposits by customers, such as current and savings accounts. Its assets are financial instruments involving a financial claim on a third party: these are loans, such as personal and business loans and mortgages.
The total liabilities and assets for UK banks and build- ing societies are set out in the balance sheet in Table 28.1. The aggregate size of the balance sheet at the start of 2015 was equivalent to around four times the UK’s annual GDP. This is perhaps the simplest indicator of the significance of banks in modern economies, like the UK.
Both the size and composition of banks’ balance sheets have become the focus of the international community’s effort to ensure the stability of countries’ financial systems. The growth of the aggregate balance sheet in the UK is con- sidered in Box 28.2. But, it is to the composition of the bal- ance sheet that we now turn.
Liabilities Customers’ deposits in banks (and other MFIs) are liabilities to these institutions. This means simply that the customers have the claim on these deposits and thus the institutions are legally liable to meet the claims.
There are four major types of deposit: sight deposits, time deposits, certificates of deposit and ‘repos’.
Sight deposits. Sight deposits are any deposits that can be withdrawn on demand by the depositor without penalty. In the past, sight accounts did not pay interest. Today, how- ever, there are some sight accounts that do.
KI 14 p 82
KI 27 p 322
Definitions
Retail banking Branch, telephone, postal and Internet banking for individuals and businesses at published rates of interest and charges. Retail banking involves the oper- ation of extensive branch networks.
Wholesale banking Where banks deal in large-scale deposits and loans, mainly with companies and other banks and financial institutions. Interest rates and charges may be negotiable.
Monetary financial institutions (MFIs) Deposit-taking financial institutions including banks, building societies and central banks.
Financial instruments Financial products resulting in a financial claim by one party over another.
Liabilities All legal claims for payment that outsiders have on an institution.
Assets Possessions, or claims held on others.
Sight deposits Deposits that can be withdrawn on demand without penalty.
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The most familiar form of sight deposits are current accounts at banks. Depositors are normally issued with cheque books and/or debit cards (e.g. Visa debit or Master- card’s Maestro) which enable them to spend the money directly without first having to go to the bank and draw the money out in cash. In the case of debit cards, the person’s account is electronically debited when the purchase is made and the card is ‘swiped’ across the machine. This process is known as EFTPOS (electronic funds transfer at point of sale).
An important feature of current accounts is that banks often allow customers to be overdrawn. That is, they can draw on their account and make payments to other people in excess of the amount of money they have deposited.
Time deposits. Time deposits require notice of withdrawal. However, they normally pay a higher rate of interest than
sight accounts. With some types of account, a depositor can withdraw a certain amount of money on demand, but will have to pay a penalty of so many days’ interest. They are not cheque-book or debit-card accounts. The most familiar forms of time deposits are the deposit and sav- ings accounts in banks and the various savings accounts in building societies. No overdraft facilities exist with time deposits.
BOX 28.1 FINANCIAL INTERMEDIATION
What is it that banks do?
money from a vast number of small savers, who are able to withdraw their money on demand or at short notice. It then lends the money to house purchasers for a long period of time by granting mortgages (typically these are paid back over 20 to 30 years). This process whereby financial intermediaries lend for longer periods of time than they borrow is known as maturity transformation. They are able to do this because with a large number of depositors it is highly unlikely that they would all want to withdraw their deposits at the same time. On any one day, although some people will be withdrawing money, others will be making new deposits.
Risk transformation You may be unwilling to lend money directly to another person in case they do not pay up. You are unwilling to take the risk. Financial intermediaries, however, by lending to large numbers of people, are willing to risk the odd case of default. They can absorb the loss because of the interest they earn on all the other loans. This spreading of risks is known as risk transformation. What is more, financial intermediar- ies may have the expertise to be able to assess just how risky a loan is.
Transmitting payments In addition to channelling funds from depositors to borrow- ers, certain financial institutions have another important function. This is to provide a means of transmitting payments. Thus by the use of debit cards, credit cards, standing orders, cheques, etc., money can be transferred from one person or institution to another without having to rely on cash.
Which of the above are examples of economies of scale?
Banks and other financial institutions are known as financial intermediaries. They all have the common function of provid- ing a link between those who wish to lend and those who wish to borrow. In other words, they act as the mechanism whereby the supply of funds is matched to the demand for funds. In this process, they provide four important services.
Expert advice Financial intermediaries can advise their customers on financial matters: on the best way of investing their funds and on alternative ways of obtaining finance. This should help to encourage the flow of savings and the efficient use of them.
Expertise in channelling funds Financial intermediaries have the specialist knowledge to be able to channel funds to those areas that yield the highest return. This too encourages the flow of savings as it gives savers the confidence that their savings will earn a good rate of interest. Financial intermediaries also help to ensure that projects that are potentially profitable will be able to obtain finance. They help to increase allocative efficiency.
Maturity transformation Many people and firms want to borrow money for long periods of time, and yet many depositors want to be able to withdraw their deposits on demand or at short notice. If people had to rely on borrowing directly from other people, there would be a problem here: the lenders would not be prepared to lend for a long enough period. If you had £100 000 of savings, would you be prepared to lend it to a friend to buy a house if the friend was going to take 25 years to pay it back? Even if there was no risk whatsoever of your friend defaulting, most people would be totally unwilling to tie up their savings for so long. This is where a bank or building society comes in. It borrows
Definition
Time deposits Deposits that require notice of with- drawal or where a penalty is charged for withdrawals on demand.
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A substantial proportion of time deposits are from the banking sector: i.e. other banks and other financial institu- tions. Interbank lending, including that involving foreign banks, had grown over the years with the deregulation of financial markets. But, inter-bank lending virtually dried up in 2008/9. Banks became increasingly fearful that if they lent money to other banks, the other banks might default on payment. The reason was that many banks held assets based on mortgages granted to people unable to pay. As these assets fell in value, so banks became less and less able to raise enough money to pay back interbank loans.
Sale and repurchase agreements (‘repos’). If banks have a tem- porary shortage of funds, they can sell some of their finan- cial assets to other banks or to the central bank – the Bank of England in the UK and the European Central Bank in the eurozone (see below), and later repurchase them on some agreed date, typically a fortnight later. These sale and repurchase agreements (repos) are in effect a form of loan, the bank borrowing for a period of time using some of its financial assets as the security for the loan. One of the major assets to use in this way are government bonds, normally called ‘gilt-edged securities’ or simply ‘gilts’ (see below). Sale and repurchase agreements involving gilts are known as gilt repos. Gilt repos play a vital role in the opera- tion of monetary policy (see section 30.1).
Certificates of deposit. Certificates of deposit (CDs) are certif- icates issued by banks to customers (usually firms) for large deposits of a fixed term (e.g. £100 000 for 18 months). They can be sold by one customer to another, and thus provide a means whereby the holders can get money quickly if they need it without the banks that have issued the CD having to supply the money. (This makes them relatively ‘liquid’ to the depositor but ‘illiquid’ to the bank: we examine this below.) The use of CDs has grown rapidly in recent years. Their use by firms has meant that, at a wholesale level, sight accounts have become less popular.
Capital and other funds. This consists largely of the share capital in banks. Since shareholders cannot take their money out of banks, it provides a source of funding to meet
Sterling liabilities £bn % Sterling assets £bn %
Sight deposits 44.5 Notes and coin 9.4 0.3
UK banks, etc. 122.5 Balances with Bank of England 9.1
UK public sector 15.3 Reserve balances 304.6
UK private sector 1215.0 Cash ratio deposits 4.1
Non-residents 150.5 Market loans 11.2
Time deposits 30.9 UK banks, etc. 264.6
UK banks, etc. 143.7 UK banks’ CDs, etc. 4.0
UK public sector 19.4 Non-residents 110.0
UK private sector 681.6 Bills of exchange 10.1 0.3
Non-residents 199.1 Reverse repos 216.7 6.4
Certificates of deposit (CDs) 154.1 4.6 Investments 444.1 13.1
Repos 202.8 6.0 Advances 1943.2 57.3
Sterling capital and other funds 446.7 13.2 Other assets 82.6 2.4
Other liabilities 27.0 0.8
Total sterling liabilities 3377.8 100.0 Total sterling assets 3393.4 100.0
Liabilities in other currencies 3585.8 Assets in other currencies 3570.3
Total liabilities 6963.6 Total assets 6963.6
Balance sheet of UK banks (end of November 2015)Table 28.1
Note: Data are not seasonally adjusted Source: Based on data in Bankstats (Monetary and Financial Statistics) (Bank of England), January 2016
Definitions
Sale and repurchase agreements (repos) An agreement between two financial institutions whereby one in effect borrows from another by selling it assets, agreeing to buy them back (repurchase them) at a fixed price and on a fixed date.
Certificates of deposit Certificates issued by banks for fixed-term interest-bearing deposits. They can be resold by the owner to another party.
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sudden increases in withdrawals from depositors and to cover bad debts. It is vital that banks have sufficient capi- tal. As we shall see, an important part of the response to the financial crisis has been to require banks to hold relatively larger amounts of capital. At the end of 2008, the aggregate amount of sterling capital held by banks based in the UK was equivalent to 9.7 per cent of their sterling liabilities. By the start of 2015 this had risen to over 13 per cent.
Assets Banks’ financial assets are its claims on others. There are three main categories of assets.
Cash and reserve balances in the central bank (Bank of England in the UK, ECB in the eurozone). Banks need to hold a certain amount of their assets as cash. This is largely used to meet the day-to-day demands of customers. This, however, is typically less than 1 per cent of their total sterling assets as the demand for cash at any one time represents only a tiny fraction of total deposits in banks.
They also keep ‘reserve balances’ in the central bank. In the UK these earn interest at the Bank of England’s repo rate (or ‘Bank Rate’ as it is called), if kept within an agreed target range. These are like the banks’ own current accounts and are used for clearing purposes (i.e. for settling the day-to-day payments between banks). They can be withdrawn in cash on demand. With inter-bank lending being seen as too risky during the crisis of 2008, many banks resorted to depositing surplus cash in the Bank of England, even though the Bank Rate was lower than the inter-bank rate (known as ‘LIBOR’, which stands for the London Inter-Bank Offered Rate).
I n t h e U K , b a n k s a n d b u i l d i n g s o c i e t i e s a r e a l s o required to deposit a small fraction of their assets as ‘cash ratio deposits’ with the Bank of England. These cannot be drawn on demand and earn no interest. The Bank then invests these funds and the interest it earns helps to finance its operations to implement monetary policy and to ensure financial stability. The financial crisis resulted in the Bank of England increasing the scale of its activities to ensure the stability of the financial system, including taking a greater supervisory role, as detailed in this chap- ter and Chapter 30. Consequently, the size of CRDs was increased in 2013.
The increase in CRDs alongside an increase in reserve balances led to an increase in banks’ cash and balances in the Bank of England. In 2015, they accounted for around 9 per cent of banks’ sterling assets compared with just 4 per cent in 2010. Nonetheless, the vast majority of banks’ assets remain in the form of various types of loan – to individuals and firms, to other financial institutions and to the govern- ment. These are ‘assets’ because they represent claims that the banks have on other people. Loans can be grouped into two types: short and long term.
Short-term loans. These are in the form of market loans, bills of exchange or reverse repos. The market for these various types of loan is known as the money market.
■ Market loans are made primarily to other banks or finan- cial institutions. They consist of (a) money lent ‘at call’ (i.e. reclaimable on demand or at 24 hours’ notice), (b) money lent ‘at short notice’ (i.e. money lent for a few days) and (c) CDs (i.e. certificates of deposit made in other banks or building societies).
■ Bills of exchange are loans either to companies (com- mercial bills) or to the government (Treasury bills). These are, as explained in section 19.4, in effect, an IOU, with the company issuing them (in the case of commer- cial bills) or the Bank of England (in the case of Treasury bills) promising to pay the holder a specified sum on a particular date (typically three months later). Since bills do not pay interest, they are sold below their face value (at a ‘discount’) but redeemed on maturity at face value. This enables the purchaser, in this case the bank, to earn a return. The market for new or existing bills is therefore known as the discount market.
■ Reverse repos. When a sale and repurchase agreement is made, the financial institution purchasing the assets (e.g. gilts) is, in effect, giving a short-term loan. The other party agrees to buy back the assets (i.e. pay back the loan) on a set date. The assets temporarily held by the bank making the loan are known as ‘reverse repos’.
Longer-term loans. These consist primarily of loans to cus- tomers, both personal customers and businesses. These loans, also known as advances, are of four main types: fixed- term (repayable in instalments over a set number of years, typically six months to five years), overdrafts (often for an unspecified term), outstanding balances on credit-card accounts and mortgages (typically for 25 years).
Banks also make investments. These are partly in gov- ernment bonds (‘gilts’), which are effectively loans to the government. The government sells bonds, which then pay a fixed sum each year in interest. Once issued, bonds can then be bought and sold on the Stock Exchange. Banks are normally only prepared to buy bonds that have
KI 28 p 325
Definitions
Money market The market for short-term loans and deposits.
Market loans Loans made to other financial institutions.
Bill of exchange A certificate promising to repay a stated amount on a certain date, typically three months from the issue of the bill. Bills pay no interest as such, but are sold at a discount and redeemed at face value, thereby earning a rate of discount for the purchaser.
Discount market An example of a money market in which new or existing bills are bought and sold.
Reverse repos When gilts or other assets are purchased under a sale and repurchase agreement. They become an asset of the purchaser.
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less than five years to maturity. Banks also invest in other financial institutions, including subsidiary financial institutions.
Taxing the balance sheets In January 2011, the UK Coalition government introduced the bank levy: a tax on the liabilities of banks and build- ing societies operating in the UK. The design of the levy built on proposals presented by the International Mone- tary Fund in June 2010. There were two key principles. First, the revenues raised should be able to meet the full fiscal costs of any future support for financial institutions. Second, it should provide banks with incentives to reduce risk-taking behaviour and so reduce the likelihood of future financial crises.
The UK bank levy has two rates: a full rate on taxable liabilities with a maturity of less than 1 year and a half rate on taxable liabilities with a maturity of more than 1 year. The intention is to discourage excessive short-term borrowing by the banks in their use of wholesale funding. The tax levy rates were intended to raise at least £2.5 bil- lion each year. When introduced from January 2011 the full rate was set at 0.05 and the half rate at 0.025. How- ever, rates were subsequently raised several times. One rea- son behind this was that the shrinking balance sheets of MFIs (see Box 28.2) meant that revenues over the period 2011/12 to 2013/14 averaged only £2 billion each year. By April 2015 the full rate had risen to 0.21 per cent and the half rate to 0.105 per cent.
Not all liabilities are subject to the levy. First, it is not imposed on the first £20 billion of liabilities. This is to encourage small banks (note that the largest UK banks, such as HSBC, Barclays and RBS, each have liabilities of over £2 trillion). Second, various liabilities are excluded. These are: (a) gilt repos; (b) retail deposits insured by public schemes such as the UK’s Financial Services Compensation Scheme, which guarantees customers’ deposits of up to £85,000; (c) a large part of a bank’s capital known as Tier 1 capital (see below) – the argument here is that it is impor- tant for banks to maintain sufficient funds to meet the demands of its depositors.
Banks are also able to offset against their taxable liabil- ities holdings of highly liquid assets, such as Treasury bills and cash reserves at the Bank of England. It is hoped that these exclusions and deductions will encourage banks to engage in less risky lending.
Liquidity, profitability and capital adequacy As we have seen, banks keep a range of liabilities and assets. The balance of items in this range is influenced by three important considerations: profitability, liquidity and capital adequacy.
Profitability Profits are made by lending money out at a higher rate of interest than that paid to depositors. The average interest
KI 27 p 322
rate received by banks on their assets is greater than that paid by them on their liabilities.
Liquidity The liquidity of an asset is the ease with which it can be con- verted into cash without loss. Cash itself, by definition, is perfectly liquid.
Some assets, such as money lent at call to other financial institutions, are highly liquid. Although not actually cash, these assets can be converted into cash on demand with no financial penalty. Other short-term inter-bank lending is also very liquid. The only issue here is one of confidence that the money will actually be repaid. This was a worry in the financial crisis of 2008/9, when many banks stopped lending to each other on the inter-bank market for fear that the borrowing bank might become insolvent.
Other assets, however, are much less liquid. Personal loans to the general public or mortgages for house purchase can only be redeemed by the bank as each instalment is paid. Other advances for fixed periods are only repaid at the end of that period. This was why securitisation of mort- gages became popular with banks as it effectively made their mortgage assets tradable and hence more liquid (see Boxes 28.2 and 28.3).
Banks must always be able to meet the demands of their customers for withdrawals of money. To do this, they must hold sufficient cash or other assets that can be readily turned into cash. In other words, banks must maintain suf- ficient liquidity.
The balance between profitability and liquidity Profitability is the major aim of banks and most other financial institutions. However, the aims of profitability and liquidity tend to conflict. In general, the more liquid an asset, the less profitable it is, and vice versa. Personal and business loans to customers are profitable to banks, but highly illiquid. Cash is totally liquid, but earns no profit. Thus financial institutions like to hold a range of assets with varying degrees of liquidity and profitability.
For reasons of profitability, banks will want to ‘borrow short’ (at low rates of interest, such as people’s depos- its in current accounts) and ‘lend long’ (at higher rates of interest, such as on personal loans or mortgages). The difference in the average maturity of loans and deposits is known as the maturity gap. In general terms, the larger the maturity gap between loans and deposits, the greater the profitability. For reasons of liquidity, however, banks
Definitions
Liquidity The ease with which an asset can be converted into cash without loss.
Maturity gap The difference in the average maturity of loans and deposits.
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will want a relatively small gap: if there is a sudden with- drawal of deposits, banks will need to be able to call in enough loans.
The ratio of an institution’s liquid assets to total assets (or liabilities) is known as its liquidity ratio. For example, if a bank had £100 million of assets, of which £10 million were liquid and £90 million were illiquid, the bank would have a 10 per cent liquidity ratio. If a financial institution’s liquidity ratio is too high, it will make too little profit. If the ratio is too low, there is a risk that customers’ demands may not be able to be met: this would cause a crisis of con- fidence and possible closure. Institutions thus have to make a judgement as to what liquidity ratio is best – one that is neither too high nor too low.
Balances in the central bank, short-term loans (i.e. those listed above) and government bonds with less than 12 months to maturity (and hence tradable now at near their face value) would normally be regarded as liquid assets.
As Box 28.2 explains, over the years, banks had reduced their liquidity ratios (i.e. the ratio of liquid assets to total assets). This was not a problem as long as banks could always finance lending to customers by borrowing on the inter-bank market. In 2008, however, banks became increasingly worried about bad debt. They thus felt the need to increase their liquidity ratios and hence cut back on lending and chose to keep a higher proportion of deposits in liquid form. In the UK, for example, banks
KI 14 p 82
BOX 28.2 GROWTH OF BANKS’ BALANCE SHEETS
The rise of wholesale funding
Banks’ traditional funding model relied heavily on deposits as the source of funds for loans. However, new ways for financial institutions to access funds to generate new loans evolved, especially in the years preceding the financial crisis of 2008. These reflected the deregulation of financial markets and the rapid pace of financial innovation.
Seeds of the crisis Increasingly financial institutions made greater use of wholesale funds. These are funds obtained mainly from other financial institutions. This coincided too with the emergence of a process known as securitisation. This involves the con- version of non-marketable banks’ assets, such as residential mortgages, which have regular income streams (e.g. from payments of interest and capital), into assets that could be traded, known as ‘tradable financial instruments’. These asset-backed securities provide lenders who originate the loans with a source of funds for further loans. Therefore, securitisation became another means by which lenders could raise capital. Securitisation is discussed further in Box 28.3. With an increasing use of money markets by financial institu- tions, vast sums of funds became available for lending. One consequence of this is illustrated in the chart: the expansion of the aggregate balance sheet. The balance sheet grew from £2.5 trillion (3 times GDP) in 1998 to over £8.5 trillion (5.6 times GDP) in 2010. The growth in banks’ balance sheets was accompanied by a change in their composition. First, the profile of banks’ assets became less liquid as they extended more long-term credit to households and firms. Assets generally became more risky too, as banks increasingly granted mortgages of 100 per cent or more of the value of houses – a problem for banks if house prices fell and they were forced to repossess. Second, there was a general increase in the use of fixed- interest bonds as opposed to ordinary shares (equities) for raising capital. The ratio of bonds to equity capital is known as gearing (or leverage) ratio. The increase in leverage meant that banks were operating with lower and lower levels of loss-absorbing capital, such as ordinary shares. If banks
run at a loss, dividends on shares can be suspended; the pay- ment of interest on fixed interest bonds cannot. This meant that as the crisis unfolded, policy makers were facing a liquid- ity problem, not among one or two financial institutions, but across the financial system. The market failure we are describing is a form of co-ordination failure. When one bank pursues increased earnings by bor- rowing from and lending to other financial institutions, this is not necessarily a problem. But if many institutions build their balance sheets by borrowing from and lending to each other, then it becomes a problem for the whole financial system. The apparent increase in liquidity for individual banks, on which they base credit, is not an overall increase in liquidity for the financial system as a whole. The effect is to create a credit bubble. The dangers of the bubble for the financial system and beyond were magnified by the increasingly tangled web of interde- pendencies between financial institutions, both nationally and globally. There was a danger that this complexity was masking fundamental weaknesses of many financial institu- tions and too little overall liquidity.
The financial crisis Things came to a head in 2007 and 2008. Once one or two financial institutions failed, such as Northern Rock in the UK in September 2007 and Lehman Brothers in the USA in September 2008, the worry was that failures would spread like a contagion. Banks could no longer rely on each other as their main source of liquidity. The problems arising from the balance sheet expansion, increased leverage and a heightened level of maturity mis- match meant that central banks around the world, including the Bank of England, were faced with addressing a liquidity problem of huge proportions. They had to step in to supply central bank money to prevent a collapse of the banking system. Subsequently, the international Basel Committee on Banking Supervision (see pages 527-9) agreed a set of measures, to be applied globally, designed to ensure the greater financial resilience of banks and banking systems. It is notable from
KI 39 p 471
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GROWTH OF BANKS’ BALANCE SHEETS
The rise of wholesale funding
the chart how the early 2010s saw a consolidation of the aggregate balance sheet of banks resident in the UK. At the end of 2015 the aggregate balance sheet stood at close to £7 trillion. This was equivalent to 3.75 times GDP, its lowest level since 2003.
Why do you think banks became reluctant to deposit moneys with other banks during the financial crisis of the late 2000s?
CAR =
Common Equity Tier 1 capital + Additional Tier 1 capital + Tier 2 capital
Risk@weighted assets
Common Equity Tier 1 (CET1) capital includes bank reserves (from retained profits) and ordinary share capital (‘equities’), where dividends to shareholders vary with the
Definitions
Gearing or leverage (US term) The ratio of debt capital to equity capital: in other words, the ratio of borrowed capital (e.g. bonds) to shares.
Co-ordination failure When a group of firms (e.g. banks) acting independently could have achieved a more desirable outcome if they had co-ordinated their decision making.
substantially increased their level of reserves in the Bank of England.
Capital adequacy In addition to sufficient liquidity, banks must have suffi- cient capital (i.e. funds) to allow them to meet all demands from depositors and to cover losses if borrowers default on payment. Capital adequacy is a measure of a bank’s capital relative to its assets, where the assets are weighted according to the degree of risk. The more risky the assets, the greater the amount of capital that will be required.
A measure of capital adequacy is given by the capi- tal adequacy ratio (CAR). This is given by the following formula:
KI 14 p 82
Aggregate balance sheet of banks and building societies
Definitions
Liquidity ratio The proportion of a bank’s total assets held in liquid form.
Capital adequacy ratio The ratio of a bank’s capital (reserves and shares) to its risk-weighted assets.
£ billions % of GDP
2000
3000
4000
5000
6000
7000
8000
9000
1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014
£ bi
lli on
s
250
300
350
400
450
500
550
600
% of G
D P
Source: (i) Data showing liabilities of banks and building societies based on series LPMALOA and RPMTBJF (up to the end of 2009) and RPMB3UQ (from 2010) from Statistical Interactive Database, Bank of England (data published 4 January 2016, not seasonally adjusted). (ii) GDP data from series YBHA, Office for National Statistics (GDP figures are the sum of the latest four quarters).
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amount of profit the bank makes. Such capital thus places no burden on banks in times of losses as no dividend need be paid. What is more, unlike depositors, shareholders can- not ask for their money back.
Additional Tier 1 (AT1) capital consists largely of pref- erence shares. These pay a fixed dividend (like company bonds), but although preference shareholders have a prior claim over ordinary shareholders on company profits, divi- dends need not be paid in times of loss.
Tier 2 capital is subordinated debt with a maturity greater than five years. Subordinated debt holders only have a claim on a company after the claims of all other bondholders have been met.
Risk-weighted assets are the total value of assets, where each type of asset is multiplied by a risk factor. Under the internationally agreed Basel II accord, cash and government bonds have a risk factor of zero and are thus not included. Inter-bank lending between the major banks has a risk factor of 0.2 and is thus included at only 20 per cent of its value; res- idential mortgages have a risk factor of 0.35; personal loans, credit-card debt and overdrafts have a risk factor of 1; loans to companies carry a risk factor of 0.2, 0.5, 1 or 1.5, depend- ing on the credit rating of the company. Thus the greater the average risk factor of a bank’s assets, the greater will be the value of its risk-weighted assets, and the lower will be its CAR.
The greater the CAR, the greater the capital adequacy of a bank. Under Basel II, banks were required to have a CAR of at least 8 per cent (i.e. 0.08). They were also required to meet two supplementary CARs. Firstly, banks needed to hold a ratio of Tier 1 capital to risk-weighted assets of at least 4 per cent and, secondly, a ratio of ordinary share capital to risk- weighted assets of at least 2 per cent. It was felt that these three ratios would provide banks with sufficient capital to meet the demands from depositors and to cover losses if borrowers defaulted. The financial crisis, however, meant a rethink (as we shall see below on pages 527-9).
Secondary marketing and securitisation As we have seen, one way of reconciling the two conflict- ing aims of liquidity and profitability is to hold a mixture of liquid and illiquid assets. Another way is through the secondary marketing of assets. This is where holders of assets sell them to someone else before the maturity date. This allows banks to close the maturity gap for liquidity pur- poses, but maintain the gap for profitability purposes.
Certificates of deposit (CDs) are a good example of sec- ondary marketing. CDs are issued for fixed-period deposits in a bank (e.g. one year) at an agreed interest rate. The bank
Definitions
Secondary marketing Where assets are sold before maturity to another institution or individual.
Securitisation Where future cash flows (e.g. from inter- est rate or mortgage payments) are turned into marketa- ble securities, such as bonds.
Special purpose vehicle (SPV) Legal entities created by financial institutions for conducting specific financial functions, such as bundling assets together into fixed- interest bonds and selling them.
Collateralised debt obligations (CDOs) These are a type of security consisting of a bundle of fixed-income assets, such as corporate bonds, mortgage debt and cred- it-card debt.
does not have to repay the deposit until the year is up. CDs are thus illiquid liabilities for the bank, and they allow it to increase the proportion of illiquid assets without having a dangerously high maturity gap. But the holder of the CD in the meantime can sell it to someone else (through a bro- ker). It is thus liquid to the holder. Because CDs are liquid to the holder, they can be issued at a relatively low rate of interest and thus allow the bank to increase its profitability.
Another example of secondary marketing is when a financial institution sells some of its assets to another finan- cial institution. The advantage to the first institution is that it gains liquidity. The advantage to the second one is that it gains profitable assets. The most common method for the sale of assets has been through a process known as securitisation.
Securitisation occurs when a financial institution pools some of its assets, such as residential mortgages, and sells them to an intermediary known as a special purpose vehi- cle (SPV). SPVs are legal entities created by the financial institution. In turn, the SPV funds its purchase of the assets by issuing bonds to investors (noteholders). These bonds are known as collateralised debt obligations (CDOs). The sellers (e.g. banks) get cash now rather than having to wait and can use it to fund loans to customers. The buyers make a profit if the income yielded by the CDOs is as expected. Such bonds can be very risky, however, as the future cash flows may be less than anticipated.
The securitisation chain is illustrated in Figure 28.1. The financial institution looking to sell its assets is referred to as the ‘originator’ or the ‘originator-lender’. Working from left to right, we see the originator-lender sells its assets to
Securitisation chainFigure 28.1
Sale of assets Sale of CDOs
Proceeds from notes (£) Cash (£)
Originator / lender
Special purpose vehicle (SPV)
Bond holders (noteholders)
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another financial institution, the SPV, which then bundles assets together into CDOs and sells them to investors (e.g. banks or pension funds) as bonds. Now working from right to left, we see that by purchasing the bonds issued by the SPV, the investors provide the funds for the SPV’s purchase of the lender’s assets. The SPV is then able to use the pro- ceeds from the bond sales (CDO proceeds) to provide the originator-lender with liquidity.
The effect of secondary marketing is to reduce the liquid- ity ratio that banks feel they need to keep. It has the effect of increasing their maturity gap.
Dangers of secondary marketing. There are dangers to the banking system, however, from secondary marketing. To the extent that banks individually feel that they can oper- ate with a lower liquidity ratio, so this will lead to a lower national liquidity ratio. This may lead to an excessive expan- sion of credit (illiquid assets) in times of economic boom.
Also, there is an increased danger of banking collapse. If one bank fails, this will have a knock-on effect on those banks which have purchased its assets. In the specific case of securitisation, the strength of the chain is potentially weakened if individual financial institutions move into riskier market segments, such as sub-prime residential mort- gage markets. Should the income streams of the originator’s assets dry up – for instance, if individuals default on their loans – then the impact is felt by the whole of the chain. In other words, institutions and investors are exposed to the risks of the originator’s lending strategy.
The issue of securitisation and its impact on the liquid- ity of the financial system during the 2000s is considered in Box 28.3.
Strengthening international regulation of capital adequacy and liquidity Capital adequacy In light of the financial crisis of 2008–9, international cap- ital adequacy requirements were strengthened by the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision in 2010/11. The new ‘Basel III’ capital requirements, as they are called, will be phased in by 2019. They are summarised in Figure 28.2.
From 2013, banks will continue to need a CAR of at least 8 per cent (i.e. 0.08). But, by 2015 they will also be required to operate with a ratio of CET1 to risk-weighted assets of at least 4.5 per cent. The phased introduction of a capital con- servation buffer from 2016 will raise the CET1 ratio to no less than 7 per cent by 2019. This will take the overall CAR to at least 10.5 per cent.
KI 14 p 82
Basel III minimum capital requirements, by 1/1/2019Figure 28.2
G-SIFI Surcharge Up to 2.5% CET1
Counter-cyclical Buffer Up to 2.5% CET1
Capital Conservation Buffer Additional 2.5% CET1 (minimum by 2019)
Common Equity Tier 1 (CET1) capital 4.5% (minimum by 2015)
Additional Tier 1 (AT1) capital 1.5% (minimum if CET1 at minimum)
Tier 2 capital 2% (minimum if Tier 1 at minimum)
15.5
13.0
10.5
8.0
3.5
2.0
% of risk-w
eighted assets
C E
T1 , m
in im
um 7
%
Ti er
1 +
T ie
r 2
ca pi
ta l,
m in
im um
1 0.
5%
Definition
Sub-prime debt Debt where there is a high risk of default by the borrower (e.g. mortgage holders who are on low incomes facing higher interest rates and falling house prices).
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On top of this, national regulators will be required to assess the financial resilience across all financial institu- tions under its jurisdiction, particularly in light of economic conditions. This is macro-prudential regulation. If neces- sary, it will then apply a counter-cyclical buffer to all banks so increasing the CET1 ratio by up to a further 2.5 per cent. The idea is to build up a capital buffer in boom times to allow it to be drawn on in times of recession or financial difficulty.
Large global financial institutions, known as global sys- temically important banks (G-SIBs), will be required to oper- ate with a CET1 ratio of up to 2.5 per cent higher than other banks. The reason for this extra capital requirement is that the failure of such an institution could trigger a global financial cri- sis. This would potentially take the overall CAR for very large financial institutions in 2019 to 15.5 per cent (see Figure 28.2).
Net stable funding ratio As part of Basel III, it is intended to introduce a minimum net stable funding ratio (NSFR) by 2018. The NSFR is the ratio
of stable liabilities to assets likely to require funding (i.e. assets where there is a likelihood of default or which could not be ‘monetised’ and thereby converted into money through their sale). The aim of having a minimum NSFR is to limit excessive risk from maturity transformation by tak- ing a longer-term view of the funding profile of banks rela- tive to their assets.
On the liabilities side, these will be weighted by their expected reliability – in other words, by the stability of these funds. This weighting will reflect the maturity of the liabili- ties and the likelihood of lenders withdrawing their funds. For example, Tier 1 and 2 capital will have a weighting of 100 per cent; term deposits with less than one year to matu- rity will have a weighting of 50 per cent; and unsecured wholesale funding will have a weighting of 0 per cent. The result of these weightings is a measure of stable funding.
On the assets side, these will be weighted by the like- lihood that they will have to be funded over the course of one year. This means that they will be weighted by their
KI 14 p 82
BOX 28.3 RESIDENTIAL MORTGAGES AND SECURITISATION
Was this the cause of the credit crunch?
The conflict between profitability and liquidity may have sown the seeds for the credit crunch that affected economies across the globe in the second half of the 2000s. To understand this, consider the size of the ‘advances’ item in the banking sector’s balance sheet – some 56 per cent of the value of sterling (see Table 28.1). The vast majority of these are to households. Advances secured against property have, in recent times, accounted for around 80 per cent by value of all household advances. Residential mortgages involve insti- tutions lending long.
Securitisation of debt One way in which individual institutions can achieve the necessary liquidity to expand the size of their mortgage lending (illiquid assets) is through securitisation. Securiti- sation grew especially rapidly in the UK and USA. In the UK this was particularly true amongst banks; building societies have historically made greater use of retail deposits to fund advances.
Figures from the Bank of England show that the value of lending to individuals which was securitised increased from just over £0.8 billion in 1998 to £103.7 billion in 2008 (see chart). Most of this securitised debt has been secured debt, i.e. residential mortgages.
Securitisation is a form of financial engineering. It provides banks (originator-lenders) with liquidity and enables them to engage in further lending opportunities. It provides the spe- cial purpose vehicles with the opportunity to issue profitable securities.
The increase in securitisation up to 2008 highlights the strong demand amongst investors for these securities or ‘collateralised debt obligations’ (CDOs). The attraction of these fixed-income products for the noteholders was the
potential for higher returns than on (what were) similarly rated products. However, investors have no recourse should people with mortgages fall into arrears or, worse still, default on their mortgages.
Risks and the sub-prime market The securitisation of assets is not without risks for all those in the securitisation chain and consequently for the financial system as a whole.
The pooling of advances in itself reduces the cash-flow risk facing investors. However, there is a moral hazard problem here (see page 100). The pooling of the risks may encourage originator-lenders to lower their credit criteria by offering higher income multiples (advances relative to annual house- hold incomes) or higher loan- to-value ratios (advances rela- tive to the price of housing).
Towards the end of 2006 the USA witnessed an increase in the number of defaults by households on residential mortgages. This was a particular problem in the sub-prime market – higher-risk households with poor credit ratings. Similarly, the number falling behind with their payments rose. This was on the back of rising interest rates.
These problems in the US sub-prime market were the catalyst for the liquidity problem that beset financial systems in 2007 and 2008. Where these assets were securitised, investors, largely other financial institutions, suffered from the conta- gion arising from arrears and defaults. Securitisation also internationalised the contagion. Investors are global so that advances, such as a US family’s residential mortgage, can cross national borders. This resulted in insti- tutions writing off debts, a deterioration of their balance sheets, the collapse in the demand for securitised assets and the drying up of liquidity.
KI 7 p 38
KI 17 p 100
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liquidity, with more liquid assets requiring less funding. Thus cash will have a zero weighting, while more risky assets will have weightings up to 100 per cent. The result is a measure of required funding.
Banks will need to hold a minimum stable-liabilities-to- required-funding ratio (NSFR) of 100 per cent.
The central bank The Bank of England is the UK’s central bank. The European Central Bank (ECB) is the central bank for the countries
using the euro. The Federal Reserve Bank of America (the Fed) is the USA’s central bank. All countries have a central bank and they fulfil two vital roles in the economy.
The first is to oversee the whole monetary system and ensure that banks and other financial institutions operate as stably and as efficiently as possible.
RESIDENTIAL MORTGAGES AND SECURITISATION
Was this the cause of the credit crunch?
The chart shows the collapse of the market for securitised assets. The period from 2009 to 2014 was characterised by banks buying back CDOs from SPVs, including unsold ones.
Does securitisation necessarily involve a moral hazard problem?
Net securitisations of MFI lending to individuals
Definition
Moral hazard The temptation to take more risks when you know that someone else will cover the risks if you get into difficulties. In the case of banks taking risks, the ‘someone else’ may be another bank, the central bank or the government.
Definitions
Macro-prudential regulation Regulation which focuses on the financial system as a whole and which monitors its impact on the wider economy.
Global systemically important banks (G-SIBs) Banks identified by a series of indicators as being significant players in the global financial system.
Pause for thought
Why are government bonds that still have 11 months to run regarded as liquid, whereas overdrafts granted for a few weeks are not?
220
210
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
110
1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014
£ bi
llio ns
secured unsecured
Note: Negative totals indicate acquisition of secured and unsecured debt portfolios Source: Based on data from Statistical Interactive Database, Bank of England, series LPQB3XE and LPQB3HK (data published 2/3/15).
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The second is to act as the government’s agent, both as its banker and in carrying out monetary policy. The Bank of England traditionally worked in very close liaison with the Treasury, and there used to be regular meetings between the Governor of the Bank of England and the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Although the Bank may have disagreed with Treasury policy, it always carried it out. With the elec- tion of the Labour government in 1997, however, the Bank of England was given independence to decide the course of monetary policy. In particular, this meant that the Bank of England and not the government would now decide inter- est rates.
Another example of an independent central bank is the European Central Bank (ECB). The ECB operates monetary policy for the countries using the euro and it alone, not the member governments, determines com- mon interest rates for these countries. Similarly, the Fed is independent of both President and Congress, and its chairman is generally regarded as having great power in determining the country’s economic policy. Although the degree of independence of central banks from gov- ernment varies considerably around the world, there has nevertheless been a general trend to make central banks more independent.
If the UK were ever to adopt the euro, there would be a much reduced role for the Bank of England. At present, however, within its two broad roles, it has a number of dif- ferent functions. Although we shall consider the case of the Bank of England, the same principles apply to other central banks.
It issues notes The Bank of England is the sole issuer of banknotes in Eng- land and Wales (in Scotland and Northern Ireland retail banks issue banknotes). The amount of banknotes issued by the Bank of England depends largely on the demand for notes from the general public. If people draw more cash from their bank accounts, the banks will have to draw more cash from their balances in the Bank of England.
It acts as a bank To the government. It keeps the two major government accounts: ‘The Exchequer’ and the ‘National Loans Fund’. Taxation and government spending pass through the Exchequer. Government borrowing and lending pass through the National Loans Fund. The government tends to keep its deposits in the Bank of England to a minimum. If the deposits begin to build up (from taxation), the gov- ernment will probably spend them on paying back gov- ernment debt. If, on the other hand, the government runs short of money, it will simply borrow more.
To the banks. Banks’ deposits in the Bank of England consist of reserve balances and cash ratio deposits (see Table 28.1). The reserve balances are used largely for clearing purposes
between the banks, but are also a means by which banks can manage their liquidity risk. Therefore, the reserve bal- ances provide banks with an important buffer stock of liq- uid assets.
To overseas central banks. The Bank of England holds depos- its of sterling (and similarly the European Central Bank holds deposits of euros) made by overseas authorities as part of their official reserves and/or for purposes of intervening in the foreign exchange market in order to influence the exchange rate of their currency (see page 531).
It operates the country’s monetary policy The Bank of England’s Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) sets interest rates (the rate on gilt repos) at its regular meet- ings. This nine-member committee consists of four experts appointed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and four senior members of the Bank of England, plus the Governor in the chair.
The Bank of England conducts open-market operations to keep interest rates in line with the level decided by the MPC. By purchasing securities (gilts and/or Treasury bills), for example through reverse repos (repos to the banks), the Bank of England provides liquidity, thereby putting down- ward pressure on interest rates. If it is looking to raise inter- est rates, the Bank of England will sell securities to banks, so reducing banks’ reserves in the Bank. In the process of influencing interest rates through open-market operations the Bank of England affects the size of the money supply. (This is explained in Chapter 30.)
As the financial crisis unfolded it became increasingly difficult for the Bank to meet its monetary policy objectives while maintaining financial stability. New policies were thus adopted. October 2008 also saw the Bank of England stop short-term open-market operations. The key prior- ity was now ensuring sufficient liquidity and so the focus switched to longer-term OMOs.
March 2009 saw the Bank begin a programme of quan- titative easing (QE) (see Box 30.4). The aim was to increase the amount of money in the financial system and thereby stimulate bank lending and hence aggregate demand. QE involved the Bank creating electronic money and using it to
KI 39 p 471
Definitions
Open-market operations The sale (or purchase) of government securities in the open market which aim to reduce (or increase) the money supply and thereby affect interest rates.
Quantitative easing When the central bank increases the monetary base through an open market purchase of government bonds or other securities. It uses electronic money (reserve liabilities) created specifically for this purpose.
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purchase assets, mainly government bonds, predominantly from non-deposit-taking financial institutions, such as unit trusts, insurance companies and pension funds. These institutions would then deposit the money in banks, which could lend it to businesses and consumers for purposes of spending.
It provides liquidity, as necessary, to banks Financial institutions engage in maturity transformation (see Box 28.1), which means that they are typically bor- rowing funds for a shorter time period than that for which they are loaning funds. While most customer deposits can be withdrawn instantly, financial institutions will have a variety of lending commitments, some of which span many years. Hence, the Bank of England acts as a ‘liquidity backstop’ for the banking system. It attempts to ensure that there is always an adequate supply of liquidity to meet the legitimate demands of depositors in banks.
Banks’ reserve balances provide them with some liquid- ity insurance. However, the Bank of England needs other means by which to provide both individual banks and the banking system with sufficient liquidity. The financial cri- sis, for instance, saw incredible pressure on the aggregate liquidity of financial system. The result is that the UK has three principal insurance facilities:
Index long-term repos (ILTRs). Each month the Bank of Eng- land provides MFIs with reserves for a six-month period secured against collateral and indexed against the Bank Rate. Financial institutions can borrow reserves against different levels of collateral. These levels reflect the quality and liquidity of the collateral. The reserves are distributed through an auction where financial institutions indicate, for their particular level of collateral, the number of basis points over the Bank Rate (the ‘spread’) they are prepared to pay. The resulting equilibrium interest rate, paid by all those borrowing, is that which balances the demand from MFIs with the supply of reserves made available. The Bank of England may subsequently provide a greater quantity of reserves if, from the bids, it observes a greater demand for it to provide liquidity insurance.
Discount window facility (DWF). This on-demand facility allows financial institutions to borrow government bonds (gilts) for 30 days against different classes of (less liquid) collateral. They pay a fee to do so. The size of the fee is determined by both the type and quantity of collateral being traded. The gilts can then be used in repo operations as a means of securing liquidity. Financial institutions can look to roll over the gilts obtained from the DWF beyond the normal 30 days if they are still short of liquidity.
Contingent term repo facility (CTRP). This is a facility which the Bank of England can activate in exceptional circumstances. As with the ILTRs, financial institutions
can obtain liquidity secured against different levels of collateral through an auction. However, the terms, includ- ing the maturity of the funds, are intended to be more flexible.
It oversees the activities of banks and other financial institutions The Bank of England requires all recognised banks to main- tain adequate liquidity: this is called prudential control.
In May 1997, the Bank of England ceased to be respon- sible for the detailed supervision of banks’ activities. This responsibility passed to the Financial Services Authority (FSA). But the financial crisis of the late 2000s raised con- cerns about whether the FSA, the Bank of England and HM Treasury were sufficiently watchful of banks’ liquidity and the risks of liquidity shortage. Some commentators argued that a much tighter form of prudential control should have been imposed.
The early 2010s saw the implementation of a new reg- ulatory framework with an enhanced role for the Bank of England.
First, the Bank’s Financial Policy Committee (FPC) was made responsible for macro-prudential regulation: i.e. reg- ulation which takes a broader view of the financial system. It considers, for instance, the resilience of the financial sys- tem to possible shocks and its capacity to create macroeco- nomic instability through excessive credit creation.
Second, the prudential regulation of individual firms was transferred from the FSA to the Prudential Regula- tion Authority (PRA), a subsidiary of the Bank of England. Third, the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) took respon- s i b i l i t y f o r c o n s u m e r p r o t e c t i o n a n d t h e r e g u l a t i o n of markets for financial services. The FCA is an inde- pendent body accountable to HM Treasury. The FSA was wound up.
It operates the government’s exchange rate policy The Bank of England manages the country’s gold and for- eign currency reserves. This is done through the exchange equalisation account. By buying and selling foreign curren- cies on the foreign exchange market, the Bank of England can affect the exchange rate (see Chapter 27).
Definitions
Prudential control The insistence by the Bank of Eng- land that banks maintain adequate liquidity.
Macro-prudential regulation Regulation of the finan- cial system as a whole to ensure that it is resilient to shocks.
Exchange equalisation account The gold and foreign exchange reserves account in the Bank of England.
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The role of the money markets Money markets enable participants, such as banks, to lend to and borrow from each other. The financial instru- ments traded are short-term ones. As we have seen, central banks use money markets to exercise control over inter- est rates. But they are very important too in widening the lending and borrowing opportunities for financial institutions.
We take the case of the London money market, which is normally divided into the ‘discount and repo’ markets and the ‘parallel’ or ‘complementary’ markets.
The discount and repo markets The discount market. The discount market is the market for commercial or government bills. The discount market is also known as the traditional market because it was the market in which many central banks traditionally used to supply central bank money to financial institutions. For instance, if the Bank of England wanted to increase liquid- ity in the banking system it could purchase from the banks Treasury bills which had yet to reach maturity. This process is known as rediscounting. The Bank of England would pay a price below the face value, thus effectively charging inter- est to the banks. The price could be set so that the ‘redis- count rate’ reflected the interest rate set by the MPC (see section 30.2).
The repo market. The emergence of the repo market is a more recent development dating in the UK back to the 1990s. As we have just noted, repos have become an important potential source of wholesale funding for financial insti- tutions. They are an important means by which central banks can affect the liquidity of the financial system both to implement monetary policy and to ensure financial stability.
By entering into a repo agreement the Bank of England buys gilts from the banks (thereby supplying them with money) on the condition that the banks buy the gilts back at a fixed price and on a fixed date. The repurchase price will be above the sale price. The difference is the equiva- lent of the interest that the banks are being charged for having what amounts to a loan from the Bank of Eng- land. The repurchase price (and hence the ‘repo rate’) is set by the Bank of England to reflect the rate chosen by the MPC.
The financial crisis caused the Bank to modify its repo operations to manage liquidity for both purposes of mon- etary policy and increasingly to ensure financial stability. These changes included a widening of the securities eligi- ble as collateral for loans, a suspension of short-term repo operations and an increased focus on longer-term repo operations.
So central banks, like the Bank of England, are prepared to provide central bank money through the creation of reserves. The central bank is thus the ultimate guarantor of sufficient liquidity in the monetary system and is known as lender of last resort.
As a means of supplying liquidity to troubled banks in various eurozone countries, the ECB in late 2011 and into 2012 issued a large amount of three-year repo loans (just over €1 trillion). These long-term repo operations, or LTROs, were seen as vital for staving off a liquidity crisis and potential collapse of certain banks struggling with bad debts.
The parallel money markets Like repo markets, complementary or parallel money mar- kets have grown rapidly in recent years. In part, this reflects the opening up of markets to international dealing, the deregulation of banking and money market dealing, and the desire of banks to keep funds in a form that can be read- ily switched from one form of deposit to another, or from one currency to another.
Examples of parallel markets include the markets for certificates of deposit (CDs), foreign currencies markets (dealings in foreign currencies deposited short term in the country) and the inter-bank market. Of these, the inter-bank market is particularly important. It has traditionally been a major source of liquidity.
The inter-bank market involves wholesale loans from one bank to another from one day to up to several months. Inter-bank lending has traditionally been a major source of liquidity. Bank with surplus liquidity lend to other banks, which then use this as the basis for loans to individuals and companies. Inter-bank interest rates (known as LIBOR) tend to be higher than those in the discount and repo markets and sensitive to the aggregate level of liquidity in the finan- cial system.
As Figure 28.3 shows, during the financial crisis of 2008 inter-bank lending rates rose significantly above the Bank Rate. At the same time lending virtually ceased as banks became worried that the bank they were lending to might default.
KI 28 p 325
Definitions
Rediscounting bills of exchange Buying bills before they reach maturity.
Lender of last resort The role of the Bank of England as the guarantor of sufficient liquidity in the monetary system.
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One-month LIBOR and Bank RateFigure 28.3
THE SUPPLY OF MONEY28.3
If money supply is to be monitored and possibly controlled, it is obviously necessary to measure it. But what should be included in the measure? Here we need to distinguish between the monetary base and broad money.
The monetary base (or ‘high-powered money’ or ‘nar- row money’) consists of cash (notes and coin) in circulation outside the central bank.1 In 1970, the stock of notes and coins in circulation in the UK was around £4 billion, equiv- alent to 7 per cent of annual GDP. By 2015 this had grown to over £70 billion, but equivalent to only about 4 per cent of annual GDP.
The monetary base gives us a very poor indication of the effective money supply, however, since it excludes the most important source of liquidity for spending: namely, bank
deposits. The problem is which deposits to include. We need to answer three questions:
■ Should we include just sight deposits, or time deposits as well?
■ Should we include just retail deposits, or wholesale deposits as well?
■ Should we include just bank deposits, or building society (savings institution) deposits as well?
In the past there has been a whole range of measures, each including different combinations of these accounts. However, financial deregulation, the abolition of foreign exchange controls and the development of computer technology have led to huge changes in the financial sec- tor throughout the world. This has led to a blurring of the
KI 27 p 322
1 Before 2006, there used to be a measure of narrow money called M0. This included cash in circulation outside the Bank of England and banks’ non- interest-bearing ‘operational balances’ in the Bank of England, with these balances accounting for a tiny proportion of the whole. Since 2006, the Bank of England has allowed banks to hold interest-bearing reserve accounts, which are much larger than the former operational balances. The Bank of England thus decided to discontinue M0 as a measure and focus on cash in circulation as its measure of the monetary base.
Definition
Monetary base Notes and coin outside the central bank.
LIBOR spread Bank Rate 1-month LIBOR
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015
In te
re st
r at
e (%
)
20.4
20.2
0.0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1.0
1.2
S pread, percentage points
Source: Based on data from Statistical Interactive Database, series IUMAMIH and IUMVNEA (Bank of England) (data published 7/6/15).
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distinctions between different types of account. It has also made it very easy to switch deposits from one type of account to another. For these reasons, the most usual meas- ure that countries use for money supply is broad money, which in most cases includes both time and sight deposits, retail and wholesale deposits, and bank and building soci- ety deposits.
In the UK this measure of broad money is known as M4. In most other European countries and the USA it is known as M3. There are, however, minor differences between countries in what is included.
In 1970, the stock of M4 in the UK was around £26 bil- lion, equivalent to 50 per cent of annual GDP. By 2015 this had grown to £2.1 trillion, equivalent to about 120 per cent of annual GDP.
As we have seen, bank deposits of one form or another constitute by far the largest component of (broad) money supply. To understand how money supply expands and contracts, and how it can be controlled, it is thus necessary to understand what determines the size of bank deposits. Banks can themselves expand the amount of bank deposits, and hence the money supply, by a process known as ‘credit creation’.
The creation of credit To illustrate this process in its simplest form, assume that banks have just one type of liability – deposits – and two types of asset – balances with the central bank (to achieve liquidity) and advances to customers (to earn profit).
Banks want to achieve profitability while maintaining sufficient liquidity. Assume that they believe that suffi- cient liquidity will be achieved if 10 per cent of their assets are held as balances with the central bank. The remaining 90 per cent will then be in advances to customers. In other words, the banks operate a 10 per cent liquidity ratio.
Assume initially that the combined balance sheet of the banks is as shown in Table 28.2. Total deposits are £100 bil- lion, of which £10 billion (10 per cent) are kept in balances with the central bank. The remaining £90 billion (90 per cent) are lent to customers.
Now assume that the government spends more money – £10 billion, say, on roads or education. It pays for this with cheques drawn on its account with the central bank. The people receiving the cheques deposit them in their
banks. Banks return these cheques to the central bank and their balances correspondingly increase by £10 bil- lion. The combined banks’ balance sheet now is shown in Table 28.3.
But this is not the end of the story. Banks now have surplus liquidity. With their balances in the central bank having increased to £20 billion, they now have a liquidity ratio of 20/110, or 18.2 per cent. If they are to return to a 10 per cent liquidity ratio, they need only retain £11 billion as balances at the central bank (£11 billion/£110 billion = 10 per cent). The remaining £9 billion they can lend to customers.
Assume now that customers spend this £9 billion in shops and the shopkeepers deposit the cheques in their bank accounts. When the cheques are cleared, the balances in the central bank of the customers’ banks will duly be deb- ited by £9 billion, but the balances in the central bank of the shopkeepers’ banks will be credited by £9 billion: leaving overall balances in the central bank unaltered. There is still a surplus of £9 billion over what is required to maintain the 10 per cent liquidity ratio. The new deposits of £9 billion in the shopkeepers’ banks, backed by balances in the central bank, can thus be used as the basis for further loans. Ten per cent (i.e. £0.9 billion) must be kept back in the central bank, but the remaining 90 per cent (i.e. £8.1 billion) can be lent out again.
When the money is spent and the cheques are cleared, this £8.1 billion will still remain as surplus balances in the cen- tral bank and can therefore be used as the basis for yet more loans. Again, 10 per cent must be retained and the remaining 90 per cent can be lent out. This process goes on and on until eventually the position is as shown in Table 28.4.
The initial increase in balances with the central bank of £10 billion has allowed banks to create new advances (and hence deposits) of £90 billion, making a total increase in money supply of £100 billion.
KI 27 p 322
KI 27 p 322
Definitions
Broad money Cash in circulation plus retail and whole- sale bank and building society deposits.
Liabilities £bn Assets £bn
Deposits 100 Balances with the central bank 10
Advances 90
Total 100 Total 100
Banks’ original balance sheet Table 28.2
Liabilities £bn Assets £bn
Deposits (old) 100 Balances with the central bank (old)
10
Deposits (new) 10 Balances with the central bank (new)
10
Advances 90
Total 110 Total 110
The initial effect of an additional deposit of £10 billion
Table 28.3
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This effect is known as the bank (or bank deposits) mul- tiplier. In this simple example with a liquidity ratio of 1/10 (i.e. 10 per cent), the bank deposits multiplier is 10. An ini- tial increase in deposits of £10 billion allowed total depos- its to rise by £100 billion. In this simple world, therefore, the deposits multiplier is the inverse of the liquidity ratio (L).
bank deposits multiplier = 1/L
The creation of credit: the real world In practice, the creation of credit is not as simple as this. There are three major complications.
Banks’ liquidity ratio may vary Banks may choose a different liquidity ratio. At certain times, banks may decide that it is prudent to hold a bigger propor- tion of liquid assets. For example, if banks are worried about increased risks of default on loans, they may choose to hold a higher liquidity ratio to ensure that they have enough to meet customers’ needs. This was the case in the late 2000s when many banks became less willing to lend to other banks for fear of the other banks’ assets containing sub- prime debt. Banks, as a result, hoarded cash and became more cautious about granting loans.
On the other hand, there may be an upsurge in consumer demand for credit. Banks may be very keen to grant addi- tional loans and thus make more profits, even though they have acquired no additional assets. They may simply go ahead and expand credit, and accept a lower liquidity ratio.
Customers may not want to take up the credit on offer. Banks may wish to make additional loans, but customers may not
want to borrow. There may be insufficient demand. But will the banks not then lower their interest rates, thus encour- aging people to borrow? Possibly, but if they lower the rate they charge to borrowers, they must also lower the rate they pay to depositors. But then depositors may switch to other institutions such as building societies.
Banks may not operate a simple liquidity ratio The fact that banks hold a number of fairly liquid assets, such as money at call, bills of exchange and certificates of deposit, makes it difficult to identify a simple liquidity ratio. If the banks use extra cash to buy such liquid assets, can they then use these assets as the basis for creating credit? It is largely up to banks’ judgements on their over- all liquidity position. In practice, therefore, the size of the bank deposits multiplier will vary and is thus difficult to predict in advance.
Some of the extra cash may be withdrawn by the public If extra cash comes into the banking system, and as a result extra deposits are created, part of them may be held by households and non-bank firms (known in this context as the non-bank private sector) as cash outside the banks. In other words, some of the extra cash leaks out of the banking system. This will result in an overall multiplier effect that is smaller than the full bank deposits multiplier. The overall multiplier is known as the money multiplier. It is defined as the change in total money supply expressed as a proportion of the change in the monetary base that caused it: ¢Ms/¢Mb (where Ms is total broad money supply and Mb is the mone- tary base).
The broad money multiplier in the UK In the UK, the principal money multiplier measure is the broad money multiplier. This is given by ¢M4/¢Mb, where Mb in this case is defined as cash in circulation with the public and in banks’ interest-bearing deposits (reserve accounts) at the Bank of England.
Another indicator of the broad money multiplier is simply the ratio of the level of (as opposed to the change in) M4 relative to the cash in circulation with the public and banks’ reserve accounts at the central bank. This ‘levels’
KI 43 p 547
KI 13 p 78
KI 43 p 547
KI 43 p 547
Liabilities £bn Assets £bn
Deposits (old) 100 Balances with the central bank (old)
10
Deposits (new: initial) (new: subsequent)
10 90
Balances with the central bank (new)
10
Advances (old) 90
Advances (new) 90
Total 200 Total 200
The full effect of an additional deposit of £10 billion
Table 28.4
Pause for thought
If banks choose to operate with a 5 per cent liquidity ratio and receive an extra £100 million of cash deposits: (a) What is the size of the deposits multiplier? (b) How much will total depos- its have expanded after the multiplier has worked through? (c) How much will total credit have expanded?
Definitions
Bank (or bank deposits) multiplier The number of times greater the expansion of bank deposits is than the additional liquidity in banks that caused it: 1/L (the inverse of the liquidity ratio).
Non-bank private sector Household and non-bank firms. The category thus excludes the government and banks.
Money multiplier The number of times greater the expansion of money supply (Ms) is than the expansion of the monetary base (Mb) that caused it: ¢Ms/¢Mb.
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relationship is shown in Figure 28.4 and helps us to analyse the longer-term relationship between the stocks of broad money and the monetary base. From it, we can see how the broad money multiplier grew rapidly during the 1980s and into the beginning of the 1990s. From the early 1990s to the mid-2000s, the level of M4 relative to the monetary base fluctuated in a narrow range.
From May 2006 the Bank of England began remuner- ating banks’ reserve accounts at the official Bank Rate. This encouraged banks to increase their reserve accounts at the Bank of England and led to a sharp fall in the broad money multiplier. It then declined further from 2009. The significant decline in 2009 and again in 2011/12 coin- cided with the Bank of England’s programme of asset pur- chases (quantitative easing) which led to a large increase in banks’ reserves at the Bank of England. The point is that the increase in the monetary base did not lead to the same percentage increase in broad money, as banks were more cautious about lending and chose to keep higher reserves. The policy of quantitative easing is discussed more in Chapter 30.
In the next section we look at factors which help explain movements in the money multiplier and changes in the money supply.
What causes money supply to rise? Money supply can rise for a number of reasons. We exam- ine each below.
Central bank action The central bank may decide that the stock of money is too low and that this is keeping up interest rates and holding
back spending in the economy. In such circumstances, it may choose to create additional money.
As we saw above (page 530), this was the case following the 2007/8 financial crisis when the Bank of England and the US Federal Reserve Bank embarked on programmes of quantitative easing. This involved the central bank cre- ating electronic (narrow) money and using it to purchase assets, mainly government bonds. When the recipients of the money (mainly non-bank financial institutions) deposited it in banks, the banks could lend it to businesses and consumers for purposes of spending and, through the bank deposits multiplier, broad money supply would increase.
As we can see from Figure 28.5, however, this was not enough to prevent UK broad money supply falling for much of the period from 2010 to 2014.
Banks choose to hold a lower liquidity ratio If banks collectively choose to hold a lower liquidity ratio, they will have surplus liquidity. The banks have tended to choose a lower liquidity ratio over time because of the increasing use of direct debits and debit-card and cred- it-card transactions.
Surplus liquidity can be used to expand advances, which will lead to a multiplied rise in broad money supply (e.g. M4).
An important trend in recent years has been the growth in inter-bank lending. Table 28.1 (see page 521) showed that short-term loans to other banks (including overseas banks) is the largest element in banks’ liquid assets. These assets may be used by a bank as the basis for expanding loans and thereby starting a chain of credit creation. But although these assets are liquid to an individual bank, they do not add to the liquidity of the banking system as a whole. By using
KI 27 p 322
UK broad money multiplierFigure 28.4
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
1983 1987 1991 1995 1999 2003 2007 2011 2015
Source: Based on series LPMBL22 (reserves), LPMAVAB (notes and coin) and LPMAUYN (M4) from Statistical Interactive Database, Bank of England (data published 4 Jan 2016, seasonally adjusted except for reserves).
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them for credit creation, the banking system is operating with a lower overall liquidity ratio.
This was a major element in the banking crisis of 2008. By operating with a collectively low liquidity ratio, banks were vulnerable to people defaulting on debt, such as mort- gages. The problem was compounded by the holding of sub-prime debt in the form of securitised assets. Realising the vulnerability of other banks, banks became increas- ingly unwilling to lend to each other. The resulting decline in interbank lending reduced the amount of credit created and so depressed the money supply (see Figure 28.5). In Box 28.4 we discuss in more detail the effect of credit cycles on the UK money supply.
The non-bank private sector chooses to hold less cash Households and non-bank firms may choose to hold less cash. Again, the reason may be a greater use of cards, direct debits, etc. This means that a greater proportion of the cash base will be held as deposits in banks rather than in people’s wallets, purses or safes outside banks. The extra cash depos- its allow banks to create more credit.
The above two reasons for an expansion of broad money supply (M4) are because more credit is being created for a given monetary base. As Figure 28.4 showed, the money
multiplier rose substantially in the late 1980s and early 1990s and then gradually up to 2006. The other two rea- sons for an expansion of money supply are reasons why the monetary base itself might expand.
An inflow of funds from abroad When sterling is used to pay for UK exports and is depos- ited in UK banks by the exporters, credit can be created on the basis of it. This leads to a multiplied increase in money supply.
The money supply will also expand if depositors of ster- ling in banks overseas then switch these deposits to banks in the UK. This is a direct increase in the money supply. In an open economy like the UK, movements of sterling and other currencies into and out of the country can be very large. This can lead to large fluctuations in the money supply.
A public-sector deficit A public-sector deficit is the difference between public-sec- tor expenditure and public-sector receipts. To meet this deficit, the government has to borrow money by selling interest-bearing securities (Treasury bills and gilts). In gen- eral, the bigger the public sector’s deficit, the greater will be the growth in the money supply. Just how the money supply will be affected, however, depends on who buys the securities.
Consider first the case where government securities are purchased by the non-bank private sector (i.e. to the gen- eral public and non-bank firms). The money supply will remain unchanged. When people or firms buy the bonds or bills, they will draw money from their banks. When the government spends the money, it will be redeposited in
Annual rate of growth of M4Figure 28.5
Pause for thought
What effects do debit cards and cash machines (ATMs) have on (a) banks’ prudent liquidity ratios; (b) the size of the bank deposits multiplier?
–10
–5
0
5
10
15
20
1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
A nn
ua l %
c ha
ng e
Source: Statistical Interactive Database (Bank of England), Series LPQVQJW (data published 4 Jan 2016, seasonally adjusted).
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BOX 28.4 CREDIT, MONEY AND MINSKY’S FINANCIAL INSTABILITY HYPOTHESIS
Are credit cycles inevitable?
Lending and the money supply M4 is the UK’s main broad aggregate measure of the money supply. It is defined as the UK non-bank private sector’s holdings of notes and coins, sterling deposits and other short-term financial instruments issued by banks and build- ing societies (up to five years). Its growth is highly variable (see Figure 28.5). This mirrors the variability in the growth in credit. As we saw (on pages 534-6), when banks grant credit, further deposits are created when the non-bank pri- vate sector looks to spend this credit. This can result in more credit being extended and more deposits being created. Chart (a) shows annual flows of net lending to the non-bank private sector: the household sector, non-financial corporations and other financial corporations (OFCs). Net lending is additional credit and is calculated by subtracting repayments from the total amount of gross lending by banks and building societies. The chart captures the marked growth in credit during the late 1980s, particularly to households, which contributed to the stock of M4 (broad money) increasing at an average rate of 16 per cent year over the second half of the decade. A marked slowdown in the growth of credit followed the recession of the early 1990s. Private non-financial corporations reduced their holdings of bank debt during this period. Unsurprisingly M4 growth slowed too, with the annual growth rate falling to only a little over 2 per cent during 1993. From the mid-1990s up to the late 2000s we observe a period of prolonged and robust credit growth. Over the period 2006 to 2008 yearly net lending to the non-bank private sector averaged £292 billion. Again this helped to fuel the growth in M4. The average annual rate of growth in M4 over 2006 and 2007 was 13 per cent.
But the story was to change dramatically from 2008 onwards as the ‘credit crunch’ began to bite. We began to see extraor- dinarily low levels of net lending to households – levels not seen since the late 1970s. Meanwhile non-financial corpora- tions and OFCs began reducing their existing bank debts by more than they were acquiring new debts: i.e. net lending to these two sectors was negative. While the repayment of debt by OFCs was aided by the Bank of England’s programme of asset purchases (quantitative easing), the late 2000s marked a new phase in the credit cycle. But how inevitable was this slump and the exuberance in lending that preceded it? How inevitable are credit cycles?
Minsky’s credit cycles Hyman Minsky (1919–96) was an American economist known for his work on understanding the relationship between the financial system and the macroeconomy. His financial instability hypothesis proposes that financial cycles are an inherent part of the economic cycle and so are a key cause of the fluctuations in real GDP. Psychological influences are important in explaining the financial instability hypothesis. The extension of credit by MFIs can be seen to go through different phases. During these phases credit criteria and the ability of borrowers to afford their debts vary. Credit flows are dependent on the state of the economy, with the accumulation of debt by the non-bank private sector being pro-cyclical. Consequently, credit flows help to amplify the magnitude of the cycle. Minsky argued that credit flows will tend to increase in a period of sustained growth. This causes banks and investors to develop a heightened euphoria and confidence in the
KI 27 p 322
KI 38 p 470
(a) Annual flows of net lending to non-bank private sector
Note: Based on sum of latest four quarters Source: Statistical Interactive Database (Bank of England), Series LPQVWNL, LPQVWNQ and LPQVWNV (data published 4 Jan 2016, seasonally adjusted).
–200
–150
–100
–50
0
50
100
150
200
250
300
350
400
450
1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
£ bi
lli on
s pe
r 12
-m on
th p
er io
d
Private non-financial corporations Households OFCs
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CREDIT, MONEY AND MINSKY’S FINANCIAL INSTABILITY HYPOTHESIS
Are credit cycles inevitable?
economy and in the returns of assets. As a result, economic agents begin to take on bigger debts to acquire assets. These debts increasingly stretch their financial well-being. A point is reached, perhaps triggered by an economic shock or a tightening of economic policy, when the euphoria stops and confidence is replaced with pessimism. This is sometimes referred to as a ‘Minsky moment’. Some argue that a Minsky moment may have taken place in 2008/9. If we look at chart (b) we can see that the private non-bank sector had become incredibly indebted to MFIs by this point. By the end of March 2009 its stock of MFI debt had peaked at £2.81 trillion, the equivalent to almost 290 per cent of annual GDP. The consequence of a Minsky moment is that lenders reduce their lending while, more generally, economic agents look to increase their net worth (i.e. reduce debts or increase savings) to ensure their financial well-being. The data in the two charts appear consistent with this behaviour. These indi- vidual actions cause a decline in aggregate spending and in national income. In other words, we observe a balance-sheet economic slowdown or, as in the late 2000s, a balance-sheet recession (see section 26.5). Furthermore, the large-scale selling of assets to improve financial well-being causes the value of assets to fall. This paradoxical reduction of net worth is known as the ‘paradox of debt’. Minsky believed that credit cycles are an inherent feature of a free-market economy. Hence, the authorities will need to take action to moderate or thwart credit cycles so as to reduce eco- nomic instability. The significance given to macro-prudential regulation by policy makers in the response to the financial crisis can be seen as an example of a ‘thwarting mechanism’
to help mitigate the dangers posed to the economy by credit cycles. While Minsky argued that the ingredients for economic vola- tility arising from financial instability are ever-present, some argue that other factors are needed for this instability to develop into a financial crisis. These factors may be part of a longer cycle of events. We could view the processes of finan- cial deregulation and innovation that have characterised the past two to three decades as part of this longer cycle. One interpretation of the financial crisis of the late 2000s is that it was the result of the interaction of the normal Minsky cycle, i.e. short-run variations in the accumulation of credit, with a longer cycle of events or a ‘Minsky super-cycle’.
What demand-side and supply-side factors influence the flows of net lending by financial institutions to the non-bank private sector?
KI 39 p 471
(b) Stock of lending by MFIs held by non-bank private sector
Definition
Financial instability hypothesis During periods of economic growth, economic agents (firms and individ- uals) tend to borrow more and MFIs are more willing to lend. This fuels the boom. In a period of recession, eco- nomic agents tend to cut spending in order to reduce debts and MFIs are less willing to lend. This deepens the recession. Behaviour in financial markets thus tends to amplify the business cycle.
0
250
500
750
1000
1250
1500
1750
2000
2250
2500
2750
3000
1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
£ bi
lli on
s
Private non-financial corporations Households OFCs
Note: Based on sum of latest four quarters Source: Statistical Interactive Database (Bank of England), Series LPQBC44, LPQBC56 and LPQBC57 (data published 4 Jan 2016, seasonally adjusted).
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banks. There is no increase in money supply. It is just a case of existing money changing hands.
This is not the case, however, when the securities are purchased by the banking sector, including the central bank. Consider the purchase of Treasury bills by com- mercial banks: there will be a multiplied expansion of the money supply. The reason is that, although banks’ balances at the central bank will go down when the banks purchase the bills, they will go up again when the government spends the money. In addition, the banks will now have additional liquid assets (bills), which can be used as the basis for credit creation.
The government could attempt to minimise the boost to money supply by financing the deficit through the sale of gilts, since, even if these were partly purchased by the banks, they could not be used as the basis for credit creation.
The relationship between money supply and the rate of interest Simple monetary theory often assumes that the supply of money is totally independent of interest rates: that money supply is exogenous. This is illustrated in Figure 28.6(a). The supply of money is assumed to be determined by the government or central bank (‘the authorities’): what the authorities choose it to be, or what they allow it to be by
their choice of the level and method of financing pub- lic-sector borrowing.
In practice, money supply is endogenous, with higher interest rates leading to increases in the supply of money. This is illustrated in Figure 28.6(b). The argument is that the supply of money is responding to the demand for money. If people start borrowing more money, the resulting short- age of money in the banks will drive up interest rates. But if banks have surplus liquidity or are prepared to operate with a lower liquidity ratio, they will create extra credit in response to the increased demand and higher interest rates: money supply has expanded. If banks find themselves short of liquidity, they can always borrow from the central bank through repos.
Some economists go further still. They argue that money supply is not only endogenous, but also the ‘curve’ is effectively horizontal; money supply expands passively to match the demand for money. It is likely, however, that the shape will vary with the confidence of banks. In periods of optimism banks may be willing to expand credit to meet the demand from customers. In periods of pessimism, such as that following the financial crisis, banks may be unwill- ing to grant credit when customers seek it.
Pause for thought
Identify the various factors that could cause a fall in the money supply.
The supply of money curveFigure 28.6
Quantity of money
Money supply is determined
independently of the demand for money and interest rates
O
R at
e of
in te
re st
MS
(a) Exogenous money supply Quantity of money
Money supply depends partly on
the demand for money and interest rates
O
R at
e of
in te
re st
MS
(b) Endogenous money supply
Definitions
Exogenous money supply Money supply that does not depend on the demand for money but is set by the authorities (i.e. the central bank or the government).
Endogenous money supply Money supply that is deter- mined (at least in part) by the demand for money.
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2 8 . 4 T H E D E M A N D F O R M O N E Y 5 4 1
THE DEMAND FOR MONEY28.4
The demand for money refers to the desire to hold money: to keep your wealth in the form of money, rather than spending it on goods and services or using it to purchase financial assets such as bonds or shares. It is usual to distin- guish three reasons why people want to hold their assets in the form of money.
The transactions motive. Since money is a medium of exchange, it is required for conducting transactions. But since people only receive money at intervals (e.g. weekly or monthly) and not continuously, they require to hold bal- ances of money in cash or in current accounts.
The precautionary motive. Unforeseen circumstances can arise, such as a car breakdown. Thus individuals often hold some additional money as a precaution. Firms too keep pre- cautionary balances. This may be because of uncertainties about the timing of their receipts and payments. If a large customer is late in making a payment, a firm may be unable to pay its suppliers unless it has spare liquidity. But firms may also hold precautionary balances because of uncertainty sur- rounding the economic environment in which they operate.
The assets or speculative motive. Money is not just a medium of exchange, it is also a means of storing wealth (see page 518). Keeping some or all of your wealth as money in a bank account has the advantage of carrying no risk. It earns a relatively small, but safe rate of return. Some assets, such as company shares or bonds, may earn you more on aver- age, but there is a chance that their price will fall. In other words, they are risky.
What determines the size of the demand for money? What would cause the demand for money to rise? We now turn to examine the various determinants of the size of the demand for money (MD). In particular we will look at the role of the rate of interest. First, however, let us identify the other determinants of the demand for money.
Money national income. The more money people earn, the greater will be their expenditure and hence the greater the transactions demand for money. A rise in money (‘nomi- nal’) incomes in a country can be caused either by a rise in real GDP (i.e. real output) or by a rise in prices, or by some combination of the two.
The frequency with which people are paid. The less frequently people are paid, the greater the level of money balances that will be required to tide them over until the next payment.
Financial innovations. The increased use of credit cards, debit cards and cash machines, plus the advent of interest-paying
current accounts, have resulted in changes in the demand for money. The use of credit cards reduces both the trans- actions and precautionary demands. Paying once a month for goods requires less money on average than paying separately for each item purchased. Moreover, the posses- sion of a credit card reduces or even eliminates the need to hold precautionary balances for many people. On the other hand, the increased availability of cash machines, the convenience of debit cards and the ability to earn interest on current accounts have all encouraged people to hold more money in bank accounts. The net effect has been an increase in the demand for money.
Speculation about future returns on assets. The assets motive for holding money depends on people’s expectations. If they believe that share prices are about to fall on the stock market, they will sell shares and hold larger balances of money in the meantime. The assets demand, therefore, can be quite high when the price of securities is considered cer- tain to fall. Some clever (or lucky) individuals anticipated the 2007–8 stock market decline. They sold shares and ‘went liquid’.
Generally, the more risky such alternatives to money become, the more will people want to hold their assets as money balances in a bank or building society.
People also speculate about changes in the exchange rate. If businesses believe that the exchange rate is about to appreciate (rise), they will hold greater balances of domestic currency in the meantime, hoping to buy foreign currencies with them when the rate has risen (since they will then get more foreign currency for their money).
The rate of interest. In terms of the operation of money mar- kets, this is the most important determinant. It is related to the opportunity cost of holding money. The opportunity cost is the interest forgone by not holding higher inter- est-bearing assets, such as shares, bills or bonds. With most bank accounts today paying interest, this opportunity cost is less than in the past and thus the demand for money for assets purposes has increased.
But what is the relationship between money demand and the rate of interest? Generally, if rates of interest rise, they will rise more on shares, bills and bonds than on bank accounts. The demand for money will thus fall. The demand for money is thus inversely related to the rate of interest.
The demand-for-money curve The demand-for-money curve with respect to interest rates is shown in Figure 28.7. It is downward sloping, showing that lower interest rates will encourage people to hold additional money balances (mainly for speculative purposes).
KI 14 p 82
KI 13 p 78
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A change in interest rates is shown by a movement along the demand-for-money curve. A change in any other determinant of the demand for money (such as national income or expectations about exchange rate movements) will cause the whole curve to shift: a rightward shift repre- sents an increase in demand; a leftward shift represents a decrease.
Pause for thought
Which way is the demand-for-money curve likely to shift in each of the following cases? (a) Prices rise, but real incomes stay the same. (b) Interest rates abroad rise relative to domestic interest rates. (c) People anticipate that share prices are likely to fall in the near future.
The demand-for-money curveFigure 28.7
Money balancesO
R at
e of
in te
re st
d
EQUILIBRIUM28.5
Equilibrium in the money market Equilibrium in the money market occurs when the demand for money (Md) is equal to the supply of money (Ms). This equilibrium is achieved through changes in the rate of interest.
In Figure 28.8, assume that the demand for and supply of money are given by Ms and Md. The equilibrium rate of interest is re and the equilibrium quantity of money is Me. But why?
If the rate of interest were above re, people would have money balances surplus to their needs. They would use these to buy shares, bonds and other assets. This would drive up the price of these assets. But the price of assets is inversely related to interest rates. The higher the price of an asset (such as a government bond), the less will any given interest payment be as a percentage of its price (e.g. £10 as a percentage of £100 is 10 per cent, but as a percentage of £200 is only 5 per cent). Thus a higher price of assets will correspond to lower interest rates.
As the rate of interest fell, so there would be a contrac- tion of the money supply (a movement down along the
Ms curve) and an increase in the demand for money bal- ances, especially speculative balances (a movement down along the Md curve). The interest rate would go on falling until it reached re. Equilibrium would then be achieved.
Similarly, if the rate of interest were below re, people would have insufficient money balances. They would sell securities, thus lowering their prices and raising the rate of interest until it reached re.
A shift in either the Ms or the Md curve will lead to a new equilibrium quantity of money and rate of interest at the new intersection of the curves. For example, a rise in the supply of money will cause the rate of interest to fall, whereas a rise in the demand for money will cause the rate of interest to rise.
In practice, there is no one single interest rate. Rather, equilibrium in the money markets will be where demand and supply of the various financial instruments separately balance. Generally, however, different interest rates tend to move roughly together as the overall demand for money and other liquid assets (or their supply) changes. Table 28.5 gives some examples of interest rates on various financial instruments. It shows how the various rates of interest move together.
In many countries today interest rates have become a key tool of monetary policy. The Bank of England con- ducts open-market operations to affect the general structure of interest rates, as we saw in section 28.2. By doing so, it supplies an aggregate level of reserves such that, given the demand for money, it is able to keep inter-bank rates close to its chosen policy rate (‘Bank Rate’). This then affects the general structure of the economy’s interest rates. We can see how the significant reductions to the policy rate from late 2008 were typically mirrored by falls in other interest rates.
Equilibrium in the foreign exchange market Changes in the money supply will not only affect inter- est rates, they will also have an effect on exchange rates.
KI 11 p 59
KI 10 p 52
KI 10 p 52
Equilibrium in the money marketFigure 28.8
R at
e of
in te
re st
Money e
s
O
d
e
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2 8 . 5 E Q U I L I B R I U M 5 4 3
Assume, for example, that the money supply increases. This has three direct effects:
■ Part of the excess balances will be used to purchase for- eign assets. This will therefore lead to an increase in the supply of domestic currency coming on to the foreign exchange markets.
■ The excess supply of money in the domestic money mar- ket will push down the rate of interest. This will reduce the return on domestic assets below that on foreign assets. This, like the first effect, will lead to an increased demand for foreign assets and thus an increased supply of domestic currency on the foreign exchange market.
■ Speculators will anticipate that the higher supply of domestic currency will cause the exchange rate to depre- ciate. They will therefore sell domestic currency and buy foreign currencies.
The effect of all three is to cause the exchange rate to depreciate.
The full effect of changes in the money supply The effect of changes in the money supply on interest rates and exchange rates will in turn affect the level of activity in the economy. Assume that there is a rise in UK money sup- ply. The sequence of events is as follows and is illustrated in Figure 28.9:
■ A rise in money supply will lead to a fall in the rate of interest: this is necessary to restore equilibrium in the money market.
■ The fall in the rate of interest will make borrowing cheaper. This will lead to a rise in investment and other
forms of borrowing. There may also be a fall in saving as saving now gives a poorer return. (See the top part of Figure 28.9.)
■ The fall in the domestic rate of interest and the resulting outflow of money from the country, plus the increased demand for foreign assets resulting from the increased money supply, will cause the exchange rate to depreci- ate. The fall in the exchange rate will make UK exports cheaper and hence more will be sold. People in the UK will get less foreign currency for a pound. This will make imports more expensive and hence less will be pur- chased. (See the bottom part of Figure 28.9.)
■ The rise in investment and exports will mean increased injections into the circular flow of income (see section 26.6), and the fall in imports will mean reduced with- drawals from it. The effect will be a rise in aggregate demand and a resulting rise in national income and output, and possibly a rise in prices too.
Just how much will aggregate demand, national income and prices change as a result of changes in the money supply? We will examine this in the next chapter. Then in Chapter 30 we will examine how the government can attempt to control the level of aggregate demand: both by changing interest rates and the money supply (‘monetary policy’) and by changing taxation and/or government expenditure (‘fiscal policy’).
KI 13 p 78
KI 10 p 52
Financial instrument Period of loan Rate of interest, % per annum
Average Jan 1997–Sept 2008
Average Oct 2008–Nov 2015
Jan 1997
Sept 2008
Jan 2009
Nov 2015
Call money Overnight 5.15 0.56 5.90 4.89 1.34 0.46
Gilt repos 1 week 5.09 0.59 5.91 4.92 1.43 0.51
Inter-bank loans 1 month 5.25 0.77 6.11 5.35 2.52 0.51
Treasury bills 3 months 5.04 0.49 6.01 4.74 0.89 0.48
British government securities1
20 years 4.81 3.66 7.74 4.64 4.48 2.69
Bank and building society mortgages2
Variable (25 years typical)
6.87 4.30 7.18 6.95 4.73 4.49
Credit card – 17.72 17.08 22.14 16.12 16.09 17.94
Official Bank Rate (policy rate)
– 5.19 0.67 5.94 5.00 2.00 0.50
Selected rates of interest: January 1997 to November 2015 (monthly averages)Table 28.5
Source: Statistical Interactive Database (Bank of England), 4 March 2016
1Zero coupon, nominal yields (series IUMALNZC) 2Standard variable rate for UK MFIs (series IUMTLMV)
Pause for thought
What determines the amount that real output rises as a result of a rise in the money supply?
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5 4 4 C H A P T E R 2 8 B A N K I N G , M O N E Y A N D I N T E R E S T R A T E S
Monetary transmission mechanismsFigure 28.9
Investment Saving
Money supply Aggregate
demand
GDP
Prices
D for foreign assets
Interest-rate transmission mechanism
Exchange-rate transmission mechanism
Exchange rate
Exports Imports
Interest rate
SUMMARY
1 Money’s main function is as a medium of exchange. In addition it is a means of storing wealth, a means of eval- uation and a means of establishing the value of future claims and payments.
2a Central to the financial system are the retail and whole- sale arms of banks. Between them they provide the following important functions: giving expert advice, channelling capital to areas of highest return, maturity transformation, risk transformation and the transmission of payments. Some of these banks had to be rescued by the government in 2008 – they were too important to the health of the economy to allow them to fail.
2b Banks’ liabilities include both sight and time deposits. They also include certificates of deposit and repos. Their assets include: notes and coin, balances with the central bank, market loans, bills of exchange (Treasury bills and commercial bills), reverse repos, advances to customers (the biggest item – including overdrafts, personal loans, credit card debt and mortgages) and investments (gov- ernment bonds and inter-bank investments). In the years up to 2008 they had increasingly included securitised assets.
2c Banks aim to make profits, but they must also have a sufficient capital base and maintain sufficient liquidity. Liquid assets, however, tend to be relatively unprofitable and profitable assets tend to be relatively illiquid. Banks therefore need to keep a balance of profitability and liquidity in their range of assets.
2d The Bank of England is the UK’s central bank. It issues notes; it acts as banker to the government, to banks and to various overseas central banks; it ensures sufficient liquidity for the financial sector; it operates the country’s monetary and exchange rate policy.
2e The money market is the market in short-term deposits and loans. It consists of the discount and repo markets and the parallel money markets.
2f Through repos the Bank of England provides liquidity to the banks at the rate of interest chosen by the Monetary Policy Committee (Bank Rate). It is always prepared to lend in this way in order to ensure adequate liquidity in the economy. The financial crisis saw the Bank of Eng- land supply adapt its operations in the money market
and introduce new ways of providing liquidity insur- ance, including the Discount Window Facility (DWF) and longer-term repos.
2g The parallel money markets consist of various markets in short-term finance between various financial institu- tions.
3a Money supply can be defined in a number of different ways, depending on what items are included. A useful distinction is between narrow money and broad money. Narrow money includes just cash, and possibly banks’ balances at the central bank. Broad money also includes deposits in banks and possibly various other short-term deposits in the money market. In the UK, M4 is the pre- ferred measure of broad money. In the eurozone it is M3.
3b Bank deposits are a major proportion of broad money supply. The expansion of bank deposits is the major ele- ment in the expansion of the money supply.
3c Bank deposits expand through a process of credit crea- tion. If banks’ liquid assets increase, they can be used as a base for increasing loans. When the loans are redepos- ited in banks, they form the base for yet more loans, and thus a process of multiple credit expansion takes place. The ratio of the increase of deposits to an expansion of banks’ liquidity base is called the ‘bank multiplier’. It is the inverse of the liquidity ratio.
3d In practice it is difficult to predict the precise amount by which money supply will expand if there is an increase in cash. The reasons are that banks may choose to hold a different liquidity ratio; customers may not take up all the credit on offer; there may be no simple liquidity ratio given the range of near-money assets; and some of the extra cash may leak away into extra cash holdings by the public.
3e (Broad) money supply will rise if (a) banks choose to hold a lower liquidity ratio and thus create more credit for an existing amount of liquidity; (b) the non-bank pri- vate sector chooses to hold less cash; (c) the government runs a deficit and some of it is financed by borrowing from the banking sector; (d) there is an inflow of funds from abroad.
3f Simple monetary theory assumes that the supply of money is independent of interest rates. In practice, a rise
N
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R E V I E W Q U E S T I O N S 5 4 5
in interest rates will often lead to an increase in money supply. But conversely, if the government raises interest rates, the supply of money may fall in response to a lower demand for money.
4a The three motives for holding money are the transac- tions, precautionary and assets (or speculative) motives.
4b The demand for money will be higher, (a) the higher the level of money national income (i.e. the higher the level of real national income and the higher the price level), (b) the less frequently people are paid, (c) the greater the advantages of holding money in bank accounts, such as access to cash machines and the use of debit cards, (d) the more risky alternative assets become and the more likely they are to fall in value, and the more likely the exchange rate is to rise, and (e) the lower the oppor- tunity cost of holding money in terms of interest forgone on alternative assets.
4c The demand for money curve with respect to interest rates is downward sloping.
5a Equilibrium in the money market is where the supply of money is equal to the demand. Equilibrium is achieved through changes in the interest rate and the exchange rate.
5b The interest rate mechanism works as follows: a rise in money supply causes money supply to exceed money demand; interest rates fall; this causes investment to rise; this causes a multiplied rise in national income.
5c The exchange rate mechanism works as follows: a rise in money supply causes interest rates to fall; the rise in money supply, plus the fall in interest rates, causes an increased supply of domestic currency to come on to the foreign exchange market; this causes the exchange rate to depreciate; this causes increased exports and reduced imports and hence a multiplied rise in national income.
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Imagine that the banking system receives additional deposits of £100 million and that all the individual banks wish to retain their current liquidity ratio of 20 per cent. a) How much will banks choose to lend out initially? b) What will happen to banks’ liabilities when the
money that is lent out is spent and the recipients of it deposit it in their bank accounts?
c) How much of these latest deposits will be lent out by the banks?
d) By how much will total deposits (liabilities) eventually have risen, assuming that none of the additional liquidity is held outside the banking sector?
e) How much of these are matched by (i) liquid assets; (ii) illiquid assets?
f) What is the size of the bank multiplier? g) If one half of any additional liquidity is held outside
the banking sector, by how much less will deposits have risen compared with (d) above?
2 What is meant by the terms narrow money and broad money? Does broad money fulfil all the functions of money?
3 Why do banks hold a range of assets of varying degrees of liquidity and profitability?
4 What is meant by the securitisation of assets? How might this be (a) beneficial and (b) harmful to banks and the economy?
5 What were the causes of the credit crunch and the bank- ing crisis of the late 2000s?
6 Define the term ‘liquidity ratio’. How will changes in the liquidity ratio affect the process of credit creation? Why might a bank’s liquidity ratio vary over time?
7 What is measured by the CET1 ratio? What measures would a bank need to take in order to increase its CET1 ratio?
8 Analyse the possible effects on banks’ balance sheets of the following: a) the Basel III regulatory requirements; b) the UK bank levy.
9 Why might the relationship between the demand for money and the rate of interest be an unstable one?
10 What effects will the following have on the equilibrium rate of interest? (You should consider which way the demand and/or supply curves of money shift.) a) Banks find that they have a higher liquidity ratio
than they need. b) A rise in incomes. c) A growing belief that interest rates will rise from
their current level.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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In this chapter we examine what determines the level of business activity and why it fluctuates. We also look at the effects of business activity on employment and inflation.
We start, in section 29.1, by looking at the determinants of GDP and, in particular, the role of aggregate demand. We do this by introducing the simple ‘Keynesian’ model (named after the great economist, John Maynard Keynes (1883–1946). (see Case study J.17 in MyEconLab). We consider how business activity might respond to changes in the level of aggregate demand.
Section 29.2 builds on the analysis of section 29.1 by looking at alternative perspectives on the effect of changes in aggregate demand on the macroeconomy. Some economists argue that changes in aggregate demand may have little or no effect on output and employment, even in the short run, but may have a significant effect on prices. In contrast, some economists argue that there could be quite significant effects on economic activity and that these effects could persist.
In section 29.3, we consider how changes in money and interest rates can have important, but possibly uncertain, effects on aggregate demand and business activity. These debates are particularly significant given that many central banks aggressively used monetary policy in an attempt to stimulate economic activity following the finan- cial crisis of the late 2000s and the subsequent economic downturn.
In sections 29.4 and 29.5, we turn to the problems of unemployment and inflation and the relationship between the two. An important influence on both of them is what people expect to happen. Generally, if people are
C h
a p
te r29
Business activity, employment and inflation
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ If there is an increase in investment, how will this affect the economy? ■ Why does an increase in aggregate demand of £x lead to a rise in GDP of more than £x? ■ To what extent does a rise in the money supply lead to a rise in the economy’s output (real GDP) rather than merely a rise
in prices? ■ What is the relationship between unemployment and inflation? Is the relationship a stable one? ■ How do business and consumer expectations affect the relationship between inflation and unemployment? How are such
expectations formed? ■ How does a policy of targeting the rate of inflation affect the relationship between inflation and unemployment? ■ What determines the course of a business cycle and its turning points? Is the business cycle caused by changes in aggregate
demand, changes in aggregate supply or both?
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optimistic and believe that the economy will grow and unemployment will fall, this will happen. Similarly, if peo- ple expect inflation to stay low, it will do. In other words, people’s expectations tend to be self-fulfilling. Getting people to expect low rates of inflation is something that can lead central banks to adopt inflation rate targets (the subject of section 29.4).
Finally, in section 29.6, we examine why real GDP (national output) and business activity fluctuate. In other words, we examine possible causes of the business cycle.
THE SIMPLE KEYNESIAN MODEL OF BUSINESS ACTIVITY29.1
One of our key macroeconomic variables is the economy’s output. This can be measured by real GDP (Y), also known as constant-price GDP. We know that real GDP tends to fluctuate and the patterns that arise result in the business cycle. Macroeconomics is characterised by lively debates as to the causes of the business cycle and the role that pol- icy makers can play in alleviating or exacerbating these cycles.
The circular flow of income model (introduced in Chapter 26) allows us to see the flows of income between the various sectors of the economy and how they affect aggregate demand. Understanding the determinants of aggregate demand is important because many economists believe that it is fluctuations in aggregate demand which lie behind the business cycle.
In this section, after briefly revisiting the circular flow model, we develop the simple Keynesian model of the determination of GDP (national income). We can then analyse more closely the impact of changes of aggregate demand on output and hence income. We assume through- out that prices are constant and so there is no inflation. In section 29.2 we relax this assumption and see how a change in aggregate demand could affect prices as well as output.
Revisiting the circular flow of income model Figure 29.1 shows a simplified version of the circular flow, with injections entering at just one point, and likewise
withdrawals leaving at just one point (this simplification does not affect the argument).
If injections (J) do not equal withdrawals (W), a state of disequilibrium exists. What will bring them back into equilib- rium is a change in national income (GDP) and employment.
Start with a state of equilibrium, where injections equal withdrawals. If there is now a rise in injections – say, firms decide to invest more – aggregate demand (i.e. the con- sumption of domestic products (Cd) plus injections (J)) will be higher. Firms will respond to this increased demand by using more labour and other resources and thus paying out more incomes (Y) to households. Household consumption will rise and so firms will sell more.
Firms will respond by producing more, and thus using more labour and other resources. Household incomes will rise again. Consumption and hence production will rise again, and so on. There will thus be a multiplied rise in incomes and employment. This is known as the multiplier effect.
The process, however, does not go on for ever. Each time household incomes rise, households save more, pay more taxes and buy more imports. In other words, withdrawals rise. When withdrawals have risen to match the increase in injections, equilibrium will be restored and national income (GDP) and employment will stop rising. The pro- cess can be summarised as follows:
J 7 W S Y c S W c until J = W
Similarly, an initial fall in injections (or rise in withdraw- als) will lead to a multiplied fall in GDP and employment:
J 6 W S Y T S W T until J = W
Thus equilibrium in the circular flow of income can be at any level of GDP and employment.
The circular flow of incomeFigure 29.1
J 5 I 1 G 1 X
W 5 S 1 T 1 M
Cd
The principle of cumulative causation. An initial event can cause an ultimate effect which is much larger.
KEY IDEA
43
Definition
Multiplier effect An initial increase in aggregate demand of £xm leads to an eventual rise in national income that is greater than £xm.
KI 40 p 471
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The simple Keynesian model The circular flow model is a demand-drive model of the economy. Changes in aggregate demand drive changes in national income (i.e. the value of national output). But to analyse the determination of national income we need to model the income flows that affect aggregate demand. Then we can identify the equilibrium level of national income.
Equilibrium can be shown on a ‘Keynesian 45° line dia- gram’ also known as the ‘Keynesian Cross’. Keynes argued that equilibrium national income is determined by aggre- gate demand. Equilibrium can be at any level of capacity. If aggregate demand is buoyant, equilibrium can be where businesses are operating at full capacity with full employ- ment. If aggregate demand is low, however, equilibrium can be at well below full capacity with high unemployment (i.e. a recession). Keynes argued that it is important, therefore, for governments to manage the level of aggregate demand to avoid recessions.
The Keynesian Cross diagram plots various elements of the circular flow of income, such as consumption, with- drawals, injections and aggregate demand, against real GDP (real national income).
In Figure 29.2 two continuous lines are shown. The 45° line out from the origin plots Cd + W against real GDP (Y). It is a 45° line because, by definition, Y = Cd + W. To understand this, consider what can happen to the income earned from GDP (national income): either it must be spent on domestically produced goods (Cd) or it must be with- drawn from the circular flow – there is nothing else that can happen to it. Thus if national income (Y) were £100 billion, then Cd + W must also be £100 billion. If you draw a line such that whatever value is plotted on the horizon- tal axis (Y) is also plotted on the vertical axis (Cd + W), the
line will be at 45° (assuming that the axes are drawn to the same scale).
The other continuous line plots aggregate demand. In this diagram it is known as the aggregate expenditure line (E). It consists of Cd + J: in other words, the total spending on domestic firms.
To show how this line is constructed, consider the dashed line. This shows Cd. It is flatter than the 45° line. The reason is that for any given rise in GDP and hence peo- ple’s incomes, only part will be spent on domestic prod- ucts, while the remainder will be withdrawn: i.e. Cd rises less quickly than GDP (Y). The E line consists of Cd + J. But we have assumed that J is constant with respect to changes in national income. Thus the E line is simply the Cd line shifted upward by the amount of J.
If aggregate expenditure exceeded GDP, at say Y1, there would be excess demand in the economy (of a − b). In other words, people would be buying more than was cur- rently being produced. Firms would thus find their stocks dwindling and would therefore increase their level of pro- duction. In doing so, they would employ more factors of production. GDP would thus rise. As it did so, Cd and hence E would rise. There would be a movement up along the E line. But because not all the extra incomes earned from the rise in GDP would be consumed (i.e. some would be with- drawn), expenditure would rise less quickly than income: the E line is flatter than the Y line. As income rises towards Ye, the gap between the Y and E lines gets smaller. Once point e is reached, Y = E. There is then no further tendency for GDP to rise.
If GDP exceeded aggregate expenditure, at say Y2, there would be insufficient demand for the goods and services currently being produced (c − d). Firms would find their
Equilibrium GDPFigure 29.2
KI 11 p 59
Cd, E, W, J (£bn)
Cd
Y2YeY1
J
45°
c
d
O
Y 5 Cd 1 W
E 5 Cd 1 J
e
a
b
GDP (Y ) (£bn)
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stocks of unsold goods building up. They would thus respond by producing less and employing less factors of production. GDP would thus fall and go on falling until Ye was reached.
The multiplier When aggregate expenditure rises, this will cause GDP to rise. But by how much? The answer is that there will be a multiplied rise in GDP: i.e. it will rise by more than the rise in aggregate expenditure. The size of the multiplier is given by the letter k, where:
k = ∆Y/∆E
Thus, if aggregate expenditure rose by £10 million (∆E) and as a result GDP rose by £30 million (∆Y), the multiplier would be 3. Figure 29.3 is drawn on the assumption that the multiplier is 3.
Assume in Figure 29.3 that aggregate expenditure rises by £20 billion, from E1 to E2. This could be caused by a rise in injections, or by a fall in withdrawals (and hence a rise in consumption of domestically produced goods) or by some combination of the two. Equilibrium GDP rises by £60 bil- lion, from £100 billion to £160 billion (where the E2 line crosses the GDP line).
What determines the size of the multiplier? The answer is that it depends on the ‘marginal propensity to consume domestically produced goods and services’ (mpcd). The mpcd is the proportion of any rise in GDP that gets spent on domestically produced goods (in other words the propor- tion that is not withdrawn as saving, taxes or spending on imports).
mpcd =∆Cd/∆Y
In Figure 29.3, mpcd = ∆Cd/∆Y = £49bn/£60bn = 2/3 (i.e.
the slope of the Cd line). The higher the mpcd the greater the proportion of income generated from GDP that recirculates around the circular flow of income and thus generates extra output.
The multiplier formula is given by:
k = 1
1 - mpcd In our example, with mpcd = 2>3
k = 1
1 - 2>3 = 11>3 = 3 If the mpcd were
3/4, the multiplier would be 4. Thus the higher the mpcd, the higher the multiplier.
The multiplier: a rise in aggregate expenditureFigure 29.3
Cd
O 100 160
E1
E2
Y
DCd 5 40
GDP (Y) (£bn)
100
120
160
DGDP
DGDP
DJ
E, W, J (£bn)
Multiplier 5 DY/DJ 5 60/20 5 3
Pause for thought
Think of two reasons why a country might have a steep E line, and hence a high value for the multiplier.
Definitions
The multiplier The number of times a rise in GDP (∆Y) is bigger than the initial rise in aggregate expenditure (∆E) that caused it. Using the letter k to stand for the multi- plier, the multiplier is defined as k = ∆Y/∆E
Marginal propensity to consume domestically produced goods and services The fraction of a rise in national income (Y) that is spent by consumers on domestic product (Cd) and hence is not withdrawn from the circular flow of income: mpcd = ∆Cd/∆Y.
Multiplier formula The formula for the multiplier is k = 1/(1 − mpcd).
KI 43 p 547
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AGGREGATE DEMAND, OUTPUT AND INFLATION29.2
In the previous section we saw how changes in aggregate demand could lead to a multiplied change in national income. In practice, a rise in aggregate demand is likely to lead to a rise not only in real GDP, but also in prices throughout the economy.
The problem with both the circular flow model and the simple Keynesian multiplier model is that they take no account of just how firms make supply decisions: they assume that firms simply respond to demand. But supply decisions, as well as being influenced by current levels of demand, are also influenced by prices and costs.
To be able to analyse the impact of changes in aggregate demand on national income and prices we need to make use of the aggregate demand–aggregate supply (AD/AS) model. The debate concerning the impact of changes in aggregate demand on prices and output can best be understood in terms of the nature of the aggregate supply (AS) curve. We will start with the short-run AS (SRAS) curve and then look at the long-run curve.
Assume that there is a rise in aggregate demand. The short-run effect on real GDP (output) and prices will depend on the shape of the SRAS curve. The new classical and monetarist position (at least in the long run) is that the result of the rise in demand will simply be a rise in prices. In contrast, the Keynesian position is that there will also (or even solely) be a rise in national output. Let us examine the different analyses of the SRAS curve.
The short-run aggregate supply curve Various approaches to analysing aggregate supply are illus- trated in Figure 29.4.
The moderate position The moderate or mainstream view is that the SRAS curve is upward sloping. This is because wages and many other input prices exhibit some ‘stickiness’ in the short term, as we saw in section 26.4. A rise in demand will not simply be absorbed in higher input prices: in other words, output will rise too.
Nevertheless, as more variable factors are used, firms will experience diminishing returns. Marginal costs will rise. The less the spare capacity in firms, the more rapidly marginal costs will rise for any given increase in output and hence the steeper will be the SRAS curve.
Therefore, the moderate view is that an increase in AD will have some effect on prices and some effect on output and employment (see Figure 29.4(a) and 26.10). The extent of these effects will depend on the economy’s current level of output relative to its potential level. The higher actual output is relative to potential output, the less slack in the economy and the steeper the SRAS becomes.
The extreme Keynesian position The extreme Keynesian position mirrors the simple Keynes- ian model in section 29.1. As shown in Figure 29.4(b), the SRAS curve is horizontal up to the level of real national income that will generate full employment (YF) (similar to the concept of potential national income). This level of national income is referred to as the full-employment level of GDP. (In practice, there would still be some unemploy- ment at this level because of the existence of equilibrium unemployment – structural, frictional and seasonal.) A rise in aggregate demand from AD1 to AD2 will raise output from Y1 to Y2, but there will be no effect on prices until full employ- ment is reached.
KI 20 p 142
KI 12 p 68
Different short-run aggregate supply curvesFigure 29.4
SRAS
P ric
e le
ve l
O
b
a AD2
AD2AD1 AD1
P2 P1
Aggregate supply becoming less and less responsive to aggregate demand as full employment is reached
Aggregate supply totally dependent on aggregate
demand up to full- employment income
Aggregate supply independent of aggregate demand
when changes in AD are anticipated
National income (real GDP) (a) Moderate position
Y1 Y2
P ric
e le
ve l
O
P
National income (real GDP) (b) The extreme Keynesian position
Y1 Y2 YF
P ric
e le
ve l
O
P1
P2
National income (real GDP) (c) New classical position
YP
SRAS
a b c
a
SRAS
b
SRAS2 (P e = P2)
SRAS1 (P e = P1)
AD2 AD1
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In this extreme Keynesian model, aggregate supply up to the full-employment level is determined entirely by the level of aggregate demand. But there is no guarantee that aggregate demand will intersect aggregate supply at full employment. Therefore governments should manage aggregate demand by appropriate fiscal and monetary pol- icies to ensure production at YF.
A recessionary gap. If the equilibrium level of GDP (Ye) is below the full-employment level (YF), there will be excess capacity in the economy and hence demand-deficient unemployment. This situation is illustrated in Figure 29.5(a) using the Keynesian cross diagram. If national income is to be raised from Ye to YF, aggregate expenditure (E) will have to be raised, either by increasing injections or by reducing withdrawals, so as to close the gap a−b. This gap is known as the recessionary or deflationary gap.
Note that the size of the recessionary gap is less than the amount by which Ye falls short of YF. This is another illus- tration of the multiplier. If aggregate expenditure is raised by a − b, output will rise by YF − Ye. The multiplier is thus given by:
YF - Ye a - b
An inflationary gap. If, at the full-employment level of out- put, aggregate expenditure exceeds GDP, there will be a problem of excess demand. Ye will be above YF. The problem is that YF represents an effective limit to output, other than in the very short term. GDP can only expand beyond this point by firms operating at above normal capacity levels – by employing people overtime or taking other temporary measures to boost output. The result will be demand-pull inflation.
This situation involves an inflationary gap. This is the amount by which aggregate expenditure exceeds national income at the full-employment level of national income. It
is illustrated by the gap e−f in Figure 29.5(b). To eliminate this inflation, the inflationary gap must be closed, either by raising withdrawals or by lowering injections.
The new classical position In contrast, new classicists argue that the SRAS curve may be vertical at potential output (YP), as in Figure 29.4(c). This rests on two important assumptions. First is the assumption of con- tinuous market clearing. This means that all markets contin- uously adjust to their equilibrium. Second, is the assumption of rational expectations. This means that people use all avail- able information and predict inflation, or any other macro- economic variable, as well as they can. The important point here is that forecasting errors are random so that, on average, people’s expectations of inflation are correct.
The implication of continuous market clearing and rational expectations is that anticipated changes in aggre- gate demand will simply cause a change in prices, not a
(a) Recessionary gap; (b) inflationary gapFigure 29.5
Pause for thought
Assume that full-employment GDP is £500 billion and that current GDP is £450 billion. Assume also that the mpcd is 4/
5 .
(a) Is there an inflationary or deflationary gap? (b) What is the size of this gap?
Definitions
Full-employment level of GDP The level of GDP at which there is no deficiency of demand.
Recessionary or deflationary gap The shortfall of aggre- gate expenditure below GDP at the full-employment level of GDP.
Inflationary gap The excess of aggregate expenditure over GDP at the full-employment level of GDP.
KI 43 p 547 KI 13
p 78
b
a
Y
E
Recessionary gap
W, J, E
O
Recessionary gap The amount by which
national income exceeds aggregate expenditure at
the full-employment level of national income
Inflationary gap The amount by which aggregate expenditure
exceeds national income at the full-employment level of national income
(a) GDP (Y)Ye YF
W, J, E
O
(b) GDP (Y)YeYF
Y E
Inflationary gap e
f
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change in output and employment, even in the short run. Hence, an anticipated rise in aggregate demand will quickly work through both goods and factor markets into higher prices. There has been no increase in real aggregate demand. Output remains at its potential (normal capacity) level YP. Thus it is essential to keep (nominal) demand under control if prices are to be kept under control.
Unanticipated change in aggregate demand. An upward-slop- ing SRAS curve would be observable only if changes in aggregate demand were unanticipated and even then devia- tions in output from its potential level would be transitory. If, in Figure 29.4(c), aggregate demand were to rise unex- pectedly, say from AD1 to AD2, people would not foresee the upward effect on general prices. Hence, workers and firms would have negotiated specific input prices, including wages, on the expectation that the general price level would be P1. Therefore, the expected price level P
e is P1 (P e = P1). As
the general price level rises it is profitable for businesses to expand output levels. This is equivalent to the move from a to b in Figure 29.4(c).
Once people recognise these errors, however, output adjusts back to its potential level YP. The economy moves from point b to c. In the presence of rational expectations and continuous market clearing this adjustment is likely to happen relatively quickly. Hence to raise output and employment supply-side policies will be required. If success- ful, these will shift the vertical AS curve to the right.
The long-run aggregate supply curve A vertical long-run AS curve While new classical economists argue that the short-run AS curve is typically vertical, most economists argue that it is only the long-run AS curve that is vertical at the potential level of output (YP): see Figure 29.6(b). Any rise in nominal aggregate demand would lead simply to a rise in prices and no long-term increase in output at all.
The mainstream view is that long-term increases in out- put could occur only through rightward shifts in this ver- tical long-run AS curve, in other words through increases in potential output. To achieve this, governments should largely focus on supply-side policy, such as policies which help foster technological progress (see Chapter 31).
But why do these economists argue that the long-run AS curve is vertical? They justify this by focusing on the interde- pendence of markets. Assume initially that the economy is oper- ating at the potential level of output (YP). Now assume that there is an increase in demand, such as from an increase in government expenditure. The increase in aggregate demand will initially lead firms to raise both prices and output, for the reasons we gave above. In other words, the short-run aggregate
Pause for thought
If there was an unexpected decrease in aggregate demand would new classicists expect output to fall below its potential level?
Definitions
Continuous market clearing The assumption that all markets in the economy continuously clear so that the economy is permanently in equilibrium.
Rational expectations Expectations based on the current situation. These expectations are based on the information people have to hand. While this information may be imperfect and therefore people will make errors, these errors will be random.
Short-run and long-run aggregate supply curvesFigure 29.6
KI 13 p 78
As full-capacity output is approached, so aggregate supply is less and less able to
respond to an increase in aggregate demand.
AS
P ric
e le
ve l
O Y1
P1
P2
Y2
AD2
AD1 National output
(a) Short-run AS curve (b) Long-run AS curve
AD2
AD1
P ric
e le
ve l
O
P1
P2
YP National output
AS
Real aggregate supply totally unresponsive to changes in aggregate
demand in the long run
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supply curve is upward sloping. There is a movement from point a to point b in Figure 29.7. Output rises to Y2.
However, as raw material and intermediate goods pro- ducers raise their prices, so this will raise the costs of pro- duction of firms using these inputs. A rise in the price of steel will raise the costs of producing cars and washing machines. At the same time, workers, seeing the prices of goods rising, will demand higher wages. Firms will be rela- tively willing to grant these wage demands, given that they are experiencing a buoyant demand from their custom- ers. The effect of all this is to raise firms’ costs, and hence their prices. As prices rise for any given level of output, so the short-run AS curve will shift upward. This is shown by a move to SRAS2 in Figure 29.7. The economy moves from point b to point c. Thus output can only temporarily rise above the potential level (YP).
The long-run effect, therefore, of a rise in aggregate demand from AD1 to AD2 is a movement from point a to point c. The long-run aggregate supply curve passes through these two points. It is vertical at the potential level of out- put. A rise in aggregate demand will therefore have no long- run effect on output. The entire effect will be felt in terms of higher prices.
As we saw above, new classical economists go one step further. Because markets are very flexible, they argue, higher costs will be passed through into higher prices virtu- ally instantly. What is more, people will typically anticipate this and hence take it into account now. These assumptions mean that the short-run aggregate supply curve will be ver- tical also (as in Figure 29.4(c)). Even if the change in aggre- gate demand and/or the impact on prices were a ‘surprise’, markets would still clear relatively quickly so that any impact on the economy’s output would be transitory.
An upward-sloping long-run AS curve Some Keynesian economists, however, argue that the long-run AS curve is upward sloping, not vertical. Indeed, it may be even shallower than the short-run curve. For them, potential output is affected by changes in aggregate demand.
The key here is investment. If the increase in aggre- gate demand includes an increase in investment (I) this can positively affect the economy’s capacity to produce. More generally, in observing an increase in demand, firms may be encouraged to invest in new plant and machinery. Therefore, an increase in aggregate demand can increase potential output. The result is that firms may well be able to increase output significantly in the long run with little or no increase in their prices. Their long-run MC curves are much flatter than their short-run MC curves.
Again assume initially that output is at the poten- tial level. In Figure 29.8 this is shown as YP1. Aggregate demand then increases to AD 2. Equilibrium moves to point b with GDP at Y2. The resulting increased invest- ment shifts the short-run AS curve to the right. Equilibrium moves from point b to d. Point d is now at the new potential level of output, YP2. The long-run AS curve thus joins points a and d.
The way the diagram is drawn, the long-run AS curve is more elastic than the short-run curve. There is a relatively large increase in output and a relatively small increase in price. If the rise in costs had been more substantial, curve SRAS2 could be above curve SRAS1. In this case, although the long-run AS curve would still be upward sloping, it would be steeper than the short-run curves: point d would be above point b.
The long-run aggregate supply curve when firms are interdependentFigure 29.7
KI 40 p 471
Prices rise more in the long run as price increases are passed from
firm to firm.
c
P ric
e le
ve l
a
b
LRAS
Real GDP (Y )
O YP
P1
P2
P3
Y2
SRAS1
AD2
AD1
SRAS2
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The long-run AS curve will be steeper if the extra invest- ment causes significant shortages of materials, machin- ery or labour. This is more likely when the economy is already operating near its full-capacity output. It will be flatter, and possibly even downward sloping, if the invest- ment involves the introduction of new cost-reducing technology.
Effect of investment on the long-run aggregate supply curveFigure 29.8
Pause for thought
If a shift in the aggregate demand curve from AD 1 to AD
2 in
Figure 29.8 causes a movement from point a to point d in the long run, will a shift in the aggregate demand curve from AD
2
to AD 1 cause a movement from point d back to point a in the
long run?
MONEY, AGGREGATE DEMAND AND INFLATION29.3
There has long been particular interest amongst economists about the impact of changes in the money supply on out- put and prices. In recent times this analysis has been espe- cially pertinent since, following the financial crisis of the late 2000s and the ensuing economic downturn, many cen- tral banks aggressively increased the monetary base (narrow money). By doing so they were attempting to stimulate aggregate demand as well as prevent the rate of inflation from undershooting its target level.
One of the simplest ways of understanding the relation- ship between money, output and prices is in terms of the ‘equation of exchange’.
The equation of exchange The equation of exchange shows the relationship between the money value of spending and the money value of output (nominal GDP). This identity may be expressed as follows:
MV = PY
M is the supply of money in the economy (e.g. M4). V is its velocity of circulation. This is the number of times per year that money is spent on buying goods and services that have been produced in the economy that year (real GDP). P is the level of prices of domestically produced goods and
services, expressed as an index, where the index is 1 in a cho- sen base year (e.g. 2010). Thus if prices today are 10 per cent higher than those in the base year, P is 1.1. Y is real national income (real GDP): in other words, the quantity of national output produced in that year measured in base-year prices.
PY is thus nominal GDP: i.e. GDP measured at current prices. For example, if GDP at base-year prices (Y) is £2 tril- lion and the price index is 1.1, then GDP at current prices (PY) is £2.2 trillion.
Definitions
Equation of exchange MV = PY. The total level of spending on GDP (MV) equals the total value of goods and services produced (PY) that go to make up GDP.
Velocity of circulation The number of times annually that money on average is spent on goods and services that made up GDP.
Pause for thought
If the money supply is cut by 10 per cent, what must happen to the velocity of circulation if there is no change in GDP at current prices?
KI 27 p 322
Increased potential output in the long run from increased
investment
LRAS
P ric
e le
ve l
Real GDP (Y )
YP1 YP2Y2
AD2
AD1
SRAS1 SRAS2
a
b
d
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MV is the total spending on the goods and services that make up GDP – in other words, (nominal) aggregate demand. For example, if money supply is £500 billion, and money, as it passes from one person to another, is spent on average four times a year on national output, then total spending (MV) is £2 trillion a year. But this too must equal GDP at current prices. The reason is that what is spent on output (by consumers, by firms on investment, by the government or by people abroad on exports) must equal the value of goods produced (PY).
The equation of exchange (or ‘quantity equation’) is true by definition. MV is necessarily equal to PY because of the way the terms are defined. Thus a rise in MV must be accompanied by a rise in PY. What a change in M does to P, however, is a matter of debate. The controversy centres on the impact of changes in the money supply on aggregate demand and then on the impact of changes in aggregate demand on output. We have seen that the latter depends crucially on the nature of aggregate supply. We now focus on the relationship between money supply and aggregate demand, beginning with the short-run relationship.
Money supply and aggregate demand The short run Chapter 28 identified two ways in which changes in the money supply could affect aggregate demand: the inter- est-rate and exchange-rate transmission mechanisms. Taken together, the impact of an increase in the money supply can be summarised as follows:
1 A rise in money supply will lead to a fall in the rate of interest.
2 The fall in the rate of interest will lead to a rise in invest- ment and other forms of borrowing. It will also lead to a fall in the exchange rate and hence a rise in exports and a fall in imports.
3 The rise in investment, and the rise in exports and fall in imports, will mean a rise in aggregate demand.
However, there is considerable debate over how these trans- mission mechanisms function.
How interest-rate sensitive is money demand? The demand for money as a means of storing wealth (the assets motive) can be large and highly responsive to changes in interest rates on alternative assets. Indeed, large sums of money move around the money market as firms and financial institutions respond to and anticipate changes in interest rates. Thus, with an increase in money supply, only a rela- tively small fall in interest rates on bonds and other assets may be necessary to persuade people to hold all the extra money in bank accounts, thereby greatly slowing down the average speed at which money circulates. The fall in V may virtually offset the rise in M.
In other words, the more sensitive is the demand for money to changes in the rate of interest, the less impact changes in money supply have on aggregate demand.
How stable is the money demand function? Another criti- cism is that the demand for money is unstable and so the demand-for-money curve in Figure 28.8 is frequently shift- ing. People hold speculative balances of money when they anticipate that the prices of other assets, such as shares, bonds and bills, will fall (and hence the rate of return or interest on these assets will rise).
There are many factors that could affect such expecta- tions, such as changes in foreign interest rates, changes in exchange rates, statements of government intentions on economic policy, good or bad industrial news, or newly published figures on inflation or money supply. With an unstable demand for money, it is difficult to predict the effect of a change in money supply on interest rates and so aggregate demand.
It is largely for this reason that most central banks usu- ally prefer to control interest rates directly, rather than indirectly by controlling the money supply – although increasing the money supply through ‘quantitative eas- ing’ was a major additional measure used to stimulate aggregate demand in the wake of the world recession. (We examine the conduct of monetary policy in sec- tion 30.2.)
How interest-rate sensitive is spending? The problem here is that investment may be insensitive to changes in interest rates. Businesses are more likely to be influenced in their decision to invest by predictions of the future buoyancy of markets. Interest rates do have some effect on businesses’ investment decisions, but t he effect is unpredictable, depending on the confidence of investors.
The impact on household sector spending is likely to be strongest for homeowners with mortgages. If interest rates go down, and mortgage rates follow suit, people will sud- denly experience lower monthly repayments (debt servic- ing costs) and will therefore have more residual income to spend on goods and services.
The impact of interest rate changes also needs to be set in the context of the financial well-being of economic agents. If, as in the early 2010s, people and businesses are looking to reduce their debts, then cuts to interest rates are likely to encourage paying off debts rather than increased spending.
How interest-rate sensitive is the exchange rate? Also the amount that the exchange rate will depreciate is uncertain, since exchange rate movements (as we saw in Chapter 27) depend crucially on expectations about trade prospects and about future world interest rate movements. Thus the effects on imports and exports are also uncertain.
To summarise: the effects on total spending of a change in the money supply might be quite strong, but they could be weak. In other words, the effects are highly unpredicta- ble. Therefore, the control of the money supply can be an unreliable means of controlling aggregate demand – at least in the short run.
KI 12 p 68
KI 39 p 471
KI 12 p 68
KI 13 p 78
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So what does this imply for effectiveness of quantita- tive easing in boosting spending? Its impact was to depend crucially on the behaviour of the private sector, since many governments were simultaneously seeking to reduce expenditure in order to reduce often very large public-sector deficits. The private-sector response was to depend, in part, on the willingness of banks to provide additional credit and the willingness of households and businesses to accept this credit and to increase their spending.
The long run In the long run, there is a stronger link between money sup- ply and aggregate demand. In fact, ‘monetarists’ claim that in the long run V is determined totally independently of the money supply (M). Thus an increase in M will leave V unaf- fected and hence will directly increase expenditure (MV). But why do they claim this?
If money supply increases over the longer term, peo- ple will have more money than they require to hold. They will spend this surplus. Much of this spending will go on goods and services, thereby directly increasing aggregate demand.
The theoretical underpinning for this is given by the theory of portfolio balance. People have a number of ways of holding their wealth. They can hold it as money, or as financial assets such as bills, bonds and shares, or as phys- ical assets such as houses, cars and televisions. In other words, people hold a whole portfolio of assets of varying degrees of liquidity – from cash to central heating.
If money supply expands, people will find themselves holding more money than they require: their portfolios are ‘unnecessarily liquid’. Some of this money will be used to purchase financial assets and some, possibly after a period of time, to purchase goods and services. As more assets are purchased, this will drive up their price. This will effectively reduce their ‘yield’. For bonds and other financial assets, this means a reduction in their rate of interest. For goods
and services, it means an increase in their price relative to their usefulness.
The process will stop when a balance has been restored in people’s portfolios. In the meantime, there will have been extra consumption and hence an increase in aggregate demand.
How will a change in money affect output and prices? Our discussion has shown that the effect of changes in the money supply on aggregate demand is open to considerable debate and difficult to predict, especially in the short run. Even if we assume that changes in the money supply do affect aggregate demand, there is still the question of how much this will lead to a rise in output (i.e. real GDP) and how much it will simply result in a rise in prices.
To consider this, we can return to the analysis of section 29.2. Here we applied the AD/AS framework to consider the impact of changes in aggregate demand both on levels of business activity and on prices. The debate centred on the aggregate supply curve. The moderate position is that aggre- gate supply (output) is relatively responsive in the short run to increases in aggregate demand, provided there is slack in the economy. Similarly, reductions in aggregate demand are likely to lead to reductions in output. Many also argue, however, that aggregate supply is inelastic in the long run; that potential output is determined largely or wholly inde- pendently of aggregate demand. In the long run, therefore, any rise in MV will be mainly or totally reflected in a rise in prices (P).
In the long run, according to this view, the stock of money therefore determines the price level, and the rate of increase in money supply determines the rate of inflation. It is thus important to ensure that money supply is kept under control if inflation is to be avoided. (We examine monetary policy in section 30.2.)
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INFLATION AND UNEMPLOYMENT: THE SHORT RUN29.4
Unemployment and inflation at the same time We saw in section 29.2 how the extreme Keynesian short- run aggregate supply (AS) curve is horizontal up to the full-employment output level, YF. The curve is shown again in Figure 29.9 and is labelled AS1. Up to YF, output and employment can rise with no rise in prices at all. The deflationary gap is being closed. At YF no further rises in output are possible. Any further rise in aggregate demand is entirely reflected in higher prices. An inflationary gap opens. In other words, this implies that either inflation or unemployment can occur, but not both simultaneously.
Two important qualifications need to be made to this analysis to explain the occurrence of both unemployment and inflation at the same time.
First, there are other types of inflation and unem- p l o y m e n t n o t c a u s e d b y a n e x c e s s o r d e f i c i e n c y o f a g g r e g a t e d e m a n d : f o r e x a m p l e , c o s t - p u s h a n d expectations- generated inflation; frictional and struc- tural unemployment. Box 29.1 looks at the actual rela- tionship between the rate of inflation and the amount of excess or deficient demand, as measured by output gaps, in the UK since the mid-1960s.
Thus, even if a government could manipulate national income so as to get Ye and YF to coincide, this would not
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BOX 29.1 MIND THE GAP
Do output gaps explain inflation?
other words, it took time for price pressure to fully work through the economy. This reflects, in part, the fact that some prices, such as wage rates, are adjusted relatively infrequently. Since the 1990s, however, the relationship between output gaps and inflation rates is less clear. Indeed, for much of the rest of the period, there is a general reduction in inflation rates regardless of the size of output gaps. This demonstrates that there are several potential influences on rates of inflation. One explanation is a reduction in cost-push pressures – at least until the mid- to late 2000s (see Box 26.3). First, labour markets became more competitive and flexible. Second, firms faced greater competition from the EU, China and many other countries in an increasingly globalised market. Third, except for the periods from 2007–8 and late 2009–10 (see the chart in Box 26.3), commodity price inflation has been subdued. Another explanation is inflation rate expectations. The adop- tion of clear and credible inflation targets by central banks, such as the Bank of England, has influenced both firms when setting prices and both firms and unions when negotiating wage rates. It has helped to anchor such price and wage set- ting to the inflation rate target, irrespective of the state of the economy.
1. What factors may have resulted in the lower inflation rates experienced by the UK from the 1990s?
2. Do credible inflation rate targets guarantee low inflation?
Chapter 26 introduced the concept of output gaps. An output gap measures the difference between an economy’s actual level of output and its potential output (the output level when the economy is operating at ‘normal capacity utilisation’). A positive output gap shows that the level of actual output is greater than the potential level, while a negative output gap shows that the level of output is below the potential level. The magnitude of the output gap, which is usually expressed as a percentage of potential output, enables us to assess the extent of any demand deficiency (negative output gap) or the extent of excess demand (positive output gap). The ‘moderate view’ of the slope of the short-run aggregate supply (see Figure 29.4(a)) is that it is determined by the amount of slack in the economy. As the economy approaches or exceeds its potential output, the aggregate supply curve becomes steeper as firms’ marginal costs rise faster. Con- sequently, increases in demand at output levels close to or in excess of an economy’s potential output will exert more upward pressure on prices than if the economy has a more sig- nificant amount of slack. This suggests that the rate of price inflation is positively related to the size of the output gap. The chart plots the output gap (as a percentage of potential output) and the annual rate of economy-wide inflation (rate of increase of the GDP deflator) for the UK since 1965. It would appear that for the period from 1965 to the end of the 1980s there was a positive correlation between output gaps and inflation rates, albeit that turning points in the rates of inflation lag those in the size of output gaps – in
UK inflation and output gap
eliminate all inflation and unemployment – only demand- pull inflation and demand-deficient unemployment. For this reason governments may choose to use a whole package of policies, each tailored to the specific type of problem.
Second, not all firms operate with the same degree of slack. A rise in aggregate demand can lead to both a reduction
in unemployment and a rise in prices: some firms respond- ing to the rise in demand by taking up slack and hence increasing output; other firms, having little or no slack, responding by raising prices; others doing both. Similarly, labour markets have different degrees of slack and there- fore the rise in demand will lead to various mixes of higher wages and lower unemployment.
–6
–4
–2
0
2
4
6
8
1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
O ut
pu t
ga p,
% o
f po
te nt
ia l o
ut pu
t
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
A nnual inflation rate, %
Output gap Inflation
Notes: (i) Inflation rate is the annual rate of increase in the GDP deflator; (ii) Data from 2015 based on forecasts Source: Based on data in AMECO database (European Commission, DGECFIN)
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Thus the moderate view of the short-run AS curve is that it will look like AS2 in Figure 29.9 (see also Figure 29.4(a)).
The Phillips curve The relationship between inflation and unemployment was examined by A. W. Phillips in 1958. He showed the statistical relationship between wage inflation and unem- ployment in the UK from 1861 to 1957. With wage infla- tion on the vertical axis and the unemployment rate on the horizontal axis, a scatter of points was obtained. Each point represented the observation for a particular year. The curve that best fitted the scatter has become known as the Phillips curve. It is illustrated in Figure 29.10 and shows an inverse relationship between inflation and unemployment.
Given that wage increases over the period were approx- imately 2 per cent above price increases (made possible by increases in labour productivity), a similar-shaped, but lower curve could be plotted showing the relationship between price inflation and unemployment.
The curve has often used to illustrate the short-run effects of changes in (real) aggregate demand. When aggre- gate demand rose (relative to potential output), inflation rose and unemployment fell: there was an upward move- ment along the curve. When aggregate demand fell, there was a downward movement along the curve.
The Phillips curve was bowed in to the origin. The usual explanation for this is that as aggregate demand expanded, at first there would be plenty of surplus labour, which could be employed to meet the extra demand without the need to raise wage rates very much. But as labour became increas- ingly scarce, firms would find that they had to offer increas-
ingly higher wage rates to obtain the labour they required, and the position of trade unions would be increasingly strengthened.
The position of the Phillips curve depended on non- demand factors causing inflation and unemployment: frictional and structural unemployment; and cost-push and expectations-generated inflation. If any of these non- demand factors changed so as to raise inflation or unem- ployment, the curve would shift outward to the right.
The Phillips curve seemed to present governments with a simple policy choice. They could trade off inflation against unemployment. Lower unemployment could be bought at the cost of higher inflation, and vice versa. Unfortunately, the experience since the late 1960s has suggested that no such simple relationship exists beyond the short run.
From about 1967 the Phillips curve relationship seemed to break down. The UK, along with many other countries in the Western world, began to experience growing unem- ployment and higher rates of inflation as well.
Figure 29.11 shows price inflation and unemployment in the UK from 1960. From 1960 to 1967 a curve similar to the Phillips curve can be fitted through the data. From 1968 to the early 1990s, however, no simple picture emerges. Certainly the original Phillips curve could no longer fit the data; but whether the curve shifted to the right and then back again somewhat (the broken lines), or whether the relationship broke down completely, or whether there was some quite different relationship between inflation and unemployment, is not clear by simply looking at the data.
Since 1997 the Bank of England has been targeting con- sumer price inflation (see section 29.5). For much of this period, the ‘curve’ would seem to have become a virtually horizontal straight line at the targeted rate!
However, from the late 2000s, against a backdrop of marked economic volatility, the range of inflation rates increased despite inflation rate targeting. Then in the period from late 2013, inflation fell below the target, reflecting lower commodity prices and sluggish demand in the eurozone and elsewhere.
Unemployment and inflationFigure 29.9
Definition
Phillips curve A curve showing the relationship between (price) inflation and unemployment. The orig- inal Phillips curve plotted wage inflation against unem- ployment for the years 1861–1957.
The Phillips curveFigure 29.10
KI 40 p 471
Simple Keynesian AS curve
AS1AS2
GDP (Y)YF
P ric
e le
ve l
O
Aggregate supply becomes progressively steeper as full employ- ment is approached.
W ag
e in
fla tio
n (%
)
Unemployment (%)
1
1 0
2 3 4 5 6
2 3 4
5
6
7
8 9
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Nonetheless, despite difficulties in keeping inflation to target, many economists continue to argue that expec- tations concerning future inflation rates are an important influence on the inflation–unemployment relationship and that inflation has become much less volatile since inflation targeting was introduced.
Expectations and the Phillips curve A major contribution to the theory of unemployment and inflation was made by Milton Friedman and others in the late 1960s. They incorporated people’s expectations about the future level of prices into the Phillips curve. In its sim- plest form, the expectations-augmented Phillips curve is given by the following:
p = f1 1> U2 + pe What this states is that inflation (π) depends on two things:
■ The inverse of unemployment (1/U). This is simply the normal Phillips curve relationship. The higher the rate of (demand-deficient) unemployment, the lower the rate of inflation.
■ The expected rate of inflation (πe). The higher the rate of inflation that people expect, the higher will be the level of wage demands and the more willing will firms be to raise prices. Thus the higher will be the actual rate of inflation and thus the vertically higher will be the whole Phillips curve.
Let us assume for simplicity that the rate of inflation people expect this year 1pet2 (where t represents the current time period: i.e. this year) is the same rate that inflation actually was last year (pt–1)
pet = pt - 1
Thus if unemployment is such as to push up prices by 4 per cent (f(1/U) = 4%) and if last year’s inflation was 6 per cent, then inflation this year will be 4 per cent + 6 per cent = 10 per cent.
The breakdown of the Phillips curveFigure 29.11
Definition
Expectations-augmented Phillips curve A (short-run) Phillips curve whose position depends on the expected rate of inflation.
KI 13 p 78
–2
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
22
24
26
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
75
76 77
79
78
90
89 91
88 95
86 93
8792
94
80
82
83 84
85
81
In fla
tio n
(% )
Unemployment (%)
70
74
71 73
72
69 68
67
63
62 65
66
64
60
61
Possible Phillips curves?
04 05
10
97 96
99
9800
01 02
03 06 07 08
09
11
12
15 14
13 17
16
Source: Based on Time Series Data (National Statistics); forecasts based on data in World Economic Outlook (IMF)
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The accelerationist theory of inflation Let us trace the course of inflation and expectations over a number of years in an imaginary economy. To keep the analysis simple, assume there is no growth in the economy.
Year 1. Assume that at the outset, in year 1, there is no infla- tion at all; that none is expected; that AD = AS; and that equilibrium unemployment is 8 per cent. The economy will be at point a in Figure 29.12 and Table 29.1.
Year 2. Now assume that the government expands aggre- gate demand in order to reduce unemployment. Unem- ployment falls to 6 per cent. The economy moves to point b along curve I. Inflation has risen to 4 per cent, but people, basing their expectations of inflation on year 1, still expect zero inflation. There is therefore no shift as yet in the Phil- lips curve. Curve I corresponds to an expected rate of infla- tion of zero.
Year 3. People now revise their expectations of inflation to the level of year 2. The Phillips curve shifts up by 4 percentage
points to position II. If nominal aggregate demand (i.e. demand purely in money terms, irrespective of the level of prices) continues to rise at the same rate, the whole of the increase will now be absorbed in higher prices. Real aggre- gate demand will fall back to its previous level and the econ- omy will move to point c. Unemployment will return to 8 per cent. There is no demand-pull inflation now (f(1/U) = 0), but inflation is still 4 per cent due to expectations (pe = 4%).
Year 4. Assume now that the government expands real aggregate demand again so as to reduce unemployment once more to 6 per cent. This time it must expand nominal aggregate demand more than it did in year 2, because this time, as well as reducing unemployment, it also has to vali- date the 4 per cent expected inflation. The economy moves to point d along curve II. Inflation is now 8 per cent.
Year 5 onwards. Expected inflation is now 8 per cent (the rate of actual inflation in year 4). The Phillips curve shifts up to position III. If at the same time the government tries to keep unemployment at 6 per cent, it must expand nom- inal aggregate demand 4 per cent faster in order to validate the 8 per cent expected inflation. The economy moves to point e along curve III. Inflation is now 12 per cent.
To maintain unemployment at 6 per cent, the govern- ment must continue to increase nominal aggregate demand by 4 per cent more than the previous year. As the expected inflation rate goes on rising, the Phillips curve will go on shifting up each year.
Thus in order to keep unemployment below the initial equilibrium rate, inflation must go on accelerating each
The accelerationist theory of inflation and inflationary expectationsFigure 29.12
Year Point on graph p = f(1/U) + pe
1 a 0 = 0 + 0 2 b 4 = 4 + 0 3 c 4 = 0 + 4 4 d 8 = 4 + 4 5 e 12 = 4 + 8
The accelerationist theory of inflation and inflationary expectations
Table 29.1
KI 40 p 471
0
4
8
12
16
(%) 20
III ( 5 8%)
II ( 5 4%)
I ( 5 0) 0 U (%)6
a
b c
d
8
e
Long-run Phillips curve
Assume that the government wants to
reduce unemployment to 6% and thus expands aggregate demand.
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year. For this reason, this theory of the Phillips curve is sometimes known as the accelerationist theory.
The more the government reduces unemployment, the greater the rise in inflation that year, and the more the rise in expectations the following year and each subsequent year; and hence the more rapidly will price rises accelerate. Thus the true longer-term trade-off is between unemploy- ment and the rate of increase in inflation.
The long-run Phillips curve and the natural rate of unemployment As long as there are demand-pull pressures (f(1/U) > 0), infla- tion will accelerate as the expected rate of inflation (πe) rises. In the long run, therefore, the Phillips curve will be vertical at the rate of unemployment where real aggregate demand equals real aggregate supply. This is the equilibrium rate of unemployment. It is also known as the natural rate or the non-accelerating-inflation rate of unemployment (NAIRU). In Figure 29.12 the equilibrium rate of unemployment is 8 per cent.
The implication for government policy is that expand- ing aggregate demand can reduce unemployment below the equilibrium rate only in the short run. In the long run, the effect will be purely inflationary. On the other hand, a policy of restraining aggregate demand, for example by restraining the growth in the money supply, will not in the long run lead to higher unemployment: it will simply lead to lower inflation at the equilibrium rate of unemployment. The implication is that governments should make it a prior- ity to control money supply, perhaps through targeting the size of the public-sector deficit, and thereby nominal aggre- gate demand and inflation.
Rational expectations New classical economists go further than the monetarist theory described above. They argue that even the short-run Phillips curve is vertical: that there is no trade-off between
Definitions
Accelerationist theory The theory that unemployment can only be reduced below the natural rate at the cost of accelerating inflation.
Natural rate of unemployment or non-accelerating- inflation rate of unemployment (NAIRU) The rate of unemployment consistent with a constant rate of infla- tion: the rate of unemployment at which the vertical long-run Phillips curve cuts the horizontal axis.
Pause for thought
What determines how rapidly the short-run Phillips curves in Figure 29.12 shift upwards?
KI 10 p 52
unemployment and inflation, even in the short run. They base their arguments on two key assumptions (see section 29.2, page 551) – continuous market clearing and rational expectations.
Because prices and wage rates are flexible, markets clear very rapidly. This means that there will be no dis- equilibrium unemployment, even in the short run. All unemployment will be equilibrium unemployment, or ‘vol- untary unemployment’ as new classical economists prefer to call it.
In the accelerationist theory, expectations are based on past information and thus take time to catch up with changes in aggregate demand. Such expectations are known as adaptive expectations. Thus for a short time a rise in nominal aggregate demand will raise output and reduce unemployment below the equilibrium rate, while prices and wages are still relatively low.
The new classical analysis, by contrast, is based on rational expectations. Rational expectations are not based on past rates of inflation. Instead they are based on the cur- rent state of the economy and the current policies being pursued by the government. Workers and firms look at the information available to them – at the various forecasts that are published, at various economic indicators and the assessments of them by various commentators, at govern- ment pronouncements, and so on. From this information they predict the rate of inflation as well as they can. It is in this sense that the expectations are ‘rational’: people use their reason to assess the future on the basis of current information.
But forecasters frequently get it wrong, and so do eco- nomic commentators! And the government does not always do what it says it will. Thus workers and firms will be basing expectations on imperfect information. As we saw ear- lier, the crucial point about the rational expectations the- ory, however, is that these errors in prediction are random. People’s predictions of inflation are just as likely to be too high as too low.
Assume that the government raises aggregate demand and that the increase is expected. People will anticipate that this will lead to higher prices and wages. If both goods and labour markets clear continuously because of the flexibility of prices and wages, there will be no effect on output and employment. If their expectations of higher inflation are correct, this will thus fully absorb the increase in nominal aggregate demand such that there will have been no increase in real aggregate demand at all. Firms will not produce any more output or employ any more people: after all, why should they? If they anticipate that people will spend 10 per cent more money but that prices will rise by 10 per cent, their volume of sales will remain the same.
Output and employment will only rise, therefore, if people make an error in their predictions (i.e. if they under- predict the rate of inflation and interpret an increase in money spent as an increase in real demand). But they are
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as likely to over predict the rate of inflation, in which case output and employment will fall! Thus there is no system- atic trade-off between inflation and unemployment, even in the short run.
The vertical short-run Phillips curve is therefore com- parable to the vertical short-run aggregate supply curve we saw in section 29.2 (see page 550). As we saw, this shows aggregate supply (output) being determined independently of aggregate demand.
Both the vertical short-run Phillips curve and the ver- tical SRAS curve can be used to illustrate how anticipated changes in economic policy, such as changes in govern- ment spending, have no effect on output and employment. Instead they remain at their equilibrium levels. This con- troversial conclusion is known as the policy ineffectiveness proposition.
Expectations of output and employment Many economists, especially those who would describe themselves as ‘Keynesian’, criticise the approach of focus- ing exclusively on price expectations. Expectations, they argue, influence output and employment decisions, not just pricing decisions.
If there is a gradual but sustained expansion of aggregate demand, firms, seeing the economy expanding and seeing their orders growing, will start to invest more and make longer-term plans for expanding their labour force. Busi- ness and consumers will generally expect a higher level of output, and this optimism will cause businesses to produce more. In other words, expectations will affect output and employment as well as prices. Similarly, if businesses antic- ipate a recession, they are likely to cut back on production and investment.
Graphically, the increased output and employment from the recovery in investment will shift the Phillips curve to the left, offsetting (partially, wholly or more than wholly) the upward shift from higher inflationary expectations.
The lesson here for governments is that a sustained, but moderate, increase in aggregate demand can lead to a sustained growth in aggregate supply. What should be avoided is an excessive and unsustainable expansion of aggregate demand. In turn, this raises questions about the role that governments should play in managing aggregate demand in order to affect levels of business activity.
Such debates were heightened by the financial crisis of the late 2000s, the subsequent global economic downturn and the fragility of the macroeconomic environment that then characterised the first half of the 2010s. Did the aus- terity policies pursued in the UK, the eurozone and many other countries affect aggregate supply as well as aggre- gate demand? Did they reduce potential GDP and hence shift the AS curve to the left? Chapter 30 looks at govern- ment policy in more detail.
Pause for thought
For what reasons would a new classical economist support the policy of the Bank of England publishing its inflation forecasts and the minutes of the deliberations of the Monetary Policy Committee?
INFLATION RATE TARGETING AND UNEMPLOYMENT29.5
The Phillips curve appeared to have shifted to the right in the 1970s and 1980s and then back to the left in the 1990s. It also seems to have changed its shape. Far from being vertical in the long run, it appears in more recent times to have resembled more of a horizontal line. While inflation rates did vary more than they had for some time in the late 2000s and early 2010s, unemployment rates were to fluc- tuate markedly as aggregate demand collapsed following
the financial crisis, followed by a gradual recovery in pri- vate-sector expenditure. Figure 29.13 traces out the path of inflation and unemployment since 1967.
What explains the shape of this path? Part of the expla- nation lies in long-term changes in unemployment. Part lies in the policy of inflation targeting, pursued in the UK since 1992.
Changes in equilibrium unemployment Why was there a substantial rise in unemployment from the early 1970s to the mid-1980s? Why, as a result, was there an apparent rightward shift in the Phillips curve? Why was there then a substantial fall in unemployment from the mid-1990s? To answer this, we need to look at the labour market and the determinants of the equilibrium level of unemployment (i.e. the natural rate of unemploy- ment or NAIRU).
Definition
Policy ineffectiveness proposition The conclusion drawn from new classical models that, when economic agents anticipate changes in economic policy, output and employment remain at their equilibrium (or natural) levels.
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Structural unemployment. The 1970s and 1980s were a period of rapid industrial change. The changes included the fol- lowing:
■ Dramatic changes in technology. The microchip revolu- tion, for example, has led to many traditional jobs becoming obsolete.
■ Competition from abroad. The introduction of new products from abroad, often of superior quality to domestic goods, or produced at lower costs, has led to the decline of many older industries: e.g. the textile industry.
■ Shifts in demand away from the products of older labour-intensive industries to new capital-intensive products.
The free market seemed unable to cope with these changes without a large rise in structural/technological unemploy- ment. Labour was not sufficiently mobile – either geo- graphically or occupationally – to move to industries where there were labour shortages or into jobs where there were skill shortages. A particular problem here was the lack of investment in education and training, with the result that the labour force was not sufficiently flexible to respond to changes in demand for labour.
From the mid-1980s, however, there were increasing signs that the labour market was becoming more flexible (see section 18.7). People seemed more willing to accept that they would have to move from job to job throughout their career. At the same time, policies were introduced to improve training (see section 31.3).
Another explanation for first the rise of equilibrium unemployment and later the fall is the phenomenon of ‘hysteresis’.
Hysteresis If a recession causes a rise in unemployment which is not then fully reversed when the economy recov- ers, then there is a problem of hysteresis. This term, used in physics, refers to the lagging or persistence of an effect, even when the initial cause has been removed. In our context it refers to the persistence of unemployment even when the initial demand deficiency no longer exists.
The recessions of the early 1980s and early 1990s created a growing number of long-term unemployed who were both deskilled and demotivated. What is more, many firms, in an attempt to cut costs, cut down on training programmes. In these circumstances, a rise in aggregate demand would not simply enable the long-term unemployed to be employed again.
The recessions also caused a lack of investment and a reduction in firms’ capacity. When demand recovered, many firms were unable to increase output and instead raised prices. Unemployment thus fell only modestly and
Phillips loops in the UKFigure 29.13
Definition
Hysteresis The persistence of an effect even when the initial cause has ceased to operate. In economics it refers to the persistence of unemployment even when the demand deficiency that caused it no longer exists.
KI 35 p 354
–4
0
4
8
12
16
20
24
28
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Unemployment (%)
In fla
tio n
(% in
cr ea
se in
R P
I)
1975
1967
1978 1972
1980
1984
1990
1993
2009
2004 2010
1999
2008
1979
1991
1986
1971
2017
2007
1967–1979 1979–1993 1993–2008 2008–2017
Notes: Data from 2015 based on forecasts Source: Based on Time Series Data, series MGSX and CZBH (National Statistics)
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inflation rose. The NAIRU had increased: the Phillips curve had shifted to the right.
After 1992, however, the economy achieved sustained expansion, with no recession. Equilibrium unemployment began to fall. In other words, the hysteresis was not perma- nent. As firms increased their investment, the capital stock expanded; firms engaged in more training; the number of long-term unemployed fell.
The financial crisis and its aftermath UK unemployment rates rose sharply following the finan- cial crisis of the late 2000s. However, the fall from a peak of 8.5 per cent in three months to November 2011 to 6 per cent three years later led some to argue that hysteresis was now less of a problem.
The principal reason, they argue, is the effect of greater labour market flexibility. Consequently, following the economic downturn, firms were able to introduce part- time working or negotiate nominal wage cuts in order to retain workers. Even where there were no wage cuts, many firms introduced nominal wage freezes, meaning that real wages fell.
Also, increasing numbers of people have been on ‘zero- hours contracts’. This means that workers have no set number of hours per week and hours can be decreased (or increased) according to demand. Thus, in a recession, employers can simply cut the number of hours offered to workers on such contracts.
To some extent, therefore, the problem of unemploy- ment has been replaced by a problem of underemployment – a situation where people would like to work more hours than they are able to obtain, either in their current job or in an alternative job or in an additional part-time job. By mid-2014, some 10 per cent of people in employment (3 million) in the UK were underemployed. On average, these underemployed workers wanted to work an additional 11.3 hours per week. If you include just those people who would like to work more in their current job, the UK rate in 2014 was 5.9 per cent. This compares with rates of 2.1, 4.1, 6.0, 6.9 and 9.5 per cent respectively in the Netherlands, Ger- many, France, Ireland and Spain. A comparison with figures before the recession is shown in Figure 29.14.
Nonetheless, the problem of hysteresis remains relevant. Despite the falling aggregate unemployment rate in the UK,
Underemployment rates in selected EU countriesFigure 29.14
Definition
Underemployment International Labour Organisation (ILO) definition: a situation where people currently working less than ‘full time’ (40 hours in the UK) would like to work more hours (at current wage rates), either by working more hours in their current job, or by switching to an alternative job with more hours or by taking on an additional part-time job or any combination of the three. Eurostat definition: where people working less than 40 hours per week would like to work more hours in their current job at current wage rates.
2008 2014
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
EU Belgium Greece Italy Ireland Netherlands Portugal Spain UK
Notes: (i) Eurostat definition; (ii) based on part-time workers aged 15–74; (iii) Q2 figures Source: Based on data in Underemployment and Overemployment in the UK, 2014 (Office for National Statistics, December 2014)
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35 per cent of those recorded as unemployed on the claim- ant count measure at the end of 2014 had been so for a year or more (see Box 26.2). Furthermore, youth unemployment rates remain more than double the aggregate level. These factors act as a brake on reductions in unemployment and adversely affect potential output.
Meanwhile, unemployment rates in the first half of the 2010s remained significantly above pre-financial crisis lev- els in many countries in the eurozone, such as Greece, Por- tugal and Spain, which have had to seek bailouts because of their high levels of debt. A condition of being granted bailouts has been to reduce public-sector debt. This has ruled out Keynesian expansionary fiscal policy. The very high levels of unemployment in these countries, especially amongst the young (rates of over 50 per cent in Greece and Spain in the 15–24 age group), has resulted in a problem of entrenchment and hysteresis that will make reductions in unemployment slow and difficult to achieve.
Inflation targeting As we have seen, a major determinant of the actual rate of inflation is the rate of inflation that people expect. Since 1992, a policy of inflation targeting has been adopted, and in 1997 the Bank of England was given independence in setting interest rates to achieve the target rate of inflation.
The target was initially set in October 1992 as a range from 1 to 4 per cent for RPIX inflation.1 With the election
of the Labour government in 1997, a single point target of 2.5 per cent was adopted. This was changed to a 2 per cent tar- get for CPI inflation in December 2003. CPI inflation is typi- cally about 0.5 to 0.8 percentage points below RPI inflation.
The public’s inflation rate expectations appear to have been affected by inflation rate targeting. Figure 29.15 shows forecast and actual RPI inflation since 1998. The forecasts are the average of at least 20 independent forecasts and thus can be taken as an indicator of expectations. As you can see, until the credit crunch of 2008, inflation forecasts were pretty accurate and reflected belief that the Bank of England would be successful in meeting its inflation target.
The credit crunch and the onset of recession began to affect the accuracy of 24-month forecasts. Subsequently, the 12-month forecasts became less accurate too as infla- tion rose as a result of rapid rises in food, oil and other com- modity prices (see Box 26.3).
Implications for the Phillips curve So, does this mean that the Phillips curve has now become horizontal? The answer is that it depends on policy and, hence, on the central bank’s remit. If inflation remains central to this remit, is successfully kept on target and peo- ple believe that it will remain so, the path of inflation and unemployment will be a horizontal straight line.
Even if the central bank does succeed in achieving the target rate of inflation, in the short term unemployment will fluctuate with the business cycle. Thus there may be
1 RPIX is the retail prices index, excluding mortgage interest payments. CPI is the consumer prices index. Differences in how CPI is compiled means that CPI inflation is typically about 0.5 percentage points below RPIX inflation. Thus the current target of 2 per cent CPI inflation is approximately equivalent to 2.5 per cent RPIX inflation – the target that was used prior to December 2003.
Actual and forecast RPI inflation (annual rate in Q4)Figure 29.15
Actual inflation Inflation forecast 1 year earlier
21
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016
P er
c en
t
Inflation forecast 2 years earlier
Note: Based on average of between 20 and 30 independent forecasts Source: Forecasts for the UK Economy (HM Treasury, various years)
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movements left or right along this horizontal line from one year to the next depending on the level of economic activ- ity. Such fluctuations in unemployment are consistent with stable inflation, provided that the fluctuations are mild and are not enough to alter people’s expectations of inflation.
Over the medium term (3–6 years), there may be a left- ward movement if the economy starts in recession and then the output gap is gradually closed through a process of steady economic growth (growth that avoids ‘boom and bust’). Demand-deficient unemployment will be gradually eliminated. Thus between 1992 (the trough of the reces- sion) and 1996, the output gap was closed from −2.6 to +0.1 (see the chart in Box 29.1). Provided the process is gradual, inflation can stay on target.
Over the longer term, movements left (or right) will depend on what happens to equilibrium unemployment. A reduction in equilibrium unemployment will result in a leftward movement. Evidence suggests that between the mid-1980s and the financial crisis of the late 2000s, the
equilibrium unemployment halved from around 10 per cent to 5 per cent. The precise amount, however, is not cer- tain as it is subject to measurement errors.
What if the central bank’s remit changed? If inflation rate targeting were relaxed, perhaps as a shift to a broader remit, or even abandoned, and if aggregate demand expanded rapidly, the traditionally shaped short- run Phillips curve could re-emerge. A rapid expansion of aggregate demand would both reduce unemployment below the equilibrium rate and raise inflation. There would be a positive output gap.
This position could not be sustained, however, as infla- tionary expectations would rise and the short-run Phillips curve would begin shifting upwards (as in Figure 29.12 on page 560). A long-run vertical Phillips curve would once more become apparent at the natural (equilibrium) rate of unemployment.
BUSINESS CYCLES29.6
Business cycles and aggregate demand Many economists, particularly Keynesians, blame fluctu- ations in output and employment largely on fluctuations in aggregate demand. Theirs is therefore a ‘demand-side’ explanation of the business cycle. In the upturn (phase 1), aggregate demand starts to rise (see Figure 26.3 on page 474). It rises rapidly in the expansionary phase (phase 2). It then slows down and may start to fall in the peaking-out phase (phase 3). It then falls or remains relatively stagnant in the recession (phase 4).
Consumption cycles Spending by the household sector is the largest component by value of aggregate demand. In the UK, household spend- ing has averaged around 60 per cent of GDP over the past 50 years. Consequently, even relatively small changes in con- sumer behaviour can have a significant impact on the overall demand for firms’ goods and services and so on the level of business activity. Figure 29.16 shows the similarity in annual rates of economic growth and in household spending for the UK. Therefore, in analysing the business cycle it is important to have an understanding of the consumption cycle.
An important influence on consumption is people’s incomes. You might think that this implies a relatively straightforward relationship between disposable income and consumption. Disposable income is the income people have available for spending or saving after deductions, such as income tax and payments to social insurance schemes (national insurance in the UK), and any additions, such as social benefits.
Consumption smoothing. However, evidence shows that short-run changes in consumption, such as those from one quarter of a year to the next, are typically less variable than those in disposable income. The evidence, therefore, points to the short-run marginal propensity to consume from disposable income being smaller than it is over the longer term. One explanation is that households do not like their spending to vary too drastically in the short term. For example, many people’s income varies with the time of year. Examples include those working in the holiday industry or painting and decorating. However, such people are likely to spread their spending relatively evenly over the year.
The key point here is that because households dislike large changes in their consumption they will tend to engage in consumption smoothing. This helps to explain why con- sumption is less volatile than other components of aggre- gate demand, especially, as we shall see shortly, investment spending. The act, therefore, of consumption smoothing helps to dampen the business cycle.
The financial system (such as banks and building socie- ties) plays an important part in consumption smoothing. It allows, for instance, households to borrow against expected future incomes. Households can borrow when their current income is low and pay back the loans later when income is hopefully higher. Similarly, when income levels are high households may increase their saving to boost their future consumption levels. Therefore, the financial system provides households with greater flexibility over when to spend not just their current income, but their expected future incomes too.
KI 38 p 470
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Whilst the financial system typically tends to reduce volatility in consumption, there are times when the oppo- site is true. We consider two reasons for this.
Availability and price of credit. The ability and willingness of financial institutions to lend may be affected by the phase of the business cycle. In a boom, with bank deposits increas- ing and banks relatively confident about the future, banks may be willing to lend more or reduce the interest rate charged on credit relative to that paid on saving, thereby further stimulating consumer spending. In a recession, however, banks may fear people’s ability to repay loans and may thus cut back on lending or raise the interest rate charged on credit relative to that paid on saving, thereby further dampening consumer demand.
In other words, banks may take the path of output as a signal of the riskiness of lending; they perceive lending to be riskier in a recession than in a boom. This is signifi- cant because it can result in the overall flow of credit being dependent on the phase of the business cycle. If true, it
creates an inherently destabilising mechanism within the economy.
The idea that the financial sector may amplify shocks to the macroeconomy when conditions in financial markets are affected by the state of the macroeconomy is known as the financial accelerator .
Household wealth and the household sector’s balance sheets. By borrowing and saving, households accumulate a stock of financial liabilities (debts), financial assets (savings) and physical assets (mainly property). The household sector’s
KI 14 p 82
KI 39 p 471
Annual rates of growth in UK household-sector consumption, investment and output Figure 29.16
Pause for thought
Other than looking at the current growth of economic output, how else can financial institutions assess the riskiness of their lending?
Definitions
Disposable income Income available for spending or saving after the deduction of direct taxes and the addi- tion of benefits.
Marginal propensity to consume from disposable income The proportion of a rise in disposable income that is spent.
Consumption smoothing The act by households of smoothing their levels of consumption over time despite facing volatile incomes.
Financial accelerator When a change in national income is amplified by changes in the financial sector, such as changes in interest rate differentials or the will- ingness of banks to lend.
–20
–15
–10
-5
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
A nn
ua l p
er ce
nt ag
e ch
an ge
Consumption Investment GDP
Note: Annual growth rates are calculated using constant-price data Source: Based on data in Quarterly National Accounts, series KGZ7, KG7T and IHYR (National Statistics)
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financial balance sheet details the sector’s holding of finan- cial assets and liabilities, while its capital balance sheet details its physical assets. The balance of financial assets over liabilities is the household sector’s net financial wealth. The household sector’s net worth is the sum of its net finan- cial wealth and its physical wealth.
Changes to household balance sheets will affect the peo- ple’s financial health. Such changes can have a significant impact on household spending. For instance, a declining net worth to income ratio, perhaps as the result of falling house prices or falling share prices, may encourage people to save more in an attempt to build up a buffer stock of
KI 39 p 471
BOX 29.2 HOUSEHOLD SECTOR BALANCE SHEETS
A country’s national balance sheet details its net worth (i.e. wealth). This aggregates the net worth of the household sec- tor, the corporate sector and the public sector. We consider here the net worth of the household sector and the extent to which this may influence consumption (C).2 The sector’s net worth is the sum of its net financial wealth and non-financial assets. The household sector’s net financial wealth is the balance of financial assets over financial liabilities. Financial assets include moneys in savings accounts, shares and pension funds. Financial liabilities include debts secured against property, largely residential mortgages, and unsecured debts, such as overdrafts and unpaid balances on credit cards. Physical wealth is predominantly the sector’s residential housing wealth and is, therefore, affected by changes in house prices. The table summarises the net worth of the UK household sector. By the end of 2014 the sector had a stock of net worth estimated at over £9.44 trillion compared with £3.55 trillion at the end of 1997 – an increase of 166 per cent. This, of course, is a nominal increase, not a real increase, as part of it merely reflects the rise in asset prices. Over the period, net worth as a percentage of GDP grew every year with the exceptions of 2001, 2008 and 2013. The most rapid increase in the net worth to GDP ratio was observed in 2009 when it rose by 36 percentage points (partly as a result of a fall in GDP).
Financial balance sheet The household sector has experienced significant growth in the size of its financial balance sheet. This is captured by the chart, which shows the components of net financial wealth:
financial assets and liabilities. The ratio of financial liabilities to disposable income rose from 105 per cent in 1997 to 168 per cent in 2007; people were taking on more and more debt relative to their incomes, fuelled by the ease of accessing credit – both consumer credit (loans and credit-card debt) and mortgages. Then, in the aftermath of the credit crunch, the ratio began to fall. By 2013, it had fallen to 142 per cent and stood at 143 per cent in 2014. The longer-term increase in the sector’s debt-to-income ratio up to 2007 meant that interest payments involved increas- ingly significant demands on household budgets and hence on the discretionary income households had for spending. This made the sector’s spending more sensitive to changes in interest rates. This became a worry as recovery gathered pace from 2014. A rise in interest rates could place a substantial burden on households, thereby curbing consumer expendi- ture and causing the recovery to stall. Higher debt-to-income levels can fuel people’s concerns about the potential risks arising from debt. If the prospects for income growth are revised down or become more uncer- tain, people may decide to cut their spending in order to pay off some of their debts.
Non-financial assets The accumulation of household debt has gone hand-in-hand with the growth of non-financial assets, mainly housing. This is not a coincidence, since an important reason for the growth in household debt has been the sector’s acquisition of prop- erty. Secured debt is debt where property acts as collateral. It accounts for nearly 90 per cent of household debt. Between 1998 and 2014 it grew on average by around 7 per cent per year. Over the same period, the stock of dwellings increased in value by around 8 per cent per year. House prices display two characteristics: they are notoriously volatile in the short term but rise relative to general prices over the long term. House price volatility makes the net worth
2 The household sector in the official statistics also includes ‘non-profit institutions serving households (NPISH)’ such as charities, clubs and societies, trade unions, political parties and universities.
1997 2014
£ billions % of disposable
income % of GDP £ billions % of disposable
income % of GDP
Financial assets 2658.2 451.4 300.9 5883.1 501.9 323.7 Financial liabilities 617.6 104.9 69.9 1681.2 143.4 92.5 Net financial wealth 2040.6 346.5 231.0 4201.9 358.5 231.2 Non-financial assets 1511.8 256.7 171.1 5241.4 447.2 288.4 Net worth 3552.3 603.2 402.1 9443.3 805.7 519.7
Household sector summary balance sheet
Source: Based on data from National Balance Sheet, 2015 Estimates and Quarterly National Accounts (National Statistics)
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wealth. This buffer stock acts as a form of security blanket. Alternatively, households may look to repay some of their outstanding debt.
If, in attempting to improve the position of their bal- ance sheets, households were to reduce their spending sub- stantially, the effect could lead to a balance sheet recession
(see Chapter 26, page 490). In contrast, improvements to household balance sheets may strengthen the growth of consumption. The household sector’s balance sheets are discussed in Box 29.2.
The financial instability hypothesis (see Box 28.4 on pages 538–9) argues that a deterioration of the balance sheets of
HOUSEHOLD SECTOR BALANCE SHEETS
of the household sector volatile too. This impact of house price volatility on net worth had grown over the years as house prices had risen and hence the stocks of both housing assets and secured debt had risen. In 2014, 51 per cent of the household sector’s net worth came from the value of dwell- ings. It had been as high as 57 per cent in 2007.
The precautionary effect. The volatility in net worth from vol- atile house prices (and potentially the prices of other assets, such as shares) can induce volatility in consumption. If asset prices are falling, households may respond by cutting their spending and increasing saving. This is a precautionary effect. Conversely, higher asset prices enable households to reduce saving and spend more.
The collateral effect. The trend for house prices to rise introduces another means by which the balance sheets affect spending: a collateral effect. As house prices rise, people’s housing equity will tend to rise too. Housing equity is the difference between the value of the property and the value of any outstanding loan secured against it. House price move- ments affect the collateral that households have to secure additional lending.
When house prices are rising, households may look to bor- rowing additional sums from mortgage lenders for purposes other than transactions involving property or spending on major home improvements. This is known as housing equity withdrawal (HEW). These funds can then be used to fund con- sumption, purchasing other assets (e.g. shares) or repaying other debts. When house prices fall, households have less collateral to secure additional lending to fund spending. In these circum- stances people may wish to restore, at least partially, their housing equity by increasing mortgage repayments (negative HEW), thereby further reducing consumption. The period from 2002 to 2007 was one of high levels of HEW, averaging over £7.0 billion per quarter or 3.1 per cent of dis- posable income. From 2008 to 2015, however, HEW averaged minus £11.25 billion per quarter. This meant that households were increasing housing equity by the equivalent of 3.9 per cent of income per quarter – money that could have been spent on consumption. Case study J.20 in MyEconLab details the patterns in HEW and consumer spending.
Draw up a list of the various factors that could affect the household balance sheet and then consider how these could impact on consumer spending.
Household sector financial balance sheet
0
100
200
300
400
500
600
1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013
% o
f di
sp os
ab le
in co
m e
Financial assets Financial liabilities Net financial wealth
Source: Based on data from National Balance Sheet, 2015 Estimates and Quarterly National Accounts (National Statistics)
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economic agents followed by efforts then to rebuild them is an inherent feature of economies. This pattern in the bal- ance sheets reflects a financial cycle primarily driven by psy- chological influences. A period of growth tends to breed an overconfidence and exuberance across all economic agents, including financial institutions. The result is that, as people borrow more and more, balance sheets become increasingly fragile until a point is reached – a Minsky moment – when a balance sheet consolidation commences: people seek to reduce their debts by cutting back on spending.
In addition to this financial instability, there are other factors that help to explain consumption cycles.
Expectations of future incomes. If consumers believe that their incomes are likely to rise and that their jobs are secure, they are likely to spend more. Thus when the economy booms, consumer confidence is likely to rise, thereby further stim- ulating the economy. If, however, the economy is in reces- sion and consumers are worried about their future income or that they may lose their jobs, they will probably cut back on spending. This is then likely to deepen the recession. In simple terms, the current spending plans of forward-look- ing households are dependent on expectations of future incomes.
Expectations of future prices. If people expect prices to rise, as is likely in a boom, they tend to buy durable goods such as furniture and cars before this happens. Again, this will give an additional boost to the economy. Conversely, if people expect prices to fall, as is likely in a recession, they may wait, thereby deepening the recession. This has been a problem in Japan for many years, where periods of falling prices (defla- tion) led many consumers to hold back on spending, thereby weakening aggregate demand and hence economic growth.
The age of durables. If people’s car, carpets, clothes, etc. are getting old, they will tend to have a high level of ‘replace- ment’ consumption, particularly after a recession when they had cut back on their consumption of durables. This can help to stimulate a recovery from recession. Con- versely, as the economy reaches the peak of the boom, people are likely to spend less on durables as they have probably already bought the items they want. This can then contribute to the ending of the boom. Thus spending on durable can help to explain the turning points: the upturn from recession and the downturn from a boom.
Instability of investment One of the factors contributing to the ups and downs of the business cycle is the instability of investment. Figure 29.16 (page 567) shows that real investment spending (gross capital formation) is markedly more volatile than output (real GDP).
As with household spending, we would expect invest- ment, and in particular private-sector investment, to be affected by expectations and financial market conditions. Therefore, changes in national income can lead to amplified
changes in investment expenditure because of their impact on the financial sector.
The investment accelerator. But the extent of the volatility in investment points to another type of accelerator effect. To understand this effect, remember that investment (except for replacement investment) provides businesses with addi- tional capacity. This helps to explain why, in a recession, investment in new plant and equipment can all but disap- pear. After all, what is the point in investing in additional capacity if you cannot even sell what you are currently producing? When an economy begins to recover from a recession, however, and confidence returns, investment can rise very rapidly. In percentage terms, the rise in invest- ment may be several times that of the rise in income. When the growth of the economy slows down, however, investment can fall dramatically.
The point is that investment depends not so much on the level of GDP and consumer demand, as on their rate of change. The reason is that investment (except for replace- ment investment) is to provide additional capacity, and thus depends on how much demand has risen, not on its level. But growth rates change by much more than the level of output. For example, if economic growth is 1 per cent in 2015 and 2 per cent in 2016, then in 2016 output has gone up by 2 per cent, but growth has gone up by 100 per cent! (i.e. it has doubled). Thus percentage changes in investment tend to be much more dramatic than percentage changes in GDP. This is known as the accelerator theory.
These fluctuations in investment, being injections into the circular flow of income, then have a multiplied effect on GDP, thereby magnifying the upswings and downswings of the business cycle.
Fluctuations in stocks Firms hold stocks of finished goods. These stocks tend to fluctuate with the course of the business cycle, and these fluctuations in stocks themselves contribute to fluctuations in output.
Imagine an economy that is recovering from a recession. At first, firms may be cautious about increasing production. Doing so may involve taking on more labour or making addi- tional investment. Firms may not want to make these com- mitments if the recovery could soon peter out. They may
TC 13 p 78
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Pause for thought
Under what circumstances would you expect a rise in GDP to cause a large accelerator effect?
Definition
Accelerator theory The level of investment depends on the rate of change of national income, and the result tends to be subject to substantial fluctuations.
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therefore run down their stocks rather than increase output. Initially, the recovery from recession will be slow.
If the recovery continues, however, firms will start to gain more confidence and will increase their production. Also they will find that their stocks have got rather low and will need building up. This gives a further boost to produc- tion, and for a time the growth in output will exceed the growth in demand. This extra growth in output will then, via the multiplier, lead to a further increase in demand.
Once stocks have been built up again, the growth in out- put will slow down to match the growth in demand. This slowing down in output will, via the accelerator and multi- plier, contribute to the ending of the expansionary phase of the business cycle.
As the economy slows down, firms may for a time be prepared to carry on producing and build up stocks. The increase in stocks thus cushions the effect of falling demand on output and employment.
If the recession continues, firms will be unwilling to go on building up stocks. But as firms attempt to reduce their stocks back to the desired level, production will fall below the level of sales, despite the fact that sales themselves are lower. This could therefore lead to a dramatic fall in output and, via the multiplier, to an even bigger fall in sales.
Eventually, once stocks have been run down to the min- imum, production will have to rise again to match the level of sales. This will contribute to a recovery and the whole cycle will start again.
Aggregate demand and the course of the business cycle Why do booms and recessions last for several months or even years, and why do they eventually come to an end? Let us examine each in turn.
Why do booms and recessions persist for a period of time?
Time lags. It takes time for changes in injections and with- drawals to be fully reflected in changes in GDP, output and employment. The multiplier process takes time. Moreover, consumers, firms and government may not all respond immediately to new situations. Their responses are spread out over a period of time.
‘Bandwagon’ effects. Once the economy starts expanding, expectations become buoyant. People think ahead and adjust their expenditure behaviour: they consume and invest more now. Likewise in a recession, a mood of pessi- mism may set in. The effect is cumulative.
The multiplier and accelerator interact: they feed on each other. A rise in GDP causes a rise in investment (the investment accelerator). This, being an injection into the circular flow, causes a multiplied rise in income. This then causes a further accelerator effect, a further multiplier effect, and so on. The increase in investment may be greater
still if credit conditions ease as national income rises. If so, the financial accelerator further amplifies the increase in national income.
Group behaviour. Individual consumers and businesses may take their lead from others and so mimic their behaviour. This helps to reinforce bandwagon effects.
For example, during the 2000s many financial insti- tutions loosened their lending criteria. This helped to fuel unsustainable property booms in several countries, including the UK, Ireland and the USA. They engaged in a competitive race, offering ever more favourable terms for borrowers. Often the borrowers could only repay if their assets (e.g. property) appreciated in value, as they tend to do in a boom – but not in a recession. This mirrors the predic- tions of the financial instability hypothesis.
This rush to lend meant that many banks over-extended themselves and operated with too little capital. This made them much more vulnerable to financial crises and much more likely to cut back lending dramatically in a downturn – as indeed they did from 2008.
Group behaviour can therefore help to amplify eco- nomic upturns and downturns. This illustrates how the interaction between economic agents affects macroeco- nomic aggregates, such as national income.
Why do booms and recessions come to an end? What determines the turning points?
Ceilings and floors. Actual output can go on growing more rapidly than potential output only as long as there is slack in the economy. As full employment is approached and as more and more firms reach full capacity, so a ceiling to out- put is reached.
At the other extreme, there is a basic minimum level of consumption that people tend to maintain. During a reces- sion, people may not buy much in the way of luxury and durable goods, but they will continue to buy food and other basic goods. There is thus a floor to consumption.
The industries supplying these basic goods will need to maintain their level of replacement investment. Also there will always be some minimum investment demand as firms, in order to survive competition, need to install the latest equipment. There is thus a floor to investment too.
E c h o e f f e c t s . D u r a b l e c o n s u m e r g o o d s a n d c a p i t a l equipment may last several years, but eventually they will need replacing. The replacement of goods and capital purchased in a previous boom may help to bring a recession to an end.
The investment accelerator. For investment to continue ris- ing, consumer demand must rise at a faster and faster rate. If this does not happen, investment will fall back and the boom will break. This can then be amplified by the finan- cial accelerator.
Sentiment and expectations. A change of sentiment and a sense that current rates of growth will not be sustained can
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lead people to adjust their spending behaviour, so contrib- uting to the very slowdown that was expected. The impact of this will be amplified by bandwagon effects and group behaviour.
Random shocks. National or international political, social or natural events can affect the mood and attitudes of firms, governments and consumers, and thus affect aggregate demand.
Changes in government policy. In a boom, a government may become most worried by inflation and balance of trade defi- cits and thus pursue contractionary policies. In a recession, it may become most worried by unemployment and lack of growth and thus pursue expansionary policies. These gov- ernment policies, if successful, will bring about a turning point in the cycle.
Some economists argue that governments should attempt t o r e d u c e c y c l i c a l f l u c t u a t i o n s b y t h e u s e o f a c t i v e demand-management policies. These could be either fis- cal or monetary policies, or both (see Chapter 30). A more stable economy will provide a better climate for long-term investment, which will lead to faster growth in both poten- tial and actual output.
Fluctuations in aggregate supply While the mainstream view of business cycles stresses the importance of fluctuations in aggregate demand, it recog- nises that shifts in the aggregate supply curve in Figure 29.6 (see page 552) can also cause fluctuations in output. Sudden sharp changes to input prices, such as in the price of oil, could be one such cause.
Real business cycle theory But some economists, such as ‘new classical economists’, go further and argue that shifts in aggregate supply are the pri- mary source of economic volatility. One particular theory is known as real business cycle theory. In a recession, accord- ing to the theory, aggregate supply curves will shift to the left (output falls), while in a boom aggregate supply curves shift to the right (output rises).
But what causes aggregate supply to change in the first place, and why, once there has been an initial change, will the aggregate supply curve go on changing, causing a reces- sion or boom to continue?
The initial shifts in aggregate supply are caused by impulses. An impulse could come from a structural change,
such as a shift in demand from older manufacturing indus- tries to new service industries. Because of the immobility of labour, not all those laid off in the older industries will find work in the new industries. Structural unemployment (part of equilibrium unemployment) rises and output falls. Aggre- gate demand may be the same, but because of a change in its pattern, aggregate supply falls and the Phillips curve shifts to the right.
Alternatively, the impulse could be a change in technol- ogy. For example, a technological breakthrough in telecom- munications could increase aggregate supply. Or it could come from an oil price increase, shifting aggregate supply to the left.
The persistence of supply-side effects Real business cycle theory stresses that the effects of impulses persist – aggregate supply goes on shifting. There are two main reasons. The first is that several changes may take months to complete. For example, a tech- nological breakthrough does not affect all industries simultaneously.
The second reason is that these changes will affect the profitability of investment. A positive shock (impulse) will raise investment levels, which will increase firms’ capac- ity; hence the aggregate supply curve will shift to the right. Conversely, a negative shock (impulse) will reduce invest- ment, causing the aggregate supply curve to shift to the left. Therefore, changes in the profitability of investment are said to amplify or ‘propagate’ the impact of the impulses through their effect on aggregate supply. This is in con- trast to the multiplier effect, where changes in investment affect output through their effect on aggregate demand (see page 549).
By focusing on impulses which have enduring effects on aggregate supply, real business cycle theory offers a rather different perspective on the business cycle. The conventional view of the business cycle is one of fluctu- ations in actual output (real GDP) around the economy’s potential output (see Figure 26.11 on page 489). By con- trast, real business cycle theory portrays the business cycle as upward and downward movements in the economy’s potential output which then affect the economy’s actual output.
Turning points So far we have seen how the theory of real business cycles explains persistent rises or falls in aggregate supply. But
Pause for thought
Why is it difficult to predict precisely when a recession will come to an end and the economy will start growing rapidly?
Definition
Real business cycle theory The new classical theory which explains cyclical fluctuations in terms of shifts in aggregate supply, rather than aggregate demand.
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how does it explain turning points? Why do recessions and booms come to an end? The most likely explanation is that, once a shock has worked its way through, aggregate supply will stop shifting. If there is then any shock in the other direction, aggregate supply will start moving back again. For example, after a period of recession, gluts in
various commodities could lead to falls in commodity prices, thereby reducing industries’ costs. Since these ‘reverse shocks’ are likely to occur at irregular intervals, they can help to explain why real-world business cycles are themselves irregular.
SUMMARY
1a In the simple circular flow of income model, equilibrium national income (GDP) is where withdrawals equal injec- tions: where W = J.
1b The simple Keynesian model can be illustrated through the Keynesian cross diagram. Prices are assumed con- stant. Equilibrium is where national income (Y) (i.e. GDP), shown by the 45° line, is equal to aggregate expenditure (E).
1c If there is an initial increase in aggregate expenditure (∆E), which could result from an increase in injections or a reduction in withdrawals, there will be a multiplied rise in national income (Y). The multiplier is defined as ∆Y/ ∆E.
1d The size of the multiplier depends on the marginal pro- pensity to consume domestically produced goods (mpc
d ).
The larger the mpc d , the more will be spent each time
incomes are generated around the circular flow, and thus the more will go round again as additional demand for domestic product. The multiplier formula is 1/1 − mpc
d .
2a The impact of changes in aggregate demand on prices (and output) is affected by the nature of aggregate sup- ply (AS) curve.
2b If nominal aggregate demand changes, then in the short run it is likely to affect real GDP according to the degree of slack in the economy. The short-run aggregate supply curve tends to be relatively elastic (except when the economy is operating close to or above potential out- put). This is because both wage rates and prices tend to be relatively sticky in the short run.
2c In the long run, according to many economists, the aggregate supply curve is vertical because price increases from any rise in aggregate demand tend to be passed on from one firm to another and feed into wage increases.
2d New classicists argue that that the short-run aggregate supply curve may be vertical too. This is because of the flexibility of markets and the ability of rational people to forecast the effect of expected changes in aggregate demand on prices.
2e Some argue, however, that even the long-run aggregate supply curve may be upward sloping. If a sustained increase in demand leads to increased investment, this can have the effect of shifting the short-run aggregate supply curve to the right and making the long-run curve upward sloping, not vertical.
3a The quantity equation MV = PY can be used to analyse the possible relationship between money and prices.
3b In the short run, V tends to vary inversely, but unpredict- ably, with M. Thus the effect of a change in money supply on nominal GDP (PY) is uncertain.
3c The reason is that the interest-rate transmission mech- anism between changes in money and changes in GDP is unreliable and possibly weak. The reasons are (a) an
unstable and possibly elastic demand for money and (b) an unstable and possibly inelastic investment demand.
3d The exchange-rate transmission mechanism is stronger but still very unpredictable.
3e In the long run, the transmission mechanisms are stronger and relatively stable. If people have an increase in money in their portfolios, they will attempt to restore portfolio balance by purchasing assets, including goods. Thus an increase in money supply is transmitted directly into an increase in aggregate demand. The interest rate and exchange rate mechanisms are also argued to be strong. The demand for money is seen to be more stable in the long run. This leads to a long-run stability in V (unless it changes as a result of other factors, such as institutional arrangements for the handling of money).
3f The short-run effect of a change in money supply on real GDP (Y) depends on the degree of slack in the economy. In the long run, Y is determined largely independently of the money supply. A faster growth in the money supply over a long period is likely to result merely in higher inflation.
4a To explain how inflation and unemployment can occur simultaneously we need to allow for other types of infla- tion and unemployment. Consequently, the AS curve will be upward sloping but getting steeper as full employ- ment is approached and as bottlenecks increasingly occur.
4b The Phillips curve showed the apparent trade-off between inflation and unemployment for more than 100 years prior to 1958. However, after the mid-1960s, the rela- tionship appeared to break down as both inflation and unemployment rose.
4c An explanation for this is given by the adaptive expec- tations hypothesis. In its simplest form the hypothesis states that the expected rate of inflation this year is what it actually was last year: pet = pt - 1
4d If there is excess demand in the economy, producing upward pressure on wages and prices, initially unemploy- ment will fall. The reason is that workers and firms will believe that wage and price increases represent real wage and price increases. Thus workers are prepared to take jobs more readily and firms choose to produce more. But as people’s expectations adapt upwards to these higher wages and prices, so ever-increasing rises in nominal aggregate demand will be necessary to maintain unem- ployment below the equilibrium rate. Price and wage rises will accelerate: i.e. inflation will rise.
4e According to this analysis, the Phillips curve is thus verti- cal at the natural rate of unemployment.
4f The new classical theory assumes flexible prices and wages in the short run as well as in the long run. It also assumes that people base their expectations of inflation ▲
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on a rational assessment of the current situation. People may predict wrongly, but they are equally likely to under- predict or to overpredict. On average over the years they will predict correctly.
4g The implication of rational expectations and continuous market clearing is that not only the long-run but also the short-run Phillips curve will be vertical. If people correctly predict the rate of inflation, they will correctly predict that any increase in nominal aggregate demand will simply be reflected in higher prices. Total output and employment will remain the same: at the equilibrium level.
4h Expectations can also impact upon output and employ- ment. If business is confident that demand will expand and that order books will be healthy, then firms are likely to gear up production and take on extra labour.
5a Data for the UK show its Phillips curve shifting to the right in the 1970s and 1980s. Reasons include a growth in equilibrium unemployment caused by rapid technolog- ical changes and a persistence of unemployment beyond the recessions of the early 1980s and early 1990s (hysteresis).
5b In the late 1990s and early 2000s, equilibrium unem- ployment fell as labour markets became more flexible and as the lagged effects of the recessions of the early 1980s and early 1990s faded.
5c Some argue that the pace with which unemployment fell in the UK in the early 2010s demonstrates that hysteresis is now less of a problem. However, there was a substan- tial rise in underemployment, which reflected a higher degree of slack in the labour market than that implied by the unemployment statistics. Also rates of youth and long-term unemployment remained high and these would be expected to impact on future unemployment rates.
5d Inflation targeting in the UK has seen the rate of inflation typically very close to the target level. Inflation targeting helps to anchor inflationary expectations around the target rate. This has tended to make the time-path of the Phillips curve horizontal at the target rate of inflation.
5e In response to the economic downturn following the financial crisis, the Bank of England introduced a strategy of forward guidance to provide an indication
of the likely medium-term path of interest rates. Some economists argue that this could undermine the credibil- ity of inflation rate policy and raise the public’s inflation- ary expectations.
6a Keynesians explain cyclical fluctuations in the economy by examining the causes of fluctuations in the level of aggregate demand.
6b Financial institutions may use economic growth as an indicator of the riskiness of lending. This will affect the availability of credit or the price of credit. Weaker growth is likely to result in reduced flows of credit and a higher rate of interest on borrowing relative to that on saving. This creates a financial accelerator effect which amplifies the business cycle. The financial instability hypothesis argues that the financial system swings between fragility and robustness with changes in the confidence of banks and investors. Again, the result is credit cycles which generate macroeconomic instability.
6c A major part of the Keynesian explanation of the business cycle is the instability of investment. The investment accelerator theory helps to explain this instability. It relates the level of investment to changes in national income and consumer demand. An initial increase in consumer demand can result in a very large percentage increase in investment; but as soon as the rise in consumer demand begins to level off, investment will fall; and even a slight fall in consumer demand can reduce investment to virtually zero. Investment in stocks is also unstable and tends to amplify the busi- ness cycle.
6d Booms and recessions can persist because of time lags, ‘bandwagon’ and ‘group’ effects and the interaction of the multiplier, accelerator and credit cycles.
6e Turning points are explained by ceilings and floors to output, echo effects, the investment accelerator, expec- tations and sentiment, random shocks and swings in government policy.
6f Real business cycle theory focuses on aggregate supply shocks (impulses), which then persist for a period of time. Eventually their effect will peter out, and supply shocks in the other direction can lead to turning points in the cycle.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
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REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Assume that the multiplier has a value of 3. Now assume that the government decides to increase aggregate demand in an attempt to reduce unemployment. It raises government expenditure by £100 million with no increase in taxes. Firms, anticipating a rise in their sales, increase investment by £200 million, of which £50 million consists of purchases of foreign machinery. How much will GDP rise? (Assume ceteris paribus.)
2 What factors could explain why some countries have a higher multiplier than others?
3 In what way will the nature of aggregate supply influence the effect of a change in aggregate demand on prices and real national income?
4 What shape do you think the aggregate supply curve would be at the current output if the economy was in a deep recession?
5 What shape of aggregate supply curve is assumed by the simple Keynesian demand-driven model of the economy? Under what circumstances is this shape likely to be a true reflection of the aggregate supply curve?
6 What are the implications of the relationship between the money supply (M) and the V and Y terms in the quantity equation MV = PY for the effectiveness of controlling the amount of money in the economy as a means of con- trolling inflation?
7 In the adaptive expectations model of the Phillips curve, if the government tries to maintain unemployment below the equilibrium rate, what will determine the speed at which inflation accelerates?
8 For what reasons might the equilibrium rate of unemploy- ment increase?
9 How can adaptive expectations of inflation result in clockwise Phillips loops? Why would these loops not be completely regular?
10 What implications would a vertical short-run aggregate supply curve have for the effectiveness of demand man- agement policy?
11 Explain the persistence of high levels of unemployment after the 1980s recession. What policies would you advo- cate to reduce unemployment?
12 How can the interaction of the multiplier and accelerator explain cyclical fluctuations in GDP?
13 What is meant by ‘real business cycle’ theory? How can such theory account for (a) the persistence of periods of rapid or slow growth; (b) turning points in the cycle?
14 What do the financial accelerator and the financial insta- bility hypothesis imply about the determinants of longer- term rates of economic growth?
ADDITIONAL PART J CASE STUDIES IN THE ECONOMICS FOR BUSINESS MyEconLab (www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman)
J.1 Theories of economic growth. An overview of classical and more modern theories of growth.
J.2 The costs of economic growth. Why economic growth may not be an unmixed blessing.
J.3 Technology and unemployment. Does technological progress destroy jobs?
J.4 The GDP deflator. An examination of how GDP figures are corrected to take inflation into account.
J.5 Comparing national income statistics. The importance of taking the purchasing power of local currencies into account.
J.6 The UK’s balance of payments deficit. An examination of the UK’s persistent trade and current account deficits.
J.7 Making sense of the financial balances on the balance of payments. An examination of the three main components of the financial account.
J.8 A high exchange rate. This case looks at whether a high exchange rate is necessarily bad news for exporters.
J.9 The Gold Standard. A historical example of fixed exchange rates.
J.10 The importance of international financial movements. How a current account deficit can coincide with an appreciating exchange rate.
J.11 Argentina in crisis. An examination of the collapse of the Argentine economy in 2001/2.
J.12 Currency turmoil in the 1990s. Two examples of speculative attacks on currencies: first on the Mexican peso in 1995; then on the Thai baht in 1997.
J.13 The attributes of money. What makes something, such as metal, paper or electronic records, suitable as money?
J.14 Secondary marketing. This looks at one of the ways of increasing liquidity without sacrificing profitability. It involves selling an asset to someone else before the asset matures.
J.15 Consolidated MFI balance sheet. A look at the consolidated balance sheet of UK monetary financial institutions (banks, building societies and the Bank of England).
J.16 Bailing out the banks. An overview of the concerted efforts made to rescue the banking system in the crisis of 2007–9.
J.17 John Maynard Keynes (1883–1946). Profile of the great economist.
J.18 The rational expectations revolution. A profile of two of the most famous economists of the new classical rational expectations school.
J.19 The phases of the business cycle. A demand-side analysis of the factors contributing to each of the four phases.
J.20 How does consumption behave? The case looks at evidence on the relationship between consumption and disposable income. ▲
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5 7 6 C H A P T E R 2 9 B U S I N E S S A C T I V I T Y , E M P L O Y M E N T A N D I N F L A T I O N
WEBSITES RELEVANT TO PART J
Numbers and sections refer to websites listed in the Web appendix and hotlinked from this text’s website at www.pearsoned. co.uk/sloman
■ For news articles relevant to Part J, see the Economics News Articles link from the text’s website.
■ For general news on macroeconomic issues, both national and international, see websites in section A, and particularly A1–5, 7–9. For general news on money, banking and interest rates, see again A1–5, 7–9 and also 20–22, 25, 31, 35, 36. For all of Part J, see links to newspapers worldwide in A38, 39, 43, 44, and the news search feature in Google at A41.
■ For macroeconomic data, see links in B1, 2 and 3; also see B4 and 35. For UK data, see B2, 3, 5 and 34. For EU data, see B38 and 47. For US data, see Current economic indicators in B6 and the Data section of B17. For international data, see B15, 21, 24, 31, 33. For links to data sets, see B1, 4, 28, 35, 46; I14.
■ For national income statistics for the UK (Appendix to Chapter 26), see B1, 1. National Statistics > Publications > Search "Blue Book" (filter search by Books).
■ For data on UK unemployment, see B1, 1. National Statistics > Publications > Search "UK Labour Market". For International data on unemployment, see B1, 21, 24, 31, 38, 47; H3.
■ For international data on balance of payments and exchange rates, see B1 > sites B.7 (Statistical Annex of the European Economy), B.8 (OECD Economic Outlook: Statistical Annex Tables), B.10 (World Economic Outlook). See also the trade topic in I14.
■ For details of individual countries’ balance of payments, see B31.
■ For UK data on balance of payments, see B1, 1. National Statistics > Publications > Search "Pink Book". See also B34. For EU data, see B38.
■ For exchange rates, see A1, 3; B34; F2, 4, 5, 6, 8.
■ For discussion papers on balance of payments and exchange rates, see H4 and 7.
■ For monetary and financial data (including data for money supply and interest rates), see section F and particularly F2. Note that you can link to central banks worldwide from site F17. See also the links in B1.
■ For links to sites on money and monetary policy, see the Financial Economics sections in I4, 7, 11, 17.
■ For information on the development of ideas, see C12, 18; also see links under Methodology and History of Economic Thought in C14.
■ For student resources relevant to this chapter, see sites C1–7, 9, 10, 12, 19.
J.21 Trends in housing equity withdrawal (HEW). An analysis of the patterns in HEW and consumer spending.
J.22 UK monetary aggregates. This case shows how UK money supply is measured using both UK measures and eurozone measures.
J.23 Credit and the business cycle. This case traces cycles in the growth of credit and relates them to the business
cycle. It also looks at some of the implications of the growth in credit.
J.24 Has there been an accelerator effect over the past 50 years? This case examines GDP and investment data to see whether the evidence points to an accelerator effect.
J.25 Modelling the financial accelerator. This case looks at how we can incorporate the accelerator effect into the simple Keynesian model of the economy.
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K Macroeconomic policy
The Financial Times, 5 March 2015
ECB set to fire starting gun on QE programme
© The Financial Times Limited 2015. All Rights Reserved.
By Claire Jones
The European Central Bank will launch its land- mark quantitative easing programme on Monday with the first purchases of sovereign bonds to sup- port an accelerating recovery in the eurozone.
An upbeat Mario Draghi said on Thursday that the controversial €1.1tn programme, announced in January, would help support an economy that after years of crisis and stagnation was likely to see a recovery that would ‘broaden and strengthen gradually’.
The ECB is expected to buy up to €850bn in gov- ernment bonds between next week and September 2016. Together with purchases of private sector debt and paper from eurozone institutions such as the European Investment Bank, the eurozone’s central bankers will buy €60bn of debt a month. The central bank has promised to extend QE should price pressures remain weak.
‘The latest inflation projections suggest that the hurdle to extend the programme beyond Septem- ber next year is set pretty high,’ said Ken Wattret, an economist at BNP Paribas.
Mr Draghi said in Nicosia, the Cypriot capital where Thursday’s governing council vote took place, that the ECB would not buy assets trading at negative yields below minus 0.2 per cent, in
effect imposing a ceiling on the price it was pre- pared to pay for government debt. German two- year bonds were trading below this level at the time of the announcement.
Negative yields, which are present in several eu- rozone bond markets, occur when bondholders pay more to buy a bond than they would receive should they hold the paper until it matures.
The euro rose to $1.1101 during Mr Draghi’s state- ment, but later fell back to $1.1063. Eurozone bond yields fell while share prices rose.
The ECB president made an emphatic appeal to eurozone governments to step up the pace of eco- nomic reform, saying the signs of an accelerating economy and the launch of QE were ‘no grounds for complacency’.
Swift and credible economic reforms would not only raise longer-term potential growth but lift ex- pectations of higher incomes and encourage com- panies to bring forward investments, he said.
The governing council kept the central bank’s benchmark interest rate at 0.05 per cent while the rate charged on a portion of eurozone banks’ de- posits parked at the ECB stayed at 0.2 per cent.
The FT Reports …
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The role of government and of central bankers in managing macroeconomic affairs has always been a contentious one. Economists keenly debate the extent to which policy makers should intervene in economies. Such debates concern not only regional and national economies, but also groups of economies such as the 28 member states of the European Union (as the Financial Times article points out). Economists keenly debate the role that policy makers can play in reducing the inherent volatility of economies and in fostering more rapid long-term economic growth.
In this final part of the text, we consider the alternative policies open to policy makers in their attempts to manage or influence the macroeconomy. Chapter 30 focuses on fiscal and monetary policy in the context of affecting aggregate demand. We consider how such policies are supposed to work and how effective they are in practice.
Up to the financial crisis of the late 2000s, policy makers had taken a more passive approach towards policy, often advocating policy rules. The financial crisis saw fiscal rules relaxed, suspended or even abandoned. Many central banks continue to rely on policy rules: for example, the Bank of England sets interest rates so as to achieve a target rate of inflation of 2 per cent. Nonetheless, even here there is renewed interest in the merit of such rules.
Chapter 31, by contrast, focuses on aggregate supply and considers the role of gov- ernment in attempting to improve economic performance by supply-side reforms: i.e. reforms designed to increase productivity and efficiency and achieve a growth in potential output. Both free-market and interventionist supply-side strategies will be considered.
Finally Chapter 32 takes an international perspective. We shall see how, in a world of interdependent economies, national governments try to harmonise their policies so as to achieve international growth and stability. Unfortunately, there is frequently a conflict between the broader interests of the international community and the narrow interests of individual countries, and in these circumstances, national interests nor- mally dictate policy.
Key terms
Fiscal policy Fiscal stance Fine-tuning Automatic fiscal stabilisers
and discretionary fiscal policy
Pure fiscal policy Crowding out Monetary policy Open-market operations Demand management Inflation targeting Market-orientated and
interventionist supply-side policies
Regional and urban policy Industrial policy International business
cycle Policy co-ordination International convergence Economic and monetary
union in Europe (EMU) Single European currency Currency union
When the world economy was plunged into deep crisis in the 1930s, the response, both nation- ally and internationally, was too little and too late. This failure to act turned a serious down- turn into a prolonged depression. We will not repeat those mistakes again.
Alistair Darling. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Budget speech, 21 April 2009
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Demand-side policy
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ What types of macroeconomic policy are there and in what ways might they affect business? ■ What will be the impact on the economy and business of various fiscal policy measures? ■ What determines the effectiveness of fiscal policy in smoothing out fluctuations in the economy? ■ What fiscal rules or frameworks are adopted by governments and what are the economic arguments for such constraints on
government policy? ■ How does monetary policy work in the UK and the eurozone, and what are the roles of the Bank of England and the
European Central Bank? ■ How does targeting inflation influence interest rates and hence business activity? ■ Are there better rules for determining interest rates than sticking to a simple inflation target?
FISCAL POLICY 30.1
Fiscal policy involves the government manipulating the level of government expenditure and/or rates of tax in order to affect the level of aggregate demand. An expansionary fis- cal policy will involve raising government expenditure (an injection into the circular flow of income) or reducing taxes (a withdrawal from the circular flow). A deflationary (i.e. a
KI 43 p 547
There are two major types of demand-side policy: fiscal and monetary. In each case, we shall first describe how the policy operates and then examine its effectiveness. We shall also consider the more general question of whether the government and central bank ought to intervene actively to manage the level of aggregate demand, or whether they ought merely to set targets or rules for various indicators – such as money supply, inflation or government budget deficits – and then stick to them.
contractionary) fiscal policy will involve cutting govern- ment expenditure and/or raising taxes.
But why might a government use fiscal policy? First, it can try to remove any severe deflationary or infla-
tionary gaps. For instance, an expansionary fiscal policy could be used to try to prevent an economy experiencing a severe or prolonged recession. This was the approach taken around the world from 2008 when substantial tax cuts and increases in government expenditure were undertaken. Likewise, deflationary fiscal policy could be used to prevent rampant inflation, such as that experienced in the 1970s.
Definition
Fiscal policy Policy to affect aggregate demand by alter- ing government expenditure and/or taxation.
30
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a p
te r
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Second, it can try to smooth out the fluctuations in the economy associated with the business cycle by fine-tuning. Stabilisation policies involve the government adjusting the level of aggregate demand so as to prevent the economy’s actual output level deviating too far from its potential out- put level – to keep output gaps to a minimum.
Fiscal policy is also likely to affect aggregate supply, and the government will take this into account when designing its tax and spending policies. For example, it could give tax incentives to encourage businesses to invest or to engage in research and development, or it could increase its expend- iture on infrastructure, such as roads and telecommunica- tions. The aim would be to increase the economy’s potential output. We look at supply-side policies in Chapter 31.
Deficits and surpluses Central government deficits and surpluses Since an expansionary fiscal policy involves raising gov- ernment expenditure and/or lowering taxes, this has the effect of either increasing the budget deficit or reducing the budget surplus. A budget deficit in any one year is where central government’s expenditure exceeds its revenue from taxation. A budget surplus is where tax revenues exceed central government expenditure.
For most of the past 50 years, governments around the world have run budget deficits. A deficit in any year adds to the total debt that a government has accumulated over the
years. From the mid-1990s, however, many countries, the UK included, made substantial efforts to reduce their budget deficits, and some achieved budget surpluses for periods of time. The position changed dramatically in 2008–9, how- ever, as governments around the world increased their expenditure and cut taxes in an attempt to stave off reces- sion. Government deficits, and hence stocks of debt, in many countries soared. Since then, governments have once more made efforts to reduce or even eliminate deficits.
General government ‘General government’ includes central and local govern- ment. Table 30.1 shows general government deficits/sur- pluses and debt for selected countries. They are expressed as a proportion of GDP. Deficits refer to the debt that a government incurs in one year when its spending exceeds
KI 38 p 470
KI 41 p 471
KI 27 p 322
KI 39 p 471
General government deficits (-) or surpluses (+)
General government debt
Average Average Average Average
1995–2007 2008–16 1995–2007 2008–16
Belgium –1.3 –3.3 108.3 102.3
France –2.9 –4.7 61.6 87.1
Germany –2.9 –0.7 61.0 74.1
Greece –6.4 –8.4 96.8 157.3
Ireland +1.2 –10.0 41.7 96.5
Italy –3.5 –3.2 106.4 121.6
Japan –5.7 –7.4 148.5 230.8
Netherlands –2.7 –2.6 55.2 63.8
Portugal –4.3 –5.9 58.6 110.6
Spain –1.4 –7.2 52.9 77.5
Sweden 0.0 –0.6 55.0 39.7
UK –2.2 –6.7 42.0 79.8
USA –2.8 –7.8 61.7 97.2
EU-15 –1.1 –3.9 64.0 84.0
General government deficits/surpluses and debt as percentage of GDPTable 30.1
Note: Data from 2015 based on forecasts Source: Based on data from AMECO database, Tables 16.3 and 18.1 (European Commission, DG ECFIN)
Definitions
Fine-tuning The use of demand management policy (fiscal or monetary) to smooth out cyclical fluctuations in the economy.
Budget deficit The excess of central government’s spending over its tax receipts.
Budget surplus The excess of central government’s tax receipts over its spending.
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its receipts. If the government runs persistent deficits over many years, these debts will accumulate.
As you can see, in the period from 1995 to 2007, all coun- tries, with the exception of Ireland and Sweden, averaged a deficit. Nevertheless, for most countries, these deficits and debts were smaller than in the early 1990s. However, in the period from 2008 to 2016, the average deficit increased for most countries. And the bigger the deficit, the faster debt increased.
The whole public sector To get a more complete view of public finances, we would need to look at the spending and receipts of the entire pub- lic sector: namely, central government, local government and public corporations.
Total public expenditure. First, we need to distinguish b e t w e e n c u r r e n t a n d c a p i t a l e x p e n d i t u r e s . C u r r e n t expenditures include items such as wages and salaries of public-sector staff, administration and the payments of wel- fare benefits. Capital expenditure (gross capital formation) gives rise to a stream of benefits over time. Examples include expenditure on roads, hospitals and schools.
Second, we must distinguish between final expenditure on goods and services, and transfers. This distinction recog- nises that the public sector directly adds to the economy’s aggregate demand through its spending on goods and ser- vices, including the wages of public-sector workers, but also that it redistributes incomes between individuals and firms. Transfers include subsidies and benefit payments, such as payments to the unemployed.
Since 1990 the UK’s public expenditure has typically split 93 to 7 per cent between current and capital expenditure, and 62 to 38 per cent between final expenditure and transfers.
Public-sector deficits. If the public sector spends more than it earns, it will have to finance the deficit through borrow- ing: known as public-sector net borrowing (PSNB). Since the 1960s, the UK’s public-sector net borrowing has averaged nearly 3 per cent of GDP.
The precise amount of money the public sector requires to borrow in any one year is known as the public-sector net cash requirement (PSNCR). It differs slightly from the PSNB because of time lags in the flows of public-sector incomes and expenditure.
If the public sector runs a surplus (a negative PSNB), it will be able to repay some of the public-sector debts that have accumulated from previous years. If it runs a deficit, the public-sector debt will increase by the size of that deficit.
Cyclically adjusted balances The size of the deficit or surplus is not entirely due to delib- erate government policy. It is influenced by the state of the economy.
If the economy is booming with people earning high incomes, the amount paid in taxes will be high. Also, in a
booming economy the level of unemployment will be low. Thus the amount paid out in unemployment benefits will be low. The combined effect of increased tax revenues and reduced benefits is to reduce the public-sector deficit (or increase the surplus).
By contrast, if the economy is depressed, tax revenues will be low and the amount paid in benefits will be high. This will increase the public-sector deficit (or reduce the surplus).
By ‘cyclically adjusting’ measures of public-sector defi- cits or surpluses we remove their cyclical component. In other words, we show just the direct effects of government policy, not the effects of the level of economic activity. Figure 30.1 shows both actual and cyclically adjusted pub- lic-sector net borrowing as a percentage of GDP since the mid-1970s. Over the long run the economy’s output gap is zero (see Box 26.1). Hence, over the period shown, both net borrowing measures average the same (around 3 per cent of GDP).
The deficit or surplus that would arise if the economy were producing at the potential level of national income (see Box 26.1 on page 475) is termed the structural deficit or surplus. Remember that the potential level of national income is where there is no excess or deficiency of aggregate demand: where there is a zero output gap.
The use of fiscal policy Automatic fiscal stabilisers To some extent, government expenditure and taxation will have the effect of automatically stabilising the economy. For example, as national income rises, the amount of tax people
Definitions
Current expenditure Recurrent spending on goods and factor payments.
Capital expenditure Investment expenditure; expendi- ture on assets.
Final expenditure Expenditure on goods and services. This is included in GDP and is part of aggregate demand.
Transfers Transfers of money from taxpayers to recipi- ents of benefits and subsidies. They are not an injection into the circular flow but are the equivalent of a negative tax (i.e. a negative withdrawal).
Public-sector net borrowing (PSNB) The difference between the expenditures of the public sector and its receipts from taxation, the surpluses of public corpora- tions and the sale of assets.
Public-sector net cash requirement (PSNCR) The (annual) deficit of the public sector, and thus the amount that the public sector must borrow.
Structural deficit (or surplus) The public-sector deficit (or surplus) that would occur if the economy were oper- ating at the potential level of national income: i.e. one where there is a zero output gap.
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pay automatically rises. This rise in withdrawals from the circu- lar flow of income will help to damp down the rise in national income. This effect will be bigger if taxes are progressive (i.e. rise by a bigger percentage than national income). Some govern- ment transfers will have a similar effect. For example, the total paid in unemployment benefits will fall, if rises in national income cause a fall in unemployment. This again will have the effect of dampening the rise in national income.
Discretionary fiscal policy Automatic stabilisers cannot prevent fluctuations; they merely reduce their magnitude. If there is a fundamental disequilib- rium in the economy or substantial fluctuations in national income, these automatic stabilisers will not be enough. The government may thus choose to alter the level of govern- ment expenditure or the rates of taxation. This is known as discretionary fiscal policy. Box 30.1 looks at discretionary fis- cal policy in the UK since the financial crisis of the late 2000s.
If government expenditure on goods and services (roads, health care, education, etc.) is raised, this will create a full multiplied rise in national income. The reason is that all the money gets spent and thus all of it goes to boosting aggre- gate demand.
Cutting taxes (or increasing benefits), however, will have a smaller effect on national income than raising gov- ernment expenditure on goods and services by the same amount. The reason is that cutting taxes increases people’s disposable incomes, of which only part will be spent. Part will be withdrawn into extra saving, imports and other taxes. In other words, not all the tax cuts will be passed on round the circular flow of income as extra expenditure. Thus if one-fifth of a cut in taxes is withdrawn and only
four-fifths is spent, the tax multiplier will be only four-fifths as big as the government expenditure multiplier.
The effectiveness of fiscal policy How successful will fiscal policy be? Will it be able to ‘fine- tune’ demand? Will it be able to achieve the level of GDP that the government would like it to achieve?
There are various problems with using fiscal policy to manage the economy. These can be grouped under two broad headings: problems of magnitude and problems of timing.
Problems of magnitude Before changing government expenditure or taxation, the government will need to calculate the effect of any such change on national income, employment and inflation. Predicting these effects, however, is often very unreliable for a number of reasons.
KI 36 p 354
KI 43 p 547
UK public-sector net borrowing (% of GDP)Figure 30.1
Pause for thought
Why will the multiplier effect of government transfer pay- ments, such as child benefit, pensions and social security ben- efits, be less than the full multiplier effect from government expenditure on goods and services?
Definition
Discretionary fiscal policy Deliberate changes in tax rates or the level of government expenditure in order to influence the level of aggregate demand.
Notes: Data exclude effect of financial sector interventions; data from 2015/16 are forecasts Source: Public Sector Finances Databank, November 2015 (Office for Budget Responsibility)
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BOX 30.1 THE FINANCIAL CRISIS AND THE UK FISCAL POLICY YO-YO
Constraining the discretion over fiscal policy
The effect of the capital spending projects was to increase public-sector gross investment to 5.2 per cent and 5.3 per cent of GDP in 2008/9 and 2009/10 respectively. In the previous 15 years the typical amount of public-sector gross investment spending had been just 3.3 per cent of GDP. Meanwhile, as chart (a) shows, total government spending (excluding financial interventions) began to rise rapidly, fuelled by rising transfer payments on the back of the faltering economy, peaking at just over 45 per cent in 2009/10. The UK came out of recession in the third quarter of 2009 after five consecutive quarters of declining output which saw the economy shrink by 6 per cent. Meanwhile, the rate of unemployment, which had stood at 5.2 per cent at the start of 2008, peaked at 8 per cent in early 2010 and stood at 7.8 per cent in May when 13 years of Labour government came to an end. Not only did this mark a change of government as a Con- servative–Liberal coalition took charge, but it also a marked a change in the direction of fiscal policy.
The impact of the financial crisis on economic growth in the UK was stark. The UK economy had expanded by 3.0 per cent in 2006 and by a further 2.6 in 2007. But in 2008 it contracted by 0.3 per cent and then by 4.3 per cent in 2009. The UK fiscal policy response was initially expansionary as attempts were made to mitigate the worst of the economic slowdown. Then, with a new government in place and with a burgeoning budget deficit, the UK turned rapidly to a policy of fiscal consolidation. Within a short space of time the stance of fiscal policy changed markedly: a fiscal policy yo-yo.
Expansion The UK economy entered recession in the second quarter of 2008. In the Pre-Budget Report of November 2008, amongst other measures, the Labour government introduced a 13-month cut in VAT from 17.5 per cent to 15 per cent. It also brought forward from 2010/11 £3 billion of capital spending on projects such as motorways, new social housing, schools and energy efficiency.
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(a) UK public-sector spending and receipts (% of GDP)
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Predicting the effect of changes in government expenditure A rise in government expenditure of £x may lead to a rise in total injections (relative to withdrawals) that is smaller than £x. This will occur if the rise in government expend- iture replaces a certain amount of private expenditure. For example, a rise in expenditure on state education may dissuade some parents from sending their children to pri- vate schools. Similarly, an improvement in the National Health Service may lead to fewer people paying for private treatment.
Crowding out. Another reason for the total rise in injections being smaller than the rise in government expenditure is a phenomenon known as crowding out. If the government relies on pure fiscal policy – that is, if it does not finance an
Definitions
Crowding out Where increased public expenditure diverts money or resources away from the private sector.
Pure fiscal policy Fiscal policy which does not involve any change in money supply.
Note: Data from 2015/16 based on forecasts Source: Public Sector Finances Databank, November 2015 (Office for Budget Responsibility)
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THE FINANCIAL CRISIS AND THE UK FISCAL POLICY YO-YO
Constraining the discretion over fiscal policy
was announced that the consolidation would continue up to 2015/16. By the end of 2015/16 the government planned to have delivered a discretionary consolidation of £122 billion, with £99 billion coming from discretionary reductions in spending and £23 billion from tax increases. As it turned out, however, in real terms total public-sector spending fell by just 0.7 per cent between 2010/11 and 2014/15. The principal fiscal objectives were thus not met during the 2010–15 parliamentary period, although the government claimed that ‘significant progress’ had been made on its fiscal consolidation. As the parliament drew to a close an updated fiscal framework was proposed. The fiscal mandate would now aim to return the cyclically adjusted current budget to bal- ance over a three-year rolling horizon, starting with balance in 2017/18. The new supplementary target for debt was that net debt should be falling as a percentage of GDP by 2016/17.
Which is likely to give a bigger boost to aggregate demand: tax cuts of a given amount targeted to (a) the rich, or (b) the poor?
Consolidation In 2009/10, public-sector net borrowing hit 10.2 per cent of GDP, up from 2.7 per cent in 2007/8 (see chart (a)). Conse- quently, public-sector net debt grew rapidly (see chart (b)). From £561.5 billion (37 per cent of GDP) in 2007/8 it rose to £959.8 billion (62 per cent of GDP) by 2009/10. The response of the new government was to begin a policy of consolidation. The framework for this was to be known as the ‘fiscal mandate’. The initial mandate was for a balanced cur- rent budget (after adjusting for the position in the economic cycle) five years ahead. Therefore, at the end of a rolling five-year forecast period public-sector receipts should at least equal public-sector current expenditures, after adjusting for the economy’s output gap. This mandate was supplemented by a target for public-sector net debt as a percentage of GDP to be falling by 2015/16. To achieve this, the government embarked on a series of spending cuts and tax rises. This started with a ‘discretionary consolidation’ of £8.9 billion in 2010/11 comprising spend- ing cuts of £5.3 billion and tax increases worth £3.6 billion. It
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P
–2
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
B o
rro w
in g
, % o
f G D
P
Public-sector net borrowing Current receipts Total managed expenditure
(b) UK public-sector net debt
0
200
400
600
800
1000
1200
1400
1600
1800
19 85
/8 6
19 90
/9 1
19 95
/9 6
20 00
/0 1
20 05
/0 6
20 10
/1 1
20 15
/1 6
20 20
/2 1
£ bi
lli on
s
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
% of G
D P
increase in the budget deficit by increasing the money sup- ply – it will have to borrow the money from the non-bank private sector. It will thus be competing with the private sector for finance and will have to offer higher interest rates. This will force the private sector also to offer higher interest rates, which may discourage firms from investing and indi- viduals from buying on credit. Thus government borrowing crowds out private borrowing. In the extreme case, the fall in consumption and investment may completely offset the rise in government expenditure, with the result that aggre- gate demand does not rise at all.
Predicting the effect of changes in taxes A cut in taxes, by increasing people’s real disposable income, increases not only the amount they spend, but also the amount they save. The problem is that it is not easy to predict the relative size of these two increases. In part it will depend on whether people feel that the cut in tax is only temporary, in which case they may simply save the extra disposable income, or permanent, in which case they may adjust their consumption upwards. More generally, it may depend on a broader set of variables, including confidence and financial well-being.
KI 13 p 78
Note: Data from 2015/16 based on forecasts Source: Public Sector Finances Databank, November 2015 (Office for Budget Responsibility)
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5 8 6 C H A P T E R 3 0 D E M A N D - S I D E P O L I C Y
Predicting the resulting multiplied effect on national income Even if the government could predict the net initial effect on injections and withdrawals, the extent to which national income will change is still hard to predict for the following reasons:
■ The size of the multiplier may be difficult to predict, since it is difficult to predict how much of any rise in income will be withdrawn. For example, the amount of a rise in income that households save or consume will depend on their expectations about future price and income changes.
■ I n d u c e d i n v e s t m e n t t h r o u g h t h e a c c e l e r a t o r ( s e e page 570) is also extremely difficult to predict. It may be that a relatively small fiscal stimulus will be all that is necessary to restore business confidence, and that induced investment will rise substantially. Similarly, rising confidence amongst financial institutions could see credit conditions relaxed with the financial accelera- tor (see page 567) resulting in rising levels of investment. In such situations, fiscal policy can be seen as a ‘pump primer’. It is used to start the process of recovery, and then the continuation of the recovery is left to the mar- ket. But for pump priming to work, businesspeople must believe that it will work. Business confidence can change very rapidly and in ways that could not have been fore- seen a few months earlier.
■ Multiplier/accelerator interactions. If the initial multi- plier and accelerator effects are difficult to estimate, their interaction will be virtually impossible to estimate. Small divergences in investment from what was initially pre- dicted will become magnified as time progresses.
Random shocks Forecasts cannot take into account the unpredictable, such as the attack on the World Trade Center in New York in September 2001. Even events that, with hindsight, should have been predicted, such as the banking crisis of 2007–9, often are not. Unfortunately, unpredictable or unpredicted events do occur and may seriously undermine the govern- ment’s fiscal policy.
Problems of timing Fiscal policy can involve considerable time lags. It may take time to recognise the nature of the problem before the government is willing to take action; tax or govern- ment expenditure changes take time to plan and imple- ment – changes will have to wait until the next Budget to be announced and may come into effect some time later; the effects of such changes take time to work their way through the economy via the multiplier and accelerator.
If these time lags are long enough, fiscal policy could even be destabilising. Expansionary policies taken to cure a recession may not come into effect until the economy has already recovered and is experiencing a boom. Under these circumstances, expansionary policies are quite inap- propriate: they simply worsen the problems of overheating. Similarly, deflationary policies taken to prevent exces- sive expansion may not take effect until the economy has already peaked and is plunging into recession. The defla- tionary policies only deepen the recession.
This problem is illustrated in Figure 30.2. Path (a) shows the course of the business cycle without government inter- vention. Ideally, with no time lags, the economy should be dampened in stage 2 and stimulated in stage 4. This would make the resulting course of the business cycle more like path (b), or even, if the policy were perfectly stabilising, a line that purely reflected the growth in potential output. With the presence of time lags, however, deflationary pol- icies taken in stage 2 may not come into effect until stage 4, and reflationary policies taken in stage 4 may not come into effect until stage 2. In this case the resulting course of the business cycle will be more like path (c). Quite obviously, in these circumstances ‘stabilising’ fiscal policy actually makes the economy less stable.
KI 43 p 547
KI 13 p 78
KI 35 p 354
Pause for thought
Give some other examples of ‘random shocks’ that could undermine the government’s fiscal policy.
Fiscal policy: stabilising or destabilising?Figure 30.2
Path (c)
Path (a) Path (b)
R ea
l n at
io na
l i nc
om e
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
1
2
O Time
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If the fluctuations in aggregate demand can be forecast, and if the lengths of the time lags are known, then all is not lost. At least the fiscal measures can be taken early and their delayed effects can be taken into account.
Fiscal rules Given the problems of pursuing active fiscal policy, many governments today take a much more passive approach. Instead of changing the policy as the economy changes, countries apply a set of fiscal rules. These rules typically relate to measures of government deficits and to the stock of accumulated debt. Taxes and government expenditure can then be planned to meet these rules.
However, rules cannot cope with severe disruption to the global economy, such as occurred in the credit crunch of 2008. Countries around the world resorted to discretionary fiscal policy to boost aggregate demand. They abandoned fiscal rules – at least temporarily. Rules were generally rein- stated around the world, however, as the global economy pulled out of recession. In Box 30.2 we detail how the fis- cal rules in the eurozone and the UK evolved following the events of the late 2000s.
In Section 30.3 we review the debate concerning con- straints on a government’s discretion over both its fiscal and monetary policies.
BOX 30.2 THE EVOLVING FISCAL FRAMEWORKS IN THE UK AND EUROZONE
Constraining the discretion over fiscal policy
of the business cycle, and that deficits should not exceed 3 per cent of GDP in any one year. A country’s deficit was per- mitted to exceed 3 per cent only if its GDP had declined by at least 2 per cent (or 0.75 per cent with special permission from the Council of Ministers). Otherwise, countries with deficits exceeding 3 per cent were required to make deposits of money with the European Central Bank. Under the Pact’s Excessive Deficit Procedure, these would then become fines if the exces- sive budget deficit were not eliminated within two years. The UK, however, was not legally bound by this procedure. There were two main aims of targeting a zero budget deficit over the business cycle. The first was to allow automatic stabilisers to work without ‘bumping into’ the 3 per cent deficit ceiling in years when economies were slowing. The second was to allow a reduction in government debts as a proportion of GDP (assum- ing that GDP grew on average at around 2–3 per cent per year).
If governments persistently run budget deficits, the national debt will rise. If it rises faster than GDP, it will account for a growing proportion of GDP. Governments could find them- selves having to borrow more and more to meet the interest payments, and so the national debt could rise faster still. Consequently, a principal aim of fiscal rules or frameworks, which constrain government discretion over fiscal policy, has been to ensure sustainable government finances.
European Union Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) In June 1997, at the European Council meeting in Amsterdam, the EU countries agreed a Stability and Growth Pact (SGP). This stated that member states should seek to balance their budgets (or even aim for a surplus) averaged over the course
(a) General government deficits in the eurozone
23 22 21
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
10 11 12
1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016
B ud
ge t
de fic
its a
s a
% o
f G
D P
Start of euro
Eurozone France Germany Italy Spain
Limit under Stability and Growth Pact
▲
Note: Data from 2015 are based on forecasts Source: Based on data in Statistical Annex to the European Economy (European Commission).
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5 8 8 C H A P T E R 3 0 D E M A N D - S I D E P O L I C Y
higher. Indeed, with the Spanish, Greek and Irish deficits being 9.6, 11.0 and 29.3 per cent respectively, reining in the deficits would prove to be especially painful for these and several other eurozone countries. The SGP was now seen as needing reform. The result was an intense period of negotiation that culminated in early 2012 with a new intergovernmental treaty to limit spending and borrow- ing. The entire treaty, known as the Fiscal Compact, applies to all eurozone countries. However, non-eurozone member states can choose to be bound by the fiscal rules outlined in the Treaty. The Fiscal Compact requires that from January 2013 national governments not only abide by the excessive deficit procedure of the SGP but also keep structural deficits no higher than 0.5 per cent of GDP. Structural deficits are that part of a deficit not directly related to the economic cycle and so would exist even if the economy were operating at its potential output. In the cases of countries with a debt-to-GDP ratio signifi- cantly below 60 per cent, the structural deficit is permitted to reach 1 per cent of GDP. Finally, where the debt-to-GDP ratio exceeds 60 per cent, countries should, on average, reduce it by one-twentieth per year. Where a national government is found by the European Court of Justice not to comply with the Fiscal Compact, it has the power to fine that country up to 0.1 per cent of GDP payable to the European Stability Mechanism (ESM). The ESM is a fund from which loans are provided to support a eurozone government in severe financing difficulty or alternatively is used to purchase that country’s bonds in the primary market.
From 2002, with slowing growth, Germany, France and Italy breached the 3 per cent ceiling. By 2007, however, after two years of relatively strong growth, deficits had been reduced well below the ceiling (see chart (a)). But then the credit crunch hit. As the EU economies slowed, so deficits rose. To combat the recession, in November 2008 the European Commission announced a €200 billion fiscal stimulus plan, mainly in the form of increased public expend- iture. €170 billion of the money would come from member governments and €30 billion from the EU, amounting to a total of 1.2 per cent of EU GDP. The money would be for a range of projects, such as job training, help to small busi- nesses, developing green energy technologies and energy efficiency. Most member governments quickly followed by announcing how their specific plans would accord with the overall plan. The combination of the recession and the fiscal measures pushed most eurozone countries’ budget deficits well above the 3 per cent ceiling (see chart (a)). The recession in EU coun- tries deepened markedly in 2009, with GDP declining by 4.5 per cent in the eurozone and by 5.4 per cent in Italy, 5.1 per cent in Germany, 3.8 per cent in Spain and 2.9 per cent in France. Consequently, the deficits were not seen to breach SGP rules.
The Fiscal Compact As the European economy began to recover in 2010, there was tremendous pressure on member countries to begin reining in their deficits. The average eurozone deficit had risen to 6.2 per cent of GDP, and some countries’ deficits were much
(b) Public-sector net debt and cyclically-adjusted current budget surplus (per cent of GDP)
–5
–4
–3
–2
–1
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
19 92
/9 3
19 94
/9 5
19 96
/9 7
19 98
/9 9
20 00
/0 1
20 02
/0 3
20 04
/0 5
20 06
/0 7
20 08
/0 9
20 10
/1 1
20 12
/1 3
20 14
/1 5
20 16
/1 7
20 18
/1 9
20 20
/2 1
C ur
re nt
b ud
ge t
su rp
lu s
(% o
f G
D P
)
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
N et debt (%
of G D
P )
Labour’s debt ceiling
Cyclically-adjusted surplus on current budget Net debt
MONETARY POLICY30.2
The Bank of England’s Monetary Policy Committee regularly meets to set Bank Rate. The event gets considerable media cov- erage. Pundits, for two or three days before the meeting, try to predict what the MPC will do and economists give their ‘con- sidered’ opinions about what the MPC ought to do.
The fact is that changes in interest rates have gained a central significance in macroeconomic policy. And it is not just in the UK. Whether it is the European Central Bank set- ting interest rates for the eurozone countries, or the Federal Reserve Bank setting US interest rates, or any other central
Notes: Data exclude effect of financial sector interventions; data from 2015/16 are forecasts Source: Public Finances Databank (Office for Budget Responsibility)
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UK policy Golden and sustainable rules On being elected in 1997, the Labour government in the UK adopted a similar approach to that of the SGP. It introduced two fiscal rules.
The golden rule. First, under its ‘golden rule’, the government pledged that over the economic cycle it would borrow only to invest (e.g. in roads, hospitals and schools) and not to fund current spending (e.g. on wages, administration and benefits). In other words, it would seek, over the cycle, to achieve a cur- rent budget balance, where total receipts equal total current expenditures (i.e. excluding capital expenditures). Investment was exempted from the zero borrowing rule because it contrib- utes towards the growth of GDP.
Chart (b) shows how the cyclically adjusted current budget balanced across the economic cycle from 1997/8 to 2006/7. By cyclically adjusting, we remove the estimated effects of the eco- nomic cycle, such as increased welfare payments and lower tax receipts when output is below its potential.
The sustainable investment rule. Secondly, under its ‘sustainable investment rule’, the government also set itself the target of maintaining public-sector net debt at no more than 40 per cent of GDP averaged over the economic cycle.
As with the SGP, the argument for the golden rule was that by using an averaging rule over the cycle, automatic stabilisers would be allowed to work. Deficits of receipts over current spending could occur when the economy is in recession or when growth is sluggish (as in 2001–3), helping to stimulate the economy. The global financial crisis of 2008, however, saw the UK fiscal framework suspended. In the Pre-Budget Report of November 2008, the government argued that its ‘immediate priority’ was to support the economy by using discretionary fiscal policy. As we saw in Box 30.1, these measures included a 13-month cut in VAT from 17.5 per cent to 15 per cent and bringing forward from 2010/11 £3 billion of capital spending. However, the deteriorating state of the public finances led the Labour government in late 2009 to introduce through Parliament a Fiscal Responsibility Bill. It required governments to present to
Parliament their fiscal plans to deliver sound public finances. The plan of Chancellor Alistair Darling was to halve the size of the deficit over the next parliament.
Fiscal mandate The fiscal priority of the Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government (2010–15) was to get public-sector borrowing down. By 2010 public-sector borrowing had reached 10.4 per cent of GDP, one of the highest percent- ages in the developed world. The government set itself a ‘fiscal mandate’: to achieve a cyclically adjusted current balance by 2015/16. This was, therefore, very similar to the golden rule. The fiscal mandate was supplemented by a target for the ratio of public-sector debt to GDP to be falling by 2015/16.
The government embarked on a discretionary consolidation that would see reductions in spending of £99 billion by 2015/16 and increases in tax of £23 billion (Box 30.1). This meant that expenditure cuts would make up 81 per cent of the total fiscal consolidation. On its own, the much tighter fiscal policy would substantially dampen aggregate demand. The question was whether the recovery in exports, investment and consumer demand would be sufficient to offset this, which, in turn, would be heavily dependent on the confidence of people. Despite growing by 2.9 per cent in 2014, the UK economy grew by an average rate of just 1.7 per cent per year from 2010 to 2014 – almost 0.75 percentage points below its longer-term average. As it turned out, the government failed to meet both its fiscal mandate and the supplementary debt target. In the Autumn Statement of 2014 – the last before the election in May 2015 – the government presented its new fiscal mandate and supplementary debt rule. These were contained within an updated Charter for Budget Responsibility which, since 2011, sets out before Parliament the government’s objec- tives for fiscal policy and for managing the public debt. The fiscal mandate was now to target returning the cyclically adjusted current budget to balance by 2017/18. Meanwhile the revised supplementary target for debt was for the net debt-to-GDP to begin falling by 2016/17. The updated Charter for Budget Responsibility signalled the prospect of further significant fiscal consolidation. The government estimated that a further discretionary consolida- tion of £30 billion was needed over the following two years (2016/17 to 2017/18).
What effects will an increase in government investment expenditure have on public-sector debt (a) in the short run; (b) in the long run?
–5
–4
–3
–2
–1
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
19 92
/9 3
19 94
/9 5
19 96
/9 7
19 98
/9 9
20 00
/0 1
20 02
/0 3
20 04
/0 5
20 06
/0 7
20 08
/0 9
20 10
/1 1
20 12
/1 3
20 14
/1 5
20 16
/1 7
20 18
/1 9
20 20
/2 1
C ur
re nt
b ud
ge t
su rp
lu s
(% o
f G
D P
)
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
N et debt (%
of G D
P )
Labour’s debt ceiling
Cyclically-adjusted surplus on current budget Net debt
Definition
Current budget balance The difference between pub- lic-sector receipts and those expenditures classified as current rather than capital expenditures.
bank around the world choosing what the level of interest rates should be, monetary policy is seen as having a major influence on a whole range of macroeconomic indicators.
But is monetary policy simply the setting of interest rates? In reality, it involves the central bank intervening in the money market to ensure that the interest rate that has been announced is also the equilibrium interest rate.
The policy setting In framing its monetary policy, the government must decide on what the goals of the policy are. Is the aim sim- ply to control inflation, or does the government wish also to affect output and employment, or does it want to control the exchange rate?
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5 9 0 C H A P T E R 3 0 D E M A N D - S I D E P O L I C Y
The government must also decide where monetary pol- icy fits into the total package of macroeconomic policies. Is it seen as the major or even sole macroeconomic policy instrument, or is it merely one of several?
A decision also has to be made about who is to carry out the policy. There are three possible approaches here.
In the first, the government both sets the policy and decides the measures necessary to achieve it. Here the gov- ernment would set the interest rate, with the central bank simply influencing money markets to achieve this rate. This first approach was used in the UK before 1997.
The second approach is for the government to set the pol- icy targets, but for the central bank to be given independence in deciding interest rates. This is the approach adopted in the UK today. The government has set a target rate of inflation of 2 per cent, but then the MPC is free to choose the rate of interest.
The third approach is for the central bank to be given independence not only in carrying out policy, but also in setting the policy targets itself. The ECB, within the stat- utory objective of maintaining price stability over the medium term, has decided on the target of keeping infla- tion below, but close to, 2 per cent over the medium term.
Finally, there is the question of whether the government or central bank should take a long-term or short-term per- spective. Should it adopt a target for inflation or money supply growth and stick to it come what may? Or should it adjust its policy as circumstances change and attempt to ‘fine-tune’ the economy?
We will be looking primarily at short-term monetary policy: that is, policy used to keep to a set target for inflation or money supply growth, or policy used to smooth out fluctu- ations in the business cycle.
It is important first, however, to take a longer-term per- spective. Governments generally want to prevent an exces- sive growth in the money supply over the longer term. If money supply does grow rapidly, then inflation is likely to be high. Likewise they want to ensure that money supply grows enough and that there is not a shortage of credit, such as that during the credit crunch. If money supply grows too rapidly, then inflation is likely to be high; if money supply grows too slowly, or even falls, then recession is likely to result.
Control of the money supply over the medium and long term In section 28.3 we identified two major sources of monetary growth: (a) banks choosing to hold a lower liquidity ratio; (b) public-sector borrowing financed by borrowing from the banking sector. If the government wishes to restrict monetary growth over the longer term, it could attempt to control either or both of these.
Liquidity of banks The central bank could impose a statutory minimum reserve ratio on the banks, above the level that banks would
otherwise choose to hold. Such ratios come in various forms. The simplest is where the banks are required to hold a given minimum percentage of deposits in the form of cash or deposits with the central bank.
The effect of a minimum reserve ratio is to prevent banks choosing to reduce their cash or liquidity ratio and creating more credit. This was a popular approach of governments in many countries in the past. Some countries imposed very high ratios indeed in their attempt to slow down the growth in the money supply.
A major problem with imposing restrictions of this kind is that banks may find ways of getting round them. After all, banks would like to lend and customers would like to bor- row. It is very difficult to regulate and police every single part of countries’ complex financial systems.
Nevertheless, attitudes changed substantially after the excessive lending of the mid-2000s. The expansion of credit had been based on ‘liquidity’ achieved through secondary marketing between financial institutions and the growth of securitised assets containing sub-prime debt (see Box 28.3). After the credit crunch and the need for central banks or governments to rescue ailing banks, such as Northern Rock and later the Royal Bank of Scotland in the UK and many other banks around the world, there were calls for greater regulation of banks to ensure that they had sufficient cap- ital and operated with sufficient liquidity, and that they were not exposed to excessive risk of default.
Public-sector deficits Section 28.3 showed how government borrowing tends to lead to an increase in money supply. To prevent this, public-sector deficits must be financed by selling bonds (as opposed to bills, which could well be taken up by the banking sector, thereby increasing money supply). How- ever, to sell extra bonds the government will have to offer higher interest rates. This will have a knock-on effect on pri- vate-sector interest rates. The government borrowing will thus crowd out private-sector borrowing and investment. This is known as financial crowding out.
If governments wish to reduce monetary growth and yet avoid financial crowding out, they must therefore reduce the size of public-sector deficits.
It is partly for this reason that many governments have constrained fiscal policy choices by applying fiscal rules or agreements, such as the Fiscal Compact in the eurozone or the ‘fiscal mandate’ in the UK (see Box 30.2).
KI 36 p 354
KI 14 p 82
Definitions
Minimum reserve ratio A minimum ratio of cash (or other specified liquid assets) to deposits (either total or selected) that the central bank requires banks to hold.
Financial crowding out Where an increase in govern- ment borrowing diverts money away from the private sector.
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3 0 . 2 M O N E T A R Y P O L I C Y 5 9 1
Short-term monetary measures Inflation may be off target. Alternatively, the government (or central bank) may wish to alter its monetary policy. What can it do? There are various techniques that could be used. These can be grouped into three categories: (a) alter- ing the money supply; (b) altering interest rates; (c) ration- ing credit. These are illustrated in Figure 30.3, which shows the demand for and supply of money. The equilibrium quantity of money is initially Q1 and the equilibrium inter- est rate is r1.
Assume that the central bank wants to tighten mone- tary policy in order to reduce inflation. It could (a) seek to shift the supply of money curve to the left: e.g. from Ms to M s (resulting in the equilibrium rate of interest rising from r1 to r2), (b) raise the interest rate directly from r1 to r2, and then manipulate the money supply to reduce it to Q2, or (c) keep interest rates at r1, but reduce money supply to Q2 by rationing the amount of credit granted by banks and other institutions.
Credit rationing was widely used in the past, especially during the 1960s. The aim was to keep interest rates low, so as not to discourage investment, but to restrict credit to more risky business customers and/or to consumers. In the UK, the Bank of England could order banks to abide by such a policy, although in practice it always relied on persuasion. The government also, from time to time, imposed restric- tions on hire-purchase credit, by specifying minimum deposits or maximum repayment periods.
Such policies were progressively abandoned around the world from the early 1980s. They were seen as stifling com- petition and preventing efficient banks from expanding. Hire-purchase controls may badly hit certain industries (e.g. cars and other consumer durables), whose products are bought largely on hire-purchase credit. What is more, with the deregulation and globalisation of financial markets up to 2007, it had become very difficult to ration credit. If one financial institution was controlled, borrowers could sim- ply go elsewhere.
With the excessive lending in sub-prime markets that had triggered the credit crunch of 2007–9, there were calls around the world for tighter controls over bank lending. But this was different from credit rationing as we have defined it. In other words, tighter controls, such as apply- ing counter-cyclical buffers of capital to all banks, would be used to prevent reckless behaviour by banks, rather than to achieve a particular level of money at a lower rate of interest.
We thus focus on techniques to alter the money supply and to change interest rates.
Techniques to control the money supply There are four possible techniques that a central bank could use to alter money supply. They have one major feature in common: they involve manipulating the liquid assets of the banking system. The aim is to influence the total money supply by affecting the amount of credit that banks can create.
Open-market operations. Open-market operations are the most widely used of the four techniques around the world. They alter the monetary base. This then affects the amount of credit banks can create and hence the level of broad money (M4 in the UK; M3 in the eurozone).
Open-market operations involve the sale or purchase by the central bank of government securities (bonds or bills) in the open market. These sales (or purchases) are not in response to changes in the public-sector deficit and are thus best understood in the context of an unchanged deficit.
If the central bank wishes to reduce the money supply, it takes money from the banking system in return for securi- ties. It can do this by borrowing from financial institutions against government securities (reverse repos on banks’ bal- ance sheets) or by selling securities outright. The borrow- ing or sale of these securities reduces banks’ balances with the central bank. If this brings bank reserves below their prudent ratio, banks will reduce advances. There will be a multiple contraction of credit and hence of (broad) money supply. (Details of how open-market operations work in the UK are given in Box 30.3.)
KI 36 p 354
KI 10 p 52
KI 6 p 37
KI 10 p 52
The demand for and supply of moneyFigure 30.3
Money
M 9s
Q2
Ms
Q1
Md
O
R at
e of
in te
re st
r2
r1
Definition
Open-market operations The sale (or purchase) by the authorities of government securities in the open market in order to reduce (or increase) money supply.
Pause for thought
Explain how open-market operations could be used to increase the money supply.
KI 43 p 547
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5 9 2 C H A P T E R 3 0 D E M A N D - S I D E P O L I C Y
BOX 30.3 THE DAILY OPERATION OF MONETARY POLICY
What goes on at Threadneedle Street?
Longer-term OMOs. Longer-term finance is available through longer-term open-market operations. Prior to the financial crisis of the late 2000s, longer-term OMOs would normally be conducted once per month. As well as the outright purchase of gilts, the Bank would conduct repo lending with 3-, 6-, 9- or 12-month maturities. The rate of interest on the repos is market determined. Banks bid for the money and the funds are offered to the successful bidders. The bigger the demand for these funds by banks and the lower the supply by the Bank of England, the higher will be the interest rate that banks must pay. By adjusting the supply, therefore, the Bank of England can look to influence longer-term interest rates too.
With the aggregate amount of banks’ reserves determined by the Bank of England’s OMOs, the task now is for individual banks to meet their agreed reserve targets. This requires that they manage their balance sheets and, in particular, their level of liquidity. In doing so, commercial banks can make use of either the inter-bank market or the ‘standing facilities’ at the Bank of England. These standing facilities allow individual banks to borrow overnight (secured against high-quality col- lateral) at a rate above Bank Rate if they are short of liquidity; or to deposit reserves with the Bank at a rate below Bank Rate if they have surplus liquidity. Consequently, banks will trade reserves with each other if inter-bank rates fall within the ‘cor- ridor’ created by the interest rates of the standing facilities.
The financial crisis and open-market operations The financial crisis meant that normal OMOs were no longer sufficient to maintain liquidity for purposes of monetary pol- icy. There was a severe liquidity crisis – one which posed grave risks for financial stability. In response, from January 2009 the Bank of England deliber- ately injected narrow money in a process known as ‘quantita- tive easing’ (see Box 30.4). This involved the Bank of England purchasing assets, largely gilts, from banks. Between January 2009 and July 2012 the Bank of England injected £375 billion by such means. Quantitative easing thus massively extended the scope of OMOs. As a result of this significant increase in aggregate reserves, banks were no longer required to set reserve targets. The sup- ply of reserves was now being determined by MPC policy deci- sions. All reserves were to be remunerated at the Bank Rate. Furthermore, short-term OMOs were temporarily suspended. Long-term repo operations continued but these were mod- ified to allow financial institutions to sell a wider range of securities. The Bank also adapted its means of providing liquidity insur- ance (see section 28.2, page 531). This included the intro- duction of the Discount Window Facility (DWF), which enables banks to borrow government bonds (gilts) against a wide range of collateral. Banks can then sell these bonds through repo operations and thereby secure liquidity.
Assume that the Bank of England wants to raise interest rates. Trace through the process by which it achieves this.
The Bank of England (the ‘Bank’) does not normally attempt to control money supply directly. Instead it seeks to control interest rates by conducting open-market operations (OMOs) through short-term and longer-term repos and through the outright purchase of high-quality bonds. These operations, as we shall see, determine short-term interest rates, which then have a knock-on effect on longer-term rates, as returns on different forms of assets must remain competitive with each other. Let us assume that the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) of the Bank of England forecasts that, as a result of a low level of aggregate demand, inflation will fall below target. It thus decides to reduce interest rates. But how is this achieved? The first thing is that the MPC will announce a cut in Bank Rate. The Bank of England then has to back up the announce- ment by using OMOs to ensure that the announced interest rate is the equilibrium rate.
Normal operation of the monetary framework The MPC meets regularly to decide on Bank Rate. From its inception in 1997, it met monthly. However, following an independent report published in December 2014, it announced plans to move to eight meetings a year from 2016. Changes in the Bank Rate are intended to affect the whole structure of interest rates in the economy, from inter-bank rates to bank deposit rates and rates on mortgages and business loans. The monetary framework works to affect the general structure of interest rates, principally by affecting short-term inter-bank rates. Central to the process are the reserve accounts of financial institutions at the Bank of England (see section 28.2, page 531). From the inception of the current system in May 2006, commercial banks have agreed with the Bank of England the average amount of reserve balances they would hold between MPC meetings. So long as the actual average over the period is kept within a small range of the agreed target, the reserves are remunerated at Bank Rate. In order for individual banks to meet their reserve targets, the Bank of England needs to provide sufficient reserves. To do so, it uses OMOs. In normal circumstances, the Bank of Eng- land conducts short-term OMOs every week (on a Thursday) at Bank Rate. The size of the weekly OMO is adjusted to help banks maintain reserves at the target level and to reflect vari- ations in the amount of cash withdrawn or deposited in banks. To supply reserves the Bank of England will either enter into short-term repo operations, lending against collateral (‘high-quality’ government securities), or buy securities out- right. Although there is usually a shortage of liquidity in the banking system, in some weeks there may be a surplus. This would ordinarily drive market interest rates down. In such circumstances the Bank may look to reduce banks’ reserves. To do this it can sell government securities on a repo basis, invite bids for Bank of England one-week sterling bills or sell outright some of its portfolio of securities. At the end of the period between MPC interest rate decisions, the Bank of England conducts a ‘fine-tuning’ OMO. This is conducted on a Wednesday – the day before the MPC decision on interest rates. The idea is to ensure that banks meet their reserve targets as closely as possible. This OMO could expand or contract liquidity as appropriate.
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Central bank lending to the banks. The central bank in most countries is prepared to provide extra money to banks (through gilt repos, rediscounting bills or straight loans). In some countries, it is the policy of the central bank to keep its interest rate to banks below market rates, thereby encour- aging banks to borrow (or sell back securities) whenever such facilities are available. By cutting back the amount it is willing to provide, the central bank can reduce banks’ liq- uid assets and hence the amount of credit they can create.
In other countries, such as the UK and the eurozone countries, it is not so much the amount of money made available that is controlled, but rather the rate of inter- est (or discount). The higher this rate is relative to other market rates, the less willing to borrow will banks be, and the lower, therefore, will be the monetary base. Raising this rate, therefore, has the effect of reducing the money supply.
In response to the credit crunch of the late 2000s, cen- tral banks in several countries extended their willingness to lend to banks. The pressure on central banks to act as the ‘liquidity backstop’ grew as the inter-bank market ceased to function effectively in distributing reserves and, hence, liquidity between financial institutions. As a result, inter-bank rates rose sharply relative to the policy rate (see Figure 28.3 on page 533). Increasingly, the focus of central banks was on providing the necessary liquidity to ensure the stability of the financial system. Yet, at the same time, by providing more liquidity, central banks were ensuring monetary policy was not being compromised. The addi- tional liquidity was needed to alleviate the upward pressure on market interest rates.
Funding. Rather than focusing on controlling the monetary base (as in the case of the above two techniques), an alterna- tive is for the authorities (the Debt Management Office in the UK) to alter the overall liquidity position of the banks. An example of this approach is a change in the balance of funding government debt. To reduce money supply the authorities issue more bonds and fewer bills. Banks’ bal- ances with the central bank will be little affected, but to the extent that banks hold fewer bills, there will be a reduction in their liquidity and hence a reduction in the amount of credit created. Funding is thus the conversion of one type of government debt (liquid) into another (illiquid).
Variable minimum reserve ratios. In some countries (such as the USA), banks are required to hold a certain proportion of their assets in liquid form. The assets which count as liquid are known as ‘reserve assets’. These include assets such as balances in the central bank, bills of exchange, certificates of deposit and money market loans. The ratio of such assets to total liabilities is known as the minimum reserve ratio. If the central bank raises this ratio (in other words, requires the banks to hold a higher proportion of liquid assets), then banks will have to reduce the amount of credit they grant. The money supply will fall.
Difficulties in controlling money supply Targets for the growth in broad money were an important part of UK monetary policy from 1976 to 1985. Money tar- gets were then abandoned and have not been used since. The European Central Bank targets the growth of M3 (see Box 30.5), but this is a subsidiary policy to that of setting interest rates in order to keep inflation under control. If, however, a central bank did choose to target money supply as its main monetary policy, how would the policy work?
Assume that money supply is above target and that the central bank wishes to reduce it. It would probably use open-market operations: i.e. it would sell more bonds or bills. The purchasers of the bonds or bills would draw liquidity from the banks. Banks would then supposedly be forced to cut down on the credit they create. But is it as simple as this?
The problem is that banks will normally be unwilling to cut down on loans if people want to borrow – after all, bor- rowing by customers earns profits for the banks. Banks can always ‘top up’ their liquidity by borrowing from the cen- tral bank and then carry on lending. True, they will have to pay the interest rate charged by the central bank, but they can pass on any rise in the rate to their customers.
The point is that as long as people want to borrow, banks and other financial institutions will normally try to find ways of meeting the demand. In other words, in the short run at least, the supply of money is to a large extent demand determined. It is for this reason that central banks prefer to control the demand for money by controlling interest rates.
As we shall see in Box 30.4, there are similar difficulties in expanding broad money supply by a desired amount. Follow- ing the credit crunch, various central banks around the world engaged in a process of quantitative easing. The process results in an increase in the monetary base (narrow money); banks’ liquidity increases. But just how much this results in an increase in broad money depends on the willingness of banks to lend and customers to borrow. In the recessionary climate after 2008, confidence was low. Much of the extra liquidity remained in banks and the money multiplier fell (see Figure 28.4 on page 536). The growth of M4 in the UK fell sharply during 2009, despite quantitative easing, and remained weak throughout the first half of the 2010s (see Figure 28.5 on page 537).
Techniques to control interest rates The approach to monetary control today in most countries is to focus directly on interest rates. Normally an inter- est rate change will be announced, and then open-market
Definitions
Funding Where the authorities alter the balance of bills and bonds for any given level of government borrowing.
Minimum reserve ratio A minimum ratio of cash (or other specified liquid assets) to deposits (either total or selected) that the central bank requires banks to hold.
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operations will be conducted by the central bank to ensure that the money supply is adjusted so as to make the announced interest rate the equilibrium one. Thus, in Figure 30.3 (on page 591), the central bank might announce a rise in interest rates from r1 to r 2 and then conduct open-market operations to ensure that the money supply is reduced from Q1 to Q2.
Let us assume that the central bank decides to raise inter- est rates. What does it do? In general, it will seek to keep banks short of liquidity. This will happen automatically on any day when tax payments by banks’ customers exceed the money they receive from government expenditure. This excess is effectively withdrawn from banks and ends up in the government’s account at the central bank. Even when this does not occur, the issuing of government debt will effectively keep the banking system short of liquidity, at least in the short term.
This ‘shortage’ can then be used as a way of forcing through interest rate changes. Banks will obtain the nec- essary liquidity from the central bank through repos (see page 521) or by selling it back bills. The central bank can choose the rate of interest to charge: i.e. the repo rate or the bill price. This will then have a knock-on effect on other inter- est rates throughout the banking system (see Table 28.5 in page 543). Box 30.3 gives more details on just how the Bank of England manipulates interest rates on a day-to-day basis.
The effectiveness of changes in interest rates Even though central bank adjustment of the repo rate is the current preferred method of monetary control in most countries, it is not without its difficulties. The prob- lems centre on the nature of the demand for loans. If this demand is (a) unresponsive to interest rate changes or (b) unstable because it is significantly affected by other deter- minants (such as anticipated income or foreign interest rates), then it will be very difficult to control by controlling the rate of interest.
Problem of an inelastic demand for loans. If the demand for loans is inelastic (i.e. a relatively steep Md curve in Figure 30.3 on page 591), any attempt to reduce demand will involve large rises in interest rates. The problem will be compounded if the demand curve shifts to the right, due, say, to a consumer spending boom. High interest rates lead to the following problems:
■ They may discourage business investment and thereby reduce long-term growth.
■ They add to the costs of production, to the costs of house purchase and generally to the cost of living. They are thus cost inflationary.
■ They are politically unpopular, since the general public do not like paying higher interest rates on overdrafts, credit cards and mortgages.
■ The necessary bond issue to restrain liquidity will com- mit the government to paying high rates on these bonds for the next 20 years or so.
■ High interest rates encourage inflows of money from abroad. This drives up the exchange rate. A higher exchange rate makes domestically produced goods expensive relative to goods made abroad. This can be very damaging for export industries and industries com- peting with imports. Many firms in the UK suffered badly between 1997 and 2007 from a high exchange rate, caused partly by higher interest rates in the UK than in the eurozone and the USA.
Evidence suggests that the demand for loans may indeed be quite inelastic. Especially in the short run, many firms and individuals simply cannot reduce their borrowing com- mitments. What is more, although high interest rates may discourage many firms from taking out long-term fixed-in- terest loans, some firms may merely switch to shorter-term variable-interest loans.
Problem of an unstable demand. Accurate monetary control requires the central bank to be able to predict the demand curve for money (in Figure 30.3). Only then can they set the appropriate level of interest rates. Unfortunately, the demand curve may shift unpredictably, making control very difficult. The major reason is speculation. For example, if people think interest rates will rise and bond prices fall, in the meantime they will demand to hold their assets in liquid form. The demand for money will rise. Alternatively, if people think exchange rates will rise, they will demand the domestic currency while it is still relatively cheap. The demand for money will rise.
It is very difficult for the central bank to predict what people’s expectations will be. Speculation depends so much on world political events, rumour and ‘random shocks’.
If the demand curve shifts very much, and if it is ine- lastic, then monetary control will be very difficult. Fur- thermore, the central bank will have to make frequent and sizeable adjustments to interest rates. These fluctuations can be very damaging to business confidence and may dis- courage long-term investment.
The net result of an inelastic and unstable demand for money is that substantial interest rate changes may be necessary to bring about the required change in aggregate demand. For example, central banks had to cut interest rates to virtually zero in their attempt to tackle the global recession of the late 2000s. Indeed, as we see in Box 30.4, central banks took to other methods as the room for further interest rate cuts simply disappeared.
KI 12 p 68
KI 41 p 471
KI 38 p 470
KI 13 p 78
Pause for thought
Assume that the central bank announces a rise in interest rates and backs this up with open-market operations. What determines the size of the resulting fall in aggregate demand?
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BOX 30.4 QUANTITATIVE EASING
Rethinking monetary policy in hard times
billion) and July 2012 (£50 billion), bringing the total to £375 billion, virtually all of which were government bonds.
The transmission mechanism of asset purchases Quantitative easing involves directly increasing the amount of narrow money. It can also, indirectly, increase broad money. There are two main ways this can happen. The first is through the effects on asset prices and yields. When non-bank financial companies, including insurance companies and pension funds, sell assets to the central bank, they can use the money to purchase other assets. In doing so this will drive up their prices. This, in turn, reduces the yields on these assets (at a higher price there is less dividend or interest per pound spent on them), which should help to reduce interest rates generally and make the cost of borrowing cheaper for households and firms, thereby boosting aggregate demand. Also, for those holding these now more expensive assets there is a positive wealth effect. For instance, households with longer-term saving plans involving securities will now have greater financial wealth. Again, this will boost spending. The second mechanism is through bank lending. Commercial banks will find their reserve balances increase at the central bank as the sellers of assets to the central bank deposit the money in their bank accounts. This will increase the liquid- ity ratio of banks, which, other things being equal, should encourage them to grant more credit. However, it is all very well increasing the monetary base, but a central bank cannot force banks to lend or people to bor- row. That requires confidence. We observed in Box 28.4 the continued weakness of bank lending to the non-bank private sector through the late 2000s and into the early 2010s. This is not to say that quantitative easing failed in the UK and elsewhere: the growth in broad money could have been weaker still. However, it does illustrate the potential danger of this approach if, in the short run, little credit creation takes place. In the equation MV = PY, the rise in (narrow) money supply (M) may be largely, or more than, offset by a fall in the velocity of circulation (V) (see page 554). On the other hand, there is also the danger that if this policy is conducted for too long, the growth in broad money supply could ultimately prove to be excessive, resulting in inflation rising above the target level. It is therefore important for central banks to foresee this and turn the monetary ‘tap’ off in time. This would involve ‘quantitative tightening’ – selling assets that the central bank had purchased, thereby driving down asset prices and driving up interest rates.
Would it be appropriate to define the policy of quantitative easing as ‘monetarist’?
As the economies of the world slid into recession in 2008, central banks became more and more worried that the tradi- tional instrument of monetary policy – controlling interest rates – was insufficient to ward off a slump in demand.
Running out of options? Interest rates had been cut at an unprecedented rate and central banks were reaching the end of the road for cuts. The Fed was the first to be in this position. By December 2008 the target federal funds rate (the overnight rate at which the Fed lends to banks) had been cut to a range between 0 and 0.25 per cent in December. But you cannot cut nominal rates below zero – otherwise you would be paying people to borrow money, which would be like giving people free money. The problem was that there was an acute lack of willingness of banks to lend, and firms and consumers to borrow, as people saw the oncoming recession.
Increasing the money supply So what were central banks to do? The answer was to increase money supply directly, in a process known as quantitative easing. This involves an aggressive version of open-market operations, where the central bank buys up a range of assets, such as securitised mortgage debt and long-term government bonds. The effect is to pump large amounts of additional cash into the economy in the hope of stimulating demand and, through the process of credit creation, to boost broad money too. In the USA, in December 2008, at the same time as the federal funds rate was cut to a range of 0 to 0.25 per cent, the Fed embarked on large-scale quantitative easing. It began buying hundreds of billions of dollars’ worth of mortgage-backed securities on the open market and planned also to buy large quantities of long-term government debt. The Federal Open Market Committee (the body setting interest rates in the USA) said that, ‘The focus of the committee’s policy going forward will be to support the functioning of financial markets and stimulate the economy through open-market operations and other measures that sustain the size of the Federal Reserve’s balance sheet at a high level.’1
The result was that considerable quantities of new money were injected into the system. A similar approach was adopted in the UK. In January 2009, the Bank of England was given powers by the Treasury to buy up to £50 billion of high-quality private-sector assets, such as corporate bonds and commercial paper. In March 2009, this was extended to government bonds (or ‘gilts’) and quantita- tive easing started. Between March and November 2009, the MPC decided to purchase £200 billion of financial assets, mostly ‘gilts’. The purchases, largely from private investors, such as insurance companies and pension funds, were with newly created elec- tronic money. When the money found its way back into the banking system, it resulted in an increase in banks’ reserve balances in the Bank of England. With recovery still weak, the MPC sanctioned further asset purchases in October 2011 (£75 billion), February 2012 (£50
KI 13 p 78
Definition
Quantitative easing A deliberate attempt by the central bank to increase the money supply by buying large quan- tities of securities through open-market operations.
These securities could be securitised mortgage and other private-sector debt or government bonds.1Press release, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (16 December
2008).
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BOX 30.5 MONETARY POLICY IN THE EUROZONE
The role of the ECB
is offered once per week to ‘monetary financial institutions’ (MFIs) by the ESCB); a ‘marginal lending’ rate of 0.30 per cent (for providing overnight support to the MFIs); and a ‘deposit rate’ of –0.20 per cent (the rate paid to MFIs for depositing overnight surplus liquidity with the ESCB). The negative deposit rate meant that banks were being charged for ‘park- ing’ money with the ECB rather than lending it. The hope was that this would encourage banks to lend to each other or to households and businesses and, consequently, stimulate the economy. Interest rates are set by the Governing Council by simple major- ity. In the event of a tie, the president has the casting vote.
The operation of monetary policy The ECB sets a minimum reserve ratio for eurozone banks. The ratio is designed primarily to prevent excessive lending and hence the need for excessive borrowing from the central bank or from other financial institutions. This, in turn, should help to reduce the volatility in interest rates. The minimum reserve ratio was not designed, however, to be used to make changes in monetary policy. In other words, it was not used as a variable minimum reserves ratio, and for this reason it was set at a low level. From 1 January 1999 to 17 January 2012 the ratio (also known as the reserve coeffi- cient) was 2 per cent of key liquid and relatively liquid liabil- ities. However, as of 18 January 2012 the ratio was reduced to 1 per cent in an attempt to help stimulate bank lending. In other words, it was now being used for the first time as part of an active monetary policy. The main instrument for keeping the ECB’s desired interest rate as the equilibrium rate is open-market operations in government bonds and other recognised assets, mainly in the form of repos. These repo operations are conducted by the national central banks, which must ensure that the repo rate does not rise above the marginal overnight lending rate or fall below the deposit rate. The ECB uses four types of open-market operations:
Main refinancing operations. These are short-term repos with a maturity of one week. They take place weekly and are used to maintain liquidity consistent with the chosen ECB interest rate.
Longer-term refinancing operations (LTROs). These take place monthly and normally have a maturity of three months but, as we shall see below, three-year LTROs were introduced in 2011. They are to provide additional longer-term liquidity to banks as required at rates determined by the market, not the ECB.
Fine-tuning operations. These can be short-term sales or purchases of short-term assets. They are designed to combat
The European Central Bank (ECB) is based in Frankfurt and is charged with operating the monetary policy of those EU coun- tries that have adopted the euro. Although the ECB has the overall responsibility for the eurozone’s monetary policy, the central banks of the individual countries, such as the Bank of France and Germany’s Bundesbank, were not abolished. They are responsible for distributing euros and for carrying out the ECB’s policy with respect to institutions in their own countries. The whole system of the ECB and the national central banks is known as the European System of Central Banks (ESCB). In operating the monetary policy of a ‘euro economy’ roughly the size of the USA, and in being independent from national governments, the ECB’s power is enormous and is equivalent to that of the Fed. So what is the structure of this giant on the European stage, and how does it operate?
The structure of the ECB The ECB has two major decision-making bodies: the Governing Council and the Executive Board.2
The Governing Council consists of the members of the Execu- tive Board and the governors of the central banks of each of the eurozone countries. The Council’s role is to set the main targets of monetary policy and to take an oversight of the suc- cess (or otherwise) of that policy. The Executive Board consists of a president, a vice-president and four other members. Each serves for an eight-year, non-renewable term. The Executive Board is responsible for implementing the decisions of the Governing Council and for preparing policies for the Council’s consideration. Each member of the Executive Board has a responsibility for some particular aspect of monetary policy.
The targets of monetary policy The overall responsibility of the ECB is to achieve price sta- bility in the eurozone. The target is a rate of inflation below, but close to, 2 per cent over the medium term. It is a weighted average rate for all the members of the eurozone, not a rate that has to be met by every member individually. Alongside its definition of price stability, the ECB’s monetary policy strategy comprises what it calls ‘a two-pillar approach to the analysis of the risks to price stability’. These two pil- lars are an analysis of (a) monetary developments and (b) economic developments. The former includes an analysis of monetary aggregates, including M3. The latter includes an analysis of economic activity, the labour market, cost indica- tors, fiscal policy and the balance of payments. The ECB then attempts to ‘steer’ short-term interest rates to influence economic activity to maintain price stability in the euro area in the medium term. In May 2015, the rates were as follows: 0.05 per cent for the main ‘refinancing operations’ of the ESCB (i.e. the minimum rate of interest at which liquidity
2See www.ecb.int/ecb/orga/decisions/govc/html/index.en.html
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Definition
Sterilisation Actions taken by a central bank to offset the effects of foreign exchange flows or its own
bond transactions so as to leave money supply unchanged.
MONETARY POLICY IN THE EUROZONE
The role of the ECB
unexpected changes in liquidity and hence to keep mon- ey-market rates at the ECB’s chosen rate.
Structural operations. These are used as necessary to adjust the amount of liquidity in the eurozone. They can involve either the purchase or sale of various assets.
ECB independence The ECB is one of the most independent central banks in the world. It has very little formal accountability to elected politicians. Although its president can be called before the European Parliament, the Parliament has virtually no powers to influence the ECB’s actions. Until its January 2015 meeting, its deliberations were secret and no minutes of Council meetings were published. Subse- quently, an account of meetings is published (usually with a lag of around two weeks) with an explanation of the policy stance. However, the minutes do not include details of how Council members voted or of future policy intentions, unlike the minutes published by the Bank of England which, from 2015, are available at the time of the policy announcement.
Response to the financial crisis The financial crisis for 2007–8 put incredible strains on com- mercial banks in the eurozone and, hence, on the ECB’s mon- etary framework. Consequently, monetary operations were gradually modified. A Securities Market Programme (SMP) began in May 2010 designed to supply liquidity to the ailing banking system. It allowed for ECB purchases of central government debt in the secondary market (i.e. not directly from governments) as well as purchases in both primary and secondary markets of private-sector debt instruments. By June 2012, €214 billion of purchases had been made, largely of government bonds issued by countries experiencing financing difficulties, including Portugal, Ireland, Greece and Spain. This led some to question whether the programme was being implemented to meet fiscal rather than monetary policy objectives. As we noted earlier, the reserve ratio was reduced in January 2012 from 2 per cent to 1 per cent, so helping to alleviate some of the constraints on the volume of bank lending by banks. This move was preceded in December 2011 by three- year refinancing operations (LTROs) worth €529.5 billion and involving some 800 banks. By the end of February 2012, a further €489.2 billion of three-year loans to 523 banks took place, taking the ECB’s repo operations to over €1 trillion. The hope was that the funds would help financially distressed banks pay off maturing debt and again increase their lending. Then in September 2012, with worries about the continuing difficulties of some eurozone countries, such as Greece, Spain and Italy, to borrow at affordable interest rates and whether this would lead to their being driven from the euro, the ECB announced a replacement for the SMP programme.
This would involve a more extensive programme of purchas- ing existing government bonds of countries in difficulty. The ECB would purchase bonds with up to three years to maturity in the secondary market. The aim would be to drive down these countries’ interest rates and thereby make it cheaper to issue new bonds when old ones matured. These Outright Monetary Transactions (OMTs) were in principle unlimited, with the ECB President, Mario Draghi, saying that the ECB would do ‘whatever it takes’ to hold the single currency together. Critics argued that this would still not be enough to stimulate the eurozone economy and help bring countries out of reces- sion. They gave two reasons. The first is that OMTs differ from the quantitative easing programmes used in the UK and USA. ECB purchases of these bonds would not increase the eurozone money supply as the ECB would sell other assets to compensate. This process is known as sterilisation. The second reason is that OMTs would be conducted only if countries stuck to previously agreed strong austerity meas- ures. Despite the eurozone economy contracting by 0.7 per cent in 2012 and by a further 0.4 per cent in 2013, OMTs had still not been used. Subsequent measures followed. In June 2014, the ECB announced that it was adopting a negative deposit rate (see above), that it was embarking on a further series of targeted long-term refinancing operations so as to provide long-term loans to commercial banks at cheap rates until September 2018, and that it would stop sterilising its SMP programme. Then in September 2014, it announced that it would be com- mencing the purchase of asset-backed private-sector secu- rities, such as securitised mortgages and commercial loans (see section 28.2). Nonetheless, concerns remained that the announcements did not go far enough given the problems facing the eurozone economy. Finally, in January 2015 the ECB launched a large-scale quan- titative easing programme. It announced that it would create new money to buy €60 billion of assets every month in the secondary market. Around €10 billion would be private-sec- tor securities that were currently being purchased under September 2014 measures. The remaining €50 billion would be public-sector assets, mainly bonds of governments in the eurozone. This extended programme of asset purchases began in March 2015 and was set to continue until at least Septem- ber 2016, bringing the total of asset purchased by that time to over €1.1 trillion.
What are the arguments for and against publishing the minutes of the meetings of the ECB’s Governing Council and Executive Board?
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Using monetary policy It is impossible to use monetary policy as a precise means of controlling aggregate demand. It is especially weak when it is pulling against the expectations of firms and consum- ers and when it is implemented too late. However, if the authorities operate a tight monetary policy firmly enough and long enough, they should eventually be able to reduce lending and aggregate demand. But there will inevitably be time lags and imprecision in the process.
An expansionary monetary policy is even less reliable. If the economy is in recession, no matter how low inter- est rates are driven, or however much the monetary base is expanded, people cannot be forced to borrow if they do not wish to. Firms will not borrow to invest if they predict a continuing recession.
A particular difficulty in using interest rate reductions to expand the economy arises if the repo rate is nearly zero but this is still not enough to stimulate the economy. The problem is that (nominal) interest rates cannot be negative, for clearly nobody would be willing to lend in these circum- stances. Japan was in such a situation in the early 2000s. It was caught in what is known as the liquidity trap. The UK and many eurozone countries were in this position in the early 2010s. Despite record low interest rates and high lev- els of liquidity, borrowing and lending remained low given worries about fiscal austerity and its dampening effects on economic growth.
Forward guidance. One way in which central banks, like the Federal Reserve, the Bank of England and the ECB, attempted to encourage spending following the finan- cial crisis of the late 2000s was by publicly indicating the expected path of future interest rates. By stating that inter- est rates were likely to remain low for some time, central banks hoped that this forward guidance would give eco- nomic agents confidence to bring forward their spending.
Despite these problems, changing interest rates can often be quite effective in the medium term. After all, they can be changed very rapidly. There are not the time lags of implementation that there are with fiscal policy. Indeed, since the early 1990s, most governments or central banks in OECD countries have used interest rate changes as the major means of keeping aggregate demand and inflation under control.
In the UK, the eurozone and many other countries, a tar- get is set for the rate of inflation. As we have seen, in the UK and the eurozone the target is 2 per cent. If forecasts suggest that inflation is going to be above the target rate, the gov- ernment or central bank raises interest rates. The advantage of this is that it sends a very clear message to people that inflation will be kept under control. People will therefore be more likely to adjust their expectations accordingly and keep their borrowing in check.
KI 35 p 354
KI 13 p 78
Debates over the control of demand have shifted ground somewhat in recent years. There is now less debate over the relative effectiveness of fiscal and monetary policy in influ- encing aggregate demand. There is general agreement that a combination of fiscal and monetary policies will have a more powerful effect than either used separately.
Economists have become increasingly interested in the environment within which policy is made. Indeed, many countries have, in recent times, been operating economic policy within a framework of rules. This is known as con- strained discretion. Most commonly we observe this with monetary policy. Many central banks today have prescribed macroeconomic objectives, such as inflation rate targets, which help to determine the monetary policy decisions they make. Similarly, fiscal frameworks, such as the EU’s Fiscal Compact and the UK’s fiscal mandate (see Box 30.2), impact on governments’ fiscal policy choices.
In this section we analyse debates around the extent to which governments ought to pursue active demand man- agement policies or adhere to a set of policy rules. The financial crisis of the late 2000s, the subsequent global economic downturn and deteriorating public finances
ATTITUDES TOWARDS DEMAND MANAGEMENT30.3
have helped to reignite the debate about the merits of constraining the discretion of policy-makers over fiscal and monetary policy.
The case for rules and policy frameworks Why should governments commit to rules or design policy frameworks which may involve their giving up control of economic instruments? Well, there are two important argu- ments against discretionary policy.
Definitions
Liquidity trap When interest rates are at their floor and thus any further increases in money supply will not be spent but merely be held in idle balances as people wait for the economy to recover and/or interest rates to rise.
Constrained discretion A set of principles or rules within which economic policy operates. These can be informal or enshrined in law.
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3 0 . 3 A T T I T U D E S T O W A R D S D E M A N D M A N A G E M E N T 5 9 9
Political behaviour. The first concerns the motivation of gov- ernment. Politicians may attempt to manipulate the econ- omy for their own political purposes – such as the desire to be re-elected. The government, if not constrained by rules, may overstimulate the economy some time before an election so that growth is strong at election time. After the election, the government strongly dampens the economy to deal with the higher inflation and rising public-sector debt, and to create enough slack for another boost in time for the next election.
When politicians behave in this way, they may lose credibility for sound economic management. This can lead to higher inflationary expectations, uncertainty and lower long-term investment.
Time lags with discretionary policy. Both fiscal and monetary policies can involve long and variable time lags, which can make the policy at best ineffective and at worst destabilis- ing. Taking the measures before the problem arises, and thus lessening the problem of lags, is no answer since fore- casting tends to be unreliable.
In contrast, by setting and sticking to rules, and then not interfering further, the government can provide a sound monetary framework in which there is maximum freedom for individual initiative and enterprise, and in which firms are not cushioned from market forces and are therefore encouraged to be efficient. By the government setting a tar- get for a steady reduction in the growth of money supply, or a target for the rate of inflation, and then resolutely stick- ing to it, people’s expectations of inflation will be reduced, thereby making the target easier to achieve.
This sound and stable monetary environment, with no likelihood of sudden contractionary or expansionary fiscal or monetary policy, will encourage firms to take a longer- term perspective and to plan ahead. This could then lead to increased capital investment and raise long-term growth rates.
The optimum situation is for all the major countries to adhere to mutually consistent rules, so that their economies do not get out of line. This will create more stable exchange rates and provide the climate for world growth.
Advocates of this point of view in the 1970s and 1980s were the monetarists and new classical macroeconomists, but in recent years support for the setting of targets has become widespread. As we have seen, in both the UK and the eurozone countries, targets are set for both inflation and public-sector deficits.
The case for discretion Many economists, especially those in the Keynesian tradi- tion, reject the argument that rules provide the environ- ment for high and stable growth. Demand, they argue, is subject to many and sometimes violent shocks: e.g. changes in expectations, domestic political events (such as an impending election), world economic factors (such
as the world economic recession of 2008–9) or world polit- ical events (such as a war). The resulting shifts in injections or withdrawals cause the economy to deviate from a stable full-employment growth path.
Any change in injections or withdrawals will lead to a cumulative effect on national income via the multiplier and accelerator and via changing expectations. These effects take time and interact with each other, and so a process of expansion or contraction can last many months before a turning point is eventually reached.
Since shocks to demand occur at irregular intervals and are of different magnitudes, the economy is likely to expe- rience cycles of irregular duration and of varying intensity.
Given that the economy is inherently unstable and is buffeted around by various shocks, Keynesians argue that the government needs actively to intervene to stabilise the economy. Otherwise, the uncertainty caused by unpredict- able fluctuations will be very damaging to investment and hence to long-term economic growth (quite apart from the short-term effects of recessions on output and employment).
Difficulties with choice of target Assume that the government or central bank sets an infla- tion target. Should it then stick to that rate, come what may? Might not an extended period of relatively low infla- tion warrant a lower inflation target? The government must at least have the discretion to change the rules, even if only occasionally.
Then there is the question of whether success in achiev- ing the target will bring success in achieving other macroe- conomic objectives, such as low unemployment and stable economic growth. The problem is that something called Goodhart’s Law is likely to apply. The law, named after Charles Goodhart, formerly of the Bank of England, states that attempts to control an indicator of a problem may, as a result, make it cease to be a good indicator of the problem.
Targeting inflation may make it become a poor indica- tor of the state of the economy. If people believe that the central bank will be successful in achieving its inflation tar- get, then those expectations will feed into their inflationary expectations, and not surprisingly the target will be met. But that target rate of inflation may now be consistent with
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Goodhart’s law. Controlling a symptom (i.e. an indi- cator) of a problem will not cure the problem. Instead, the indicator will merely cease to be a good indicator of the problem.
KEY IDEA
44
Definition
Goodhart’s Law Controlling a symptom of a problem, or only part of the problem, will not cure the problem: it will simply mean that the part that is being controlled now becomes a poor indicator of the problem.
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6 0 0 C H A P T E R 3 0 D E M A N D - S I D E P O L I C Y
both a buoyant and a depressed economy. It is possible that the Phillips curve may become horizontal, as we saw for the UK in Figure 29.13. Thus achieving the inflation target may not tackle the much more serious problem of creating stable economic growth and an environment which will therefore encourage long-term investment.
In extreme cases, as occurred in 2008, the economy may slow down rapidly and yet cost-push factors cause inflation to rise. Targeting inflation in these circumstances will demand higher interest rates, which will help to deepen the recession.
Use of a Taylor rule. For this reason, many economists have advocated the use of a Taylor rule,3 rather than a simple inflation target. A Taylor rule takes two objectives into account – (1) inflation and (2) either real national income or unemployment – and seeks to get the optimum degree of stability of the two. The degree of importance attached to each of the two objectives can be decided by the govern- ment or central bank. The central bank adjusts interest rates when either the rate of inflation diverges from its target or the rate of economic growth (or unemployment) diverges from its sustainable (or equilibrium) level.
Take the case where inflation is above its target level. The central bank following a Taylor rule will raise the rate of interest. It knows, however, that this will reduce real national income below the level at which it would other- wise have been. This, therefore, limits the amount that the central bank is prepared to raise the rate of interest. The more weight it attaches to stabilising inflation, the more it will raise the rate of interest. The more weight it attaches to achieving stable growth in real national income, the less it will raise the rate of interest.
Thus the central bank has to trade off inflation stability against stability in economic growth.
Difficulties with the target level When a monetary or an inflation target is first set, the short- term costs of achieving it may be too high. If expectations are slow to adjust downward and inflation remains high, then adherence to a tight monetary or inflation rule may lead to a very deep and unacceptable recession. This was a criticism made by many economists of monetarist policies between 1979 and 1982.
When a target has been in force for some time, it may cease to be the appropriate one. Economic circumstances might change. For example, a faster growth in productiv- ity or a large increase in oil revenues may increase poten- tial growth and thus warrant a faster growth in money supply. Or an extended period of relatively low inflation may warrant a lower inflation target. The government must at least have the discretion to change the rules, even if only occasionally.
But if rules should not be stuck to religiously, does this mean that the government can engage in fine-tuning? Keynesians today recognise that fine-tuning may not be possible; nevertheless, significant and persistent excess or deficient demand can be corrected by demand management policy. For example, the actions taken by central banks in 2007/8 to cut interest rates substantially, and by govern- ments to increase its expenditure and to cut taxes, helped to stave off even deeper recessions in 2008/9.
Improvements in forecasting, a willingness of govern- ments to act quickly and the use of quick-acting policies can all help to increase the effectiveness of discretionary demand management.
Conclusions The resolution of this debate will depend on the following factors:
■ The confidence of people in the effectiveness of either discretionary policies or rules: the greater the confi- dence, the more successful is either policy likely to be.
■ The degree of self-stabilisation of the economy (in the case of rules), or conversely the degree of inherent insta- bility of the economy (in the case of discretion).
■ The size and frequency of exogenous shocks to demand: the greater they are, the greater the case for discretionary policy.
■ In the case of rules, the ability and determination of gov- ernments to stick to the rules and the belief by the public that they will be effective.
■ In the case of discretionary policy, the ability of govern- ments to adopt and execute policies of the correct mag- nitude, the speed with which such policies can be effected and the accuracy of forecasting.
Case study K.12 in MyEconLab looks at the history of fiscal and monetary policies in the UK from the 1950s to the cur- rent day. It illustrates the use of both rules and discretion and how the debates about policy shifted with historical events.
KI 40 p 471
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3Named after John Taylor, from Stanford University, who proposed that for every 1 per cent that GDP rises above sustainable GDP, real interest rates should be raised by 0.5 percentage points, and that for every 1 per cent that inflation rises above its target level, real interest rates should be raised by 0.5 percentage points (i.e. nominal rates should be raised by 1.5 percentage points).
Definition
Taylor rule A rule adopted by a central bank for setting the rate of interest. It will raise the interest rate if (a) infla- tion is above target or (b) economic growth is above the sustainable level (or unemployment is below the equilib- rium rate). The rule states how much interest rates will be changed in each case.
PAUSE FOR THOUGHT
If people believe that the central bank will be successful in keeping inflation on target, does it matter whether a simple inflation rule or a Taylor rule is used? Explain.
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S U M M A R Y 6 0 1
SUMMARY
1a Fiscal policy affects the size of government budget defi- cits or surpluses. They also vary with the business cycle. The structural deficit or surplus measures the deficit or surplus that would occur if the economy were operating at the potential level of national income.
1b Automatic fiscal stabilisers are tax revenues that rise and benefits that fall as national income rises. They have the effect of reducing the size of the multiplier and thus reducing cyclical upswings and downswings.
1c Discretionary fiscal policy is where the government deliberately changes taxes or government expenditure in order to alter the level of aggregate demand. Changes in government expenditure on goods and services will have a full multiplier effect. Changes in taxes and benefits will have a smaller multiplier effect as some of the tax/ benefit changes will merely affect other withdrawals and thus have a smaller net effect on consumption of domestic product.
1d There are problems in predicting the magnitude of the effects of discretionary fiscal policy. Expansionary fiscal policy can act as a pump primer and stimulate increased private expenditure, or it can crowd out private expend- iture. The extent to which it acts as a pump primer depends crucially on business confidence – something that is very difficult to predict beyond a few weeks or months. The extent of crowding out depends on mone- tary conditions and monetary policy.
1e There are various time lags involved with fiscal policy, which make it difficult to use fiscal policy to ‘fine-tune’ the economy.
1f In recent years, many governments around the world preferred a more passive approach towards fiscal pol- icy. Targets were set for one or more measures of the public-sector finances, and then taxes and government expenditure were adjusted so as to keep to the target.
1g Nevertheless, in extreme circumstances, as occurred in 2008/9, governments were prepared to abandon rules and give a fiscal stimulus to their economies.
2a Control of the growth of the money supply over the longer term will normally involve governments attempt- ing to restrict the size of the budget deficit. This will be difficult to do, however, in a period of recession.
2b In the short term, the authorities can use monetary pol- icy to restrict/increase the growth in aggregate demand in one of two major ways: (a) reducing/increasing money supply directly, (b) reducing/increasing the demand for money by raising/reducing interest rates.
2c The money supply can be reduced/increased directly by using open-market operations. This involves the central bank selling/buying more government securities and thereby reducing/increasing banks’ reserves. Alterna- tively, the central bank can reduce/increase the amount
it is prepared to lend to banks (other than as a last-resort measure).
2d The money supply is difficult to control precisely, how- ever, and even if it is successfully controlled, there then arises the problem of severe fluctuations in interest rates if the demand for money fluctuates and is relatively inelastic.
2e The current method of control in the UK and other coun- tries involves the central bank influencing interest rates by its operations in the gilt repo and discount markets. The central bank keeps banks short of liquidity and then supplies them with liquidity, largely through gilt repos, at its chosen interest rate (gilt repo rate). This then has a knock-on effect on interest rates throughout the econ- omy.
2f With an inelastic demand for loans, there may have to be substantial changes in interest rates in order to bring the required change in aggregate demand. What is more, controlling aggregate demand through interest rates is made even more difficult by fluctuations in the demand for money. These fluctuations are made more severe by speculation against changes in interest rates, exchange rates, the rate of inflation, etc.
2g Nevertheless, controlling interest rates is a way of responding rapidly to changing forecasts, and can be an important signal to markets that inflation will be kept under control, especially when, as in the UK and the eurozone, there is a firm target for the rate of inflation.
2h Faced with a deepening recession after the financial cri- sis of 2007–8, central banks embarked on programmes of quantitative easing, which involved their creating large amounts of new narrow money. This was used to pur- chase bonds and other assets from financial institutions, thereby increasing banks’ reserves and allowing them to increase lending and hence increase broad money through the process of credit creation.
3a The case against discretionary policy is that it involves unpredictable time lags that can make the policy desta- bilising. Also, the government may ignore the long-run adverse consequences of policies designed for short-run political gain.
3b The case in favour of rules is that they help to reduce inflationary expectations and thus create a stable envi- ronment for investment and growth.
3c The case against sticking to money supply or inflation rules is that they may cause severe fluctuations in inter- est rates and thus create a less stable economic environ- ment for business planning.
3d Although perfect fine-tuning may not be possible, Keynesians argue that the government must have the discretion to change its policy as circumstances demand.
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6 0 2 C H A P T E R 3 0 D E M A N D - S I D E P O L I C Y
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 ‘The existence of a budget deficit or a budget surplus tells us very little about the stance of fiscal policy.’ Explain and discuss.
2 Adam Smith remarked in The Wealth of Nations concerning the balancing of budgets, ‘What is prudence in the conduct of every private family can scarce be folly in that of a great kingdom.’ What problems might there be if the government decided to follow a balanced budget approach to its spending?
3 What factors determine the effectiveness of discretionary fiscal policy?
4 Why is it difficult to use fiscal policy to ‘fine-tune’ the economy?
5 When the Bank of England announces that it is putting up interest rates, how will it achieve this, given that interest rates are determined by demand and supply?
6 How does the Bank of England attempt to achieve the target rate of inflation of 2 per cent? What determines its likelihood of success in meeting the target?
7 Imagine you were called in by the government to advise on whether it should adopt a policy of targeting the money supply. What advice would you give and how would you justify the advice?
8 Imagine you were called in by the government to advise on whether it should attempt to prevent cyclical fluctu- ations by the use of fiscal policy. What advice would you give and how would you justify the advice?
9 What do you understand by the term ‘constrained discre- tion’? Illustrate your answer with reference to the UK and the eurozone.
10 Is there a compromise between purely discretionary pol- icy and adhering to strict targets?
11 Under what circumstances would adherence to an infla- tion target lead to (a) more stable interest rates, (b) less stable interest rates than pursuing discretionary demand management policy?
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
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Supply-side policy
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How can supply-side policy influence business and the economy? ■ What types of supply-side policy can be pursued and what is their effectiveness? ■ What will be the impact on business of a policy of tax cuts? ■ How can the government encourage increased competition? ■ What is the best way of tackling regional problems and encouraging business investment in relatively deprived areas? ■ What is meant by ‘industrial policy’ and what forms can it take?
SUPPLY-SIDE PROBLEMS 31.1
In considering economic policy up to this point we have focused our attention on the demand side of the economy, where unemployment and slow growth are the result of a lack of aggregate demand, and where inflation and a bal- ance of trade deficit are the result of excessive aggregate demand. Many of the causes of these problems, however, lie on the supply side and, as such, require an alternative pol- icy approach.
If successful, supply-side policies will shift the aggre- gate supply curve to the right, thus increasing output for any given level of prices (or reducing the price level for any given level of output). In doing so, they increase an econo- my’s level of potential output : the economy’s output when firms are operating at normal levels of capacity utilisation.
Effective supply-side initiatives will raise the rate at which the level of potential output grows over time and so the rate at which the aggregate supply curve shifts right- wards. Therefore, supply-side policies can be evaluated on their ability to affect an economy’s long-run economic growth .
The quantity and productivity of factors of production The growth of potential output is crucially dependent on an economy’s factors of production (i.e. its resources, such as labour and capital). Supply-side policies are designed to influence both the quantities of factors employed and their productivity .
Physical capital The rate at which economies accumulate capital, such as machinery and office space, is an important determinant of their long-term economic growth (see section 26.2 and
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Definition
Supply-side policies Government policies that attempt to influence aggregate supply directly, rather than through aggregate demand.
C h
a p
te r31
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Box 31.1). The rate at which the stock of capital grows depends on the size of investment flows. Therefore, sup- ply-side policies need to facilitate investment.
Of course, it is not just the quantity of investment that affects economic growth but how productive that invest- ment is. The greater the productivity of additional capital, the faster will national income and business profits rise, and the greater the amount of additional investment that can be financed.
The productivity of capital depends crucially on tech- nological progress and innovation. Therefore, effective supply-side policies are those that help to foster new inven- tions, their incorporation in new capital equipment and their adoption by businesses. These might be policies that encourage investment in ‘cutting-edge’ technologies or that raise the shares of national income devoted to education, training, and research and development. A key question is what policies can encourage the effective propagation of innovation and technological progress.
The UK’s record of low investment. Unfortunately for the UK, it has for several decades experienced lower levels of invest- ment relative to national income than other industrialised countries. This is illustrated in Table 31.1. In particular, investment by the private sector has been weak by interna- tional standards: a trend that seems to have persisted over four decades.
To some extent the UK’s poor investment performance has been offset by the fact that wage rates have been lower
than in competing countries. This has at least made the UK relatively attractive to inward investment, especially by US, Japanese, Korean and more recently Chinese and Indian companies seeking to set up production plants within the EU.
The poor performance of UK manufacturing firms has resulted in a growing import penetration of the UK mar- ket. Imports of manufactured products have grown more rapidly than UK manufactured exports, and since the early 1980s the UK has been a net importer of manufactured products.
Some economists believe that the UK’s low-investment economy highlights the need for more government inter- vention, especially in the fields of education and training, research and development, and the provision of infra- structure. This has been the approach in many countries, including France, Germany and Japan.
Labour The economy’s potential output is also affected by both the quantity and quality of the labour input. In section 26.3 we introduced the concept of equilibrium unemployment: the difference between those who would like to work at the current wage rate and those willing and able to take a job. There can be a mismatch between the aggregate supply of labour and the aggregate demand for labour, which means that vacancies are not filled despite the existence of unem- ployment. Perhaps workers have the wrong qualifications, or are poorly motivated, or are living a long way away from the job, or are simply unaware of the jobs that are vacant.
Generally, the problem is that labour is not sufficiently mobile, either occupationally or geographically, to respond to changes in the job market. Labour supply for particular jobs is too inelastic. Supply-side policies might look to increase labour market flexibility, to provide better job information, to support retraining and to enhance the skills of the workforce.
KI 12 p 68
Pause for thought
How can the UK’s low level of investment relative to national income be explained?
1971–93 1994–2016 1971–2016
General government Private General government Private General government Private
UK 3.9 18.7 2.4 15.7 3.2 17.2
Denmark 3.4 18.2 3.1 17.2 3.2 17.7
Germany 3.2 18.3 2.3 18.6 2.7 18.4
USA 4.5 17.8 3.7 17.1 4.1 17.5
Italy 3.8 19.9 2.8 16.8 3.3 18.3
Ireland 4.0 18.9 3.1 18.0 3.5 18.5
Netherlands 4.5 18.7 3.8 17.2 4.2 17.9
France 4.4 19.2 4.0 17.4 4.2 18.3
Belgium 4.0 18.9 2.2 20.1 3.1 19.5
Spain 3.6 20.2 3.8 20.5 3.7 20.3
Japan 5.2 25.8 4.4 19.4 4.8 22.6
Gross fixed capital formation as a percentage of GDP: 1971–2016Table 31.1
Source: AMECO database, European Commission, DGECFIN, Tables 3.2 and 6.1
6 0 4 C H A P T E R 3 1 S U P P L Y - S I D E P O L I C Y
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BOX 31.1 GETTING INTENSIVE WITH PHYSICAL CAPITAL
Economic growth and capital accumulation
nificantly. The data show that the UK ranks relatively lowly in terms of capital accumulation. In the UK the capital stock per worker is 2.3 times higher in 2016, compared with, for example, Japan where it is 5.8 times higher or France where it is 3.7 times higher. We would expect that the higher the level of capital per worker, the greater will be the level of output (real GDP) per worker. This is largely borne out in the chart. However, while there is a statistical association between capital accumulation and economic growth, economic theory plays an important role in our understanding of this apparent relationship. There is considerable debate about the determinants of cap- ital accumulation and its significance for growth, especially when analysed alongside technological progress. Although data on increases in capital do to some extent capture advances in technology, the significance of technological change is likely to be underestimated. Furthermore, advances in technology are thought to be crucially important in stimu- lating capital accumulation.
Does the type of capital being accumulated impact affect the rate of long-run economic growth?
In this box we look at the growth of the physical capital stock in a sample of countries and then compare this with their growth in GDP per worker. Capital as recorded in a country’s national accounts consists of non-financial fixed assets. It does not include stocks of goods and services transformed or used up in the course of production, known as intermediate goods and services. Fur- thermore, it does not relate directly to the stock of human capital: the skills and attributes embodied in individuals that affect production (see Box 31.2). A country’s stock of capital can be valued at its replacement cost, regardless of its age: this is its gross value. It can also be valued at its written-down value, known as its net value. The net value takes into account the consumption of capital which occurs through wear and tear (depreciation) or when capital becomes naturally obsolescent. The value of the UK’s net capital stock was estimated at £4.27 trillion in 2014, or 2.35 times the value of that year’s GDP. In models of economic growth an important measure of cap- ital is the stock of capital per person employed (per worker). This is also known as capital intensity. In the chart we plot the ratio of capital per worker in 2016 to that in 1960 (y-axis) against the ratio of output per worker (x-axis) in 2016 to that in 1960 for a sample of developed countries. For each country we observe an increase in capital intensity, although the rates of capital accumulation differ quite sig-
KI 27 p 322
Capital and output per worker in 2016 relative to 1960
0.0
1.0
2.0
3.0
4.0
5.0
6.0
7.0
0.0 1.0 2.0 3.0 4.0 5.0 6.0 7.0 Increase in capital stock per worker (multiple)
In cr
ea se
in r
ea l G
D P
p er
w or
ke r
(m ul
tip le
)
Norway
Switzerland
USA
Belgium
UK
NetherlandsDenmark Sweden
Luxembourg
Italy
France
Finland
Austria
Portugal
Spain
Ireland Japan
Greece
3 1 . 1 S U P P L Y - S I D E P R O B L E M S 6 0 5
Note: 2016 figures are forecasts Source: Based on data from AMECO database (European Commission)
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As well as making workers more responsive to job oppor- tunities, supply-side policies may aim to make employers more adaptable and more effective in operating within existing labour constraints.
Successful supply-side policies that reduce equilibrium unemployment and increase employment also increase the economy’s potential output. The benefits for potential out- put can be enduring too. A more flexible and skilful work- force increases the economy’s stock of human capital. The concept of human capital captures the knowledge, skills and attributes that are embodied within the workforce and which affect production activities.
Human and physical capital An increase in an economy’s stock of human capital increases the effectiveness with which the economy’s exist- ing stock of physical capital can be employed. This there- fore contributes to further accumulation of physical capital.
Greater levels of human capital also contribute to the development of new products, processes and techniques and, hence, in the development of higher quality capital. As we have seen, this can be important in increasing the rate of technological progress. There is also the potential that knowledge spillovers hasten progress. These spillovers are a form of externality with some of the benefits of new ideas captured or consumed by others. The point here is that these ideas can then be developed by others.
Supply-side policies can aim to foster the benefits from knowledge spillovers. This may involve encouraging the clustering of businesses within particular sectors so as to enable the exchange of ideas. The development of busi- ness parks or enterprise zones (see page 617) are a means of doing this.
Some economists argue that it is competition which helps foster the development of ideas and technological progress. By seeking a competitive advantage over their rivals, firms may look to deliver products and services that provide consumers with greater satisfaction or develop pro- cesses which allow them to produce more cost-effectively. Whichever strategy businesses choose, it is argued, the ben- efits help to drive technological progress.
Types of supply-side policy Supply-side policies are commonly grouped under two gen- eral types: market-orientated and interventionist.
Market-orientated policies focus on ways of ‘freeing up’ the market, such as encouraging private enterprise, risk-tak- ing and competition: policies that provide incentives for
innovation, hard work and productivity. These are consid- ered in Section 31.2.
Interventionist policies focus on means of counteract- ing the deficiencies of the free market and typically involve government expenditure on infrastructure and training, and financial support for investment. These are considered in Section 31.3.
However, some policies may draw on elements of both types: for instance, by providing financial support (interven- tionist) through the use of tax reliefs (market-orientated).
Regional imbalances. Supply-side policies and initiatives should not be seen solely in terms of delivering national objectives. There are often marked differences in incomes, unemployment rates and other measures of economic and social well-being within a country. Therefore, both national governments and international bodies, such as the EU, may adopt supply-side projects and initiatives that help to tackle regional inequalities. We look at regional policy in the final section of this chapter.
Links between demand-side and supply-side policy Policies can have both demand-side and supply-side effects. For example, many supply-side policies involve increased government expenditure, whether on retraining schemes, on research and development projects, or on industrial relocation. They will therefore cause a rise in aggregate demand (unless accompanied by a rise in taxes). Similarly, supply-side policies of tax cuts designed to increase incen- tives will increase aggregate demand (unless accompanied by a cut in government expenditure). It is thus important to consider the consequences for demand when planning various supply-side policies.
Likewise, demand management policies often have supply-side effects. If a cut in interest rates boosts invest- ment, there will be a multiplied rise in national income: a demand-side effect. But that rise in investment will also cre- ate increased productive capacity: a supply-side effect.
KI 33 p 345
Definitions
Human capital The knowledge, skills, competencies and other attributes embodied in individuals or groups of individuals that are used to produce goods and services.
Knowledge spillovers The capture by third parties of benefits from the development by others of new ideas, for example, new products, processes and technologies.
6 0 6 C H A P T E R 3 1 S U P P L Y - S I D E P O L I C Y
Pause for thought
Why might it take time for the benefits of supply-side policies to become evident?
Pause for thought
How can increasing the effectiveness of labour improve both the productivity of labour and the productivity of capital?
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Radical market-orientated supply-side policies were first adopted in the early 1980s by the Thatcher government in the UK and the Reagan administration in the USA, but were subsequently copied by other right and centre-right govern- ments around the world. The essence of these supply-side policies is to encourage and reward individual enterprise and initiative, and to reduce the role of government; to put more reliance on market forces and competition, and less on government intervention and regulation.
Reducing government expenditure The desire of many governments to cut government expenditure is not just to reduce the size of the public-sec- tor deficit and hence reduce the growth of money supply; it is also an essential ingredient of their supply-side strategy.
The public sector is portrayed by some as more bureau- cratic and less efficient than the private sector. What is more, it is claimed that a growing proportion of pub- lic money has been spent on administration and other ‘non-productive’ activities, rather than on the direct provi- sion of goods and services.
Two things are needed, it is argued: (a) a more efficient use of resources within the public sector and (b) a reduction in the size of the public sector. This would allow private invest- ment to increase with no overall rise in aggregate demand. Thus the supply-side benefits of higher investment could be achieved without the demand-side costs of higher inflation.
In practice, governments have found it very difficult to cut their expenditure relative to GDP. However, many countries were faced with trying to do this after the finan- cial crisis and global economic slowdown of the late 2000s (see Figure 31.1). Governments found that this means mak- ing difficult choices, particularly concerning the levels of services and the provision of infrastructure.
Tax cuts The imposition of taxation can distort a variety of choices that individuals make. Changes to the rates of taxation can lead individuals to substitute one activity for another. Three examples which are commonly referred to in the con- text of aggregate supply are:
■ taxation of labour income and its impact on labour sup- ply (including hours worked and choice of occupation);
■ taxation of interest income earned on financial prod- ucts (savings) and its impact on the funds available for investment;
KI 9 p 51
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MARKET-ORIENTATED SUPPLY-SIDE POLICIES31.2
General government expenditure (% of GDP)Figure 31.1
Pause for thought
Why might a recovering economy (and hence a fall in govern- ment expenditure on social security benefits) make the gov- ernment feel even more concerned to make discretionary cuts in government expenditure?
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
55
60
65
1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020
% o
f G
D P
UK Ireland France Japan Canada Spain
Note: Data from 2015 based on forecasts Source: Based on data from World Economic Outlook Database (IMF)
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BOX 31.2 UK HUMAN CAPITAL
Estimating the capabilities of the workforce
The OECD defines human capital as the knowledge, skills, competencies and other attributes embodied in individuals or groups of individuals acquired during their life and used to produce goods, services or ideas in market circumstances. In other words, human capital captures the capabilities embodied in people in the workforce that can affect both the nature and extent of production. While trends in human capital have implications for economic growth, there can be microeconomic effects too. For example, individuals with a lower stock of human capital may face a greater probability of unemployment or lower lifetime earnings. This has impli- cations for inequality and social cohesiveness. But how we do we go about measuring human capital?
Measuring human capital In estimating an individual’s human capital, a common approach is to estimate the present value of an individual’s remaining lifetime labour income. This can be done for repre- sentative individuals in categories defined by gender, age and educational attainment. An assumption is then made about the working life of individuals. In compiling the UK estimates it is assumed that the remaining lifetime labour income of individuals aged 65 and over is zero. Then an approach known as backwards recursion is applied. Backwards recursion involves first estimating the remaining lifetime labour income of someone aged 64 with a particular gender, age and educational level. The remaining lifetime income in this case is simply their current annual labour income for the year from their 64th birthday. For someone aged 63 it is their current annual labour income for the year from their 63rd birthday plus the present value1 of the remaining lifetime income of someone aged 64 with the same gender, age and educational level. This continues back to someone aged 16. In calculating the remaining lifetime labour income of representative individuals, account is also taken of the probability that their level of educational attainment may rise and, with it, their expected future earnings. Further working assumptions are necessary to complete the calculations. Two of the most important are that: the rate of labour productivity growth is 2 per cent per annum and the discount rate is 3.5 per cent per annum, as recommended by HM Treasury’s Green Book (2003) when undertaking appraisal and evaluation studies in central government.
Two measures of the stock of human capital are estimated. The first is for employed human capital. It is based on esti- mating the lifetime labour income of those in employment. The second is full human capital. It includes the human capital of the unemployed. This assumes that the human capital of those currently unemployed should be valued at the remaining lifetime labour income of employed individuals with the same characteristics (gender, age and educational attainment). It ignores any so-called scarring effects from being unemployed, such as the depreciation of job-specific or transferable skills. Such effects are likely to increase the longer the duration of unemployment.
Estimates of human capital The chart shows estimates of employed and full human capital in the UK since 2004. Both follow broadly similar patterns. Between 2004 and 2007, prior to the financial crisis, the stock of human capital increased steadily by a little over 3 per cent per annum. Both employed and full human capital fell in each year from 2009 to 2013. The fall in full human capital was less pronounced because of the impact of rising unemployment on the employed human capital estimates. In 2014, the UK’s full human capital was £18.95 trillion while that for employed human capital was £18.22 trillion. This means that stock of human capital was between 10 and 10.4 times larger than annual GDP, depending on which measure of human capital is used. In Box 31.1 we saw that the net value of the UK’s physical capital was £4.27 trillion. Therefore, in 2014, the value of the stock of human capital was estimated to be up to 4.4 times higher than the stock of physical capital. We can also analyse the distribution of human capital by a particular characteristic, such as educational attainment. In 2014 it is estimated that 36.1 per cent of UK employed human capital was embodied in the 27.0 per cent of the population who have a degree (or equivalent). In contrast, only 5.1 per cent of employed human capital was embodied in the 9.0 per cent of the working-age population with no formal qualifications.
Inequality and human capital Research by the OECD and IMF2 suggests that there is a cor- relation between inequality and human capital development
2 See: FOCUS on Inequality and Growth (Directorate for Employment, Labour and Social Affairs, OECD, December 2014); and Jonathan D. Ostry, Andrew Berg and Charalambos G. Tsangarides, ‘Redistribution, inequality, and growth’, IMF Staff Discussion Note (IMF, February 2014).
1 ‘Present value’ in this case is the value in today’s terms of income earned in the future. These incomes have to be reduced by the rate of interest that could have been earned if the income had been earned today instead of in the future. This process of reducing future incomes to present values is known as ‘discounting’ (see page 325).
KI 28 p 325
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UK HUMAN CAPITAL
Estimating the capabilities of the workforce
and that this impacts on economic growth. Higher inequality reduces economic growth. Traditionally it has been argued that there is a trade-off between inequality and economic growth: that higher inequality encourages economic growth. Increasing the rewards to those who are more productive or who invest, it is claimed, encour- ages a growth in productivity and capital investment, which, in turn, leads to faster economic growth. Redistribution from the rich to the poor, by contrast, is argued to reduce incentives by reducing the rewards from harder work, education, training and investment. Risk taking, it is claimed, is discouraged. However, the OECD and IMF research suggests that when income inequality rises, economic growth falls. Inequality has grown massively in many countries, with average incomes at the top of the distribution seeing particular gains, while many at the bottom have experienced actual declines in real incomes or, at best, little or no growth. This growth in ine- quality, claims the OECD, has led to a loss in economic growth of around 0.35 percentage points per year over the past 25 years.
According to the OECD and IMF, inequality reduces the devel- opment of skills of the lower income groups and reduces social mobility. The lower educational attainment applies to both the length and quality of education: people from poorer backgrounds tend to leave school or college earlier and with fewer qualifications. But if greater inequality generally results in lower economic growth, will a redistribution from rich to poor necessarily result in faster economic growth? Redistribution policies need to be well designed and implemented and focus on rais- ing incomes of the poor through increased opportunities to increase their productivity. There needs to be increasing access to public services, such as high-quality education, training and health care. Simple transfers from rich to poor via the tax and benefits system may, in fact, undermine economic growth.
1. In what ways might human capital and physical capital be complementary?
2. In what other ways could we consider the distribution of human capital?
Employed and full human capital, 2004–14 (2014 prices)
17.0
17.5
18.0
18.5
19.0
19.5
20.0
2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
£ tr
ill io
ns (2
01 4
pr ic
es )
Employed human capital Full human capital
Source: Based on data in Human Capital Estimates, 2014 (ONS, 2015)
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■ taxation of firms’ profits and its impact on capital expen- diture by firms.
Over time, many countries have witnessed a decline in the marginal rates of taxation associated with each of these cases. Here we consider the case of the UK.
In 1979, the basic rate of income tax in the UK was 33 per cent, with higher rates rising to 83 per cent. By 1997 the basic rate was only 23 per cent and the top rate was only 40 per cent. The Blair and Brown governments continued with this policy, so that by 2008 the basic rate was 20 per cent. From 2010, an additional 50 per cent tax rate was imple- mented for those earning in excess of £150 000, largely as a means of plugging the deficit in the public finances. This was subsequently reduced to 45 per cent from 2013.
Similar reductions in rates of tax on business profits have been designed to encourage investment. Reductions in cor- poration tax (the tax on business profits) have increased after-tax profits, leaving more funds for ploughing back into investment, as well as increasing the after-tax return on investment. In 1983 the main rate of corporation tax in the UK stood at 52 per cent. A series of reductions have taken place since then. By 2011 the main rate had been halved to 26 per cent and by 2015 the rate had fallen to 20 per cent
Governments have also looked to increase investment allowances. These allow firms to offset the cost of invest- ment against pre-tax profit, thereby reducing their tax lia- bility. Successive governments have used a range of such allowances. For example, in the UK companies can offset a multiple of research and development costs against corpo- ration tax. Since April 2012, the rate of relief for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) has been 225 per cent: i.e. taxable profits are reduced by £225 for every £100 of R&D expenditure. For larger companies the rate of relief is 130 per cent.
Since April 2013, firms have been subject to a lower rate of corporation tax on profits earned from inventions they have patented and certain other innovations. The idea is that firms will be provided with financial support to inno- vate where this results in their acquiring patents. Patents provide protection for intellectual property rights. From April 2013, firms are liable to corporation tax on the profits attributable to qualifying patents at a reduced rate of 10 per cent. The relief is being phased in, so that by 2017 all profits related to the patent will be subject to the reduced rate.
Substitution effects of tax cuts. The argument for reducing tax rates on incomes and profits is that it contributes to higher levels of economic output. Specifically, it encourages an increased supply of labour hours, more moneys invested with financial institutions and more capital expenditure by firms than would otherwise be the case. The reason is that tax cuts increase the return on such activities. In other words, there is a substitution effect inducing more of these beneficial activities. In the case of labour, people are encouraged to substitute work for leisure as their after-tax wage rate is now higher.
Income effects of tax cuts. However, in each case there is a counteracting incentive. This is the income effect. Tax cuts increase the returns to working, saving and undertaking capital expenditure. This means that less of each activity needs to be undertaken to generate the same income flow as before. Take the case of labour: if a tax cut increases your hourly take-home pay, you may feel that you can afford to work fewer hours.
Because economic theory offers no firm conclusions as to the benefit of tax cuts, economists and policy makers often look to empirical evidence for guidance. In the case of whether or not tax cuts encourage people to work longer hours, the evi- dence suggests that the substitution and income effects just about cancel each other out. Anyway, for many people there is no such choice in the short run. There is no chance of doing overtime or working a shorter week. In the long run, there may be some flexibility in that people can change jobs.
Reducing the power of labour The argument here is that if labour costs to employers are reduced, their profits will probably rise. This could encour- age and enable more investment and hence economic growth. If the monopoly power of labour is reduced, then cost-push inflation will also be reduced.
The Thatcher government in the 1980s took a number of measures to curtail the power of unions. These included introducing the right of employees not to join unions, preventing workers taking action other than against their direct employers, and enforcing secret ballots on strike pro- posals (see page 627). It set a lead in resisting strikes in the public sector.
As labour markets have become more flexible, with increased part-time working and short-term and zero-hour contracts, and as the process of globalisation has exposed more companies to international competition, so this has further eroded the power of labour in many sectors of the economy (see section 18.7).
Reducing welfare New classical economists claim that a major cause of unemployment is the small difference between the wel- fare benefits of the unemployed and the take-home pay of the employed. This causes voluntary unemployment (i.e. frictional unemployment). People are caught in a ‘poverty trap’: if they take a job, they lose their benefits.
KI 9 p 51
Pause for thought
If tax receipts as a proportion of national income have gener- ally risen since 1979, does this mean that there can have been no positive incentive effects of the various tax measures taken by governments since then?
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A dramatic solution to this problem would be to cut unemployment benefits. A major problem with this approach, however, is that, with changing requirements for labour skills, many of the redundant workers from the older industries are simply not qualified for new jobs that are cre- ated. What is more, the longer people are unemployed, the more demoralised they become. Employers would probably be prepared to pay only very low wages to such workers. To persuade these unemployed people to take low-paid jobs, the welfare benefits would have to be slashed. A ‘market’ solution to the problem, therefore, may be a very cruel solu-
tion. A fairer solution would be an interventionist policy: a policy of retraining labour.
Another alternative is to make the payment of unem- ployment benefits conditional on the recipient making a concerted effort to find a job. In the Jobseeker’s Allowance introduced in the UK in 1996, claimants must be availa- ble for and actively seeking work and must complete a Claimant Commitment, which sets out the types of work the person is willing to do and the plan to find work. Pay- ment can be refused if the claimant refuses to accept jobs offered.
KI 32 p 343
KI 9 p 51
▲
BOX 31.3 LABOUR PRODUCTIVITY
How effective is UK labour?
Charts (a) and (b) show comparative productivity levels of various countries and the G7 using GDP per hour worked. Chart (a) shows countries’ productivity relative to the UK. As you can see, GDP per hour worked is lower in the UK than the other countries with the exception of Japan. For example, in 2014, compared with the UK, output per hour was 33 per cent higher in Germany and 32 per cent higher in both France and the USA. Compared with the rest of the G7 countries, UK output per hour was 20 per cent lower – the highest productivity gap since the series began in 1991. A major explanation of lower productivity in the UK is the fact that for decades it has invested a smaller proportion of its national income than most other industrialised nations. Nevertheless, until 2006 the gap had been narrowing with the rest of the G7. This was because UK productivity, although lower than in many other countries, was growing faster. This can be seen in chart (b). Part of the reason for this was the inflow of investment from abroad.
A country’s potential output depends on the productivity of its factors of production, including labour. There are two common ways of measuring labour productivity. The first is output per worker. This is the most straightforward measure to calculate. All that is required is a measure of total output and employment. A second measure is output per hour worked. This has the advantage that it is not influenced by the number of hours worked. So for an economy like the UK, with a very high per- centage of part-time workers on the one hand, and long aver- age hours worked by full-time employees on the other, such a measure would be more accurate in gauging worker efficiency. Both measures focus solely on the productivity of labour. If we want to account directly for the productivity of capital we need to consider the growth in total factor productivity (TFP). This measure analyses output relative to the amount of all factors used. Changes in total factor productivity over time provide a good indicator of technical progress.
(a) Productivity in selected economies relative to the UK (GDP per hour worked)
70
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013
G D
P p
e r
h o
u r
w o
rk e
d : U
K =
1 0
0
USA France UK
Germany G7 excluding UK Japan
Source: Based on data in International Comparisons of Productivity (National Statistics, 2015)
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focus on three factors: physical capital (see Box 31.1), human capital (see Box 31.2), and innovation and technological progress. See also the posts – UK productivity: a constraint on long-term growth and The UK’s poor productivity record – on the Sloman News site.
What could explain the differences in labour productivity between the five countries in chart (c), and why do the differences vary according to which of the two measures is used?
Chart (c) compares labour productivity across both measures. Workers in the USA and the UK work longer hours than those in France and Germany. Thus whereas output per hour worked in the USA is on a par with that in France and Germany, output per person employed in the USA is about 25 per cent higher than in France and 32 per cent higher than in Germany. The evidence points to UK labour productivity being lower than that in the USA, France and Germany on both measures but higher than that in Japan. In understanding the growth in labour productivity it is generally agreed that we need to
(b) Productivity in selected economies (constant-price GDP per hour worked, 1991 = 100)
(c) Productivity in selected economies, 2014 (UK = 100)
100
110
120
130
140
150
160
1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013
G D
P p
er h
ou r
w or
ke d
(1 99
1 =
1 00
)
USA France UK
Germany G7 excluding UK Japan
Source: Based on data in International Comparisons of Productivity (National Statistics, 2015), rebased by authors
60
70
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
UK Germany France USA Japan G7 excluding UK
GDP per person employed GDP per hour worked
Note: Current-price GDP per worker Source: Based on data in International Comparisons of Productivity (National Statistics, 2015)
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Policies to encourage competition If the government can encourage more competition, this should have the effect of increasing national output and reducing inflation. Five major types of policy were pursued under this heading.
Privatisation. If privatisation simply involves the trans- fer of a natural monopoly to private hands (e.g. the water companies), the scope for increased competition is limited. However, where there is genuine scope for increased com- petition (e.g. in the supply of gas and electricity), privatisa- tion can lead to increased efficiency, more consumer choice and lower prices. There may still be a problem of oligopo- listic collusion, however, and thus privatised industries are monitored and regulated with the aim of making them gen- uinely competitive.
Alternatively, privatisation can involve the introduction of private services into the public sector (e.g. private con- tractors providing cleaning services in hospitals, or refuse collection for local authorities). Private contractors may compete against each other for the franchise. This may well lower the cost of provision of these services, but the qual- ity of provision may suffer unless closely monitored. The effects on unemployment are uncertain. Private contractors may offer lower wages and thus may use more labour. But if they are trying to supply the service at minimum cost, they are likely to employ less labour.
Deregulation. This involves the removal of monopoly rights: again, largely in the public sector. The deregulation of the bus industry, opening it up to private operators, is a good example of this initiative.
Introducing market relationships into the public sector. This is where the government tries to get different departments or elements within a particular part of the public sector to ‘trade’ with each other, so as to encourage competition and efficiency. The best-known examples are within health and education.
One example is in the National Health Service. In 2003, the UK government introduced a system of ‘foundation trusts’. Hospitals can apply for foundation trust status. If suc- cessful, they are given much greater financial autonomy in terms of purchasing, employment and investment decisions. By May 2015, there were 152 NHS foundation trusts. Critics argue that funds were being diverted to foundation hospitals away from the less well-performing hospitals where greater funding could help that performance. In the 2012 Health and Social Care Act the government proposed that in due course all NHS hospitals become foundation trusts.
Primary Care Trusts (PCTs) were abolished in England in April 2013. In their place were Clinical Commissioning Groups (CCGs). These are formed of groups of GP practices. Clinical commissioning groups are responsible for arrang- ing most of the NHS services within their boundaries. They oversee how NHS funds are spent. Therefore, as with GP
fundholding, a key principle is to give GPs a choice of ‘provid- ers’ with the hope of reducing costs and driving up standards.
The Private Finance Initiative (PFI). This is where a private com- pany, after a competitive tender, is contracted by a govern- ment department or local authority to finance and build a project, such as a new road or a prison. The government then pays the company to maintain and/or run it, or simply rents the assets from the company. The public sector thus becomes a purchaser of services rather than a direct provider itself.
The aim of these ‘public–private partnerships’ (PPPs) is to introduce competition (through the tendering process) and private-sector expertise into the provision of public ser- vices (see Case study K.15 in MyEconLab). By doing so, the objective is to achieve gains in efficiency which outweigh any extra burden to the taxpayer from private-sector profits.
Critics, however, claim that PPPs result in a poorer quality of provision with weak cost control too, resulting in a higher burden for the taxpayer in the long term. Given mounting criticisms of PPPs and general concerns over levels of govern- ment borrowing, the Coalition government in November 2011 set up a review of the PFI. The intention was to develop a new model for delivering public investment and services that takes advantage of private-sector expertise, but at a lower cost to the taxpayer. This review coincided with the introduction in 2010 of a National Investment Plan (NIP): a strategic plan to target public investment.
In December 2012 the Treasury published its New Approach to Public Private Partnerships. The publication set out the Government’s new approach: PF2. Changes included the following:
■ the public sector taking stakes of up to 49 per cent in individual private finance projects;
■ publication of an annual report detailing project and financial information on all projects where the govern- ment holds a public-sector equity stake;
■ removal of ‘soft services’, such as cleaning and catering, from PF2 projects;
■ the requirement that bidders develop long-term financ- ing plans, in which bank debt does not form the major- ity of the financing of the project.
Free trade and capital movements. The opening up of inter- national trade and investment is central to a market-ori- entated supply-side policy. One of the first measures of the Thatcher government (in October 1979) was to remove all controls on the purchase and sale of foreign currencies, thereby permitting the free inflow and outflow of capital, both long term and short term. Most other industrialised countries also removed or relaxed exchange controls during the 1980s and early 1990s.
The Single European Act of 1987, which came into force in 1993, was another example of international liberalisa- tion. It created a ‘single market’ in the EU: a market with- out barriers to the movement of goods, services, capital and labour (see section 25.3).
KI 5 p 36
KI 2 p 18
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The basis of the case for government intervention is market failure. In particular, in the context of growth of potential output, the free market is likely to provide too little research and development, training and investment.
There are potentially large external benefits from research and development. Firms investing in developing and improving products, and especially firms engaged in more general scientific research, may produce results that provide benefits to many other firms. Thus the social rate of return on investment may be much higher than the private rate of return. Investment that is privately unprofitable for a firm may therefore still be economically desirable for the nation.
Similarly, investment in training may continue yielding benefits to society that are lost to the firms providing the training when the workers leave.
Investment often involves risks. Firms may be unwilling to take those risks, since the costs of possible failure may be too high. When looked at nationally, however, the benefits of investment might well have substantially outweighed the costs, and thus it would have been socially desirable for firms to have taken the risk. Successes would have out- weighed failures.
Even when firms do wish to make such investments, they may find difficulties in raising finance. Banks may be unwilling to lend – a problem that increased after the credit crunch. Alternatively, if firms rely on raising finance by the issue of new shares, this makes them very depend- ent on the stock market performance of their shares. This depends largely on cur rent profitability and expected profitability in the near future, not on long-term profita- bility. Similarly, the fear of takeovers may make manag- ers over-concerned to keep shareholders happy, further encouraging ‘short-termism’.
Types of interventionist supply-side policy Nationalisation. This is the most extreme form of interven- tion, and one that most countries had tended to reject, given a worldwide trend for privatisation. Nevertheless, many countries had always stopped short of privatising certain key transport and power industries, such as the rail- ways and electricity generation.
Nationalisation may also be a suitable solution for res- cuing vital industries suffering extreme market turbulence. This was the case with the banks in the late 2000s (and beyond) as the financial crisis unfolded. With the credit crunch and the over-exposure to risky investments in secu- ritised sub-prime debt, inadequate levels of capital, declin- ing confidence and plummeting share prices, several banks were taken into full or partial public ownership. In the UK, Northern Rock and Bradford & Bingley were fully national- ised, while the government took a majority shareholding
in the Royal Bank of Scotland and Lloyds Banking Group, although later the government began selling its share of these banks.
Direct provision. Improvements in infrastructure, such as a better motorway system, can be of direct benefit to indus- try. Alternatively, the government could provide factories or equipment to specific firms.
Funding research and development. Around about one-third of UK research and development (R&D) is financed by the government, but around half of this has been concentrated in the fields of defence, aerospace and the nuclear power industry. As a result, there has been little government spon- sorship of research in the majority of industry. Since the mid-1970s, however, there have been several government initiatives in the field of information technology. Even so, the amount of government support in this field has been very small compared with Japan, France and the USA. What is more, the amount of support declined between the mid- 1980s and the late 1990s.
As we saw above, the UK uses the tax system to encour- age R&D. Despite this, as Figure 31.2 demonstrates, UK gross expenditure on research and development as a per- centage of GDP has been lower than that of its main eco- nomic rivals.
Lower R&D has contributed to a productivity gap between the UK and other G7 countries, although it was gradually narrowing until 2006, but since then has widened (see chart (a) in Box 31.3). The UK’s poor R&D record has occurred even though a sizeable number of UK-based companies regularly make a list of the world’s largest R&D spending companies. In part, this reflects the limited R&D expenditure by government. But, it also reflects the low R&D intensity across the private sector. In other words, total R&D expenditure by British firms has often been low relative to the income generated by sales.
Training and education. The government may set up train- ing schemes, or encourage educational institutions to make their courses more vocationally relevant, or introduce new vocational qualifications (such as GNVQs, NVQs and foun- dation degrees in the UK). Alternatively, the government can provide grants or tax relief to firms which themselves provide training schemes. Alternative approaches to train- ing in the UK, Germany, France and the USA are examined in Case study K.16 in MyEconLab.
Assistance to small firms. UK governments in recent years have recognised the importance of small firms to the economy and have introduced various forms of advisory services, grants and tax concessions. For example, they receive financial sup- port for R&D expenditure through corporation tax relief. This means they can reduce the profits liable for tax by engaging
KI 31 p 343
KI 33 p 345
KI 14 p 82
INTERVENTIONIST SUPPLY-SIDE POLICIES31.3
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in R&D. As we saw above (page 610), the rate of relief for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) is 225 per cent, com- pared with 130 per cent for larger companies. In addition, small firms are subject to fewer planning and other bureau- cratic controls than large companies. Support to small firms in the UK is examined in Case study K.17 in MyEconLab.
Advice and persuasion. The gover nment may engage in discussions with private firms in order to find ways to improve efficiency and innovation. It may bring firms together to exchange information, so as to co-ordinate their decisions and create a climate of greater certainty.
It may bring firms and unions together to tr y to create greater industrial harmony.
Information. The government may provide various infor- mation services to firms: technical assistance, the results of public research, information on markets, etc.
In addition to adopting supply-side measures that focus on the economy as a whole, governments might decide to tar- get specific regions of the economy, or specific industries for policy initiatives. Such initiatives are often more interven- tionist in nature, as the next section shows.
Gross expenditure on R&D (% of GDP)Figure 31.2
REGIONAL POLICY31.4
Within most countries, unemployment is not evenly dis- tributed. Take the case of the UK. Northern Ireland and parts of the north and west of England, parts of Wales and parts of Scotland have unemployment rates substantially higher than in the south-east of England.
Similarly, countries experience regional disparities in average incomes, rates of growth and levels of prices, as well as in health, crime, housing, etc. In the UK, these disparities grew wider in the mid-1980s as the recession hit the north, with its traditional heavy industries, much harder than the south. In the recession of the early 1990s, however, it was the service sector that was hardest hit, a sector more concentrated in the south. Regional disparities therefore
narrowed somewhat. Disparities are not only experienced at regional level. They are often more acutely felt in specific areas, especially inner cities and urban localities subject to industrial decline.
Within the European Union differences exist not only within individual countries, but also between them. For example, in the EU some countries are much less prosperous than others. Thus, especially with the opening up of the EU in 1993 to the free movement of factors of production, cap- ital and labour may flow to the more prosperous regions of the Union, such as Germany, France and the Benelux coun- tries, and away from the less prosperous regions, such as Portugal, Greece and southern Italy. With the enlargement
KI 32 p 343
France Japan USA
Germany UK EU-28
1.50
1.75
2.00
2.25
2.50
2.75
3.00
3.25
3.50
3.75
1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013
% o
f G
D P
Note: EU 28 = the 28 member countries of the European Union since July 2013 Source: Based on data from OECD.StatExtracts (OECD)
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of the EU since 2004 to include 13 new members, mainly from central and eastern Europe, regional disparities within the EU have widened further.
Causes of regional imbalance and the role of regional policy If the market functioned perfectly, there would be no regional problem. If wages were lower and unemployment were higher in the north, people would simply move to the south. This would reduce unemployment in the north and help to fill vacancies in the south. It would drive up wage rates in the north and reduce wage rates in the south.
The process would continue until regional disparities were eliminated.
The capital market would function similarly. New investment would be located in the areas offering the high- est rate of return. If land and labour were cheaper in the north, capital would be attracted there. This too would help to eliminate regional disparities.
A similar argument applies between countries. Take the case of the EU. Labour should move from the poorer coun- tries, such as those of eastern Europe, to the richer ones and capital should flow in the opposite direction until dispari- ties are eliminated.
In practice, the market does not always behave as just described. There are three major problems.
Labour and capital immobility. Labour may be geographically immobile. The regional pattern of industrial location may change more rapidly than the labour market can adjust to it. Thus jobs may be lost in the depressed areas more rapidly than people can migrate.
Similarly, the existing capital stock is highly immobile. Buildings and most machinery cannot be moved to where the unemployed are! New capital is much more mobile. But there may be insufficient new investment, especially during a recession, to halt regional decline, even if some investors are attracted into the depressed areas by low wages and cheap land.
Regional multiplier effects. The continuing shift in demand may in part be due to regional multiplier effects. In the prosperous regions, the new industries and the new workers attracted there create additional demand. This creates addi- tional output and jobs and hence more migration. There is a multiplied rise in income. In the depressed regions,
the decline in demand and loss of jobs causes a multiplied downward effect. Loss of jobs in manufacturing leads to less money spent in the local community; transport and other service industries lose custom. The whole region becomes more depressed.
Externalities. Labour migration imposes external costs on non-migrants. In the prosperous regions, the new arriv- als compete for services with those already there. Services become overstretched; house prices rise; council house waiting lists lengthen; roads become more congested, etc. In the depressed regions, services decline, or alternatively local taxes must rise for those who remain if local services are to be protected. Dereliction, depression and unemploy- ment cause emotional stress for those who remain.
Approaches to regional policy Market-orientated solutions Supporters of market-based solutions argue that firms are the best judges of where they should locate. Government intervention would impede efficient decision taking by firms. It is better, they argue, to remove impediments to the market achieving regional and local balance. For example, they favour either or both of the following.
Locally negotiated wage agreements. A problem with nation- ally negotiated wage rates is that that wages are not driven down in the less prosperous areas and up in the more pros- perous ones. This discourages firms from locating in the less prosperous areas. At the same time, firms find it difficult to recruit labour in the more prosperous ones, where wages are not high enough to compensate for the higher cost of living there.
Reducing unemployment benefits. A general reduction in unemployment benefits and other welfare payments would encourage the unemployed in the areas of high unemploy- ment to migrate to the more prosperous areas, or enable firms to offer lower wages in the areas of high unemploy- ment.
The problem with these policies is that they attempt ini- tially to widen the economic divide between workers in the different areas in order to encourage capital and labour to move. Such policies would hardly be welcomed by workers in the poorer areas!
KI 10 p 52
KI 29 p 336
KI 12 p 68
KI 43 p 547
KI 33 p 345
KI 9 p 51
Definition
Regional multiplier effects When a change in injections into or withdrawals from a particular region causes a multiplied change in income in that region. The regional multiplier is given by 1/ (1 − mpcr), where mpcr is the mar- ginal propensity to consume products from the region.
Pause for thought
1. Think of some other ‘pro-market’ solutions to the regional problem. 2. Do people in the more prosperous areas benefit from pro-mar- ket solutions?
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Interventionist solutions Interventionist policies involve encouraging firms to move. Such policies include the following.
Subsidies and tax concessions in the depressed regions. Businesses could be given general subsidies, such as grants to move, or reduced rates of corporation tax. Alternatively, grants or subsidies could be specifically targeted at increas- ing employment (e.g. reduced employer’s national insur- ance contributions) or at encouraging investment (e.g. investment grants or other measures to reduce the costs of capital).
The provision of facilities in depressed regions. The government or local authorities could provide facilities such as land and buildings at concessionary, or even zero, rents to incoming firms; or spend money on improving the infrastructure of the area (roads and communications, technical colleges, etc.).
The siting of government offices in the depressed regions. The government could move some of its own departments out of the capital and locate them in areas of high unemploy- ment. The siting of the vehicle licensing centre in Swansea is an example.
It is important to distinguish policies that merely seek to modify the market by altering market signals from policies that replace the market. Regulation replaces the market, and unless very carefully devised and monitored may lead to ill-thought-out decisions being made. Subsidies and taxes merely modify the market, leaving it to individual firms to make their final location decisions.
Regional policy in England The focus of the recent approach in England to regional policy has been the development of ‘Enterprise Zones’. The approach may be thought of as encompassing both market-based and interventionist ideas. The Coalition government established 21 Enterprise Zones across Eng- land in 2012. This number had grown to 24 by 2015. These zones are specific geographic locations where firms can benefit from reduced planning restrictions, tax breaks and improved infrastructure, including access to superfast broadband. Many of the Enterprise Zones encourage clus- tering: businesses in the same sector grouping together. The hope is that they can mutually benefit from external econo- mies of scale (see page 634) such as co-operation and/or the sorts of technological spillovers that we came across in sec- tion 31.1 (see page 606).
To benefit from clustering effects, the zones typically focus on specific sectors, such as automotive and transport (e.g. the MIRA technology park near Hinckley, Leicester- shire) or renewable energy (e.g. the Humber Enterprise Zone). The danger of such policies, particularly given the often small geographic area in question, is that they may merely divert investment away from other areas rather than resulting in additional investment.
KI 36 p 354
KI 9 p 51
KI 44 p 599
Pause for thought
If you were the government, how would you set about deciding the rate of subsidy to pay a firm thinking of moving to a less prosperous area?
BOX 31.4 EU REGIONAL POLICY
The 2014–20 spending programme
developed regions is €182 billion (52 per cent the €352 billion budget). In order to allocate its resources and meet its objectives, the EU operates a series of interrelated funds, collectively known as the Structural and Cohesion Funds.
Cohesion Fund (CF). This is aimed at member states whose national income per head is less than 90 per cent of the EU average. Its aim is to support the development of infra- structure projects, particularly trans-European transport networks, and enhance measures that help protect and improve the quality of the environment. For the 2014–20 period, a total of €63.4 billion has been allocated to CF spending.
The European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). This fund allocates grants for projects designed to aid development in poorer regions of the EU and thereby correct for ‘imbalances’ and enhance economic, social and territorial cohesion. It ▲
An interesting case study of the use of regional policy is the European Union. The EU has allocated around one-third of its total budget to regional policy for the period 2014–20. This equates to spending of close to €352 billion. The EU’s regional policy should be seen in the context of economic and social disparities and ‘Europe 2020’ – the EU’s growth strategy. The EU estimated prior to the 2007–13 programme that about one-third of EU citizens had a GDP per head below the ‘convergence level’ of 75 per cent of the EU average. These disparities have grown with the acces- sion of 13 new members since 2004. Meanwhile, the EU’s growth strategy emphasises the need to deliver high levels of employment, productivity and social cohesion. As with the 2007–13 programme, the 2014–20 programme continues to focus primarily on the poorest member states and regions of the EU: i.e. those below the convergence level of GDP per head. The amount available for the less
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learning and enhancing institutional capacity and efficient public administration. Over €80 billion has been allocated for the 2014–20 period to improve human capital across the EU (see Box 31.2 for more on human capital).
To what extent is the EU’s regional policy consistent with those theories of long-term growth theory stressing the importance of innovation and technological progress?
focuses investment under the themes of innovation and research, the digital agenda, support for small and medi- um-sized enterprises (SMEs) and the low-carbon economy.
The European Social Fund (ESF). The fund is designed to improve education and employment opportunities and to help those people most at risk of poverty. Spending is focused on the themes of promoting employment and sup- porting labour mobility, promoting social inclusion and combating poverty, investing in education, skills and lifelong
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 Define demand-side and supply-side policies. Are there any ways in which such policies are incompatible?
2 Outline the main supply-side policies that have been introduced in the UK since 1979. Does the evidence sug- gest that they have achieved what they set out to do?
3 What types of tax cuts are likely to create the greatest (a) incentives, (b) disincentives to effort?
4 Compare the relative merits of pro-market and interven- tionist solutions to regional imbalances.
5 Is the decline of older industries necessarily undesirable? 6 In what ways can interventionist supply-side policy work
with the market, rather than against it? What are the arguments for and against such policy?
SUMMARY
1a Supply-side policies, if successful, will shift the aggregate supply curve to the right. Supply-side policies look to influ- ence the quantity and productivity of factors of production.
1b The UK has had a lower rate of investment than most other industrialised countries. This has contributed to a historically low rate of economic growth and a growing trade deficit in manufactures.
1c Supply-side policies often have demand-side effects, and demand-side policies often have supply-side effects. It is important for governments to take these secondary effects into account when working out their economic strategy.
2a Market-orientated supply-side policies aim to increase the rate of growth of aggregate supply and reduce the rate of unemployment by encouraging private enterprise and the freer play of market forces.
2b Reducing government expenditure as a proportion of GDP is a major element of such policies.
2c Tax cuts can be used to encourage people to work more and more efficiently, and to encourage investment. The effects of tax cuts will depend on how people respond to incentives. The substitution effect will result in greater output; the income effect in lower output.
2d Reducing the power of trade unions and a reduction in welfare benefits, especially those related to unemploy-
ment, may force workers to accept jobs at lower wages, thereby decreasing equilibrium unemployment.
2e Various policies can be introduced to increase compe- tition. These include privatisation, deregulation, intro- ducing market relationships into the public sector, the Private Finance Initiative, and freer international trade and capital movements.
3 Interventionist supply-side policy can take the form of grants for investment and research and development, advice and persuasion, the direct provision of infrastruc- ture and the provision, funding or encouragement of various training schemes.
4a Regional and local disparities arise from a changing pattern of industrial production. With many of the older industries concentrated in certain parts of the country and especially in the inner cities, and with an accelera- tion in the rate of industrial change, so the gap between rich and poor areas has widened.
4b Regional disparities can in theory be corrected by the market, with capital being attracted to areas of low wages and workers being attracted to areas of high wages. In practice, regional disparities persist because of capital and labour immobility and regional multi- plier effects.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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International economic policy
C h
a p
te r 32
Business issues covered in this chapter
■ How does the level of business activity in one country impact on that in other countries? ■ How do the major economies of the world seek to co-ordinate their policies and what difficulties arise in the process? ■ How did the euro evolve and how effective was the system of exchange rates in Europe that preceded the birth of the euro? ■ What are the advantages and disadvantages of the euro for members of the eurozone and for businesses both inside and
outside the eurozone? ■ How can greater currency stability be achieved, thereby creating a more certain global environment for business?
GLOBAL INTERDEPENDENCE 32.1
We live in an interdependent world. Countries are affected by the economic health of other countries and by their governments’ policies. Problems in one part of the world can spread like a contagion to other parts, with perhaps no country immune. This was clearly illustrated by the credit crunch of 2007–8. A crisis that started in the sub-prime market in the USA soon snowballed into a worldwide recession.
There are two major ways in which this process of ‘glo- balisation’ affects individual economies. The first is through trade. The second is through financial markets.
Interdependence through trade So long as nations trade with one another, the domestic economic actions of one nation will have implications for those that trade with it. For example, if the US admin- istration feels that the US economy is growing too fast, it might adopt various contractionary fiscal and mon- etary measures, such as higher tax rates or interest rates.
US consumers will not only consume fewer domestically produced goods, but also reduce their consumption of imported products. But US imports are other countries’ exports. A fall in these other countries’ exports will lead to a multiplier effect in these countries. Output and employ- ment will fall.
Changes in aggregate demand in one country thus send ripples throughout the global economy. The process whereby changes in imports into (or exports from) one country affect national income in other countries is known as the international trade multiplier .
The more open an economy, the more vulnerable it will be to changes in the level of economic activity in the rest
KI 43 p 547
KI 43 p 547
Definition
International trade multiplier The effect on national income in country B of a change in exports (or imports) of country A.
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of the world. This problem will be particularly acute if a nation is heavily dependent on trade with one other nation (e.g. Canada on the USA) or one other region (e.g. Switzer- land on the EU).
In Chapter 24, we saw how international trade has been growing as a proportion of countries’ national income for many years. Over the period from 1950 to 2015, while world output grew by close to 3.5 per cent
BOX 32.1 DOCTOR, THE WORLD HAS CAUGHT A COLD!
Global answers to global problems?
We don’t have to look far to see how much economic and financial interdependence affects our daily lives. As you walk down the street to the supermarket, many of the pass- ing cars originate overseas or perhaps were built here by foreign-owned companies. You look up and the plane flying overhead is taking passengers to some far-flung corner of the world for business and pleasure. As you enter the supermarket you see an array of goods from all over the world. Clearly, interdependence through trade connects economies. The late 2000s have helped also to demonstrate just how interdependent financial systems and financial institutions have become. Financial products had been given a passport to travel, and travel they do! Increasing economic and financial interdependence means that problems in one part of the world rapidly spread to other parts. Just look at what happened when the US sub-prime mortgage market collapsed. America’s illness turned into the world’s flu! But who should dish out the medicine? How potent can the medicine of national governments be in isolation? What role is there for co-ordinated monetary and fiscal policies and does it require stronger international institutions to deal with world problems?
Iceland’s cold The decline in output in Iceland in 2009, at over 5 per cent, was especially stark. The country was paticularly badly hit by the global financial crisis (see the chart). An aggressive strategy of credit expansion had seen the lia- bilities of the three largest Icelandic banks rise from 100 per cent of GDP in 2004 to over 1000 per cent by 2008. Some of the funds from this expansion came from the inter-bank mar- ket but also from deposits overseas in subsidiaries of these banks in the Nordic countries and the UK. When the credit crunch hit, they found it increasingly difficult to roll over loans on the inter-bank market. What is more, the sheer scale of the banks’ expansion made it virtually impossible for the Central Bank to guarantee repayments of the loans. The result was that four of its largest banks were nationalised and run by Iceland’s Financial Supervisory Authority. In November 2008, the International Monetary Fund’s execu- tive board approved a $2.1 billion loan to Iceland to support an economic recovery programme. An initial payment of $827 million was made with subsequent payments to be spread over time, subject to IMF quarterly reviews of the recovery pro- gramme. In August 2011 the bailout support officially ended and in early 2012 Iceland began repaying the bailout debt. It hoped to complete repayment ahead of schedule in the finan- cial year 2015/16.
A Greek tragedy? Greece has been struggling with the burden of a huge budget deficit for some years and following the credit crunch of 2008 its general government deficit soared. In 2008 it was close to 10 per cent of GDP; by 2009, it was just over 15 per cent – the highest in the EU at the time and over five times higher than EU rules allow. The annual cost to Greece of servicing the debt was running at about 12 per cent of GDP. In early 2010 the government estimated that it would need to borrow €53 billion to cover budget shortfalls. Greece, like many other countries, also experienced rising unemployment. By 2010 the unemployment rate was 12.7 per cent, up from 7.8 per cent in 2008. Austerity measures, as part of an IMF and EU rescue package, aimed to reduce this deficit to less than 3 per cent of GDP by 2014. This was to be achieved through a variety of spending cuts and tax rises. It was the price that Greece had to pay to receive a bailout package worth €240 billion. This comprised an initial loan of €110 billion agreed in May 2010 and a fur- ther €130 billion agreed in October 2011. However, the costs of the austerity measures in terms of falling disposable income and rising unemployment were incredibly high. The period from 2012 to 2014 saw the unemployment rate consistently around 25 per cent mark and the country operating with a negative output gap esti- mated at around 10 per cent of potential GDP. By 2014 real GDP per capita was 24 per cent lower than it had been in 2008. Inevitably, the period saw bouts of social unrest and wide- spread strikes by public-sector workers. In January 2015, the anti-austerity party Syriza won Greece’s general election committed to renegotiating the terms of the bailout and to reversing the cuts in public services.
The debt crisis was not just confined to Greece. For instance, in November 2010 Ireland agreed a rescue pack- age of up to €85 billion with the IMF and EU member states. The general government deficit in Ireland in 2010 was esti- mated at 29 per cent of GDP, up from 13 per cent in 2009. The aim was to reduce to this to 3 per cent of GDP by 2015.
IMF to the rescue We have seen how the IMF has been a major player in helping to finance rescue packages for countries like Iceland, Ireland and Greece. But what is the IMF? And what does it do? The IMF is a ‘specialised agency’ of the United Nations and is financed by its 188 member countries (as of 2015). The role of the IMF is to ensure macroeconomic stability – as in the cases above – and to foster global growth.
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per annum, the volume of exports grew by nearly 6 per cent. With most nations committed to freer trade, and with the World Trade Organization (see section 24.4) overseeing the dismantling of trade barriers, so interna- tional trade is likely to continue growing as a proportion of world GDP.
Pause for thought
Assume that the US economy expands. What will determine the size of the multiplier effect on other countries?
DOCTOR, THE WORLD HAS CAUGHT A COLD!
Global answers to global problems?
It also works with developing nations to alleviate poverty and to achieve economic stability. To do this it provides countries with loans. The IMF has not been without controversy, however. Condi- tions attached to loans have often been very harsh, especially for some of the most indebted developing countries. The global economic and financial crisis provided the IMF with a challenge: which countries to support with a limited budget. Between 2007 and spring 2012, the IMF provided some $300 billion of loans to member countries. During this period an increasing amount of assistance was being given to developed economies, especially within the EU. Following crisis talks with finance ministers in Europe in May 2010, the IMF agreed to set aside €250 billion to support euro- zone countries in financial difficulty. This would be in addition to €440 billion supplied by eurozone countries under the ‘Euro- pean Financial Stability Facility’ and €60 billion from EU funds under the ‘European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism’. In October 2010 the EU agreed to establish a more permanent funding mechanism for eurozone countries in financial diffi- culties, known as the European Stability Mechanism (see Box 30.2). The Mechanism became operational in 2013. The IMF is a crucial stakeholder in the funding mechanism, both in com- mitting funds but also in assessing, alongside the European Commission and the European Central Banks, the financial position of any country requesting help. This assessment
includes possible ‘macroeconomic adjustment programmes’ for countries in receipt of funds.
Strengthening the IMF World leaders meeting as part of the G20 in London in April 2009 announced the need to strengthen global financial institutions. They agreed that the resources available to the IMF should be trebled to US$750 billion. They also agreed that the IMF would work with a new Financial Stability Board (FSB), made up, amongst others, of the G20 countries and the European Commission, so as to help in identifying potential economic and financial risks. Essentially, the G20 countries were looking for a better ‘early warning system’ to meet some of the challenges of an increasingly interdependent world. However, the ongoing financial problems facing governments, particularly in the eurozone, led the international community in April 2012 to pledge a further increase of $430 billion in resources for the IMF. Further changes in members’ subscrip- tions were due to be agreed at the end of 2015 as part of the IMF’s fifteenth periodic review of the ‘quota system’. This is the system which helps determine members’ subscriptions, their voting power and their access to financing. The intention was to create a credible ‘firewall’ to contain future financial crisis.
Do you see any problems arising from a strengthening of global economic and financial institutions?
Annual growth in real GDP in selected countries
–10
–8
–6
–4
–2
0
2
4
6
8
10
2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018
A nn
ua l e
co no
m ic
g ro
w th
, %
World UK Iceland Ireland Greece USA
Note: (i) Figures from 2014 are based on forecasts; (ii) World growth rate based on market exchange rates. Source: Based on data in World Economic Outlook, October 2015 (International Monetary Fund)
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The growth in the relative importance of trade increases countries’ interdependence and their vulnerability to world trade fluctuations, such as the global recession of the late 2000s. World output fell by 2 per cent in 2009 (at market exchange rates), while worldwide exports fell by 12 per cent. This was the biggest contraction in global trade since the Second World War.
Financial interdependence International trade has grown rapidly, but international financial flows have grown much more rapidly. It was esti- mated that during 2013 around $5.3 trillion of assets were being traded daily across the foreign exchanges. Many of the transactions are short-term financial flows, moving to where interest rates are most favourable or to currencies where the exchange rate is likely to appreciate. This again makes countries interdependent.
Financial interdependency impacts not only on finan- cial institutions around the world, but also on national economies. It also illustrates how global responses can be needed. As a result of the credit crunch, world leaders were seriously worried that the whole world would plunge into deep recession. A co-ordinated policy response from gov- ernments and central banks began in earnest in October 2008 when governments in Britain, Europe, North Amer- ica and other parts of the world injected some $2 trillion of extra capital into banks.
KI 13 p 78
Global policy response As a consequence of both trade and financial interdepend- ence, the world economy, like the economy of any indi- vidual country, tends to experience periodic fluctuations in economic activity – an international business cycle. The implication of this is that countries will tend to share com- mon problems and concerns at the same time.
This can aid the process of international co-operation between countries.
Countries frequently meet in various groupings – from the narrow group of the world’s seven richest countries (the G7) to broader groups such as the G20, which, in addition to the G7 and other rich countries, also includes larger devel- oping countries, such as China, India, Brazil and Indonesia.
Today the G20 is considered to be the principal economic forum. This recognises two important developments. First, there has been a remarkable growth in emerging economies like Brazil, India, China and South Africa which, along with Russia, are often collectively referred to as BRICS (see section 24.1). Second, the increasing scale of interdependency through trade and finance typically requires a co-ordinated response from a larger representation of the international community.
Global interdependence also raises questions about the role that international organisations like the World Trade Organization (see Chapter 24) and the International Mon- etary Fund (IMF) should play.
The IMF’s remit is to promote global growth and stabil- ity, to help countries through economic difficulty and to help developing economies achieve macroeconomic stabil- ity and reduce poverty. In response to the global economic and financial crisis of the late 2000s, the IMF’s budget was substantially increased and it became more actively involved with what were previously defined as ‘strong per- forming economies’ (see Box 32.1).
KI 38 p 470
Pause for thought
Are exports likely to continue growing faster than GDP indefi- nitely? What will determine the outcome?
INTERNATIONAL HARMONISATION OF ECONOMIC POLICIES32.2
What is of crucial importance is to avoid major exchange rate movements between currencies. The five main under- lying causes of exchange rate movements are divergences in interest rates, growth rates, inflation rates, current account bal- ance of payments and government deficits. Such movements, which are often amplified by speculation, can play havoc with the profits of importers and exporters.
Table 32.1 shows the variation in the levels of these indi- cators across a sample of eight countries. These divergences still remain considerable.
In trying to generate world economic growth without major currency fluctuations it is important that there is a har-
monisation of economic policies between nations. In other words, it is important that all the major countries are pursuing consistent policies aiming at common international goals.
But how can policy harmonisation be achieved? As long as there are significant domestic differences between the major economies, there is likely to be conflict, not harmony. For example, if one country, say the USA, is worried about the size of its budget deficit, it may be unwilling to respond to world demands for a stimulus to aggregate demand to pull the world economy out of recession. What is more, speculators, seeing differences between countries, are likely to exaggerate them by their actions, causing large changes in exchange rates. The G7 countries have therefore sought to achieve greater conver- gence of their economies. But whilst convergence may be a goal of policy, in practice it has proved elusive.
Because of a lack of convergence, there are serious diffi- culties in achieving international policy harmonisation:
KI 13 p 78
KI 24 p 206
KI 13 p 78
Pause for thought
Referring to Table 32.1, in what respects was there greater convergence between the countries in the period 1995–99 than in the period 2010–14?
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Australia Canada China France Germany Japan UK USA
Nominal exchange rate index (annual % change)
1995–9 0.4 −0.1 4.7 1.1 1.7 2.0 4.9 5.4
2000–4 2.1 2.7 −0.6 1.3 1.7 0.9 1.0 −0.2
2005–9 0.4 2.5 3.2 0.6 0.6 2.0 −4.6 −1.3
2010–4 2.7 0.7 2.5 −0.5 −0.5 −2.7 1.6 −0.1
Short–term (3–month) nominal interest rate (%)
1995–9 6.1 5.0 7.7 4.1 3.5 0.6 6.5 5.5
2000–4 5.2 3.5 2.5 3.3 3.3 0.1 4.7 2.9
2005–9 5.7 3.1 2.7 3.1 3.1 0.5 4.4 3.5
2010–4 3.7 1.1 4.4 0.6 0.6 0.3 0.7 0.2
Economic growth (% change in real GDP)
1995–9 4.1 3.6 9.1 2.6 1.6 0.8 2.9 4.0
2000–4 3.3 2.9 9.2 2.1 1.0 1.4 3.1 2.7
2005–9 2.9 1.3 11.4 0.7 0.7 −0.3 0.8 0.9
2010–4 2.7 2.6 8.5 1.0 2.0 1.5 1.7 2.2
Consumer price inflation (% change in CPI)
1995–9 2.0 1.6 5.2 1.3 1.1 0.4 2.0 2.4
2000–4 3.4 2.4 1.1 2.0 1.5 −0.5 1.2 2.5
2005–9 2.9 1.8 2.7 1.7 1.8 0.0 2.5 2.6
2010–4 2.6 1.8 3.2 1.6 1.6 0.4 2.9 2.0
Current account balance (% of GDP)
1995–9 −4.2 −0.6 3.0 2.0 −0.9 2.3 −0.9 −2.0
2000–4 −4.3 1.9 2.3 1.1 1.1 2.9 −2.0 −4.3
2005–9 −5.6 0.2 7.6 −0.8 5.8 3.7 −2.6 −4.8
2010–4 −3.4 −2.9 2.5 −1.2 6.6 1.7 −3.6 −2.7
Unemployment rate (% of labour force)
1995–9 8.0 8.8 3.0 10.3 8.9 3.7 7.2 4.9
2000–4 6.1 7.3 3.8 8.4 8.9 5.0 5.1 5.2
2005–9 4.8 6.7 4.2 8.5 8.9 4.3 5.8 5.9
2010–4 5.5 7.4 4.1 9.8 5.7 4.3 7.6 8.0
General government surplus (% of GDP)
1995–9 −0.2 −1.1 −1.1 −3.3 −3.8 −5.1 −2.2 −1.9
2000–4 0.8 1.0 −2.5 −2.6 −2.6 −7.1 −1.5 −3.3
2005–9 −0.1 0.0 −0.9 −3.7 −1.5 −5.0 −5.1 −5.9
2010–4 −3.9 −3.3 −0.6 −5.0 −0.8 −8.8 −7.3 −8.2
Note: Chinese short-term interest rate 1995–1999 is the central bank discount rate
Sources: OECD.Stat (OECD), Principal Economic Indicators (IMF) and AMECO database (European Commission)
International macroeconomic indicatorsTable 32.1
■ Countries’ budget deficits and national debt differ sub- stantially as a proportion of their national income. This puts very different pressures on the interest rates neces- sary to service these debts. In 2015, the ratio of the total
stock of general government debt to annual GDP stood at 91 per cent in the UK, compared with 38 per cent for Australia, 69 per cent for Germany 87 per cent for Canada, 97 per cent for France and 246 per cent for Japan.
■ Harmonising rates of monetary growth or inflation tar- gets would involve letting interest rates fluctuate with the demand for money. Without convergence in the demand for money, interest rate fluctuations could be severe.
■ Harmonising interest rates would involve abandoning money, inflation and exchange rate targets (unless inter- est rate ‘harmonisation’ meant adjusting interest rates so as to maintain money or inflation targets or a fixed exchange rate).
Definitions
International harmonisation of economic policies Where countries attempt to co-ordinate their macroeco- nomic policies so as to achieve common goals.
Convergence of economies When countries achieve similar levels of growth, inflation, budget deficits as a per- centage of GDP, balance of payments, etc.
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■ Countries have different internal structural relation- ships. A lack of convergence here means that countries with higher endemic cost inflation would require higher interest rates and higher unemployment if international inflation rates were to be harmonised, or higher infla- tion if interest rates were to be harmonised.
■ Countries have different rates of productivity increase (see Box 31.3), product development, investment and market penetration. A lack of convergence here means that the growth in exports (relative to imports) will dif- fer for any given level of inflation or growth.
■ Countries may be very unwilling to change their domes- tic policies to fall into line with other countries. They may prefer the other countries to fall into line with them!
If any one of the five – interest rates, growth rates, infla- tion rates, current account balance of payments or govern-
ment deficits – could be harmonised across countries, it is likely that the other four would then not be harmonised.
Total convergence and thus total harmonisation may not be possible. Nevertheless, most governments favour some movement in that direction; some is better than none. To achieve this, co-operation is necessary.
Although co-operation is the ideal, in practice discord often tends to dominate international economic rela- tions. The reason is that governments are normally con- cerned with the economic interests of other countries only if they coincide with those of their own country. This, however, can create a prisoners’ dilemma problem (see section 12.3). With each country looking solely after its own interests, the world economy suffers and everyone is worse off.
KI 23 p 197
KI 24 p 206
EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND MONETARY UNION32.3
European economic and monetary union (EMU) involves the complete economic and financial integration of the EU coun- tries. It is not just a common market, but a market with a single currency, a single central bank and a single monetary policy.
The ERM The forerunner to EMU was the exchange rate mechanism (ERM). This came into existence in March 1979 and the majority of the EU countries were members. The UK, how- ever, chose not to join. Spain joined in 1989, the UK joined in 1990 and Portugal in April 1992. Then in September 1992, the UK and Italy indefinitely suspended their mem- bership of the ERM, but Italy rejoined in November 1996 as part of its bid to join the single European currency. Austria joined in 1995, Finland in 1996 and Greece in 1998. By the time the ERM was replaced by the single currency in 1999, only Sweden and the UK were outside the ERM.
Features of the ERM Under the system, each currency was given a central exchange rate with each of the other ERM currencies in a grid. However, fluctuations were allowed from the cen- tral rate within specified bands. For most countries these bands were set at ±2.25 per cent. The central rates could be adjusted from time to time by agreement, thus making the ERM an adjustable peg system. All the currencies floated jointly with currencies outside the ERM.
If a currency approached the upper or lower limit against any other ERM currency, intervention would take place to maintain the currencies within the band. This would take the form of central banks in the ERM selling the strong currency and buying the weak one. It could also involve the weak currency countries raising interest rates and the strong currency countries lowering them.
The ERM in practice In a system of pegged exchange rates, countries should harmonise their policies to avoid excessive currency mis- alignments and hence the need for large devaluations or revaluations. There should be a convergence of their econo- mies: they should be at a similar point on the business cycle and have similar inflation rates and interest rates.
The ERM in the 1980s. In the early 1980s, however, French and Italian inflation rates were persistently higher than German rates. This meant that there had to be several rea- lignments (devaluations and revaluations). After 1983 rea- lignments became less frequent, and then from 1987 to 1992 they ceased altogether. This was due to a growing con- vergence of members’ internal policies.
By the time the UK joined the ERM in 1990, it was gener- ally seen by its existing members as being a great success. It had created a zone of currency stability in a world of highly unstable exchange rates, and had provided the necessary environment for the establishment of a truly common mar- ket by the end of 1992.
Crisis in the ERM. Shortly after the UK joined the ERM, strains began to show. The reunification of Germany involved con- siderable reconstruction in the eastern part of the country. Financing this reconstruction was causing a growing budget
Definition
Adjustable peg A system whereby exchange rates are fixed for a period of time, but may be devalued (or reval- ued) if a deficit (or surplus) becomes substantial.
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deficit. The Bundesbank (the German central bank) thus felt obliged to maintain high interest rates in order to keep infla- tion in check. At the same time, the UK was experiencing a massive current account deficit (partly the result of entering the ERM at what many commentators argued was too high an exchange rate). It was thus obliged to raise interest rates in order to protect the pound, despite the fact that the economy was sliding rapidly into recession. The French franc and Italian lira were also perceived to be overvalued, and there were the first signs of worries as to whether their exchange rates within the ERM could be retained.
At the same time, the US economy was moving into recession and, as a result, US interest rates were cut. This led to a large outflow of capital from the USA. With high Ger- man interest rates, much of this capital flowed to Germany. This pushed up the value of the German mark and with it the other ERM currencies.
In September 1992, things reached crisis point. First the lira was devalued. Then two days later, on ‘Black Wednes- day’ (16 September), the UK and Italy were forced to sus- pend their membership of the ERM: the pound and the lira were floated. At the same time, the Spanish peseta was devalued by 5 per cent.
Turmoil returned in the summer of 1993. The French economy was moving into recession and there were calls for cuts in French interest rates. But this was only possible if Ger- many was prepared to cut its rates too, and it was not. Spec- ulators began to sell francs and it became obvious that the existing franc/mark parity could not be maintained. In an attempt to rescue the ERM, the EU finance ministers agreed to adopt very wide ±15 per cent bands. The result was that the franc and the Danish krone depreciated against the mark.
A return of calm. The old ERM appeared to be at an end. The new ±15 per cent bands hardly seemed like a ‘pegged’ system at all. However, the ERM did not die. Within months, the members were again managing to keep fluctuations within a very narrow range (for most of the time, within ±2.25 per cent!). The scene was being set for the abandonment of sepa- rate currencies and the adoption of a single currency: the euro.
The Maastricht Treaty and the road to the single currency Details of the path towards EMU were finalised in the Maas- tricht Treaty, which was signed in February 1992. The time- table for EMU involved adoption of a single currency by 1999 at the latest.
One of the first moves was to establish a European Mon- etary Institute (EMI) as a forerunner of the European Cen- tral Bank. Its role was to co-ordinate monetary policy and encourage greater co-operation between EU central banks. It also monitored the operation of the ERM and prepared the ground for the establishment of a European central bank in time for the launch of the single currency.
Before they could join the single currency, member states were obliged to achieve convergence of their econo- mies. Each country had to meet five convergence criteria:
■ Inflation: should be no more than 1.5 per cent above the average inflation rate of the three countries in the EU with the lowest inflation rates.
■ Interest rates: the rate on long-term government bonds should be no more than 2 per cent above the average of the three countries with the lowest inflation rates.
■ Budget deficit: should be no more than 3 per cent of GDP. ■ General government debt: should be no more than 60
per cent of GDP. ■ Exchange rates: the currency should have been within
the normal ERM bands for at least two years with no realignments or excessive intervention.
Before the launch of the single currency, the Council of Ministers had to decide which countries had met the con- vergence criteria and would thus be eligible to form a cur- rency union by fixing their currencies permanently to the euro. Their national currencies would effectively disappear.
At the same time, a European System of Central Banks (ESCB) would be created, consisting of a European Central Bank (ECB) and the central banks of the member states. The ECB would be independent, both from governments and from EU political institutions. It would operate the mone- tary policy on behalf of the countries which had adopted the single currency.
Birth of the euro In March 1998, the European Commission ruled that 11 of the 15 member states were eligible to proceed to EMU in January 1999. The UK and Denmark were to exercise their opt-out, negotiated at Maastricht, and Sweden and Greece failed to meet one or more of the convergence criteria. (Greece joined the euro in 2001.)
All 11 countries unambiguously met the interest rate and inflation criteria, but doubts were expressed by many ‘Eurosceptics’ as to whether they all genuinely met the other three criteria.
The euro came into being on 1 January 1999, but euro banknotes and coins were not introduced until 1 January
KI 13 p 78
Pause for thought
Under what circumstances may a currency bloc like the ERM (a) help to prevent speculation; (b) aggravate the problem of speculation?
Definition
Currency union A group of countries (or regions) using a common currency.
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2002. In the meantime, national currencies continued to exist alongside the euro, but at irrevocably fixed rates. The old notes and coins were withdrawn a few weeks after the introduction of euro notes and coins.
In May 2004 ten new members joined the EU, in Janu- ary 2007 another two and in July 2013 another one. Under the Maastricht Treaty, they should all make preparations for joining the euro by meeting the convergence criteria and being in a new version of the exchange rate mechanism with a wide exchange rate band.
Under ERM II, euro candidate countries must keep their exchange rates within ±15 per cent of a central rate against the euro. Estonia, Lithuania and Slovenia were the first to join ERM II in June 2004 with Latvia, Cyprus, Malta and Slovakia following in 2005. Slovenia adopted the euro in 2007, Malta and Cyprus in 2008, Slovakia in 2009, Estonia in 2011, Latvia in 2014 and Lithuania in 2015, making a total of 19 countries using the euro.
How desirable is EMU?
Advantages of the single currency Elimination of the costs of converting currencies. With separate currencies in each of the EU countries, costs were incurred each time one currency was exchanged into another. The elimination of these costs, however, was probably the least important benefit from the single currency. The European Commission estimated that the effect was to increase the GDP of the countries concerned by an average of only 0.4 per cent. The gains to countries like the UK, which have well-developed financial markets, would be even smaller.
Increased competition and efficiency. Despite the advent of the single market, large price differences remained between member states. Not only has the single currency eliminated the need to convert one currency into another (a barrier to competition), but also it has brought more transparency in pricing, and has put greater downward pressure on prices in high-cost firms and countries.
Elimination of exchange rate uncertainty (between the members). Removal of exchange rate uncertainty has helped to encour- age trade between the eurozone countries. Perhaps more importantly, it has encouraged investment by firms that trade between these countries, given the greater certainty in calculating costs and revenues from such trade.
In times of economic uncertainty, exchange rate vol- atility between currencies can be high, as the experience of sterling showed during the credit crunch of 2008. The associated uncertainty for the UK in its trade with eurozone countries would have been eliminated had it adopted the euro. Without the euro, countries throughout Europe could have suffered considerably during the banking turmoil from wildly diverging exchange rates and interest rates.
Increased inward investment. Investment from the rest of the world is attracted to a eurozone of over 300 million inhab- itants, where there is no fear of internal currency move- ments. By contrast, the UK, by not joining, has found that inward investment has been diverted away to countries within the eurozone.
From 1990 to 1998, the UK’s share of inward invest- ment to EU countries (including from other EU countries) was 20.3 per cent (see Figure 32.1). From 1999 to 2003, it
KI 1 p 10
KI 8 p 42
Inward investment to selected EU countries, % of total EU inward investmentFigure 32.1
–10
–5
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014
% o
f to
ta l i
nw ar
d in
ve st
m en
t to
E U
c ou
nt rie
s
UK France Germany Spain Ireland Netherlands
Source: Based on data in UNCTADstat (UNCTAD)
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was 13.2 per cent. From 2003 to 2005, as the UK economy grew more strongly than other major economies in the EU, its share increased to 35.3 per cent. This proved to be rela- tively short-lived, with the volatility of sterling acting as a deterrent to investment. By 2011, the UK’s share of inward investment to EU countries had fallen to 10.4 per cent. The share then averaged 18.1 per cent across 2012 and 2013, boosted once more by stronger growth in the UK than in the eurozone.
With the new Conservative government in 2015 com- mitted to a referendum on continuing UK membership of the EU, there were fears that the uncertainty this would cause would lead to a decline in inward investment. A vote to leave the EU, it is argued, would then lead to a further fall in inward investment. In other words, it is not just member- ship of the eurozone that is seen to be important in attract- ing inward investment, but also membership of the EU.
Lower inflation and interest rates. A single monetary policy forces convergence in inflation rates (just as inflation rates are very similar between the different regions within a country). With the ECB being independent from short-term political manipulation, this has resulted in a lower average inflation rate in the eurozone countries. This, in turn, has helped to convince markets that the euro will be strong rel- ative to other currencies. The result is lower long-term rates of interest. This, in turn, further encourages investment in the eurozone countries, both by member states and by the rest of the world.
Opposition to EMU European monetary union has, however, attracted con- siderable criticism. ‘Eurosceptics’ see within it a surrender of national political and economic sovereignty. Others, including those more sympathetic to monetary union in principle, raise concerns about the design of the monetary and financial systems within which monetary union oper- ates – a design that, in principle, can be amended (see Boxes 30.2 and 30.5).
We begin with those arguments against EMU in principle.
The lack of national currencies. This can be a serious problem if an economy is at all out of harmony with the rest of the eurozone. For example, if countries such as Greece and Spain have lower productivity growth or higher endemic rates of inflation (due, say, to greater cost-push pressures), then how are they to make their goods competitive with the rest of the eurozone? With separate currencies these countries could allow their currencies to depreciate. With a single currency,
however, they could become depressed ‘regions’ of Europe, with rising unemployment and all the other regional prob- lems of depressed regions within a country.
Proponents of EMU argue that it is better to tackle the problem of high inflation or low productivity in such coun- tries by the discipline of competition from other eurozone countries, than merely to feed that inflation by keeping sep- arate currencies and allowing periodic depreciations, with all the uncertainty that they bring.
What is more, the high-inflation countries tend to be the poorer ones with lower wage levels (albeit faster wage increases). With higher mobility of labour and capital as the single market develops, resources are likely to be attracted to such countries. This could help to narrow the gap between the richer and poorer member states.
The critics of EMU argue that labour is relatively immo- bile, given cultural and language barriers. Thus an unem- ployed worker in Cork or Kalamata could not easily move to a job in Turin or Helsinki. What the critics are arguing here is that the EU is not an optimal currency area (see Box 32.2).
Loss of separate monetary policies. The second problem identi- fied is that the same central bank rate of interest must apply to all eurozone countries: the ‘one size fits all’ criticism. The trouble is that while some countries might require a lower rate of interest in order to ward off recession (such as Portu- gal, Ireland and Greece in 2010–11), others might require a higher one to prevent inflation. The greater the divergence between economies within the eurozone, the greater this problem becomes. It was hoped, however, that, with com- mon fiscal rules and free trade, these divergences would diminish over time.
Asymmetric shocks. A third and related problem for members of a single currency occurs in adjusting to a shock when that shock affects members to different degrees. These are known as asymmetric shocks. For example, the banking crisis affected the UK more severely than other countries, given that London is a global financial centre. The less the factor mobility between member countries and the less the price flexibility within member countries the more serious is this problem.
Even when shocks are uniformly felt in the member states, however, there is still the problem that policies adopted
KI 1 p 10
Pause for thought
Is greater factor mobility likely to increase or decrease the problem of cumulative causation associated with regional multipliers? (See page 616)
Definitions
Optimal currency area The optimal size of a currency area is one that maximises the benefits from having a single currency relative to the costs. If the area were to be increased or decreased in size, the costs would rise relative to the benefits.
Asymmetric shocks Shocks (such as an oil price increase or a recession in another part of the world) that have different-sized effects on different industries, regions or countries.
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centrally will have different impacts on each country. This is because the transmission mechanisms of economic policy (i.e. the way in which policy changes impact of economic var- iables like growth and inflation) vary across countries.
There are others who are critical of the design of EMU, but who argue that with appropriate changes the problems could be significantly reduced.
Monetary policy. In the case of monetary policy, it is argued that the ECB was not as proactive in tackling the recession that followed the aftermath of the financial crisis. Large-scale programmes of quantitative easing were adopted by the US Federal Reserve and the Bank of England (see Box 30.4).
The ECB, by contrast, was seen as more cautious. Between December 2011 and March 2012 the ECB provided liquidity to the banking system by undertaking large-scale,
long-term repo operations. As a result, over €1 trillion of long-term (three-year) repo loans were provided. Mean- while, between May 2010 and June 2012 it purchased €214 billion of assets, largely government bonds, under the Securities Market Programme (see Box 30.5). However, the effects on the money supply were sterilised by ECB sales of other assets. In other words, monetary operations were undertaken to offset the injected liquidity.
With the eurozone economy remaining weak, with low growth and increasing fears of a deflationary spiral, it was becoming clear that a more aggressive monetary policy was needed. Gradually, announcements of further monetary easing were made, which saw reductions to the ECB’s main interest rates and even the adoption of a negative deposit rate for overnight deposits by financial institutions. Yet by the start of 2015 the annual rate of consumer price inflation had fallen to –0.6 per cent.
BOX 32.2 OPTIMAL CURRENCY AREAS
When it pays to pay in the same currency
■ Labour is relatively immobile. ■ There are structural differences between the member
states. ■ The transmission effects of interest rate changes are differ-
ent between the member countries, given that countries have different proportions of consumer debt relative to GDP and different proportions of debt at variable interest rates.
■ Exports to countries outside the eurozone account for different proportions of the members’ GDP and thus their economies are affected differently by a change in the rate of exchange of the euro against other currencies.
■ Wage rates are relatively inflexible. ■ Under the Stability and Growth Pact and the Fiscal
Compact (see Box 30.2), the scope for using discretionary fiscal policy is curtailed, except in times of severe econom- ic difficulty (as in 2009).
This does not necessarily mean, however, that the costs of having a single European currency outweigh the benefits. Also, the problems outlined above should decline over time as the single market develops. Finally, the problem of asym- metric shocks can be exaggerated. European economies are highly diversified; there are often more differences within economies than between them. Thus shocks are more likely to affect different industries or localities, rather than whole countries. Changing the exchange rate, if that were still possible, would hardly be an appropriate policy in these cir- cumstances. The blog post on the Sloman Economics News site, Are Scotland and the rest of the UK an optimal currency area?, considers the issue of optimal currency areas in the context of whether an independent Scotland should continue using the pound.
Why is a single currency area likely to move towards becoming an optimal currency area over time?
Imagine that each town and village used a different currency. Think how inconvenient it would be having to keep exchang- ing one currency into another, and how difficult it would be working out the relative value of items in different parts of the country. Clearly there are benefits of using a common currency, not only within a country but also across different countries. The benefits include greater transparency in pricing, more open competition, greater certainty for investors and the avoidance of having to pay commission when you change one currency into another. There are also the benefits from having a single monetary policy if that is delivered in a more consistent and effective way than by individual countries. So why not have a single currency for the whole world? The problem is that the bigger a single currency area gets, the more likely the conditions are to diverge in the different parts of the area. Some parts may have high unemployment and require expansionary policies. Others may have low unem- ployment and suffer from inflationary pressures. They may require contractionary policies. What is more, different members of the currency area may experience quite different shocks to their economies, whether from outside the union (e.g. a fall in the price of one of their major exports) or from inside (e.g. a prolonged strike). These ‘asymmetric shocks’ would imply that different parts of the currency area should adopt different policies. But with a com- mon monetary policy and hence common interest rates, and with no possibility of devaluation/revaluation of the currency of individual members, the scope for separate economic poli- cies is reduced. The costs of asymmetric shocks (and hence the costs of a single currency area) will be greater, the less the mobility of labour and capital, the less the flexibility of prices and wage rates, and the fewer the alternative policies there are that can be turned to (such as fiscal and regional policies). So is the eurozone an optimal currency area? Certainly strong doubts have been raised by many economists.
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Then in late January a large-scale programme of quan- titative easing was announced, to begin in March 2015, which would see asset purchases of €60 billion per month until at least September 2016, by which time the total would be €1.1 trillion (see the blog post on the Sloman Eco- nomics News site, The ECB takes the plunge – at last). The assets were to be mainly government bonds issued by coun- tries not currently in bail-out programmes.
Critics point to the underlying weakness of a single cur- rency operating alongside separate national government debt issues. The greater the divergence of the eurozone countries, in terms of growth, inflation, deficits, debt and the proportions of debt securities maturing in the short term, the greater this problem becomes.
Fiscal policy. Under the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP), countries were supposed to keep public-sector deficits below 3 per cent of GDP and their stocks of debt below 60 per cent of GDP (see Box 30.2). However, the Pact was not rigidly enforced. Furthermore, because the rules allowed for discretion in times of recession, deficits and debt rose sharply in the late 2000s (see Table 30.1 on page 581).
Subsequently, efforts have been made to change the framework within which national governments make their fiscal choices. The result is the Fiscal Compact, signed in March 2012 (see Box 30.2). This reaffirmed the SGP’s exces- sive deficit rules, but added other requirements. For exam- ple, eurozone countries would now be required to ensure that their structural deficits (i.e. budget deficits that would exist even if economies were operating at their potential output level) did not exceed 0.5 per cent of GDP. Further- more, tougher penalties would be imposed on countries breaking the rules.
There are those who argue that for eurozone members to benefit fully from monetary union tighter fiscal rules alone are insufficient. Instead, they advocate greater fiscal harmonisation. In other words, the problem, they say, is one of incomplete integration. This would probably require greater fiscal transfers to weaker eurozone countries, such as Greece and Portugal – something that stronger countries, such as Germany and The Netherlands have resisted.
Future of the euro When Lithuania adopted the euro on 1 January 2015 it became the nineteenth country to do so. Yet debates around the future of the euro intensified during 2015 as the Greek debt crisis raised the prospect of Greece’s exit from the euro (Grexit).
The Greek crisis The perilous state of Greece’s public finances had already seen two international bailouts agreed. These involved the IMF, the European Commission and the ECB – the so-called ‘Troika’ – and were worth €240 billion. However, these
loans were contingent on the Greek government under- taking a series of economic measures, including significant fiscal tightening. However, the fiscal austerity measures contributed to a deterioration of the macroeconomic envi- ronment (see Box 13.1). Matters came to a head at the end of 2014 when the final tranches of the Greek bailout pro- gramme were suspended by the Troika. This followed the formation in December 2014 of a Syriza-led Greek govern- ment who had fought the election on an anti-austerity plat- form.
What followed was a drawn-out set of negotiations between Greece and its international creditors. With no agreement on further aid to Greece yet reached, Greece was unable to meet a €1.55 billion repayment to the IMF on 30 June 2015. This made Greece the first developed country to have defaulted on a loan from the IMF.
Meanwhile conditions for Greek citizens continued to deteriorate. In July the ECB announced that it would maintain its emergency liquidity assurance for the Greek financial system at levels agreed at the end of June. Without further credit for an already financially-distressed banking system, capital controls were imposed with strict limits on withdrawals from bank accounts.
In August 2015 the Greek government and its inter- national creditors reached an agreement on the terms of a third bailout worth €85 billion over three years. Despite winning a referendum to resist the austerity measures demanded by the Troika, the Syriza govern- ment felt forced to adopt a large proportion of such measures in order to secure the bailout. For the time being at least, Grexit had been avoided. Nonetheless, fundamental questions remained about the future of the euro and the conditions under which it would be bene- ficial for other EU member states to join or for existing members to exit.
The single currency and gains from trade The benefits from a country being a member of a single currency are greater the more it leads to trade creation with other members of the single currency. Table 32.2 shows for a sample of member states of the European Union the proportion of their exports and imports to and from other member states. From the table we can see that about two- thirds of trade in the European Union is between member states. However, there are considerable differences in the importance of intra-EU trade for member states.
On the basis of intra-industry trade, it might be argued that countries like Greece and Malta (and the UK should it have chosen to join) have least to gain from being part of a single currency with other EU nations. But, we need to consider other factors too. The theory of optimal cur- rency areas (see Box 14.5) suggests, for example, that the degree of convergence between economies and the flex- ibility of labour markets are important considerations for countries considering the costs of relinquishing their national currency.
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Convergence or divergence? The more similar economies are, the more likely it is that they will face similar or symmetric shocks which can be accommodated by a common monetary policy. Further- more, greater wage flexibility and mobility of labour pro- vide mechanisms for countries within a single currency to remain internationally competitive.
Table 32.3 shows a series of macroeconomic indicators for a sample of countries within the eurozone. From it we can see that there remain considerable differences in the macroeconomic performance of these countries. These
2002–8 2009–15
Eu ro
a re
a
Fr an
ce
Ge rm
an y
Gr ee
ce
It al
y
Sp ai
n
Eu ro
a re
a
Fr an
ce
Ge rm
an y
Gr ee
ce
It al
y
Sp ai
n
Economic growth, % p.a. 1.8 1.6 1.3 3.5 0.8 3.1 0.0 0.5 0.9 –4.0 –1.1 –0.5
Output gap, % of potential output 0.9 1.9 –0.3 1.5 1.0 2.5 –2.4 –1.6 –1.1 –7.6 –3.3 –5.6
Unemployment rate, % 8.5 8.4 9.4 9.4 7.5 10.2 10.9 9.8 5.8 20.6 10.3 22.4
Current account, % of GDP 0.3 –0.1 4.5 –12.0 –1.2 –7.0 1.7 –1.8 6.8 –6.5 –0.5 –1.2
Growth in output per hour worked, % p.a. 0.9 1.2 1.2 1.8 –0.1 0.5 0.8 0.6 0.5 –0.7 0.0 1.9
Growth in unit labour costs, % p.a. 2.0 2.0 0.1 4.0 3.1 3.8 1.3 1.3 2.2 –0.6 1.5 –0.7
Economy-wide inflation rate, % 2.1 2.1 1.0 3.3 2.5 3.6 1.0 0.9 1.5 –0.3 1.1 0.2
Notes: 1) Unit labour costs are the ratio of compensation per employee to real GDP per person employed; 2) The economy-wide inflation rate is the annual rate of change of the GDP deflator; 3) Output per hour worked - data up to 2014 and euro area average excludes Lithuania. Sources: Output per hour worked based on data from OECD.Stat (OECD); other figures based on data from AMECO database, (European Commission, DGECFIN)
Table 32.3 Macroeconomic indicators for eurozone, 2002–15
Exports Imports
2002–8 2009–15 2002–8 2009–15
Belgium 76.6 71.8 71.9 67.4
France 65.3 60.5 69.0 67.9
Germany 64.4 58.9 64.9 64.4
Greece 64.9 50.3 59.8 50.3
Ireland 63.6 58.5 67.3 68.9
Italy 61.8 55.8 60.1 56.0
Lithuania 64.9 59.2 60.7 60.0
Malta 47.8 43.2 72.4 70.2
Portugal 79.0 72.6 77.5 74.4
Spain 72.7 65.7 65.0 57.4
UK 58.9 49.6 55.3 50.2
Eurozone (19 countries)
68.8 64.2 65.3 62.4
EU-28 68.4 64.0 64.9 62.2
Intra-European Union exports and imports, % of total exports or imports
Table 32.2
Source: AMECO database (European Commission, DGECFIN).
were exacerbated by the financial crisis of the late 2000s and the subsequent deterioration of the macroeconomic environment.
Among the differences captured by Table 32.3 are the contrasting trade positions of eurozone economies. In the period 2002–8 Greece and Spain ran large current account deficits averaging 12 and 7 per cent of GDP respectively. In contrast, Germany ran a current account surplus of around 4.5 per cent of its GDP.
In the absence of nominal exchange rate adjustments, countries like Greece and Spain looking to a fall in the real exchange rate to boost competitiveness need to have rel- atively lower rates of price inflation (see Box 14.1). There- fore, in a single currency productivity growth and wage inflation take on even greater importance in determining a country’s competitiveness.
In Table 32.3 labour productivity is captured by the growth in output per hour worked. Again significant vari- ations exist. Where labour productivity growth is lower, it needs lower nominal wage growth to help prevent coun- tries losing their competitiveness. Even in countries where labour productivity is higher, as is often observed in coun- tries with lower levels of income, their competitive posi- tion will deteriorate if wage growth exceeds productivity growth. In this scenario unit labour costs (labour costs per unit of output) will increase. In the period from 2002 to 2008, Table 32.3 shows unit labour costs increasing at between 3 and 4 per cent per annum in Greece, Spain and Italy compared with close to zero in Germany. This, other things being equal, puts these countries at a growing com- petitive disadvantage.
The fiscal framework The discussion so far highlights the importance of eco- nomic convergence in affecting the benefits and costs of being a member of the euro. Fiscal policy can provide some
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buffer against asymmetric shocks by enabling transfers of income to those areas experiencing lower rates of economic growth. Therefore, the fiscal framework within which the euro operates is important when considering the future of the euro.
To date, the eurozone has resisted a centralisation of national budgets. In a more centralised (or federal) system we would see automatic income transfers between different regions and countries. A country, say Greece, affected by a negative economic shock would pay less tax revenues and receive more expenditures from a central eurozone budget, while in a country, say Germany, experiencing a positive shock the opposite would be the case.
Since national budgets in the eurozone remain largely decentralised, fiscal transfers are principally determined by national fiscal frameworks. But the ability of these to offset the effects of negative economic shocks is constrained by the sustainability of national budgets. This is important because it places limits on the ability of national govern- ments to use fiscal policy to negate the effects of negative economic shocks.
When analysing the sustainability of national budgets economists look at the balance needed between spending and revenues necessary to prevent the ratio of the stock of public-sector debt to annual GDP from rising. The key here is the flow of receipts compared to those expenditures other than the interest payments on servicing the existing public-sector debt. If receipts are greater than expendi- tures excluding interest payments then a primary surplus occurs. A primary surplus is needed to maintain the debt- to-GDP ratio if the effective real rate of interest payable on public-sector debt (the nominal interest rate less the infla- tion rate) is greater than the economy’s economic growth
KI 27 p 322
rate. Furthermore, the required size of the primary surplus- to-GDP ratio rises the lower the rate of economic growth relative to the real interest rate and the larger the existing debt-to-GDP ratio.1
Table 32.4 shows the public-sector debt-to-GDP ratios in a sample of eurozone economies in 2010 and 2014 along- side the factors that affect the path of the ratio. The table illustrates considerable differences between countries in the state of their public finances. Therefore, in a decentralised fiscal environment, countries with an already high debt- to-GDP ratio, such as Greece, Italy and Portugal, will find it considerably more difficult to use fiscal policy to miti- gate the impact of future adverse economic shocks. Con- sequently, the sustainability of the current decentralised approach to fiscal policy in the eurozone is likely to be cru- cial in determining the future for the euro and those coun- tries using the euro.
Definition
Primary surplus The situation when the sum of public-sector expenditures excluding interest pay- ments on public-sector debt is less than public-sector receipts.
1As a rule-of-thumb, the primary surplus-to-GDP ratio required to maintain a given public-sector debt to GDP ratio can be calculated by multiplying the existing debt-to-GDP ratio by the sum of the real rate of interest minus the rate of economic growth.
Table 32.4 Public-sector debt relative to GDP and some of its determinants in selected eurozone economies
Public sector debt-to-GDP, % 2010–14 averages
2010 2014 Primary
surplus-to-GDP, % Real short-term
interest rates, % Economic
growth, % p.a.
Eurozone 83.9 94.2 –1.0 –0.4 0.8
Belgium 99.5 106.5 –0.4 –1.1 1.1
France 81.7 95.0 –2.5 –0.4 1.0
Germany 80.5 74.7 1.4 –0.8 1.9
Greece 146.0 177.1 –4.0 1.3 –3.9
Ireland 87.4 109.7 –8.9 0.1 1.8
Italy 115.3 132.1 1.4 –0.4 –0.3
Lithuania 36.2 40.9 –2.7 –1.4 3.4
Malta 67.6 68.0 0.2 –1.7 3.0
Portugal 96.2 130.2 –2.3 0.0 –0.5
Spain 60.1 97.7 –5.6 0.5 0.0
Source: AMECO database (European Commission, DGECFIN).
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Pause for thought
Before you read on, see if you can identify (a) the ways exchange transactions might be controlled; (b) the difficulties in using such policy.
ALTERNATIVE POLICIES FOR ACHIEVING CURRENCY STABILITY32.4
One important lesson of recent years is that concerted spec- ulation has become virtually unstoppable. This was made clear by the expulsion of the UK and Italy from the ERM in 1992, the dramatic fall of the Mexican peso and rise of the yen in 1995, the collapse of various south-east Asian cur- rencies and the Russian rouble in 1997–98, the collapse of the Argentine peso in 2002, the fall in the pound in 2008 and the fall in the euro in 2010 and 2014–15. In compar- ison with the vast amounts of short-term finance flowing across the foreign exchanges each day, the reserves of cen- tral banks seem trivial.
If there is a consensus in the markets that a currency will depreciate, there is little that central banks can do. For example, if there were a 50 per cent chance of a 10 per cent depreciation in the next week, then selling that currency now would yield an ‘expected’ return of just over 5 per cent for the week (i.e. 50 per cent of 10 per cent): equivalent to 1200 per cent at an annual rate!
For this reason, many commentators have argued that there are only two types of exchange rate system that can work over the long term. The first is a completely free-float- ing exchange rate, with no attempt by the central bank to support the exchange rate. With no intervention, there is no problem of a shortage of reserves!
The second is to share a common currency with other countries: to join a common currency area, such as the eurozone, and let the common currency float freely. The country would give up independence in its monetary pol- icy, but at least there would be no problem of exchange rate instability within the currency area. A similar alter- native is to adopt a major currency of another country, such as the US dollar or the euro. Many smaller states have done this. For example, Kosovo and Montenegro have adopted the euro and Ecuador has adopted the US dollar.
An attempt by a country to peg its exchange rate is likely to have one of two unfortunate consequences. Either it will end in failure as the country succumbs to a speculative attack, or the country’s monetary policy will have to be totally dedicated to maintaining the exchange rate.
So is there any way of ‘beating the speculators’ and pur- suing a policy of greater exchange rate rigidity without establishing a single currency? Or must countries be forced to accept freely floating exchange rates, with all the uncer- tainty for traders that such a regime brings?
We shall examine two possible solutions. The first is to reduce international financial mobility, by putting various types of restriction on foreign exchange transac- tions. The second is to move to a new type of exchange rate regime which offers the benefits of a degree of rigid- ity without being susceptible to massive speculative attacks.
Controlling exchange transactions Until the early 1990s, many countries retained restrictions of various kinds on financial flows. Such restrictions made it more expensive for speculators to gamble on possible exchange rate movements. It is not the case, as some com- mentators argue, that it is impossible to reimpose controls. Indeed Malaysia did just that in 1998 when the ringgit was under speculative attack. Many countries in the developing world still retain controls, and the last ERM countries to give them up only did so in 1991. It is true that the com- plexity of modern financial markets provides the speculator with more opportunity to evade controls, but they will still have the effect of dampening speculation.
In September 1998, the IMF said that controls on inward movements of capital could be a useful tool, especially for countries which were more vulnerable to speculative attack. In its 1998 annual report it argued that the Asian crisis of 1997–98 was the result not only of a weak banking system, but also of open capital accounts, allowing massive withdrawals of funds.
The aim of capital controls is not to prevent capital flows. After all, capital flows are an important source of financing investment. Also, if capital moves from countries with a lower marginal productivity of capital to countries where it is higher, this will lead to an efficient allocation of world savings. The aim of capital controls must therefore be to prevent speculative flows which are based on rumour or herd instinct rather than on economic fundamentals.
Types of control In what ways can movements of short-term capital be controlled? There are various alternatives, each one with strengths and drawbacks.
Quantitative controls. Here the authorities would restrict the amount of foreign exchange dealing that could take place. Perhaps financial institutions would be allowed to exchange only a certain percentage of their assets. Developed coun- tries and most developing countries have rejected this approach, however, since it is seen to be far too anti-market.
For example, the general principle of the free move- ment of capital is central to the Single Market of the Euro- pean Union. The principle of the free movement of capital is defined in Article 63 of the Treaty on the Functioning of
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the European Union (TFEU). However, Article 66 allows ‘safeguard measures’ to be taken if ‘in exceptional circum- stances, movements of capital to or from third countries cause, or threaten to cause, serious difficulties for the oper- ation of economic and monetary union’. Such measures could extend ‘for a period not exceeding six months if such measures are strictly necessary’.
A Tobin tax. This is named after James Tobin, who in 1972 advocated the imposition of a small tax of 0.1 to 0.5 per cent on all foreign exchange transactions, or on just cap- ital account transactions.1 This would discourage desta- bilising speculation (by making it more expensive) and would thus impose some ‘friction’ in foreign exchange markets, making them less volatile. Such taxes (dubbed ‘Robin Hood’ taxes) have been advocated by a number of prominent people, such as Bill Gates and the Archbishop of Canterbury.
In November 2001 the French National Assembly became the first national legislature to incorporate into law a Tobin tax of up to 0.1 per cent. Belgium followed in 2002. The EU finance ministers ordered the European Commission to undertake a feasibility study of such a tax. In late 2001, the charity War on Want declared that 13 March 2002 would be international ‘Tobin tax day’. Ironically, Tobin died on 11 March 2002. Then in Octo- ber 2012, 11 of the 17 eurozone countries agreed to adopt a Tobin tax, or ‘financial transactions tax’ (FTT) of 0.1 per cent on trading in bonds and shares and 0.01 per cent on trading in derivatives. However, subsequent delays con- cerning details of the tax and legal issues meant that it was unlikely that such a tax would be introduced before 2016 at the earliest.
The UK government, however, has been implacably opposed to such a tax, arguing that the resulting decline in trades would reduce profits for financial institutions, which are a major part of the UK economy. What is more, not all of such trades, it argues, are speculative. The tax could also reduce trades that were for normal trading or investment purposes. However, advocates of the tax argue that, by set- ting it at a very low rate, such as 0.1 per cent, it should only be speculative trades that are curbed. What is more, a tax is a far less distortionary means of reducing speculation than quantitative controls.
Box 32.3 considers the arguments in more detail for and against Tobin taxes and the European financial transactions tax in particular.
Non-interest-bearing deposits. Here a certain percentage of inflows of finance would have to be deposited with the central bank in a non-interest-bearing account for a set period of time. Chile in the late 1990s used such a system.
It required that 30 per cent of all inflows be deposited with Chile’s central bank for a year. This clearly amounted to a considerable tax (i.e. in terms of interest sacrificed) and had the effect of discouraging short-term speculative flows. The problem was that it meant that interest rates in Chile had to be higher in order to attract finance.
One objection to all these measures is that they are likely only to dampen speculation, not eliminate it. If speculators believe that currencies are badly out of equilibrium and will be forced to realign, then no taxes on capital movements or artificial controls will be sufficient to stem the flood.
There are two replies to this objection. The first is that if currencies are badly out of line then exchange rates should be adjusted. The second is that dampening speculation is probably the ideal. Speculation can play the valuable role of bringing exchange rates to their long-term equilibrium more quickly. Controls are unlikely to prevent this aspect of speculation: adjustments to economic fundamentals. If they help to lessen the wilder forms of destabilising specula- tion, so much the better.
Exchange rate target zones One type of exchange rate regime that has been much dis- cussed in recent years is that proposed by John William- son, of Washington’s Peterson Institute for International Economics.2 Williamson advocates a form of ‘crawling peg’ within broad bands. This system would involve a pegged central rate, where fluctuations around that rate would be allowed within bands (i.e. like the ERM). Unlike the ERM, however, the central value could be adjusted frequently, but only by small amounts: hence the term ‘crawling’.
The system would have four major features:
■ Wide bands. For example, currencies could be allowed to fluctuate by 10 per cent of their central parity.
■ Central parity set in real terms, at the ‘fundamental equilibrium exchange rate’ (FEER): i.e. a rate that is c o n s i s t e n t w i t h l o n g - r u n b a l a n c e o f p a y m e n t s equilibrium.
■ Frequent realignments. In order to stay at the FEER, t h e c e n t r a l p a r i t y w o u l d b e a d j u s t e d f r e q u e n t l y (e.g. monthly) to take account of the country’s rate of inflation. If its rate of inflation were 2 per cent per annum above the trade-weighted average of other coun- tries, then the central parity would be devalued by 2 per cent per annum. Realignments would also reflect other changes in fundamentals, such as changes in the levels of protection, or major political events, such as German reunification.
KI 9 p 51
1J. Tobin, ‘A proposal for international monetary reform’, Eastern Economic Journal, vol. 4, no. 3–4, 1978, pp. 153–9.
2See, for example, J. Williamson and M. Miller, ‘Targets and indicators: a blueprint for the co-ordination of economic policy’, Policy Analyses in International Economics, no. 22 (IIE, 1987).
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BOX 32.3 THE TOBIN TAX
Adding a bit of friction
leading pressure groups, such as War on Want and Stamp out Poverty, have argued that the revenue from such an inter- national tax could be used to tackle international problems, such as world poverty and environmental degradation. The World Bank estimates that some $225 billion is needed to eliminate the world’s worst forms of poverty. The revenue from a Tobin tax would, in a relatively short period of time, easily exceed this amount. Even with a worldwide rate as low as 0.005 per cent (the rate recommended by Stamp out Pov- erty), the tax could still raise some $50 billion per year.
Problems with the Tobin tax How far would a tax on currency transactions restrict spec- ulative movements of money? The issue here concerns the rate of return investors might get from moving their money. If a currency was to devalue by as little as 3 to 4 per cent, a Tobin tax of 0.2 per cent would do little to deter a speculative transaction based upon such a potential return. Given deval- uations of 50 per cent in Thailand and Indonesia following the 1997 crash and an 82 per cent appreciation of the euro against the dollar from 2002 to 2008, along with severe short-term fluctuations, a 3 to 4 per cent movement in the currency appears rather modest. Raising the rate of the Tobin tax would be no solution, as it would begin to impinge upon ‘normal business’. One response to such a situation has been proposed by a German economist, Paul Bernd Spahn. He suggests that a two-tier system is used. On a day-to-day basis, a minimal tax rate, as originally envisaged by Tobin, is charged against each transaction conducted. However, during periods when exchange rates are highly unstable, a tax surcharge is levied. This would be at a far higher rate, and would only be triggered once a currency moved beyond some predetermined band of exchange rate variation. A further problem identified with the Tobin tax concerns the costs of its administration. However, given interlinked com- puter systems and the progressive centralisation of foreign exchange markets, in terms of marketplaces, traders and currencies, effective administration is becoming easier. Most foreign exchange markets are well monitored already and extending such monitoring to include overseeing tax collec- tion would not be overly problematic. Another problem is tax avoidance. For example, the Tobin tax is a tax payable on spot exchange rate transactions. This could encourage people to deal more in futures. Foreign exchange futures are a type of ‘derivative’ that allows people to trade currencies in the future at a price agreed today. These would be far more difficult to monitor, since no currency is exchanged today, and hence more difficult to tax. One solu- tion would be to apply a tax on a notional value of a derivative contract. However, derivatives are an important way through which businesses hedge against future risk. Taxing them might seriously erode their use to a business and damage the derivatives market as a whole, making business more risky. Even with avoidance, however, supporters of the Tobin tax argue that it is still likely to be successful. The main problem is one of political will. Although some countries, such as France, Canada, Belgium, Brazil and Venezuela, have supported the introduction of a
In the mid-1980s, the daily turnover in the world’s foreign exchange markets was approximately $150 billion. By 2013 it had risen to a truly massive $5.3 trillion. But only some 5 per cent of this is used for trade in goods and services. With the massive growth in speculative flows, it is hardly surprising that this can cause great currency instability and financial crises at times of economic uncertainty. Global finan- cial markets have often been decisive in both triggering and intensifying economic crises. The ERM crisis in 1992, the Mexi- can peso crisis in 1994, the South East Asian crisis in 1997, the Russian rouble meltdown in 1998, the crisis in Argentina in 2001–2 and the currency instability of 2008–9 in the wake of the credit crunch are the most significant in a long list. The main issue is one of volatility of exchange rates. If cur- rency markets responded to shifts in economic fundamentals, then currency volatility would not be so bad. However, it is increasingly the case that vast quantities of money flow around the global economy purely speculatively, with the herd instinct often driving speculative waves. Invariably, given the volume of speculative flows, exchange rates over- shoot their natural equilibrium, intensifying the distortions created. Such currency movements are a huge destabilising force, not just for individual economies but for the global economy as a whole. So is there anything countries can do to reduce destabilising speculation? One suggestion is the introduction of a Tobin tax.
The Tobin tax Writing in 1972, James Tobin proposed a system for reducing exchange rate volatility without fundamentally impeding the operation of the market. This involved the imposition of an international tax of some 0.1 to 0.5 per cent payable on all spot or cash exchange rate transactions. He argued that this would make currency trading more costly and would there- fore reduce the volume of destabilising short-term financial flows, which would invariably lead to greater exchange rate stability. Tobin’s original proposal suggested that the tax rate would need to be very low so as not to affect ‘normal business’. Even if it was very low, speculators working on small margins would be dissuaded from regular movements of money, given that the tax would need to be paid per transaction. If a tax rate of 0.2 per cent was set, speculators who moved a sum of money once a day would face a yearly tax bill of approximately 50 per cent. An investor working on a weekly movement of money would pay tax of 10 per cent per annum, and a monthly move- ment of currency would represent a tax of 2.4 per cent for the year. Given that 40 per cent of currency transactions have only a two-day time horizon, and 80 per cent a time horizon of fewer than seven days, such a tax would clearly operate to dampen speculative currency movements. In addition to moderating volatility and speculation, the Tobin tax might yield other benefits. It would, in the face of globalisation, restore to the nation state an element of con- trol over monetary policy. In the face of declining governance over international forces, this might be seen as a positive advantage of the Tobin proposals. The tax could also generate significant revenue. Estimates range from $150 to $300 billion annually. Many of the world’s ▲
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■ ‘Soft buffers’. Governments would not be forced to inter- vene at the 10 per cent mark or at some specified fraction of it. In fact, from time to time the rate might be allowed to move outside the bands. The point is that the closer the rate approached the band limits, the greater would be the scale of intervention.
T h i s s y s t e m h a s t w o m a i n a d v a n t a g e s . F i r s t , t h e exchange rate would stay at roughly the equilibrium level, and therefore the likelihood of large-scale devaluation or revaluation, and with it the opportunities for large-scale speculative gains, would be small. The reason why the nar- row-banded ERM broke down in 1992 and 1993 was that the central parities were not equilibrium rates.
Second, the wider bands would leave countries freer to follow an independent monetary policy: one that could therefore respond to domestic needs.
The main problem with the system is that it may not allow an independent monetary policy. If the rate of
exchange has to be maintained within the zone, then mon- etary policy may sometimes have to be used for that pur- pose rather than controlling inflation.
Nevertheless, crawling bands have been used relatively successfully by various countries, such as Chile and Israel over quite long periods of time. What is more, in 1999, Germany’s finance minister at the time, Oskar Lafontaine, argued that they might be appropriate for the euro relative to the dollar and yen. A world with three major currencies, each changing gently against the other two in an orderly way, has a lot to com- mend it.
high-frequency traders (HFTs) and their activities now account for the majority of trading on exchanges. Most of these trades are by computers programmed to seek out min- ute gains and respond in milliseconds. And whilst they add to short-term liquidity for much of the time, this liquidity can suddenly dry up if HFTs become pessimistic. Supporters of the tax claim that it will make a major contribu- tion to tackling the deficit problems of many eurozone coun- tries. The Commission estimates that revenues will be around €30 billion to €35 billion, or 0.4 to 0.5 per cent of the GDP of the participating member states. The UK government remains opposed to such a tax, unless globally adopted, fearing that the UK’s large financial ser- vices sector would suffer. Critics claim that it will dampen investment and growth and divert financial business away from the participating countries. The implementation of the FTT was subsequently delayed, partly over concerns about the legality of the central plank of the tax: that it must be paid if one of the counterparties to the trade is based in one of the participating counties. Delays arose too as discussions continued among the 11 participat- ing member states over the details of the tax, including its scope and the distribution of revenues. These discussions led, in December 2015, to Estonia declaring it would no longer be one of the countries introducing the tax. Nonethe- less, the remaining participants voiced their hope that a final decision on the implementation of the FTT could be made during 2016.
George Soros, multi-millionaire currency speculator, has referred to global capital markets as being like a wrecking ball rather than a pendulum, suggesting that such markets are becoming so volatile that they are damaging to all concerned, including speculators. What might lead Soros to such an observation?
Tobin tax, most of the major economies are opposed to it. With reservations being expressed by the IMF, any concerted international action to control global financial movements will be difficult to put on the agenda, let alone put in place and administer.
Financial transactions tax (FT T ) In 2009, Adair Turner, chairman of the Financial Services Authority, the UK’s financial sector regulator at the time, proposed the possible use of Tobin taxes to curb destabilising financial transactions. This was met with criticism from many bankers that the tax would be unworkable at a global level and if applied solely to the UK would divert financial business away from London. Despite international opinion on the imposition of a finan- cial transactions tax remaining divided, the European Commission favours an FTT. In February 2013, the European Commission tabled a proposal for a Directive which, once passed, will allow participating countries to transpose the directive into national law. The proposals were broadly sup- ported by 11 countries – France, Germany, Austria, Belgium, Estonia, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia and Spain. The FTT is to apply whenever at least one of the parties to a trade is based in one of the participating countries. With a rate of 0.1 per cent on trading in bonds and shares and 0.01 per cent on trading in derivatives, the tax is designed to be too small to affect trading in shares or other finan- cial products for purposes of long-term investment. It would, however, dampen speculative trades that take advantage of tiny potential gains from very short-term price movements. Such trades account for huge financial flows between finan- cial institutions around the world and tend to make markets more volatile. The short-term dealers are known as
Pause for thought
Would the Williamson system allow countries to follow a totally independent monetary policy?
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SUMMARY
1a The more open the world economy, the more effect changes in economic conditions in one part of the world economy will have on world economic performance.
1b Changes in aggregate demand in one country will affect the amount of imports purchased and thus the amount of exports sold by other countries and hence their GDP. There is thus an international trade multiplier effect.
1c Changes in interest rates in one country will affect finan- cial flows to and from other countries, and hence their exchange rates, interest rates and GDP.
2a Currency fluctuations can be lessened if countries har- monise their economic policies. Ideally this will involve achieving common growth rates, inflation rates, balance of payments and government deficits (as a percentage of GDP) and interest rates. The attempt to harmonise one of these goals, however, may bring conflicts with one of the other goals.
2b Leaders of the G7 and G20 countries meet regularly to discuss ways of harmonising their policies. Usually, however, domestic issues are more important to the leaders than international ones, and frequently they pursue policies that are not in the interests of the other countries.
3a One means of achieving greater currency stability is for a group of countries to peg their internal exchange rates and yet float jointly with the rest of the world. The exchange rate mechanism of the EU (ERM) was an example. Members’ currencies were allowed to fluctuate against other member currencies within a band. The band was ±2.25 per cent for the majority of the ERM countries until 1993.
3b The need for realignments seemed to have diminished in the late 1980s as greater convergence was achieved between the members’ economies. Growing strains in the system, however, in the early 1990s, led to a crisis in September 1992. The UK and Italy left the ERM. There was a further crisis in July 1993 and the bands were wid- ened to ±15 per cent.
3c Thereafter, as convergence of the economies of ERM members increased, fluctuations decreased and remained largely within ±2.25 per cent.
3d The ERM was seen as an important first stage on the road to complete economic and monetary union (EMU) in the EU.
3e The Maastricht Treaty set out a timetable for achieving EMU. This would culminate with the creation of a cur- rency union: a single European currency with a common monetary policy operated by an independent European Central Bank.
3f The euro was born on 1 January 1999. Twelve countries adopted it, having at least nominally met the Maastricht convergence criteria. Euro notes and coins were intro- duced on 1 January 2002, with the notes and coins of the old currencies withdrawn a few weeks later.
3g The advantages claimed for EMU are that it eliminates the costs of converting currencies and the uncertainties associated with possible changes in former inter-EU exchange rates. This encourages more investment, both inward and by domestic firms. What is more, a common central bank, independent from domestic governments, will provide the stable monetary environment necessary for a convergence of the EU economies and the encour- agement of investment and inter-Union trade.
3h Critics claim, however, that it might make adjustment to domestic economic problems more difficult. The loss of independence in policy making is seen by such people to be a major issue, not only because of the loss of political sovereignty, but also because domestic economic concerns may be at variance with those of the Union as a whole. A single monetary policy is claimed to be inappropriate for dealing with asymmetric shocks. What is more, countries and regions at the periphery of the Union may become depressed unless there is an effective regional policy.
4a Many economists argue that, with the huge flows of short-term finance across the foreign exchanges, govern- ments are forced to adopt one of two extreme forms of exchange rate regime: free floating or being a member of a currency union.
4b If financial flows could be constrained, however, exchange rates could be stabilised somewhat.
4c Forms of control include: quantitative controls, a tax on exchange transactions (a Tobin tax) and non-inter- est-bearing deposits of a certain percentage of capital inflows with the central bank. Such controls can dampen speculation, but may discourage capital flowing to where it has a higher marginal productivity.
4d An alternative means of stabilising exchange rates is to have exchange rate target zones. Here exchange rates are allowed to fluctuate within broad bands around a central parity which is adjusted to the fundamental equi- librium rate in a gradual fashion.
4e The advantage of this system is that, by keeping the exchange rate at roughly its equilibrium level, destabilising speculation is avoided, and yet there is some freedom for governments to pursue an independent monetary policy. Monetary policy, however, may still from time to time have to be used to keep the exchange rate within the bands.
MyEconLab This book can be supported by MyEconLab, which contains a range of additional resources, including an online homework and tutorial system designed to test and build your understanding. You need both an access card and a course ID to access MyEconLab: 1. Is your lecturer using MyEconLab? Ask your lecturer for your course ID. 2. Has an access card been included with the book at a reduced cost? Check the inside back cover of the book. 3. If you have a course ID but no access card, go to: http://www.myeconlab.com/ to buy access to this interactive study
programme.
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W E B R E F E R E N C E S 6 3 7
REVIEW QUESTIONS
1 What are the implications for a country attempting to manage its domestic economy if it is subject to an inter- national business cycle? How might it attempt to over- come such problems?
2 What are the economic (as opposed to political) diffi- culties in achieving an international harmonisation of economic policies so as to avoid damaging currency fluctuations?
3 To what extent can international negotiations over eco- nomic policy be seen as a game of strategy? Are there any parallels between the behaviour of countries and the behaviour of oligopolies?
4 What are the causes of exchange rate volatility? Have these problems become greater or lesser in the last ten years? Explain why.
5 Why did the ERM with narrow bands collapse in 1993? Could this have been avoided?
6 Did the exchange rate difficulties experienced by coun- tries under the ERM strengthen or weaken the arguments for progressing to a single European currency?
7 By what means would a depressed country in an economic union with a single currency be able to recover? Would the market provide a satisfactory solution or would (union) government intervention be necessary? If so, what form would the intervention take?
8 Is the eurozone likely to be an optimal currency area now? Is it more or less likely to be so over time? Explain your answer.
9 Assume that just some of the members of a common mar- ket like the EU adopt full economic and monetary union, including a common currency. What are the advantages and disadvantages to those members joining the full EMU and to those not joining?
10 Assess the difficulties in attempting to control exchange transactions. Might such a policy restrict the level of trade?
11 Would the Williamson system allow countries to follow a totally independent monetary policy?
12 If the euro were in a crawling peg system against the dollar, what implications would this have for the ECB in sticking to its inflation target of no more than 2 per cent?
K.1 The national debt. This explores the question of whether it matters if a country has a high national debt.
K.2 Trends in public expenditure. This case examines attempts to control public expenditure in the UK and relates them to the crowding-out debate.
K.3 The crowding-out effect. The circumstances in which an increase in public expenditure can replace private expenditure.
K.4 Any more G and T? Did the Code for Fiscal Stability mean that the UK government balanced its books? An examination of the evidence.
K.5 Discretionary fiscal policy in Japan. How the Japanese government used fiscal policy on various occasions throughout the 1990s and early 2000s in an attempt to bring the economy out of recession.
K.6 Central banking and monetary policy in the USA. This case examines how the Fed conducts monetary policy.
K.7 Goodhart’s Law. An examination of Key Idea 44. K.8 Should central banks be independent of government?
An examination of the arguments for and against independent central banks.
K.9 Monetary targeting: its use around the world. An expanded version of Box 30.4.
K.10 Interest rate responses and the financial crisis of 2007/8. A comparison of the policy responses of the Fed, the ECB and the Bank of England to the credit crunch.
K.11 Using interest rates to control both aggregate demand and the exchange rate. A problem of one instrument and two targets.
ADDITIONAL PART K CASE STUDIES IN THE ECONOMICS FOR BUSINESS MyEconLab (www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman)
K.12 Fiscal and monetary policy in the UK. An historical overview of UK fiscal and monetary policy.
K.13 The USA: is it a ‘new economy’? An examination of whether US productivity increases are likely to be sustained.
K.14 Welfare to work. An examination of the policy of the UK Labour government whereby welfare payments are designed to encourage people into employment.
K.15 Assessing PFI. Has this been the perfect solution to funding investment for the public sector without raising taxes?
K.16 Alternative approaches to training and education. This compares the approaches to training and education – a crucial element in supply-side policy – in the UK, France, Germany and the USA.
K.17 Assistance to small firms in the UK. An examination of current government measures to assist small firms.
K.18 The modern approach to industrial policy. An analysis of the changing role of government in industrial policy.
K.19 Attempts at harmonisation. A look at the meetings of the G7 economies where they attempt to come to agreement on means of achieving stable and sustained worldwide economic growth.
K.20 The UK Labour government’s convergence criteria for euro membership. An examination of the five tests identified as needing to be passed before the question of euro membership would have been put to the electorate in a referendum.
K.21 Balance of trade and the public finances. An examination of countries’ budget and balance of trade balances.
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6 3 8 C H A P T E R 3 2 I N T E R N A T I O N A L E C O N O M I C P O L I C Y
WEBSITES RELEVANT TO PART K
Numbers and sections refer to websites listed in the Web appendix and hotlinked from this book’s website at www.pearsoned.co.uk/sloman
■ For news articles relevant to Part K, see the Economics News Articles link from the book’s website.
■ For general news on macroeconomic policy, see websites in section A, and particularly A1–5, 7–9. See also links to newspapers worldwide in A38, 39 and 43, and the news search feature in Google at A41.
■ For information on UK fiscal policy and government borrowing, see sites E18, 30, 36; F2. See also sites A1–8 at Budget time. For fiscal policy in the eurozone, see sites G1 and 13.
■ For a model of the economy (based on the Treasury model), see The Virtual Chancellor (site D1).
■ For monetary policy in the UK, see F1 and E30. For monetary policy in the eurozone, see F6 and 5. For monetary policy in the USA, see F8. For monetary policy in other countries, see the respective central bank site in section F.
■ For links to sites on money and monetary policy, see the Financial Economics sections in I8, 11, 14, 16.
■ For demand-side policy in the UK, see the latest Budget Report (e.g. section on maintaining macroeconomic stability) at site E30. See also site E18.
■ For inflation targeting in the UK and eurozone, see sites F1 and 6.
■ For the current approach to UK supply-side policy, see the latest Budget Report (e.g. sections on productivity and training) at site E30. See also sites E5 and 9. For EU supply-side policy, see sites G5, 7, 9, 12, 14, 19.
■ For information on training in the UK and Europe, see sites E5, 10; G5, 14.
■ For support for a market-orientated approach to supply-side policy, see C17 and E34.
■ For European Union policies, see sites G1, 3, 6, 16, 17, 18.
■ For information on international harmonisation, see sites H4 and 5.
■ For student resources relevant to Part K, see sites C1–7, 9, 10, 12, 13, 19.
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All the following websites can be accessed from the home page of this book’s own website (www.pearsoned.co.uk/ sloman). When you enter the site, click on Hotlinks button. You will find all the following sites listed. Click on the one you want and the ‘hotlink’ will take you straight to it.
The sections and numbers below refer to the ones used in the web references at the end of each Part of the text. Thus if the reference were to A21, this would refer to the Moneyextra site.
A General news sources As the title of this section implies, websites here can be used for finding material on current news issues or tapping into news archives. Most archives are offered free of charge. However, some do require you to register. As well as key UK and American sources, you will also notice some slightly different places from where you can get your news, such as the Moscow Times and Kyodo News (from Japan). Check out site numbers 38. Refdesk, 43. Guardian World News Guide and 44. Online Newspapers for links to newspapers across the world. Try searching for an article on a particular topic by using site number 41. Google News Search.
1. BBC news 2. The Economist 3. The Financial Times 4. The Guardian 5. The Independent 6. ITN 7. The Observer 8. The Telegraph 9. Aljazeera 10. The New York Times 11. Fortune 12. Time Magazine 13. The Washington Post 14. Moscow Times (English) 15. Pravda (English) 16. Straits Times (Singapore) 17. New Straits Times (Malaysia) 18. The Scotsman 19. The Herald 20. Euromoney 21. Moneyextra 22. Market News International
23. Bloomberg Businessweek 24. International Business Times 25. CNN Money 26. Vox (economic analysis and commentary) 27. Asia News Network 28. allAfrica.com 29. Greek News Sources (English) 30. Kyodo News: Japan (English) 31. Euronews 32. Australian Financial Review 33. Sydney Morning Herald 34. Japan Times 35. Reuters 36. Bloomberg 37. David Smith’s Economics UK.com 38. Refdesk (links to a whole range of news sources) 39. Newspapers and Magazines on the World Wide Web 40. Yahoo News Search 41. Google News Search 42. ABYZ News Links 43. Guardian World News Guide 44. Onlinenewspapers
B Sources of economic and business data Using websites to find up-to-date data is of immense value to the economist. The data sources below offer you a range of specialist and non-specialist data information. Universities have free access to the UK Data Service site (site 35 in this set), which is a huge database of statistics. Site 34 in this set, the Treasury Pocket Data Bank, is a very useful source of key UK and world statistics, and is updated monthly. It down- loads as an Excel file. The Economics Network’s Economic data freely available online (site 1) gives links to various sections in over 40 UK and international sites.
1. Economics Network gateway to economic data 2. UK Office for Budget Responsibility 3. National Statistics 4. Data Archive (Essex) 5. Bank of England Statistical Database 6. Economic Resources (About) 7. Nationwide House Prices Site 8. House Web (data on housing market) 9. Economist global house price data 10. Halifax House Price Index
Web appendix
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11. House price indices from ONS 12. Penn World Table 13. Economist economic and financial indicators 14. FT market data 15. Economagic 16. Groningen Growth and Development Centre 17. AEAweb: Resources for economists on the Internet
(RFE): data 18. Joseph Rowntree Foundation 19. Intute: Economics resources (archive site) 20. Energy Information Administration 21. OECD Statistics (OECD.Stat) 22. CIA world statistics site (World Factbook) 23. Millennium Development Goals Indicators database
(UN) 24. World Bank statistics 25. Federal Reserve Bank of St Louis, US Economic Datasets
(FRED) 26. Ministry of Economy Trade and Industry ( Japan) 27. Financial data from Yahoo 28. DataMarket 29. Index Mundi 30. Oanda Currency Converter 31. World Economic Outlook Database (IMF) 32. Telegraph shares and markets 33. OFFSTATS links to data sets 34. Treasury Pocket Data Bank (source of UK and world
economic data) 35. UK Data Service (incorporating ESDS) 36. BBC News, market data 37. NationMaster 38. Statistical Annex of the European Economy 39. Business and Consumer Surveys (all EU countries) 40. Gapminder 41. WebEc Economics Data 42. WTO International Trade Statistics database 43. UNCTAD trade, investment and development statistics
(UNCTADstat) 44. London Metal Exchange 45. Bank for International Settlements, global nominal
and real effective exchange rate indices 46. EconStats from EconomyWatch 47. AMECO database
C Sites for students and teachers of economics The following websites offer useful ideas and resources to those who are studying or teaching economics. It is worth browsing through some just to see what is on offer. Try out the first four sites, for starters. The Internet for Economists (site 8) is a very helpful tutorial for economics students on mak- ing best use of the Internet for studying the subject.
1. The Economics Network 2. Reaching Resources for Undergraduate Economics
(TRUE)
3. Ecedweb 4. Studying Economics 5. Economics and Business Education Association 6. Tutor2U 7. Council for Economic Education 8. Internet for Economics (tutorial on using the Web) 9. Econoclass: Resources for economics teachers 10. Teaching resources for economists (RFE) 11. METAL – Mathematics for Economics: enhancing
Teaching And Learning 12. Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco: Economics
Education 13. Excel in Economics Teaching 14. WebEc resources 15. Dr. T’s EconLinks: Teaching Resources 16. Online Opinion (Economics) 17. The Idea Channel 18. History of Economic Thought 19. Resources For Economists on the Internet (RFE) 20. Classroom Expernomics 21. Bank of England education resources 22. Why Study Economics? 23. Economic Classroom Experiments 24. Veconlab: Charles Holt’s classroom experiments 25. Embedding Threshold Concepts 26. MIT Open Courseware in Economics 27. EconPort
D Economic models and simulations Economic modelling is an important aspect of economic analysis. There are several sites that offer access to a model for you to use, e.g. Virtual Chancellor (where you can play being Chancellor of the Exchequer). Using such models can be a useful way of finding out how economic theory works within a specific environment. Other sites link to games and experiments, where you can play a particular role, perhaps competing with other students.
1. Virtual Chancellor 2. Virtual factory 3. Interactive simulation models (Economics Web
Institute) 4. About.com Economics 5. Classic Economic Models 6. Economics Network Handbook, chapter on simula-
tions, games and role-play 7. Classroom Experiments, Internet Experiments, and
Internet Simulations 8. Simulations 9. Experimental economics: Wikipedia 10. Software available on the Economics Network site 11. RFE Software 12. Virtual Worlds 13. Veconlab: Charles Holt’s classroom experiments 14. EconPort Experiments
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15. Denise Hazlett’s Classroom Experiments in Macro- economics
16. Games Economists Play 17. Finance and Economics Experimental Laboratory at
Exeter (FEELE) 18. Classroom Expernomics 19. The Economics Network’s Guide to Classroom
Experiments and Games 20. Economic Classroom Experiments (Wikiversity)
E UK Government and UK Organisations’ sites If you want to see what a government department is up to, then look no further than the list below. Government departments’ websites are an excellent source of information and data. They are particularly good at offering information on current legislation and policy initiatives.
1. Gateway site (GOV.UK) 2. Department for Communities and Local Government 3. Prime Minister’s Office 4. Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) 5. Department for Education 6. Department for International Development 7. Department for Transport 8. Department of Health 9. Department for Work and Pensions 10. Department for Business, Innovation and Skills 11. Environment Agency 12. Department of Energy and Climate Change 13. Low Pay Commission 14. Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs
(DEFRA) 15. Office of Communications (Ofcom) 16. Office of Gas and Electricity Markets (Ofgem) 17. Official Documents OnLine 18. Office for Budget Responsibility 19. Office of Rail and Road (ORR) 20. The Takeover Panel 21. Sustainable Development Commission 22. OFWAT 23. Office for National Statistics (ONS) 24. List of ONS releases from UK Data Explorer 25. HM Revenue and Customs 26. UK Intellectual Property Office 27. Parliament website 28. Scottish Government 29. Scottish Environment Protection Agency 30. HM Treasury 31. Equality and Human Rights Commission 32. Trades Union Congress (TUC) 33. Confederation of British Industry 34. Adam Smith Institute 35. Chatham House 36. Institute for Fiscal Studies
37. Advertising Standards Authority 38. Businesses and Self-employed 39. Campaign for Better Transport 40. New Economics Foundation 41. Financial Conduct Authority 42. Prudential Regulation Authority
F Sources of monetary and financial data As the title suggests, here is a list of useful websites for find- ing information on financial matters. You will see that the list comprises mainly central banks, both within Europe and further afield.
1. Rank of England 2. Bank of England Monetary and Financial Statistics 3. Banque de France (in English) 4. Bundesbank (German central bank) (in English) 5. Central Bank of Ireland 6. European Central Bank 7. Eurostat 8. US Federal Reserve Bank 9. Netherlands Central Bank (in English) 10. Bank of Japan (in English) 11. Reserve Bank of Australia 12. Bank Negara Malaysia (in English) 13. Monetary Authority of Singapore 14. Bank of Canada 15. National Bank of Denmark (in English) 16. Reserve Bank of India 17. Links to central banks from the Bank for International
Settlements 18. The London Stock Exchange
G European Union and related sources For information on European issues, the following is a wide range of useful sites. The sites maintained by the European Union are an excellent source of information and are pro- vided free of charge.
1. Economic and Financial Affairs (EC DG) 2. European Central Bank 3. EU official Website 4. Eurostat 5. Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion
(EC DG) 6. Booklets on the EU 7. Internal Market, Industry, Entrepreneurship and
SMEs (EC DG) 8. Competition (EC DG) 9. Agriculture and Rural Development (EC DC) 10. Energy (EC DG) 11. Environment (EC DG) 12. Regional Policy (EC DG) 13. Taxation and Customs Union (EC DG) 14. Education and Culture (EC DG)
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15. European Patent Office 16. European Commission 17. European Parliament 18. European Council 19. Mobility and Transport (EC DG) 20. Trade (EC DG) 21. Internal Market and Services (EC DG) 22. International Cooperation and Development
(EC DG) 23. Banking and Finance (EC DG)
H International organisations This section casts its net beyond Europe and lists the Web addresses of the main international organisations in the global economy. You will notice that some sites are run by charities, such as Oxfam, while others represent organisa- tions set up to manage international affairs, such as the International Monetary Fund and the United Nations.
1. Food and Agriculture Organization 2. United National Conference on Trade and
Development (UNCTAD) 3. International Labour Organization (ILO) 4. International Monetary Fund (IMF) 5. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development (OECD) 6. OPEC 7. World Bank 8. World Health Organization 9. United Nations 10. United Nations Industrial Development Organisation 11. Friends of the Earth 12. Institute of International Finance 13. Oxfam 14. Christian Aid (reports on development issues) 15. European Bank for Reconstruction and Development
(EBRD) 16. World Trade Organization (WTO) 17. United Nations Development Programme 18. UNICEF 19. EURODAD – European Network on Debt and
Development 20. NAFTA 21. South American free trade areas 22. ASEAN 23. APEC
I Economics search and link sites If you are having difficulty finding what you want from the list of sites above, the following sites offer links to other sites and are a very useful resource when you are looking for something a little bit more specialist. Once again, it is worth having a look at what these sites have to offer in order to judge their usefulness.
1. Gateway for UK official sites 2. Alta Plana 3. Data Archive Search 4. Inomics (search engine for economics information) 5. RePEc bibliographic database 6. Estima: Links to economics resources sites 7. Portal sites with links to other sites (Economics Network) 8. WebEc 9. One World (link to economic development sites) 10. Economic development sites (list) from OneWorld.net 11. DMOZ Open Directory: Economics 12. Web links for economists from the Economics Network 13. EconData.net 14. OFFSTATS links to data sets 15. Excite Economics links 16. Internet Resources for Economists 17. National Association of Business Economics links 18. Resources for Economists on the Internet 19. UK university economics departments 20. Economics education links 21. Development Gateway Foundation 22. Find the Data
J Internet search engines The following search engines have been found to be useful.
1. Google 2. Bing 3. Whoosh UK 4. Excite 5. Zanran (search engine for data and statistics) 6. Search.com 7. MSN 8. Economics Search Engine from RFE 9. Yahoo 10. Ask 11. Kartoo 12. Blinkx (for videos and audio podcasts)
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1. The behaviour and performance of firms is affected by the business environment. The business environ- ment includes economic, political/legal, social/cul- tural and technological factors (page 10).
2. Scarcity is the excess of human wants over what can actually be produced. Because of scarcity, various choices have to be made between alternatives (page 18).
3. The opportunity cost of something is what you give up to get it/do it. In other words, it is cost measured in terms of the best alternative forgone (page 23).
4. Rational decision making involves weighing up the marginal benefit and marginal cost of any activity. If the marginal benefit exceeds the marginal cost, it is rational to do the activity (or to do more of it). If the marginal cost exceeds the marginal benefit, it is ratio- nal not to do it (or to do less of it) (page 25).
5. Transactions costs. The costs incurred when firms buy inputs or services from other firms as opposed to pro- ducing them themselves. They include the costs of searching for the best firm to do business with, the costs of drawing up, monitoring and enforcing con- tracts and the costs of transporting and handling prod- ucts between the firms. These costs should be weighed against the benefits of outsourcing through the market (page 36).
6. The nature of institutions and organisations is likely to influence behaviour. There are various forces influencing people’s decisions in complex organisa- tions. Assumptions that an organisation will follow one simple objective (e.g. short-run profit maximisa- tion) is thus too simplistic in many cases (page 37).
7. The principal-agent problem. Where people (princi- pals), as a result of a lack of knowledge, cannot ensure that their best interests are served by their agents. Agents may take advantage of this situation to the dis- advantage of the principals (page 38).
8. Good decision making requires good information. Where information is poor, or poorly used, decisions and their outcomes may be poor. This may be the result of bounded rationality (page 42).
9. People respond to incentives. It is important, there- fore, that incentives are appropriate and have the desired effect (page 51).
10. Changes in demand or supply cause markets to adjust. Whenever such changes occur, the resulting ‘disequilibrium’ will bring an automatic change in prices, thereby restoring equilibrium (i.e. a balance of demand and supply) (page 52).
11. Equilibrium is the point where conflicting interests are balanced. Only at this point is the amount that demanders are willing to purchase the same as the amount that suppliers are willing to supply. It is a point which will be automatically reached in a free market through the operation of the price mechanism (page 59).
12. Elasticity. The responsiveness of one variable (e.g. demand) to a change in another (e.g. price). This con- cept is fundamental to understanding how markets work. The more elastic variables are, the more respon- sive is the market to changing circumstances (page 68).
13. People’s actions are influenced by their expecta- tions. People respond not just to what is happening now (such as a change in price), but to what they antic- ipate will happen in the future (page 78).
14. People’s actions are influenced by their attitudes towards risk. Many decisions are taken under condi- tions of risk or uncertainty. Generally, the lower the probability of (or the more uncertain) the desired out- come of an action, the less likely will people be to undertake the action (page 82).
15. The principle of diminishing marginal utility. The more of a product a person consumes over a given period of time, the less will be the additional utility gained from one more unit (page 91).
16. Adverse selection. Where information is imperfect, high-risk groups will be attracted to profitable market opportunities to the disadvantage of the average buyer (or seller). In the context of insurance, it refers to those who are most likely to take out insurance posing the greatest risks to the insurer (page 99).
17. Moral hazard. Following a deal, there is an increased likelihood that one party will engage in problematic (immoral and hazardous) behaviour to the detriment of another. In the context of insurance, it refers to people taking more risks when they have insurance (page 100).
18. The ‘bygones’ principle states that sunk (fixed) costs should be ignored when deciding whether to produce
Key ideas
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or sell more or less of a product. Only variable costs should be taken into account (page 141).
19. Output depends on the amount of resources and how they are used. Different amounts and combinations of inputs will lead to different amounts of output. If output is to be produced efficiently, then inputs should be com- bined in the optimum proportions (page 142).
20. The law of diminishing marginal returns. When increasing amounts of a variable factor are used with a given amount of a fixed factor, there will come a point when each extra unit of the variable factor will produce less extra output than the previous unit (page 142).
21. Market power benefits the powerful at the expense of others. When firms have market power over prices, they can use this to raise prices and profits above the perfectly competitive level. Other things being equal, the firm will gain at the expense of the consumer. Similarly, if consumers or workers have market power, they can use this to their own benefit (page 175).
22. Economic efficiency is achieved when each good is produced at the minimum cost and where consumers get maximum benefit from their income (page 181).
23. People often think and behave strategically. How you think others will respond to your actions is likely to influence your own behaviour. Firms, for example, when considering a price or product change will often take into account the likely reactions of their rivals (page 197).
24. Nash equilibrium. The position resulting from every- one making their optimal decision based on their assumptions about their rivals’ decisions. Without col- lusion, there is no incentive for any firm to move from this position (page 206).
25. Core competencies. The key skills of a business that underpin its competitive advantage. A core compe- tence is valuable, rare, costly to imitate and nonsubsti- tutable. Firms will normally gain from exploiting their core competencies (page 226).
26. Flexible firm. A firm that has the flexibility to respond to changing market conditions by changing the com- position of its workforce and its working practices (page 317).
27. Stocks and flows. A stock is a quantity of something at a given point in time. A flow is an increase or decrease in something over a specified period of time. This is an important distinction and a common cause of confu- sion (page 322).
28. The principle of discounting. People generally prefer to have benefits today than in the future. Thus future benefits have to be reduced (discounted) to give them a present value (page 325).
29. Efficient capital markets. Capital markets are efficient when the prices of shares accurately reflect information about companies’ current and expected future performance (page 336).
30. Allocative efficiency in any activity is achieved where any reallocation would lead to a decline in net benefit. It is achieved where marginal benefit equals marginal cost. Private efficiency is achieved where marginal pri- vate benefit equals marginal private cost (MB = MC). Social efficiency is achieved where marginal social benefit equals marginal social cost (MSB = MSC) (page 343).
31. Markets generally fail to achieve social efficiency. There are various types of market failure. Market fail- ures provide one of the major justifications for govern- ment intervention in the economy (page 343).
32. Equity is where income is distributed in a way that is considered to be fair or just. Note that an equitable distribution is not the same as a totally equal distribu- tion and that different people have different views on what is equitable (page 343).
33. Externalities are spillover costs or benefits. Where these exist, even an otherwise perfect market will fail to achieve social efficiency (page 345).
34. The free-rider problem. People are often unwilling to pay for things if they can make use of things other people have bought. This problem can lead to people not purchasing things which would be to the benefit of them and other members of society to have (page 353).
35. The problem of time lags. Many economic actions can take a long time to take effect. This can cause prob- lems of instability and an inability of the economy to achieve social efficiency (page 354).
36. Government intervention may be able to rectify various failings of the market. Government interven- tion in the market can be used to achieve various eco- nomic objectives which may not be best achieved by the market. Governments, however, are not perfect, and their actions may bring adverse as well as beneficial consequences (page 354).
37. The law of comparative advantage. Provided oppor- tunity costs of various goods differ in two countries, both of them can gain from mutual trade if they spe- cialise in producing (and exporting) those goods that have relatively low opportunity costs compared with the other country (page 444).
38. Economies suffer from inherent instability. As a result, economic growth and other macroeconomic indicators tend to fluctuate (page 470).
39. Balance sheets affect peoples’ behaviour. The size and structure of governments’, institutions’ and indi- viduals’ liabilities (and assets too) affect economic wellbeing and can have significant effects on behaviour and economic activity.
40. Societies face trade-offs between economic objec- tives. For example, the goal of faster growth may conflict with that of greater equality; the goal of lower unem- ployment may conflict with that of lower inflation (at least in the short run). This is an example of opportunity
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cost: the cost of achieving more of one objective may be achieving less of another. The existence of trade-offs means that policy-makers must make choices (page 471).
41. Living standards are limited by a country’s ability to produce. Potential national output depends on the country’s resources, technology and productivity (page 471).
42. The distinction between nominal and real figures. Nominal figures are those using current prices, interest
rates, etc. Real figures are figures corrected for inflation (page 485).
43. The principle of cumulative causation. An initial event can cause an ultimate effect which is much larger (page 547).
44. Goodhart’s Law. Controlling a symptom (i.e. an indi- cator) of a problem will not cure the problem. Instead, the indicator will merely cease to be a good indicator of the problem (page 599).
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Absolute advantage A country has an absolute advant age over another in the production of a good if it can produce it with less resources than the other country.
Accelerationist theory The theory that unemployment can only be reduced below the natural rate at the cost of accelerating inflation.
Accelerator theory The level of investment depends on the rate of change of national income, and the result tends to be subject to substantial fluctuations.
Actual growth The percentage annual increase in national output actually produced.
Ad valorem tariffs Tariffs levied as a percentage of the price of the import.
Adjustable peg A system whereby exchange rates are fixed for a period of time, but may be devalued (or revalued) if a deficit (or surplus) becomes substantial.
Adverse selection Where information is imperfect, high risk groups will be attracted to profitable market opportunities to the disadvantage of the average buyer (or seller).
Advertising/sales ratio A ratio that reflects the intensity of advertising within a market.
Aggregate demand (AD) Total spending on goods and services made in the economy. It consists of four ele- ments, consumer spending (C), investment (I ), govern- ment spending (G) and the expenditure on exports (X ), less any expenditure on foreign goods and services (M): AD = C + I + G + X - M.
Aggregate demand for labour curve A curve showing the total demand for labour in the economy at different average real wage rates.
Aggregate supply The total amount of output in the economy.
Aggregate supply of labour curve A curve showing the total number of people willing and able to work at different average real wage rates.
Allocative efficiency A situation where the current com- bination of goods produced and sold gives the maximum satisfaction for each consumer at their current levels of income.
Ambient-based standards Pollution control that requires firms to meet minimum standards for the environment (e.g. air or water quality).
Appreciation A rise in the free-market exchange rate of the domestic currency with foreign currencies.
Assets Possessions, or claims held on others.
Assisted areas Areas of high unemployment qualifying for government regional selective assistance (RSA and SFI) and grants from the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF).
Asymmetric information A situation in which one party in an economic relationship knows more than another.
Asymmetric shocks Shocks (such as an oil price increase or a recession in another part of the world) that have dif- ferent-sized effects on different industries, regions or countries.
Average (total) cost (AC) Total cost (fixed plus variable) per unit of output: AC = TC/Q = AFC + AVC.
Average cost pricing Where a firm sets its price by adding a certain percentage for (average) profit on top of average cost.
Average fixed cost (AFC) Total fixed cost per unit of out- put: AFC = TFC/Q.
Average physical product (APP) Total output (TPP) per unit of the variable factor in question: APP = TPP/Qv.
Average revenue Total revenue per unit of output. When all output is sold at the same price, average revenue will be the same as price: AR = TR/Q = P.
Average variable cost (AVC) Total variable cost per unit of output: AVC = TVC/Q.
Balance of payments account A record of the country’s transactions with the rest of the world. It shows the coun- try’s payments to or deposits in other countries (debits) and its receipts or deposits from other countries (credits). It also shows the balance between these debits and credits under various headings.
Balance of payments on current account The balance on trade in goods and services plus net incomes and current transfers.
Balance of trade Exports of goods and services minus imports of goods and services. If exports exceed imports, there is a ‘balance of trade surplus’ (a positive figure). If imports exceed exports, there is a ‘balance of trade defi- cit’ (a negative figure).
Balance on trade in goods and services or balance of trade Exports of goods and services minus imports of goods and services.
Balance on trade in goods or balance of visible trade or merchandise balance Exports of goods minus imports of goods.
Glossary
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Balance sheet recession An economic slowdown or reces- sion caused by private-sector individuals and firms looking to improve their financial well-being by increas- ing their saving and/or paying down debt.
Bank (or bank deposits) multiplier The number of times greater the expansion of bank deposits is than the additional liquidity in banks that caused it 1/L (the inverse of the liquidity ratio).
Barometric firm price leadership Where the price leader is the one whose prices are believed to reflect market con- ditions in the most satisfactory way.
Barometric forecasting A technique used to predict future economic trends based upon analysing patterns of time-series data.
Barter economy An economy where people exchange goods and services directly with one another without any payment of money. Workers would be paid with bundles of goods.
Base year (for index numbers) The year whose index number is set at 100.
Behavioural theories of the firm Theories that attempt to predict the actions of firms by studying the behaviour of various groups of people within the firm and their interactions under conditions of potentially conflicting interests.
Bill of exchange A certificate promising to repay a stated amount on a certain date, typically three months from the issue of the bill. Bills pay no interest as such, but are sold at a discount and redeemed at face value, thereby earning a rate of discount for the purchaser.
Bounded rationality Individuals are limited in their abil- ity to absorb and process information. People think in ways conditioned by their experiences (family, educa- tion, peer groups, etc.).
Broad money Cash in circulation plus retail and whole- sale bank and building society deposits.
Budget deficit The excess of central government’s spend- ing over its tax receipts.
Budget surplus The excess of central government’s tax receipts over its spending.
Business cycle or trade cycle The periodic fluctuations of national output round its long-term trend.
By-product A good or service that is produced as a conse- quence of producing another good or service.
Capital All inputs into production that have them- selves been produced (e.g. factories, machines and tools).
Capital account of the balance of payments The record of transfers of capital to and from abroad.
Capital adequacy ratio The ratio of a bank’s capital (reserves and shares) to its risk-weighted assets.
Cartel A formal collusive agreement. CDOs See collateralised debt obligations. Certificates of deposit Certificates issued by banks for
fixed-term interest-bearing deposits. They can be resold by the owner to another party.
Change in demand The term used for a shift in the demand curve. It occurs when a determinant of demand other than price changes.
Change in supply The term used for a shift in the supply curve. It occurs when a determinant other than price changes.
Change in the quantity demanded The term used for a movement along the demand curve to a new point. It occurs when there is a change in price.
Change in the quantity supplied The term used for a movement along the supply curve to a new point. It occurs when there is a change in price.
Characteristics (or attributes) theory The theory that demonstrates how consumer choice between different varieties of a product depends on the characteristics of these varieties, along with prices of the different varieties, the consumer’s budget and the consumer’s tastes.
Claimant unemployment Those in receipt of unemployment- related benefits.
Closed shop Where a firm agrees to employ only members of a recognised union.
Collateralised debt obligations (CDOs) These are a type of security consisting of a bundle of fixed-income assets, such as corporate bonds, mortgage debt and credit-card debt.
Collusive oligopoly When oligopolists agree (formally or informally) to limit competition between themselves. They may set output quotas, fix prices, limit product pro- motion or development, or agree not to ‘poach’ each other’s markets.
Collusive tendering Where two or more firms secretly agree on the prices they will tender for a contract. These prices will be above those which would be put in under a genuinely competitive tendering process.
Command-and-control (CAC) systems The use of laws or regulations backed up by inspections and penalties (such as fines) for non-compliance.
Command or planned economy An economy where all economic decisions are taken by the central (or local) authorities.
Commercial bill A certificate issued by a firm promising to repay a stated amount on a certain date, typically three months from the issue of the bill. Bills pay no interest as such, but are sold at a discount and redeemed at their face value, thereby earning a rate of discount for the purchaser.
Common market A customs union where the member countries act as a single market with free movement of labour and capital, common taxes and common trade laws.
Comparative advantage A country has a comparative advantage over another in the production of a good if it can produce it at a lower opportunity cost, i.e. if it has to forgo less of other goods in order to produce it.
Competition for corporate control The competition for the control of companies through takeovers.
Complementary goods A pair of goods consumed together. As the price of one goes up, the demand for both goods will fall.
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Compounding The process of adding interest each year to an initial capital sum.
Conglomerate merger Where two firms in different industries merge.
Conglomerate multinational A multinational that pro- duces different products in different countries.
Consortium Where two or more firms work together on a specific project and create a separate company to run the project.
Consumer durable A consumer good that lasts a period of time, during which the consumer can continue gain- ing utility from it.
Consumer prices index (CPI) An index of the prices of goods bought by a typical household.
Consumer surplus The excess of what a person would have been prepared to pay for a good (i.e. the utility mea- sured in money terms) over what that person actually pays. Total consumer surplus equals total utility minus total expenditure.
Consumption The act of using goods and services to sat- isfy wants. This will normally involve purchasing the goods and services.
Consumption externalities Spillover effects on other people of consumers’ consumption.
Consumption of domestically produced goods and services (Cd) The direct flow of money payments from households to firms.
Consumption smoothing The act by households of smoothing their levels of consumption over time despite facing volatile incomes.
Continuous market clearing The assumption that all markets in the economy continuously clear so that the economy is permanently in equilibrium.
Convergence of economies When countries achieve sim- ilar levels of growth, inflation, budget deficits as a per- centage of GDP, balance of payments, etc.
Co-ordination failure When a group of firms (e.g. banks) acting independently could have achieved a more desir- able outcome if they had co-ordinated their decision making.
Core competence The key skills of a business that under- pin its competitive advantage.
Corporate social responsibility Where a firm takes into account the interests and concerns of a community rather than just its shareholders.
Cost–benefit analysis The identification, measurement and weighing-up of the costs and benefits of a project in order to decide whether or not it should go ahead.
Cost-push inflation Inflation caused by persistent rises in costs of production (independently of demand).
Countervailing power When the power of a monopolistic/ oligopolistic seller is offset by powerful buyers who can prevent the price from being pushed up.
Cournot model A model of duopoly where each firm makes its price and output decisions on the assumption that its rival will produce a particular quantity.
Credible threat (or promise) One that is believable to rivals because it is in the threatener’s interests to carry it out.
Cross-price elasticity of demand The responsiveness of demand for one good to a change in the price of another; the proportionate change in demand for one good divided by the proportionate change in price of the other.
Cross-section data Information showing how a variable (e.g. the consumption of eggs) differs between different groups or different individuals at a given time.
Crowding out Where increased public expenditure diverts money or resources away from the private sector.
Currency union A group of countries (or regions) using a common currency.
Current account of the balance of payments The record of a country’s imports and exports of goods and services, plus incomes and transfers of money to and from abroad.
Customs union A free trade area with common external tariffs and quotas.
Deadweight welfare loss The loss of consumer plus producer surplus in imperfect markets (when compared with perfect competition).
Debt/equity ratio The ratio of debt finance to equity finance.
Decision tree (or game tree) A diagram showing the sequence of possible decisions by competitor firms and the outcome of each combination of decisions.
Deflation (definition 1) A period of falling prices: negative inflation.
Deflation (definition 2) A period of falling real aggregate demand. Note that ‘deflation’ is more commonly used nowadays to mean negative inflation.
Deflationary or recessionary gap The shortfall of aggre- gate expenditure below GDP at the full-employment level of GDP.
Deindustrialisation The decline in the contribution to production of the manufacturing sector of the economy.
Demand curve A graph showing the relationship between the price of a good and the quantity of the good demanded over a given time period. Price is measured on the vertical axis; quantity demanded is measured on the horizontal axis. A demand curve can be for an individual consumer or a group of consumers, or more usually for the whole market.
Demand function An equation showing the relationship between the demand for a product and its principal deter- minants.
Demand schedule for an individual A table showing the different quantities of a good that a person is willing and able to buy at various prices over a given period of time.
Demand: change in demand The term used for a shift in the demand curve. It occurs when a determinant of demand other than price changes.
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Demand: change in the quantity demanded The term used for a movement along the demand curve to a new point. It occurs when there is a change in price.
Demand-deficient or cyclical unemployment Disequili- brium unemployment caused by a fall in aggregate demand with no corresponding fall in the real wage rate.
Demand-pull inflation Inflation caused by persistent rises in aggregate demand.
Demand-side policy Government policy designed to alter the level of aggregate demand, and thereby the level of output, employment and prices.
Dependent variable That variable whose outcome is determined by other variables within an equation.
Depreciation (capital) The decline in value of capital equipment due to age or to wear and tear.
Depreciation (currency) A fall in the free-market exchange rate of the domestic currency with foreign currencies.
Derived demand The demand for a factor of production depends on the demand for the good which uses it.
Destabilising speculation This is where the actions of speculators tend to make price movements larger.
Devaluation Where the government refixes the exchange rate at a lower level.
Diminishing marginal rate of substitution of character- istics The more a consumer gets of characteristic A and the less of characteristic B, the less and less of B the con- sumer will be willing to give up to get an extra unit of A.
Diminishing marginal utility of income Where each additional pound earned yields less additional utility.
Discount market An example of a money market in which new or existing bills are bought and sold.
Discounting The process of reducing the value of future flows to give them a present valuation.
Discretionary fiscal policy Deliberate changes in tax rates or the level of government expenditure in order to influence the level of aggregate demand.
Diseconomies of scale Where costs per unit of output increase as the scale of production increases.
Disequilibrium unemployment Unemployment result- ing from real wages in the economy being above the equilibrium level.
Disposable income Income available for spending or sav- ing after the deduction of direct taxes and the addition of benefits.
Diversification A business growth strategy in which a business expands into new markets outside of its current interests.
Dominant firm price leadership When firms (the followers) choose the same price as that set by a dominant firm in the industry (the leader).
Dominant strategy game Where the same policy is suggested by different strategies.
Downsizing Where a business reorganises and reduces its size, especially in respect to levels of employment, in order to cut costs.
Dumping Where exports are sold at prices below marginal cost – often as a result of government subsidy.
Duopoly An oligopoly where there are just two firms in the market.
Econometrics The branch of economics which applies statistical techniques to economic data.
Economies of scale When increasing the scale of produc- tion leads to a lower cost per unit of output.
Economies of scope When increasing the range of products produced by a firm reduces the cost of producing each one.
Efficiency frontier A line showing the maximum attainable combinations of two characteristics for a given budget. These characteristics can be obtained by consuming one or a mixture of two brands or varieties of a product.
Efficiency wage hypothesis A hypothesis that states that a worker’s productivity is linked to the wage he or she receives.
Efficiency wage rate The profit-maximising wage rate for the firm after taking into account the effects of wage rates on worker motivation, turnover and recruitment.
Efficient (capital) market hypothesis The hypothesis that new information about a company’s current or future performance will be quickly and accurately reflected in its share price.
Elastic If demand is (price) elastic, then any change in price will cause the quantity demanded to change propor- tionately more. Ignoring the negative sign, it will have a value greater than 1.
Endogenous money supply Money supply that is deter- mined (at least in part) by the demand for money.
Enterprise culture One in which individuals are encour- aged to become wealth creators through their own initiative and effort.
Envelope curve A long-run average cost curve drawn as the tangency points of a series of short-run average cost curves.
Environmental policy Initiatives by government to ensure a specified minimum level of environmental quality.
Environmental scanning Where a business surveys social and political trends in order to take account of changes in its decision-making process.
Equation of exchange MV = PQ. The total level of spend- ing on GDP (MV ) equals the total value of goods and ser- vices produced (PQ ) that go to make up GDP.
Equilibrium A position of balance. A position from which there is no inherent tendency to move away.
Equilibrium (‘natural’) unemployment The difference between those who would like employment at the cur- rent wage rate and those willing and able to take a job.
Equilibrium price The price where the quantity demanded equals the quantity supplied; the price where there is no shortage or surplus.
Equity The fair distribution of a society’s resources. ERM (the exchange rate mechanism) A semi-fixed
system whereby participating EU countries allowed fluc- tuations against each other’s currencies only within
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agreed bands. Collectively they floated freely against all other currencies.
Ethical consumerism Where consumers’ decisions about what to buy are influenced by ethical concerns such as the producer’s human rights record and care for the envi- ronment.
Excess burden (of a tax on a good) The amount by which the loss in consumer plus producer surplus exceeds the government surplus.
Excess capacity (under monopolistic competition) In the long run, firms under monopolistic competition will produce at an output below that which minimises aver- age cost per unit.
Exchange equalisation account The gold and foreign exchange reserves account in the Bank of England.
Exchange rate The rate at which one national currency exchanges for another. The rate is expressed as the amount of one currency that is necessary to purchase one unit of another currency (e.g. £1 = €1.40).
Exchange rate index A weighted average exchange rate expressed as an index, where the value of the index is 100 in a given base year. The weights of the different curren- cies in the index add up to 1.
Exogenous money supply Money supply that does not depend on the demand for money but is set by the authorities (i.e. the central bank or the government).
Expectations-augmented Phillips curve A (short-run) Phillips curve whose position depends on the expected rate of inflation.
Explicit costs The payments to outside suppliers of inputs.
External benefits Benefits from production (or consump- tion) experienced by people other than the producer (or consumer).
External costs Costs of production (or consumption) borne by people other than the producer (or consumer).
External diseconomies of scale Where a firm’s costs per unit of output increase as the size of the whole industry increases.
External economies of scale Where a firm’s costs per unit of output decrease as the size of the whole industry grows.
External expansion Where business growth is achieved by merger, takeover, joint venture or an agreement.
Externalities Costs or benefits of production or consump- tion experienced by people other than the producers and consumers directly involved in the transaction. They are sometimes referred to as ‘spillover’ or ‘third-party’ costs or benefits.
Factors of production (or resources) The inputs into the production of goods and services labour, land and raw materials, and capital.
Financial accelerator When a change in national income is amplified by changes in the financial sector, such as changes in interest rate differentials or the willingness of banks to lend.
Financial account of the balance of payments The record of the flows of money into and out of the country for the purpose of investment or as deposits in banks and other financial institutions.
Financial crowding out Where an increase in government borrowing diverts money away from the private sector.
Financial flexibility Where employers can vary their wage costs by changing the composition of their work- force or the terms on which workers are employed.
Financial instability hypothesis During periods of eco- nomic growth, economic agents (firms and individuals) tend to borrow more and MFIs are more willing to lend. This fuels the boom. In a period of recession, economic agents tend to cut spending in order to reduce debts and MFIs are less willing to lend. This deepens the recession. Behaviour in financial markets thus tends to amplify the business cycle.
Financial instruments Financial products resulting in a financial claim by one party over another.
Financial intermediaries The general name for financial institutions (banks, building societies, etc.) which act as a means of channelling funds from depositors to borrowers.
Fine tuning The use of demand management policy (fiscal or monetary) to smooth out cyclical fluctuations in the economy.
Firm An economic organisation that co-ordinates the process of production and distribution.
First-degree price discrimination Where a firm charges each consumer for each unit the maximum price which that consumer is willing to pay for that unit.
First-mover advantage When a firm gains from being the first one to take action.
Fiscal policy Policy to affect aggregate demand by alter- ing government expenditure and/or taxation.
Fiscal stance How deflationary or reflationary the Budget is.
Fixed costs Total costs that do not vary with the amount of output produced.
Fixed factor An input that cannot be increased in supply within a given time period.
Flat organisation One in which technology enables senior managers to communicate directly with those lower in the organisational structure. Middle managers are bypassed.
Flexible firm A firm that has the flexibility to respond to changing market conditions by changing the com- position of its workforce.
Floating exchange rate When the government does not intervene in the foreign exchange markets, but simply allows the exchange rate to be freely determined by demand and supply.
Flow An increase or decrease in quantity over a specified period.
Foreign exchange gap The shortfall in foreign exchange that a country needs to purchase necessary imports such as raw materials and machinery.
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Forward exchange market Where contracts are made today for the price at which a currency will be exchanged at some specified future date.
Franchise A formal contractual agreement whereby a company uses another company to produce or sell some or all of its product.
Franchising Where a firm is granted the licence to operate a given part of an industry for a specified length of time.
Free market One in which there is an absence of govern- ment intervention. Individual producers and consumers are free to make their own economic decisions.
Free trade area A group of countries with no trade barriers between themselves.
Free-rider problem When it is not possible to exclude other people from consuming a good that someone has bought.
Frictional (search) unemployment Unemployment that occurs as a result of imperfect information in the labour market. It often takes time for workers to find jobs (even though there are vacancies) and in the meantime they are unemployed.
Full-employment level of GDP The level of GDP at which there is no deficiency of demand.
Full-range pricing A pricing strategy in which a business, seeking to improve its profit performance, assesses the pricing of its goods as a whole rather than individually.
Functional flexibility Where employers can switch workers from job to job as requirements change.
Functional relationships The mathematical relation- ships showing how one variable is affected by one or more others.
Funding Where the authorities alter the balance of bills and bonds for any given level of government borrowing.
Future price A price agreed today at which an item (e.g. commodities) will be exchanged at some set date in the future.
Futures or forward market A market in which contracts are made to buy or sell at some future date at a price agreed today.
Game theory (or the theory of games) The study of alterna- tive strategies that oligopolists may choose to adopt, depend- ing on their assumptions about their rivals’ behaviour.
GDP deflator The price index of all final domestically produced goods and services: i.e. all items that con tribute towards GDP.
Gearing or leverage (US term) The ratio of debt capital to equity capital: in other words, the ratio of borrowed capi- tal (e.g. bonds) to shares.
General government debt The accumulated central and local government deficits (less surpluses) over the years, i.e. the total amount owed by central and local govern- ment, both to domestic and overseas creditors.
Global sourcing Where a company uses production sites in different parts of the world to provide particular com- ponents for a final product.
Global systemically important banks (G-SIBs) Banks identified by a series of indicators as being significant players in the global financial system.
Goodhart’s Law Controlling a symptom of a problem, or only part of the problem, will not cure the problem; it will simply mean that the part that is being controlled now becomes a poor indicator of the problem.
Goods in joint supply These are two goods where the production of more of one leads to the production of more of the other.
Government surplus (from a tax on a good) The total tax revenue earned by the government from sales of a good.
Grandfathering Where the number of emission permits allocated to a firm is based on its current levels of emis- sion (e.g. permitted levels for all firms could be 80 per cent of their current emission levels).
Gross domestic product (GDP) The value of output pro- duced within the country over a 12-month period.
Gross domestic product (GDP) (at market prices) The value of output produced within a country over a 12-month period in terms of the prices actually paid. GDP = GVA + taxes on products – subsidies on products.
Gross national income (GNY) GDP plus net income from abroad.
Gross value added (GVA) at basic prices The sum of all the values added by all industries in the economy over a year. The figures exclude taxes on products (such as VAT) and include subsidies on products.
Growth maximisation An alternative theory which assumes that managers seek to maximise the growth in sales revenue (or the capital value of the firm) over time.
Growth vector matrix A means by which a business might assess its product/market strategy.
Harrod–Domar model A model that relates a country’s rate of economic growth to the proportion of national income saved and the ratio of capital to output.
Historic costs The original amount the firm paid for factors it now owns.
Holding company A business organisation in which the present company holds interests in a number of other companies or subsidiaries.
Horizontal merger Where two firms in the same industry at the same stage of the production process merge.
Horizontal product differentiation Where a firm’s prod- uct differs from its rivals’ products, although the products are seen to be of a similar quality.
Horizontal strategic alliances A formal or informal arrangement between firms to jointly provide a particular activity at a similar stage of the same technical process.
Horizontally integrated multinational A multinational that produces the same product in many different countries.
Households’ disposable income The income available for households to spend, i.e. personal incomes after deducting taxes on incomes and adding benefits.
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Human capital The knowledge, skills, competencies and other attributes embodied in individuals or groups of individuals that are used to produce goods and services.
Hysteresis The persistence of an effect even when the initial cause has ceased to operate. In economics it refers to the persistence of unemployment even when the demand deficiency that caused it no longer exists.
Imperfect competition The collective name for mono- polistic competition and oligopoly.
Implicit costs Costs which do not involve a direct pay- ment of money to a third party, but which nevertheless involve a sacrifice of some alternative.
Import substitution The replacement of imports by domestically produced goods or services.
Income effect The effect of a change in price on quantity demanded arising from the consumer becoming better or worse off as a result of the price change.
Income effect of a rise in wages Workers get a higher income for a given number of hours worked and may thus feel they need to work fewer hours as wages rise.
Income elasticity of demand The responsiveness of demand to a change in consumer incomes; the propor- tionate change in demand divided by the proportionate change in income.
Independence (of firms in a market) When the deci- sions of one firm in a market will not have any signi ficant effect on the demand curves of its rivals.
Independent risks Where two risky events are uncon- nected. The occurrence of one will not affect the likeli- hood of the occurrence of the other.
Independent variables Those variables that determine the dependent variable, but are themselves determined independently of the equation they are in.
Index number The value of a variable expressed as 100 plus or minus its percentage deviation from a base year.
Indifference curve A line showing all those combina- tions of two characteristics of a good between which a consumer is indifferent, i.e. those combinations that give a particular level of utility.
Indifference map A diagram showing a whole set of indif- ference curves. The further away a particular curve is from the origin, the higher the level of utility it represents.
Indivisibilities The impossibility of dividing a factor of production into smaller units.
Industrial concentration The degree to which an industry is dominated by large business enterprises.
Industrial policies Policies to encourage industrial investment and greater industrial efficiency.
Industrial sector A grouping of industries producing similar products or services.
Industry A group of firms producing a particular product or service.
Industry’s infrastructure The network of supply agents, communications, skills, training facilities, distribution channels, specialised financial services, etc. that support a particular industry.
Inelastic If demand is (price) inelastic, then any change will cause the quantity demanded to change by a propor- tionately smaller amount. Ignoring the negative sign, it will have a value less than 1.
Infant industry An industry which has a potential comparative advantage, but which is as yet too under- developed to be able to realise this potential.
Inferior goods Goods whose demand falls as people’s incomes rise.
Inflationary gap The excess of aggregate expenditure over GDP at the full-employment level of GDP.
Injections ( J ) Expenditure on the production of domestic firms coming from outside the inner flow of the circular flow of income. Injections equal investment (I ) plus government expenditure (G) plus expenditure on exports (X).
Integrated international enterprise One in which an international company pursues a single business strategy. It co-ordinates the business activities of its sub- sidiaries across different countries.
Interdependence (under oligopoly) This is one of the two key features of oligopoly. Each firm is affected by its rivals’ decisions and its decisions will affect its rivals. Firms recognise this interdependence and take it into account when making decisions.
Internal expansion Where a business adds to its productive capacity by adding to existing or by building new plant.
Internal funds Funds used for business expansion that come from ploughed-back profit.
Internal rate of return (IRR) The rate of return of an investment: the discount rate that makes the net present value of an investment equal to zero.
Internalisation advantages Where the benefits of extending the organisational structure of the MNC by set- ting up an overseas subsidiary are greater than the costs of arranging a contract with an external party.
International harmonisation of economic policies Where countries attempt to coordinate their macroeconomic policies so as to achieve common goals.
International liquidity The supply of currencies in the world acceptable for financing international trade and investment.
International trade multiplier The impact of changing levels of international demand on levels of production and output.
Inter-temporal pricing This occurs where different groups have different price elasticities of demand for a product at different points in time.
Investment The purchase by the firm of equipment or materials that will add to its stock of capital.
Joint-stock company A company where ownership is distributed between a large number of shareholders.
Just-in-time methods Where a firm purchases supplies and produces both components and finished products as they are required. This minimises stock holding and its associated costs.
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Kinked demand theory The theory that oligopolists face a demand curve that is kinked at the current price demand being significantly more elastic above the current price than below. The effect of this is to create a situation of price stability.
Knowledge spillover The capture by third parties of ben- efits from the development by others of new ideas, for example, new products, processes and technologies.
Labour All forms of human input, both physical and mental, into current production.
Labour force The number employed plus the number unemployed.
Land (and raw materials) Inputs into production that are provided by nature (e.g. unimproved land and mineral deposits in the ground).
Law of comparative advantage Trade can benefit all countries if they specialise in the goods in which they have a comparative advantage.
Law of demand The quantity of a good demanded per period of time will fall as the price rises and rise as the price falls, other things being equal (ceteris paribus).
Law of diminishing (marginal) returns When one or more factors are held fixed, there will come a point beyond which the extra output from additional units of the variable factor will diminish.
Law of large numbers The larger the number of events of a particular type, the more predictable will be their aver- age outcome.
Leading indicators Indicators that help predict future trends in the economy.
Lender of last resort The role of the Bank of England as the guarantor of sufficient liquidity in the monetary system.
Leverage The extent to which a company relies upon debt finance as opposed to equity finance.
Liabilities All legal claims for payment that outsiders have on an institution.
Licensing Where the owner of a patented product allows another firm to produce it for a fee.
Limit pricing Where a business keeps prices low, restrict- ing its profits, so as to deter new rivals entering the mar- ket.
Liquidity The ease with which an asset can be converted into cash without loss.
Liquidity ratio The proportion of a bank’s total assets held in liquid form.
Liquidity trap When interest rates are at their floor and thus any further increases in money supply will not be spent but merely be held in idle balances as people wait for the economy to recover and/or interest rates to rise.
Locational advantages Those features of a host economy that MNCs believe will lower costs, improve quality and/ or facilitate greater sales.
Lock-outs Union members are temporarily laid off until they are prepared to agree to the firm’s conditions.
Logistics The process of managing the supply of inputs to a firm and the outputs from a firm to its customers.
Long run The period of time long enough for all factors to be varied.
Long run under perfect competition The period of time which is long enough for new firms to enter the industry.
Long-run average cost (LRAC) curve A curve that shows how average cost varies with output on the assumption that all factors are variable. (It is assumed that the least- cost method of production will be chosen for each output.)
Long-run profit maximisation An alternative theory which assumes that managers aim to shift cost and revenue curves so as to maximise profits over some longer time period.
Long-run shut-down point This is where the AR curve is tangential to the LRAC curve. The firm can just make nor- mal profits. Any fall in revenue below this level will cause a profit-maximising firm to shut down once all costs have become variable.
Loss leader A product whose price is cut by the business in order to attract custom.
Macro-prudential regulation Regulation which focuses on the financial system as a whole and which monitors its impact on the wider economy and ensures that it is resil- ient to shocks.
Macroeconomics The branch of economics that studies economic aggregates (grand totals), for example the overall level of prices, output and employment in the economy.
Managed flexibility (dirty floating) A system of flexible exchange rates, but where the government intervenes to prevent excessive fluctuations or even to achieve an unof- ficial target exchange rate.
Managerial utility maximisation An alternative theory which assumes that managers are motivated by self- interest. They will adopt whatever policies are perceived to maximise their own utility.
Marginal benefits The additional benefits of doing a little bit more (or 1 unit more if a unit can be measured) of an activity.
Marginal consumer surplus The excess of utility from the consumption of one more unit of a good (MU) over the price paid: MCS = MU - P.
Marginal cost (MC) The cost of producing one more unit of output: MC = ≤TC/≤Q.
Marginal cost of capital The cost of one additional unit of capital.
Marginal costs The additional cost of doing a little bit more (or 1 unit more if a unit can be measured) of an activity.
Marginal disutility of work The extra sacrifice/hardship to a worker of working an extra unit of time in any given time period (e.g. an extra hour per day).
Marginal efficiency of capital (MEC) or internal rate of return (IRR) The rate of return of an investment the discount rate that makes the net present value of an investment equal to zero.
Marginal physical product (MPP) The extra output gained by the employment of one more unit of the variable factor: MPP = ≤TPP/≤Qv.
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Marginal productivity theory The theory that the demand for a factor depends on its marginal revenue product.
Marginal propensity to consume The proportion of a rise in national income (Y) that is spent on goods and services by households and non-profit institutions serv- ing households.
Marginal propensity to consume from disposable income The proportion of a rise in disposable income that is spent on goods and services by households and non-profit institutions serving households.
Marginal propensity to consume domestically produced goods and services The fraction of a rise in national income (Y) that is spent on domestic product (Cd) and hence is not withdrawn from the circular flow of income: mpcd = ∆Cd/∆Y.
Marginal revenue The extra revenue gained by selling one or more unit per time period: MR = ≤TR/≤Q.
Marginal revenue product of capital The additional revenue earned from employing one additional unit of capital.
Marginal revenue product of labour The extra revenue a firm earns from employing one more unit of labour.
Marginal utility The extra satisfaction gained from con- suming one extra unit of a good within a given time period.
Market The interaction between buyers and sellers. Market clearing A market clears when supply matches
demand, leaving no shortage or surplus. Market demand schedule A table showing the different
total quantities of a good that consumers are willing and able to buy at various prices over a given period of time.
Market experiments Information gathered about con- sumers under artificial or simulated conditions. A method used widely in assessing the effects of advertising on con- sumers.
Market loans Loans made to other financial institutions. Market niche A part of a market (or new market) that has
not been filled by an existing brand or business. Market segment A part of a market for a product where
the demand is for a particular variety of that product. Market surveys Information gathered about consumers,
usually via a questionnaire, that attempts to enhance the business’s understanding of consumer behaviour.
Marketing mix The mix of product, price, place (distribu- tion) and promotion that will determine a business’s marketing strategy.
Mark-up pricing A pricing strategy adopted by business in which a profit mark-up is added to average costs.
Maturity gap The difference in the average maturity of loans and deposits.
Maturity transformation The transformation of deposits into loans of a longer maturity.
Maximum price A price ceiling set by the government or some other agency. The price is not allowed to rise above this level (although it is allowed to fall below it).
Medium of exchange Something that is acceptable in exchange for goods and services.
Menu costs of inflation The costs associated with having to adjust price lists or labels.
Merger The outcome of a mutual agreement made by two firms to combine their business activities.
Merit goods Goods which the government feels that people will underconsume and which therefore ought to be subsidised or provided free.
M-form business organisation One in which the busi- ness is organised into separate departments, such that responsibility for the day-to-day management enterprise is separated from the formulation of the business’s strategic plan.
Microeconomics The branch of economics that studies individual units (e.g. households, firms and industries). It studies the interrelationships between these units in determining the pattern of production and distribution of goods and services.
Minimum efficient scale (MES) The size of the indi vidual factory or of the whole firm, beyond which no significant additional economies of scale can be gained. For an indi- vidual factory the MES is known as the minimum efficient plant size (MEPS).
Minimum price A price floor set by the government or some other agency. The price is not allowed to fall below this level (although it is allowed to rise above it).
Minimum reserve ratio A minimum ratio of cash (or other specified liquid assets) to deposits (either total or selected) that the central bank requires banks to hold.
Mixed economy An economy where economic decisions are made partly through the market and partly by the government.
Mobility of labour The ease with which labour can either shift between jobs (occupational mobility) or move to other parts of the country in search of work (geograph- ical mobility).
Monetary base Notes and coin in circulation (i.e. outside the central bank).
Monetary financial institutions (MFIs) Deposit-taking financial institutions including banks, building societies and central banks.
Money market The market for short-term loans and deposits.
Money multiplier The number of times greater the expansion of money supply (Ms) is than the expansion of the monetary base (Mb) that caused it: ∆Ms/∆Mb
Monopolistic competition A market structure where, like perfect competition, there are many firms and free- dom of entry into the industry, but where each firm pro- duces a differentiated product and thus has some control over its price.
Monopoly A market structure where there is only one firm in the industry.
Monopsony A market with a single buyer or employer. Moral hazard Following a deal, there is an increased likeli-
hood that one party will engage in problematic (immoral and hazardous) behaviour to the detriment of another.
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The temptation to take more risks when you know that someone else will cover the risks if you get into difficulties. In the case of banks taking risks, the ‘someone else’ may be another bank, the central bank or the government.
Multinational corporations Businesses that either own or control foreign subsidiaries in more than one country.
Multiplier The number of times a rise in GDP (≤GDP) is bigger than the initial rise in aggregate expenditure (≤E) that caused it. Using the letter k to stand for the multi- plier, the multiplier is defined as: k = ≤GDP/≤E.
Multiplier effect An initial increase in aggregate demand of £xm leads to an eventual rise in national income that is greater than £xm.
Multiplier formula The formula for the multiplier is: k = 1/(1 - mpcd).
Mutual recognition The EU principle that one country’s rules and regulations must apply throughout the Union. If they conflict with those of another country, individuals and firms should be able to choose which to obey.
Nash equilibrium The position resulting from everyone making their optimal decision based on their assump- tions about their rivals’ decisions. Without collusion, there is no incentive for any firm to move from this position.
Nationalised industries State-owned industries that pro- duce goods or services that are sold in the market.
Natural monopoly A situation where long-run average costs would be lower if an industry were under mono poly than if it were shared between two or more competitors.
Natural rate of unemployment or non-accelerating- inflation rate of unemployment (NAIRU) The rate of unemployment consistent with a constant rate of infla- tion; the rate of unemployment at which the vertical long-run Phillips curve cuts the horizontal axis.
Net errors and omissions A statistical adjustment to ensure that the two sides of the balance of payments account balance. It is necessary because of errors in com- piling the statistics.
Net national income (NNY) GNY minus depreciation. Net present value (NPV) of an investment The dis-
counted benefits of an investment minus the cost of the investment.
Network The establishment of formal and informal multi-firm alliances across sectors.
Network economies The benefits to consumers of having a network of other people using the same product or service.
Net worth The market value of a sector’s stock of financial and non-financial wealth.
Non-bank private sector Household and non-bank firms. The category thus excludes the government and banks.
Non-collusive oligopoly When oligopolists have no agree- ment between themselves – formal, informal or tacit.
Non-excludability Where it is not possible to provide a good or service to one person without it thereby being available for others to enjoy.
Non-price competition Competition in terms of pro duct promotion (advertising, packaging, etc.) or product development.
Non-rivalry Where the consumption of a good or service by one person will not prevent others from enjoying it.
Normal goods Goods whose demand rises as people’s incomes rise.
Normal profit The opportunity cost of being in business. It consists of the interest that could be earned on a riskless asset, plus a return for risk taking in this particular indus- try. It is counted as a cost of production.
Numerical flexibility Where employers can change the size of their workforce as their labour requirements change.
Observations of market behaviour Information gathered about consumers from the day-to-day activities of the business within the market.
Oligopoly A market structure where there are few enough firms to enable barriers to be erected against the entry of new firms.
Oligopsony A market with just a few buyers or employers. Open-market operations The sale (or purchase) by the
authorities of government securities in the open market in order to reduce (or increase) money supply and thereby affect interest rates.
Opportunity cost The cost of any activity measured in terms of the best alternative forgone.
Optimal currency area The optimal size of a currency area is one that maximises the benefits from having a single cur- rency relative to the costs. If the area were to be increased or decreased in size, the costs would rise relative to the benefits.
Organisational slack When managers allow spare cap a- city to exist, thereby enabling them to respond more eas- ily to changed circumstances.
Output gap Actual output minus potential output. Outsourcing or subcontracting Where a firm employs
another firm to produce part of its output or some of its input(s).
Overheads Costs arising from the general running of an organisation, and only indirectly related to the level of output.
Ownership-specific assets Assets owned by the firm, such as technology, product differentiation and mana- gerial skills, which reflect its core competencies.
Peak-load pricing The practice of charging higher prices at times when demand is highest because the constraints on capacity lead to higher marginal cost.
Perfect competition A market structure in which there are many firms; where there is freedom of entry to the industry; where all firms produce an identical product; and where all firms are price takers.
Perfectly contestable market A market where there is free and costless entry and exit.
PEST analysis Where the political, economic, social and technological factors shaping a business environment are assessed by a business so as to devise future business strategy.
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Phillips curve A curve showing the relationship between (price) inflation and unemployment. The original Phillips curve plotted wage inflation against unemployment for the years 1861–1957.
Picketing Where people on strike gather at the entrance to the firm and attempt to dissuade workers or delivery vehicles from entering.
Planned or command economy An economy where all economic decisions are taken by the central (or local) authorities.
Plant economies of scale Economies of scale that arise because of the large size of the factory.
Policy ineffectiveness proposition The conclusion drawn from new classical models that, when economic agents anticipate changes in economic policy, output and employment remain at their equilibrium (or natural) levels.
Potential growth The percentage annual increase in the output that would be produced if all firms were operating at their normal level of capacity utilisation.
Potential output The output that could be produced in the economy if all firms were operating at their normal level of capacity utilisation.
Predatory pricing Where a firm sets its average price below average cost in order to drive competitors out of business.
Preferential trading arrangement A trading arrange- ment whereby trade between the signatories is freer than trade with the rest of the world.
Present value approach to appraising investment This involves estimating the value now of a flow of future ben- efits (or costs).
Price benchmark This is a price which is typically used. Firms, when raising prices, will usually raise them from one benchmark to another.
Price discrimination Where a firm sells the same product at different prices.
Price elasticity of demand The responsiveness of quan tity demanded to a change in price: the proportionate change in quantity demanded divided by the proportionate change in price.
Price elasticity of supply The responsiveness of quantity supplied to a change in price: the proportionate change in quantity supplied divided by the proportionate change in price.
Price maker (Price chooser) A firm that has the ability to influence the price charged for its good or service.
Price mechanism The system in a market economy whereby changes in price in response to changes in demand and supply have the effect of making demand equal to supply.
Price taker A firm that is too small to be able to influence the market price.
Price to book ratio or Valuation ratio The ratio of stock market value to book value. The stock market value is an assessment of the firm’s past and anticipated future
performance. The book value is a calculation of the current value of the firm’s assets.
Price-cap regulation Where the regulator puts a ceiling on the amount by which a firm can raise its price.
Primary labour market The market for permanent full-time core workers.
Primary market in capital Where shares are sold by the issuer of the shares (i.e. the firm) and where, therefore, finance is channelled directly from the purchasers (i.e. the shareholders) to the firm.
Primary production The production and extraction of natural resources, plus agriculture.
Principal–agent problem One where people (principals), as a result of lack of knowledge, cannot ensure that their best interests are served by their agents.
Principle of diminishing marginal utility As more units of a good are consumed, additional units will provide less additional satisfaction than previous units.
Prisoners’ dilemma Where two or more firms (or people), by attempting independently to choose the best strategy, based upon what other(s) are likely to do, end up in a worse position than if they had cooperated from the start.
Producer surplus The excess of a firm’s total revenue over its total (variable) cost.
Product differentiation Where a firm’s product is in some way distinct from its rivals’ products.
Production The transformation of inputs into outputs by firms in order to earn profit (or meet some other objective).
Production externalities Spillover effects on other peo- ple of firms’ production.
Production function The mathematical relationship between the output of a good and the inputs used to pro- duce it. It shows how output will be affected by changes in the quantity of one or more of the inputs.
Productive efficiency A situation where firms are produc- ing the maximum output for a given amount of inputs, or producing a given output at the least cost.
Productivity deal Where, in return for a wage increase, a union agrees to changes in working practices that will increase output per worker.
Profit satisficing Where decision makers in a firm aim for a target level of profit rather than the absolute maximum level. By not aiming for the maximum profit, this allows managers to pursue other objectives, such as sales maxi- misation or their own salary or prestige.
Profit-maximising rule Profit is maximised where marginal revenue equals marginal cost.
Prudential control The insistence by the monetary authorities (e.g. the Bank of England) that banks main- tain adequate liquidity.
Public good A good or service which has the features of non-rivalry and non-excludability and as a result would not be provided by the free market.
Public-sector net borrowing (PSNB) The difference between the expenditures of the public sector and its
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receipts from taxation, the revenues of public corpora- tions and the sale of assets. If expenditures exceed receipts (a deficit), then the government has to borrow to make up the difference.
Public-sector net cash requirement (PSNCR) The (annual) deficit of the public sector (central government, local government and public corporations), and thus the amount that the public sector must borrow.
Pure fiscal policy Fiscal policy which does not involve any change in money supply.
Quantitative easing When the central bank increases the monetary base through an open market purchase of gov- ernment bonds or other securities. It uses electronic money (reserve liabilities) created specifically for this purpose.
Quantity demanded The amount of a good that a con- sumer is willing and able to buy at a given price over a given period of time.
Quantity supplied The amount of a good that a firm is willing and able to sell at a given price over a given period of time.
Quantity theory of money The price level (P) is directly related to the quantity of money in the economy (M).
Quota (set by a cartel) The output that a given member of a cartel is allowed to produce (production quota) or sell (sales quota).
Random walk Where fluctuations in the value of a share away from its ‘correct’ value are random, i.e. have no sys- tematic pattern. When charted over time, these share price movements would appear like a ‘random walk’ – like the path of someone staggering along drunk!
Rate of discount The rate that is used to reduce future values to present values.
Rate of economic growth The percentage increase in output over a 12-month period.
Rate of inflation The percentage increase in the level of prices over a 12-month period.
Rate of return approach The benefits from investment are calculated as a percentage of the costs of investment. This rate is then compared to the rate at which money has to be borrowed in order to see whether the investment should be undertaken.
Rational choices Choices that involve weighing up the benefit of any activity against its opportunity cost.
Rational consumer behaviour The attempt to maximise total consumer surplus.
Rational expectations Expectations based on the current situation. These expectations are based on the informa- tion people have to hand. While this information may be imperfect and therefore people will make errors, these errors will be random.
Rationalisation The reorganising of production (often after a merger) so as to cut out waste and duplication and generally to reduce costs.
Real business cycle theory The new classical theory which explains cyclical fluctuations in terms of shifts in aggregate supply, rather than aggregate demand.
Real exchange rate index (RERI) The nominal exchange rate index (NERI) adjusted for changes in the relative prices of exports and imports: RERI = NERI * PX/PM.
Real growth values Values of the rate of growth of GDP or any other variable after taking inflation into account. The real value of the growth in a variable equals its growth in money (or ‘nominal’) value minus the rate of inflation.
Recession A period where national output falls for a few months or more. The official definition is where real GDP declines for two or more consecutive quarters.
Recessionary or deflationary gap The shortfall of aggre- gate expenditure below GDP at the full-employment level of GDP.
Rediscounting bills of exchange Buying bills before they reach maturity.
Regional Development Agencies (RDAs) Nine agencies, based in English regions, which initiate and administer regional policy within their area.
Regional multiplier effects When a change in injections into or withdrawals from a particular region causes a mul- tiplied change in income in that region. The regional multiplier is given by 1/(1 - mpcr), where mpcr is the mar- ginal propensity to consume products from the region.
Regional unemployment Structural unemployment occur- ring in specific regions of the country.
Regression analysis A statistical technique which shows how one variable is related to one or more other variables.
Regulatory capture Where the regulator is persuaded to operate in the industry’s interests rather than those of the consumer.
Replacement costs What the firm would have to pay to replace factors it currently owns.
Repo Short for ‘sale and repurchase agreement’. An agree- ment between two financial institutions whereby one in effect borrows from another by selling it assets, agreeing to buy them back (repurchase them) at a fixed price and on a fixed date.
Resale price maintenance Where the manufacturer of a product (legally) insists that the product should be sold at a specified retail price.
Reserve capacity A range of output over which business costs will tend to remain relatively constant.
Reverse repos When gilts or other assets are purchased under a sale and repurchase agreement. They become an asset of the purchaser.
Risk This is when an outcome may or may not occur, but where its probability of occurring is known.
Risk premium As a business’s gearing rises, investors require a higher average dividend from their investment.
Risk transformation The process whereby banks can spread the risks of lending by having a large number of borrowers.
Sale and repurchase agreements (repos) An agreement between two financial institutions whereby one in effect
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borrows from another by selling it assets, agreeing to buy them back (repurchase them) at a fixed price and on a fixed date.
Sales revenue maximisation An alternative theory of the firm which assumes that managers aim to maximise the firm’s short-run total revenue.
Saving gap The shortfall in savings to achieve a given rate of economic growth.
Scarcity The excess of human wants over what can actually be produced to fulfil these wants.
Seasonal unemployment Unemployment associated with industries or regions where the demand for labour is lower at certain times of the year.
Secondary action Industrial action taken against a firm not directly involved in the dispute.
Secondary labour market The market for peripheral workers, usually employed on a temporary or part-time basis, or a less secure ‘permanent’ basis.
Secondary market in capital Where shareholders sell shares to others. This is thus a market in ‘second-hand’ shares.
Secondary marketing Where assets are sold before matu- rity to another institution or individual.
Secondary production The production from manufac- turing and construction sectors of the economy.
Second-degree price discrimination Where a firm charges a consumer so much for the first so many units purchased, a different price for the next so many units purchased, and so on.
Securitisation Where future cash flows (e.g. from interest rate or mortgage payments) are turned into marketable securities, such as bonds.
Self-fulfilling speculation The actions of speculators tend to cause the very effect that they had anticipated.
Semi-strong efficiency (of share markets) Where share prices adjust quickly, fully and accurately to publicly available information.
Sensitivity analysis Assesses how sensitive an outcome is to different variables within an equation.
Services balance Exports of services minus imports of services.
Short run The period of time over which at least one factor is fixed.
Short run under perfect competition The period during which there is too little time for new firms to enter the industry.
Short-run shut-down point This is where the AR curve is tangential to the AVC curve. The firm can only just cover its variable costs. Any fall in revenue below this level will cause a profit-maximising firm to shut down immediately.
Short-termism Where firms and investors take decisions based on the likely short-term performance of a com- pany, rather than on its long-term prospects. Firms may thus sacrifice long-term profits and growth for the sake of quick return.
Sight deposits Deposits that can be withdrawn on demand without penalty.
Social benefit Private benefit plus externalities in consumption.
Social cost Private cost plus externalities in production. Social efficiency Production and consumption at the
point where MSB = MSC. Social responsibility Where a firm takes into account the
interests and concerns of a community rather than just its shareholders.
Social-impact standards Pollution control that focuses on the effects on people (e.g. on health or happiness).
Special purpose vehicle (SPV) Legal entities created by financial institutions for conducting specific financial functions, such as bundling assets together into fixed- interest bonds and selling them.
Specialisation and division of labour Where production is broken down into a number of simpler, more special- ised tasks, thus allowing workers to acquire a high degree of efficiency.
Speculation This is where people make buying or selling decisions based on their anticipations of future prices.
Spot price The current market price. Spreading risks (for an insurance company) The more
policies an insurance company issues and the more inde- pendent the risks of claims from these policies are, the more predictable will be the number of claims.
Stabilising speculation This is where the actions of spec- ulators tend to reduce price fluctuations.
Stakeholders (in a company) People who are affected by a company’s activities and/or performance (customers, employees, owners, creditors, people living in the neigh- bourhood, etc.). They may or may not be in a position to make decisions, or influence decision making, in the firm.
Standard Industrial Classification (SIC) The name given to the formal classification of firms into industries used by the government in order to collect data on business and industry trends.
Standardised unemployment rate The measure of the unemployment rate used by the ILO and OECD. The unemployed are defined as people of working age who are without work, available for work and actively seeking employment.
STEEPLE analysis Where the social, technological eco- nomic, environmental, political, legal and ethical factors shaping a business environment are assessed by a busi- ness so as to devise future business strategy.
Sterilisation Actions taken by a central bank to offset the effects of foreign exchange flows or its own bond transac- tions so as to leave money supply unchanged.
Stock The quantity of something held. Strategic alliance Where two or more firms work together,
formally or informally, to achieve a mutually desirable goal. Strategic management The management of the strategic
long-term activities of the business, which includes strategic analysis, strategic choice and strategic implementation.
Strategic trade theory The theory that protecting/sup- porting certain industries can enable them to compete
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more effectively with large monopolistic rivals abroad. The effect of the protection is to increase long-run compe- tition and may enable the protected firms to exploit a comparative advantage that they could not have done otherwise.
Strong efficiency (of share markets) Where share prices adjust quickly, fully and accurately to all available infor- mation, both public and that available only to insiders.
Structural deficit (or surplus) The public-sector deficit (or surplus) that would occur if the economy were operat- ing at the potential level of national income: i.e. one where there is a zero output gap.
Structural unemployment Unemployment that arises from changes in the pattern of demand or supply in the economy. People made redundant in one part of the economy cannot immediately take up jobs in other parts (even though there are vacancies).
Subcontracting The business practice where various forms of labour (frequently specialist) are hired for a given period of time. Such workers are not directly employed by the hiring business, but either employed by a third party or self-employed.
Sub-prime debt Debt where there is a high risk of default by the borrower (e.g. mortgage holders who are on low incomes facing higher interest rates and falling house prices).
Substitute goods A pair of goods which are considered by consumers to be alternatives to each other. As the price of one goes up, the demand for the other rises.
Substitutes in supply These are two goods where an increased production of one means diverting resources.
Substitution effect The effect of a change in price on quantity demanded arising from the consumer switching to or from alternative (substitute) products.
Substitution effect of a rise in wages Workers will tend to substitute income for leisure as leisure now has a higher opportunity cost. This effect leads to more hours being worked as wages rise.
Sunk costs Costs that cannot be recouped (e.g. by transferring assets to other uses).
Supernormal profit (also known as pure profit, economic profit, abnormal profit or simply profit) The excess of total profit above normal profit.
Supply curve A graph showing the relationship between the price of a good and the quantity of the good supplied over a given period of time.
Supply schedule A table showing the different quantities of a good that producers are willing and able to supply at various prices over a given time period. A supply schedule can be for an individual producer or group of producers, or for all producers (the market supply schedule).
Supply: change in supply The term used for a shift in the supply curve. It occurs when a determinant other than price changes.
Supply: change in the quantity supplied The term used for a movement along the supply curve to a new point. It occurs when there is a change in price.
Supply-side policy Government policy that attempts to alter the level of aggregate supply directly.
Tacit collusion A situation where firms have an unspoken agreement to engage in a joint strategy. For example, oli- gopolists take care not to engage in price cutting, exces- sive advertising or other forms of competition. There may be unwritten ‘rules’ of collusive behaviour such as price leadership.
Takeover Where one business acquires another. A takeover may not necessarily involve mutual agreement between the two parties. In such cases, the takeover might be viewed as ‘hostile’.
Takeover bid Where one firm attempts to purchase another by offering to buy the shares of that company from its shareholders.
Takeover constraint The effect that the fear of being taken over has on a firm’s willingness to undertake projects that reduce distributed profits.
Tapered vertical integration Where a firm is partially integrated with an earlier stage of production; where it produces some of an input itself and buys some from another firm.
Taylor rule A rule adopted by a central bank for setting the rate of interest. It will raise the interest rate if (a) infla- tion is above target or (b) economic growth is above the sustainable level (or unemployment is below the equilib- rium rate). The rule states how much interest rates will be changed in each case.
Technical or productive efficiency The least-cost combination of factors for a given output.
Technological unemployment Structural unemploy- ment that occurs as a result of the introduction of labour- saving technology.
Technology policy Involves government initiatives to affect the process and rate of technological change.
Technology transfer Where a host state benefits from the new technology that an MNC brings with its investment.
Technology-based standards Pollution control that re- quires firms’ emissions to reflect the levels that could be achieved from using the best available pollution control technology.
Terms of trade The price index of exports divided by the price index of imports and then expressed as a percent- age. This means that the terms of trade will be 100 in the base year.
Tertiary production The production from the service sector of the economy.
Third-degree price discrimination Where a firm divides consumers into different groups and charges a different price to consumers in different groups, but the same price to all the consumers within a group.
Tie-in-sales Where a firm is only prepared to sell a first product on the condition that its customers buy a second product from it.
Time deposits Deposits that require notice of withdrawal or where a penalty is charged for withdrawals on demand.
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G L O S S A R Y G : 1 5
Time-series data Information depicting how a variable (e.g. the price of eggs) changes over time.
Tit-for-tat Where a firm will cut prices, or make some other aggressive move, only if the rival does so first. If the rival knows this, it will be less likely to make an initial aggressive move.
Total (sales) revenue (TR) The amount a firm earns from its sales of a product at a particular price: TR = P * Q. Note that we are referring to gross revenue; that is, revenue before the deduction of taxes or any other costs.
Total consumer surplus The excess of a person’s total utility from the consumption of a good (TU) over the amount that person spends on it (TE): TCS = TU - TE.
Total cost (TC) The sum of total fixed costs (TFC) and total variable costs (TVC): TC = TFC + TVC.
Total physical product The total output of a product per period of time that is obtained from a given amount of inputs.
Total revenue A firm’s total earnings from a specified level of sales within a specified period: TR = P * Q.
Total utility The total satisfaction a consumer gets from the consumption of all the units of a good consumed within a given time period.
Tradable permits Firms are issued or sold permits by the authorities that give them the right to produce a given level of pollution. Firms that do not have permits to match their pollution levels can purchase additional per- mits to cover the difference from firms that have spare permits, while those that reduce their pollution levels can sell any surplus permits for a profit.
Trade creation Where a customs union leads to greater specialisation according to comparative advantage and thus a shift in production from higher-cost to lower-cost sources.
Trade diversion Where a customs union diverts con- sumption from goods produced at a lower cost outside the union to goods produced at a higher cost (but tariff free) within the union.
Tragedy of the commons When resources are commonly available at no charge, people are likely to overexploit them.
Transactions costs The costs incurred when firms buy inputs or services from other firms as opposed to prod- ucing them themselves. They include the costs of searching for the best firm to do business with, the costs of drawing up, monitoring and enforcing contracts and the costs of transporting and handling products between the firms.
Transfer payments Moneys transferred from one person or group to another (e.g. from the government to indi- viduals) without production taking place.
Transfer pricing The pricing system used within a busi- ness organisation to transfer intermediate products between the business’s various divisions.
Transnational association A form of business organisation in which the subsidiaries of a company in different coun- tries are contractually bound to the parent company to provide output to or receive inputs from other subsidiaries.
Two-part tariff A pricing system that requires customers to pay an access and a usage price for a product.
U-form business organisation One in which the central organisation of the firm (the chief executive or a mana- gerial team) is responsible both for the firm’s day-to-day administration and for formulating its business strategy.
Uncertainty This is when an outcome may or may not occur and where its probability of occurring is not known.
Underemployment International Labour Organisation (ILO) definition: a situation where people currently work- ing less than ‘full time’ (40 hours in the UK) would like to work more hours (at current wage rates), either by work- ing more hours in their current job, or by switching to an alternative job with more hours or by taking on an addi- tional part-time job or any combination of the three. Eurostat definition: where people working less than 40 hours per week would like to work more hours in their current job at current wage rates.
Unemployment The number of people who are actively looking for work but are currently without a job. (Note that there is much debate as to who should officially be counted as unemployed.)
Unemployment rate The number unemployed expressed as a percentage of the labour force.
Unit elasticity When the price elasticity of demand is unity, this is where quantity demanded changes by the same proportion as the price. Price elasticity is equal to -1.
Valuation ratio or Price to book ratio The ratio of stock market value to book value. The stock market value is an assessment of the firm’s past and anticipated future per- formance. The book value is a calculation of the current value of the firm’s assets.
Value chain The stages or activities that help to create product value.
Variable costs Total costs that do vary with the amount of output produced.
Variable factor An input that can be increased in supply within a given time period.
Velocity of circulation The number of times annually that money on average is spent on goods and services that make up GDP.
Vertical integration A business growth strategy that involves expanding within an existing market, but at a different stage of production. Vertical integration can be ‘forward’, such as moving into distribution or retail, or ‘backward’, such as expanding into extracting raw materi- als or producing components.
Vertical merger Where two firms in the same industry at different stages in the production process merge.
Vertical product differentiation Where a firm’s product differs from its rivals’ products in respect to quality.
Vertical restraints Conditions imposed by one firm on another which is either its supplier or its customer.
Vertical strategic alliance A formal or informal arrange- ment between firms operating at different stages of an activity to jointly provide a product or service.
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Vertically integrated multinational A multinational that undertakes the various stages of production for a given product in different countries.
Wage taker The wage rate is determined by market forces. Weak efficiency (of share markets) Where share dealing
prevents cyclical movements in shares. Weighted average The average of several items where
each item is ascribed a weight according to its import- ance. The weights must add up to 1.
Wholesale deposits and loans Large-scale deposits and loans made by and to firms at negotiated interest rates.
Withdrawals (W) (or leakages) Incomes of households or firms that are not passed on round the inner flow. Withdrawals equal net saving (S) plus net taxes (T) plus import expenditure (M): W = S + T + M.
Working to rule Workers do no more than they are sup- posed to, as set out in their job descriptions.
Yield on a share The dividend received per share expressed as a percentage of the current market price of the share.
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absolute advantage and international trade 443
accelerationist theory of inflation 560–1
acid test ratio 329 acquisitions see mergers and
acquisitions (M&As) actual economic growth 471–2
and the business cycle 472, 473–6 adjustable peg exchange
rates 512, 624 adverse selection
and insurance 98–9 and rogue traders 102, 103
advertising 123, 129–36 advertising/sales ratio 131–3 assessing the effects of 133–6 and the economy 129–30 intended effects of 133 long-term strategies 134–5 and market experiments 114 media 130 and the Nash equilibrium 207 promoting quality 134 and social media 135
Africa and international trade 442 preferential trading
arrangements 458 agent–principal relationship 37–9, 353 aggregate demand (AD) 19–20, 22,
474, 476, 477 and the balance of trade 501 and business cycles 489, 566–72 and changes in the money supply
543–4 curves
inflation 486–7 for labour 479, 480
and exchange rates 509 and fiscal policy 579, 581, 587 and global interdependence 619–20 and inflation
and money 546, 554–6 and output 546, 550–4 and unemployment 557–8
Index
and monetary policy 579, 598 and quantitative easing 530 simple Keynesian model of 548–9 see also demand-side policies
aggregate expenditure line 548–9 aggregate supply (AS) 19–20,
474–6, 478 curves
inflation 486, 487 of labour 479, 480 long-run 552–4 short-run 550–2, 553, 557, 558
fluctuations in 572–3 macroeconomic policy 579 see also supply-side policies
agriculture, taxes on 393 AIM (Alternative Investment Market)
336 Airbus 446–7, 462 airlines
industrial action 308 price fixing for air freight 340 pricing strategy 281 strategic alliances 254–5
alcohol, minimum price for 65–6, 358 Alternative Investment
Market (AIM) 336 Amazon 181, 182, 226, 291 ambient-based standards
of pollution control 394 Angel CoFund 272 Ansoff, Igor 127 APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation Forum) 458 Apple 221, 225, 256–7, 291 apprenticeships 381
in the UK 383–6 arc method
of measuring elasticity 73 ASEAN Free Trade Area 457–8 assets
control of 37 of financial institutions 519, 521,
522 net stable funding ratio 528–9 ‘toxic’ assets 335
household balance sheets 568–9 in money 451–2 risk-weighted 526, 527 secondary marketing of 526–7 and unlimited liability 39, 40
asymmetric shocks 627 asymmetric information 38, 353 attributes (characteristics)
theory 104–9 automatic fiscal stabilisers 582–3 average cost (AC) 147–9
and minimum wages 313 and perfect competition 179 and pricing strategy 278, 279 and wage rates 305
average cost pricing 199 average fixed costs (AFC) 148, 279 average physical
product (APP) 144, 155 average revenue (AR) 161, 162, 163 average revenue product (ARP)
and the depletion of common resources 352
average variable cost (AVC) 148, 179
backward vertical integration 247 backwards recursion 608 balance of payments 470, 499–503
capital account 499, 500, 501–2 and the circular flow of income 493 current account 499, 500–1 and exchange rates 508–9, 510 financial account 499, 500, 502–3 and inflation 486 and investment by multinational
corporations 431 United Kingdom 500, 503
balance sheets financial 470, 568 of financial institutions 519–23,
524, 528 rise of wholesale funding 524–5
households 567–70 national 471
balance of trade deficits 19 balance on trade in goods 500
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I : 2 I N D E X
see also macroeconomic environment business environment 4, 5–10, 221–3 Business Growth Service 273 business organisations see firms business strategy 214–95
evaluation and implementation of 229
five Ps of 217–19 in a global economy 227–9 hybrid (supermarkets) 227 Samsung 218–19, 225 strategic analysis 218–19, 220–4 strategic choices 219, 220, 225–6 strategic management 218–20 see also growth strategy; pricing
strategy buyers, bargaining power of
221, 222 by-products 290
Cable, Vince 41 CAC (command-and-control systems)
and environmental policy 394–5, 396
CAP (Common Agricultural Policy) 459
cap-and-trade system (tradable permits) 395–6
capital 297, 321–39 access to, and corporate social
responsibility 364 calculating the costs of 330–1 economic growth and capital
accumulation 605 free movement of 456 human 606, 608–9 income from using 321 physical 321, 327
and supply-side policies 603–4, 605
pooling 256 and potential economic growth
476–7 profit-maximisation employment of
322–3 and regional policy 616 return on 321 scarcity of 18 services 321–4 share capital in financial institu-
tions 521–2 stocks and flows of 322 structures, opportunity cost of 169 supply of 327–30 see also investment; stock market
capital account 470–1 capital adequacy/capital adequacy
ratio 523, 525–6, 527–8
barriers to entry 182–4, 222 and vertical integration 247
barter economies 20 base year (for index numbers) 30 Basel III capital requirements 524–6,
527–8 Baumol, William 233 behaviour change
and environmental protection 390 behavioural theories of the
firm 238–9 Ben & Jerry’s 216–17, 220, 221 Berle, A.A. 37 Bertrand model 200–1 bilateral monopoly
and wage rates 306–7 bills of exchange 522 biometric forecasting 120 biotechnology industry 9 ‘black box’ forecasting 119 board of directors 40 the Body Shop 365 bonds 522–3
gearing (leverage) ratio 524, 525 gilts (government bonds) 522–3,
524, 530, 531, 532 securitisation of 526–7
bounded rationality 42, 43 BP 364 brands
brand loyalty and monopolies 184 and characteristics analysis 104–9 and corporate social responsibility
(CSR) 363–4 own-label 125–7
BRICS countries 622 and international trade 441, 447
broad money 534 increase in the supply of 536, 593 multiplier in the UK 535–6
budget constraints and consumer demand 105
budget deficits/surpluses 581–2 building societies 519 business activity 546–75
aggregate demand and inflation 546, 550–6
Keynesian models of 546, 547–9, 550–1, 553, 556
business cycles 472, 473, 489–90 and aggregate demand 489, 566–72 and fiscal policy 581, 586 fluctuations in aggregate supply
572–3 international 622 and monetary policy 590
business economics defining 4–5
balance of visible trade 500 balance-sheet recessions 490 ‘banana war’ (EU/US) 461 bank (bank deposits) multiplier 535 Bank of England 522, 523, 529, 530–1
as a bank 530 and the broad money multiplier 536 and exchange rate policy 531 Financial Policy
Committee (FPC) 531 and the government 530 inflation rate targets 557, 558, 565 and interest rates 530, 531, 579, 598 Monetary Policy Committee (MPC)
530–1, 532, 588, 592 and the monetary supply 533 and the money markets 532 quantitative easing (QE) 530–1, 536
banknotes, issue of 530 banks 331, 332, 353
balance sheets 519–23, 524 certificates of deposit (CDs) 521,
526, 532 sale and repurchase agreements
(repos) 521, 522 Basel III capital requirements for
524–6, 527–8 capital adequacy 523, 525–6 central banks 529–33, 532
inflation rate targets 547, 557, 599–600
current accounts 520 and exchange rates 503, 506, 507,
508–9, 511 as financial intermediaries 520 global systemically important banks
(G-SIBs) 528, 529 Independent Commission on
Banking (ICB) 519 inter-bank lending 335, 521, 522,
523, 524, 532–3 growth in the rate of 536–7 risk factor of 526
investments by 522–3 liquidity and profitability 523–7 and the macroeconomic
environment 468 nationalisation of 408, 614 retail banking 334–5, 519 role of in the monetary system 334–5,
518–19 wholesale banking 335, 519 see also Bank of England; European
Central Bank (ECB); money supply
bar charts 29, 30 barometric firm price
leadership 198, 199
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United Kingdom 371–5, 376 competitive advantage 267–8 competitive drivers of globalisation
419, 420 complementary goods 54
cross-price elasticity of demand 75 and marginal utility 95
complementary money markets 532–3 complementary services
and price of road space 401 compounding interest 325 conglomerate mergers 249 conglomerate multinationals 430 consortia 40, 255, 256 constrained discretion 598–600 constraints on growth 243–4 consultancies 45 consumer co-operatives 40 consumer durables
advertising 130, 131, 133 and replacement consumption 570 risk and uncertainty around 95
consumer price index (CPI) 31–2, 565 consumer surplus 91–2
calculating 93–4 and market failure under
monopoly 343, 344 consumers
and alternative maximising theories 238
and the circular flow of income 21 and competition policy 376 and contestable markets 190 data collection on consumer
behaviour 113–14 and demand 88–9, 90–111
demand curves for individuals 53, 54
marginal utility 91–5 government information for 358 and the knowledge economy 45 and monopolistic competition 196 and oligopolies 204 and perfect competition 180–1 and price discrimination 276, 277,
280–8 price elasticity and taxes 78–9 and the price mechanism 51 reducing uncertainty 82–3 rogue traders and consumer com-
plaints 102–4 and satisficing firms 240 see also demand; tastes (consumers)
consumption and the business cycle 566–70,
571–2 of capital 605 and economics 18
collateralised debt obligations (CDOs) 526–7, 528, 529
collective bargaining 307 Collins, Philip 89 collusive behaviour
and EU competition policy 369 collusive oligopolies 197–9, 376
pricing strategy 277 collusive tendering 372 command economies 22, 23 command-and-control systems
and environmental policy 394–5, 396
commercial bills of exchange 331 commodity futures markets 83 common goods/resources 351
depletion of common resources 352 the environment as a common
resource 389 common markets 456 common procurement policies 456 companies see firms comparative advantage
and international trade 443–4, 446 competition
and the EU Single Market 460 factors affecting the degree of 174–5 for FDI 433 and global strategy 228 government policies to encourage
613 and international trade 445 minimum wages in a competitive
labour market 312–13 non-price 123, 195 Porter’s Five Forces Model of 215,
221–3, 225 and pricing strategy 277 in privatised industries 412 and strategic analysis 220 sustainable competitive advantage
223–5 and trade blocs 457 and unemployment 563 see also monopolistic competition;
perfect competition competition for corporate control 188,
190 Competition and Innovation
Framework Programme (CIP) 273 Competition and Markets Authority
(CMA) 357–8, 371–5, 409 competition policy 176, 368–76
competition, monopoly and the public interest 368–9
European Union 369–71, 372, 373, 376, 459
dealing with cartels 374–5
capital conservation buffers 527 capital transfers 501 CAR (capital adequacy ratio) 525–6,
527–8 carbon trading scheme
(European Union) 397–400 CARICOM (Caribbean Community)
457 cartels 198, 369
EU procedures for dealing with 374–5
CBA (cost-benefit analysis) 229 CCL (Climate Change Levy) 397 CDOs (collateralised debt obligations)
526–7, 528, 529 CDs (certificates of deposit) 521,
526, 532 CEOs (Chief Executive Officers)
salaries of 41 certificates of deposit (CDs) 521,
526, 532 change in demand 55 change management 229 change in the quantity demanded 55 characteristics analysis 104–9 China 228
consumers 88–9 and deflation 488 economic slowdown 466–7 exporters 2, 3 FDI inflows 416, 426 and globalisation 418 and international trade 441–2, 447
circular flow diagrams 27 circular flow of income 20–2, 490–3
and business activity 547, 548 civil foundation 361, 362 classical economists see new classical
economists climate change 388
Stern Report on 390–1 Climate Change Levy (CCL) 397 clothing industry
costs and prices 158 club goods 350–1 CMA (Competition and Markets
Authority) 357–8, 371–5, 409 co-operation 223
co-operative R&D 377 Co-operative Ethical Consumer
Markets Report 363, 364 co-operatives 40 co-ordination economies 246–7 co-ordination failure 524–5 Coase, Ronald 36 Coase theorem 356, 392 coffee traders 48, 49 collaboration 223
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from taxes on goods and services 357
welfare loss 344, 346 debit cards 520 debt
debt/equity ratio 330–1 sub-prime debt
and monetary policy 581 securitisation of 527, 528–9
decency threshold 310–11 decision making
and bounded rationality 42, 43 risk and uncertainty 82
decision trees 208–10 declining industries
protection for 448 Deepwater Horizon oil spill 364 deficits
and fiscal policy 581–2 deflation 488 deflationary fiscal policy 580 deflationary gap 551 deindustrialisation 10, 14 demand 18–19, 49, 53–5, 88–102
for capital investment 325–7 for capital services 323 and the circular flow of
income 20–2 and the consumer 88–9, 90–111
analysing consumer demand 104–9
derived 303, 400 and factor markets 297 and the firm 112–22 growth and profitability 243 international trade and
differences in 445 interrelated 289–90 and the labour market 302–4 and market adjustment 76–82 and market value 94 for money 517, 541–2, 555 and the price mechanism 51–2 pricing and market structure 277 risk and uncertainty
conditions 95–104 for road space 400–2 six determinants of 54–5 and stock market prices 62–4 time and market adjustment 76–82 see also aggregate demand (AD);
elasticity demand curves 53–4, 68
and advertising 133 and competition 175 currency 506 equilibrium price and output 59 forecasting demand 120
of trade restrictions 449 transaction costs 36 of travel 400–1 of unemployment 478–9 see also production costs
counter-cyclical buffers 528 countervailing power 204 coupons
and price discrimination 285 Cournot model 200, 201 CPI (consumer price index) 31–2, 565 credible threats/promises 207, 208 credit
availability and price of 567 balance of payments accounts 499,
502 creation of 534–6, 537 credit cycles 538–9 demand for 535 rationing 591
credit cards 541 credit crunch see financial crisis
(2007/9) credit market
adverse selection 99 cross-border mergers and acquisitions
(M&As) 424–5 cross-price elasticity of demand
74, 75, 108 and advertising 133 and multiple product pricing 290 and substitutes for car travel 401
cross-section data 29–30 crowding out 584
financial 590 CSR see corporate social responsibility CTRP (contingent term
repo facility) 531 cultural globalisation 420 culture
and the business environment 8 and business strategy 221, 229 and multinational corporations 430
currency reserves and the balance of payments
account 502 current accounts 520 current budget balance
and UK fiscal policy 589 customer loyalty
own-label brands 126 customs unions 456–7, 459 cyclical fluctuations in
demand 119–20 cyclical unemployment 480–1
Darling, Alistair 579 deadweight loss
consumption (continued) externalities 345, 347–8 and the inner flow of income 490–1 and microeconomic choices 23 and price elasticity of demand 70–1 and public goods 349–50 and road space 402 and social efficiency 342–3
consumption smoothing 566 container principle 150 contestable markets 188–90
and oligopolies 204–5 contingency valuation
and environmental protection 390–2
contingent term repo facility (CTRP) 531
continuous market clearing 551–2 contradictory policies
and exchange rates 509, 510 copyright 184 core competences 226, 228 corporate control
competition for 188, 190 corporate governance
and strategic analysis 220, 221 corporate social responsibility (CSR)
360–4 and the Body Shop 365 classical view of 360 and economic performance 363–4 environmental scanning 360 and globalisation 362–3 socioeconomic view of 360 and the virtue matrix 361–3
COSME programme 273–4 cost drivers of globalisation 419, 420 cost leadership 225 cost reductions
and global strategy 228, 229 cost-based pricing 278–80 cost-benefit analysis (CBA) 229
investment appraisal 326 and transport policy 403–7
cost-push inflation 487 costless exit
and contestable markets 190 costs
gains from trade 444–5 of inflation 485–6 and monopolies 184, 185–8 opportunity costs 23–4, 140–1 and price elasticity of supply 75–6 and prices in the clothing
industry 158 and pricing strategy 277 revenue, costs and profits 165 supply and price 56
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and capital accumulation 605 and the circular flow of income 492 developing economies and multina-
tional corporations 434–7 and globalisation 418 and inequality 608–9 and inflation 488 and international trade 445 output gaps 472, 475 policies to achieve 477–8 potential 471–2, 476–7 rate of 470
economic performance and corporate social responsibility
(CSR) 363–4 link between training and 380
economic vulnerability and production costs 146–7
economies of scale 149–51 and concentration ratios 177 and contestable markets 189 and customs unions 457 and the EU Single Market 460 gains from trade 444–5 growth and profitability 243 mergers for 250 minimum efficient scale (MES) 156 and monopolies 182–3 and perfect competition 179, 180 and small businesses 268
economies of scope 151, 184 education
and environmental policy 395 and training policy 381–6, 614
Educational Funding Agency (EFA) 382
effective ownership 37 efficiency frontier 105–6, 107,
108, 109 efficiency wage hypothesis 310 efficient market hypothesis 65
capital markets 336–7 EFTPOS (electronic funds transfer at
point of sale) 520 elasticity 49, 68–9
of demand and the incidence of
taxation 78–9 income 74–5 and labour markets 304 and monopolistic
competition 193 and pricing strategy 277, 284, 286 see also cross-price elasticity of
demand; price elasticity of demand
and minimum wages 312–13 of supply
diminishing (marginal) returns 142–4, 146, 149
diminishing marginal utility 91, 95 and attitudes to risk taking 96–7
diminishing returns, problem of 477 direct investment
and the balance of payments account 502
directors board of 40 and profit maximisation 232
discount markets 522, 532 discount window facility (DWF) 531 discounting investments 325–7 discounts
and price discrimination 284–5 quantity discount pricing strategy
288–9 road pricing 405
discretionary fiscal policy 583, 587 diseconomies of scale 151 disequilibrium 52
unemployment 479, 480–1 diversification
growth strategy 245, 246, 248 product/market strategy 127, 128 of risk 98, 228, 248
dividends 40 and preference shares 526
division of labour and economies of scale 150
Doha Round (WTO) 451, 452 dominant firm price leadership 198–9 dominant strategy games 205–6 Dragons’ Den 272 dumping
and international trade 417, 446, 448, 450
duopolies non-collusive 200–1
DWF (discount window facility) 531
e-mail 42 easyJet 281 eBay 93, 182 ECB see European Central Bank (ECB) Eclectic Paradigm 427–30 econometrics 118–21 economic analysis techniques 27–34
diagrams as pictures 27 functional relationships 32–4 index numbers 30–2 representing real-life statistics 27–9
economic factors and the business environment 5–8
economic growth 19, 469, 470–8 actual 471–2
and the business cycle 472, 473–6
growth and profitability 243 kinked demand theory 201 and labour markets 299, 303–4 and marginal utility 93–5 measuring elasticities 72–3 and monetary policy 594 monopolistic competition 193 movements along and shifts in 55 oligopolies 199 price elasticity of demand 69, 71 and pricing strategy 281
demand functions 113, 114–18 using in forecasts 120–1
demand-deficient unemployment 480–1, 551
demand-pull inflation 487 demand-side policies 12, 20, 580–602
and constrained discretion 598–600 fiscal policy 579, 580–8, 598 monetary policy 579, 580, 588–98 and supply-side policies 606
dependants direct provision of services for 358
dependent variables 33, 121 deposits 519–21
bank multiplier 535 banks’ deposits in the Bank of
England 530 maturity gap 523–4, 526 and the money supply 533, 534 non-interest-bearing, and exchange
controls 633 depreciation of capital 324 deregulation (public sector) 613 derived demand 303
for road space 400 destabilising speculation 78, 79–80 devaluation
and exchange rates 510 developed economies
FDI originating from 424 developing economies
and China 2 and corporate social responsibility
(CSR) 362, 363 foreign direct investment
by 416, 423–6 and international trade 440–1 and multinational
corporations 434–7 outsourcing to 418
diagrams as pictures 27 diamonds–water paradox 94 differentiation strategy 225–6 diffusion policies (for R&D) 377 diminishing marginal rates
of substitution of characteristics 107
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competition policy 369–71, 372, 373, 376, 459
dealing with cartels 374–5 economic and monetary union
(EMU) 624–9 advantages of 626–7 opposition to 627–8
effect of new member states 462–3 environmental policy 394, 397–400 ERM (exchange rate mechanism)
513, 624–5, 632, 635 fiscal policy 587–8, 598, 629 formation of the EEC 458–9 Industrial R&D Investment Scoreboard
378–9 Internal Market Scoreboard 462, 463 labour market 302, 319 mutual recognition principle 459 pricing strategies 292 regional policy 459, 615–16, 617–18 single currency (euro) 513–14, 530,
625–6 Single European Act (1987) 613 Single Market 459–62, 632 small-sector firms 264, 273–4 social policy 459 statistics on investment in the EU
27–9 systems of industry classification 13 taxation 459 technology policy 378–80 and the Tobin tax 633 trade with China 2 trade disputes 461–2
excess burden (of a tax on a good) 356, 357
excess capacity (under monopolistic competition) 196
exchange equalisation account 531 exchange rates 332, 468, 470, 499,
503–14 appreciation 505
and current account deficit 508 and the balance of payments
508–9 and the Bank of England 531 and changes in the money supply
543–4 controlling transactions 632–5 dealing in foreign exchange 507 and the demand for money 541 depreciation 505 determination of in a free market
504–7 and equilibrium in the foreign
exchange market 542 the ERM (exchange rate mecha-
nism) 513, 624–5, 632, 635
environmental scanning 360 equation of exchange 554–5 equations
functional relationships 33 equilibrium 542–4
in the foreign exchange market 542 GDP 548 interest rates 594 in the money market 542–3 unemployment 479, 480, 481,
560–1 changes in 562–5
wage rate 51 equilibrium price 51
and elasticity of supply 76 growth-maximising firms 237–8 and inflation 486 and market structure 277 minimum and maximum prices 64 and monopolies 184 and output 58–9 and price discrimination 283–4 and speculation 77
equity and changes in property rights 356 and government intervention 343 and green taxes 393 and transport policy 403–4, 407
ERM (exchange rate mechanism) 513, 624–5, 632, 635
ethics and the business environment 9, 10 business ethics and strategic
analysis 221 ethical consumerism 363, 364 see also corporate social responsibil-
ity (CSR) ethnicity
and price discrimination 287 ETS (EU Emissions Trading Scheme)
398–9 euro (European single currency) 513–14,
530, 625–6 Europe
and international trade 442 European Central Bank (ECB) 529,
530, 625 monetary policy 590, 596–7, 598
quantitative easing 578, 629 European Cluster Observatory 153 European Commission
Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) 395
and Microsoft 186–7 European Union (EU) 458–63
biotechnology industry 9 Common Agricultural
Policy (CAP) 459
elasticity (continued) market supply of labour 302 price 75–6
see also inelastic demand electronic markets
adverse selection 99 electronic road pricing 405–7 employees
and corporate social responsibility (CSR) 364
and the knowledge economy 45 employers
supply of labour to individual 302 and the ‘Trailblazers’ initiative 385 wage rates 298
and market power 304–10 as wage takers 298
employment and the circular flow of income 547 and green taxes 393 and investment by multinational
corporations 431 and market-determined wage rates
298–304 part-time 45, 311–12, 315 UK employment by industry 13–14 and UK industry clusters 154 see also human capital; labour/
labour markets; unemployment energy sector
and market power 203 England, regional policy in 617 Enterprise Capital Funds 272 enterprise culture 266 Enterprise Finance Guarantee (EFG)
272 Enterprise Zones 153, 606, 617 entrepreneurial skills
and multinational corporations 428 envelope curves 159 environment-based strategy 225–6 environmental costs of road usage
402–3 environmental degradation
and globalisation 418 and multinational corporations 434
environmental (ecological) factors and the business environment 8
environmental policy 348, 388–400 the environment as a resource 388–9 European Union 394, 397–400 and market failure 389 market-based 392–4 non-market based 394–6 problems with policy intervention
389–92 United Kingdom 397 see also climate change; pollution
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and multinational corporations 423, 429
and the price mechanism 51 and securitisation 528–9 and the stock market 64, 332 and the UK housing market 60 and unemployment 481, 564–5
financial economies 150, 247 financial efficiency ratios 328–9 financial flexibility 316 financial instability hypothesis
and balance sheets 569–70 Minsky’s credit cycles 538–9
financial instruments 519 financial intermediaries 332–4, 520 financial markets
and monopolies 188 financial sector 17, 468, 518–33
balance between profitability and liquidity 523–7
balance sheets 519–23 Basel III capital requirements 524–6,
527–8 and business cycles 566–7 financial institutions 517 global interdependence 622 role of the money markets 532 see also banks
Financial Services Authority (FSA) 104, 531
financial transactions tax (FTT) 635 financial well-being 470–1
and the business cycle 489–90 capital account 470–1 financial account 470 income account 470
financing investment 331–5 sources of business finance 331–2
fine-tuning 581, 596–7, 600 fines for anti-competitive behaviour
369–70, 371–2, 376 firms 35–47
alternative theories of the firm 231–41 and the business cycle 50–1 and characteristics analysis 108–9 circular flow of income 20–2,
490–3, 547 classifying by industry 11–14 and competition
factors affecting the degree of 174–5
perfect 178–81 and demand 112–22
elasticity of 69, 75 estimating demand functions
112–18 factor markets 297 forecasting 118–21
externalities 344–8, 349 and government provision of goods
and services 358 and labour migration 616 pollution as a negative externality
389 and privatisation 408 and restrictions on trade 448 taxes and subsidies to
correct 354–5, 357
factor markets 296–339 interdependence of 52 supply and demand in 297 see also capital; labour/labour
markets factor payments 490 factor prices 157 Fair Fares 183 fashion cycle 158 FDI (foreign direct investment)
emerging economies 416 government policy towards 429 inward FDI to the UK, benefits and
risks of 432–3 and multinational corporations
421, 422, 423–6, 429, 432–3 in developing economies 434–7
FEER (fundamental equilibrium exchange rate) 633
FFT (financial transactions tax) 635 financial accelerator 567 financial account 470 financial balance sheet 470 financial conditions
and constraints on growth 243–4 Financial Conduct Authority (FCA)
104 financial crisis (2007/9) 4, 17
and aggregate supply 562 and the Bank of England 530–1, 532 and the banking
system 335, 519, 526 liquidity ratio 524–5, 537 wholesale funding 524–5
and the business cycle 474 credit crunch 332 and financial institutions 517 and fiscal policy 580, 584–5, 586 and global interdependence 619, 620 global output following 469 and inter-bank lending rates 532–3 and international trade 439 and interventionist supply-side
policies 614 and the macroeconomic
environment 470, 471 and monetary policy 592, 593
exchange rate index/effective exchange rate 504
fixed 509–10 floating 507, 508, 511–12 fluctuations between the euro and
the dollar 513–14 forward exchange market 511 and interest rates 506, 509, 510,
555–6 and international harmonisation of
economic policies 622 managed flexibility
(dirty floating) 512 nominal and real 505 pegging 624, 632 in practice 512–13 sterling against selected
currencies 504 target zones 633–5
excludability and public goods 250
exit costs 190, 223 exogenous money supply 540 expansionary fiscal policy 580 expectations-augmented Phillips
curve 559–61 expected value 95–6 expenditure
and price elasticity of demand 70–1
expenditure method of calculating GDP 496–7
experiments market experiments 113, 114
explicit costs 140 exports
balance of trade deficits 19 expenditure and the circular flow of
income 492 and overseas investment 429 and small businesses and export
markets 269 see also international trade
external benefits 344 external costs 344
environmental 389 external diseconomies of scale 152 external economies of scale 151
and customs unions 457 external effects of business decision
making 5 external firm growth 245, 249–60
mergers and acquisitions 245, 246, 249–55, 426
strategic alliances 245, 246, 254–6, 426
transaction costs 257–60 external funds 331–2
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G-SIBs (global systemically important banks) 528, 529
game theory 205–10, 232 the Hunger Games 209 multiple-move games 206–10 prisoners’ dilemma 206, 207, 370 single-move games 205–6 usefulness of 210
GATT (Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) 450
gazelles (high-growth firms) 266 GDP (gross domestic product)
and business activity 547, 549, 554–5
and current account balance 501 deflator 483–5 and economic growth 471, 472, 474 and the European Union
European Monetary Union 626 new member states 463
full-employment level of 550–1 government deficits/surpluses and
debt as a percentage of 581 green tax revenues as a percentage
of 394 gross fixed capital formation as a
percentage of 604 and international economic
indicators 623 and international trade 439–40,
442, 621 and the investment accelerator 570,
571 and market prices 495 measuring 495–8 and money 518 and the money supply 533, 534 and multinational corporations
421 multiplied rise in 549, 550 output of industrial sectors 10, 11 United Kingdom 17
and advertising expenditure 129–30
balance of payments as a percentage of 503
by industry 13 calculating 496
gearing ratio 330–1, 524, 525 gender
and the labour market 314–16 and price discrimination 287
genetically modified (GM) foods 461 Germany
apprentice schemes 296 and the ERM 624–5 macroeconomic performance 21 training policy 381
and monetary policy 590 in the UK 589, 590
Five Forces Model of competition 215, 221–3, 225
fixed exchange rates 509–10 fixed factors
in production costs 142 flat organisation structure 42–3 flexibility
and multinational corporations 423, 433
flexible labour markets 314, 316–19 and the stakeholding
economy 240 and training 381
floating exchange rates 507, 508, 511–12
flows of capital 322 focus strategy 226 for-profit organisations
and strategic management 220 forecasting demand 118–21 forecasting future demand 113 foreign direct investment see FDI
(foreign direct investment) foreign exchange gap
developing countries and economic growth 435
forward exchange market 511 forward markets 83 forward vertical integration 247 fossil fuel burning 389 franchising 255, 412, 422, 613 free markets
and the price mechanism 51 free riders
and public goods 352–3 R&D 377
free trade areas 456 free-market economies 22 frictional (search) unemployment 481 frontier
of corporate social responsibility (CSR) 361, 362
FTSE (Financial Times Stock Exchange Index) 63
fuel taxes 393, 404–5 full-employment level of GDP 550–1 full-range pricing 290 functional labour market flexibility
316, 319 functional relationships 32–4 future demand, forecasting 113 futures markets 83
G20 economic forum 622 G7 countries
and economic convergence 622
firms (continued) economic decision making by 4–5 the flexible firm 317–18, 381 goals of 36–7 and government 368–87
competition policy 368–76 green taxes 392–3 and growth, assistance for small-
firms 271–4 growth strategy 242–61 infrastructure 224 internal aims and organisation 15 internal organisation 41–5 legal structure 39–40 market power and the labour
market 304–5, 306 measuring opportunity costs 140–1 and microeconomic choices 25 and monopolistic
competition 192–3, 194–6 opportunity cost of company
structures 169 price elasticity
of demand 71–4 of supply 75–6 and taxes 78–9
pricing strategy 276–95 principal–agent relationships 37–9 production costs in the long-run
155–9 production organisation 35–6 R&D spending in the European
Union 378–9 and social responsibility 360–4 supply of capital services 323–4 survival of 39 traditional theory of 36
problems with 231–2 and voluntary agreements to cut
pollution 395 see also employers; rival firms
first-degree price discrimination 280–2 first-mover advantage 209 fiscal policy 579, 580–8, 598
automatic fiscal stabilisers 582–3 deficits and surpluses 581–2 deflationary 580 discretionary 583, 587 effectiveness of 583–7
problems of magnitude 583–6 problems of timing 586–7
in the Eurozone 587–8, 629 and exchange rates 509 expansionary 580 and the financial crisis (2008/9) 580,
584–5, 586 fine-tuning 581 fiscal rules 587
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gross value added (GVA) at basic prices 495
growth maximisation 237–8 growth strategy 242–61
alternative 245–6 constraints on growth 243–4 external expansion 245, 249–60 internal expansion 245, 246–8 and profitability 242–3, 244, 248
growth vector matrix 127–8, 131
H-form organisational structures 43–4 harmful goods 448 Harrod-Domar model 435 hedge funds
coffee trading 48 Hewlett Packard (HP) 251–2 high-powered money
(monetary base) 533–4 historic costs 141 HMV 173, 182, 183 holding companies 43, 44 Hong Kong 416, 426 horizontal integration 246
multinationals 429 horizontal mergers 249 horizontal product
differentiation 124 horizontal strategic alliances 246,
254–6 hormone-treated beef dispute
(EU/US) 461 Hotel Chocolat 270–1 households
circular flow of income 20–2, 490–3, 547
consumption cycles 566–70 disposable income 497–8 and factor markets 297 and the money supply 535, 537
housing market and speculation 79–80 and stock market prices 62–3 UK house prices 60–2, 80
human capital and supply-side policies 606, 608–9
human resource management 224 Humber Enterprise Zone 617 hyperinflation 485–6 hysteresis
and unemployment 563–5
IBOR (inter-bank offer rate) 335 ICB (Independent Commission on
Banking) 335, 519 Iceland 620 ignorance
and environmental policy 389, 391
intervention in the market 354–8 changes in property rights 355–6 direct provision of goods and
services 358 legal restrictions 356–7 price controls 358 provision of information 358 regulatory bodies 357–8 and social objectives 342–3 supply-side policies 614–15, 617 taxes and subsidies 354–5 see also market failure
macroeconomic policy 20, 579, 614–15, 617
fiscal policy 579, 580–8 regional policy 617
microeconomic choices 22–3 and the money supply 534
public-sector deficit 537–40 and multinational corporations
429, 430 and preferential trading 456 privatisation 407–8
regulation of privatised industries 408–12
production costs and government policy 57
protecting people’s interests 354 R&D policies 376–80 regulation
banking system 335 financial services industry 104 of privatised industries 408–12 and regional policy 617 trade unions 307
state-owned multinational corporations 422
supply-side policies 607–15 encouraging competition 613 interventionist 614–15 market-oriented 607–13 reducing government
expenditure 607 tax cuts 607–10
training policies 380–6, 614 transport policies 400–7
grandfathering 395 grants
Apprenticeship Grant for Employers 385–6
government grants for SMEs 272–3
graphs, linear functions as 33 Greece 565, 620, 629 green taxes 392–4, 396 greenfield investment 424–5 gross national income (GNY) 495,
496, 497
gilts (government bonds) 522–3, 524, 530, 531, 532
gilt repos 521 Global Competitiveness Report
(2008–2009) 139 global economy 17
and business strategy 227–9 convergence of economies 622–4 international telecommuting 301 liberation of global finance 333 see also international economic
policy Global Entrepreneurship Monitor
(GEM) 264–5, 267 global interdependence 619–22 global merger activity 250–3 global sourcing 45 global systemically important banks
(G-SIBs) 528, 529 globalisation 417, 418–20
and corporate social responsibility (CSR) 362–3
defining 419 drivers of 419–20 supporters and critics of 420 see also multinational corporations
(MNCs) goals of the firm 36–7 Goodhart’s Law 599 goods
determining market value of 94 free movement of 456 interdependence of goods
markets 52 intermediate 605 international trade in 442 in joint supply 57 and price elasticity of demand 70–1
government bonds see gilts (govern- ment bonds)
government expenditure and the circular flow of income 492
government surplus (from a tax on a good) 356, 357
governments 340–415 and the business cycle 572 and business decision making 5 and central banks 530 as drivers of globalisation 419 environmental policy 388–400 exchange rates
and the balance of payments 508–9
fixed and floating 509, 510, 511, 512
and the firm 368–87 assistance for small firms 271–4 competition policy 368–76
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discretionary policy on 599–600 and monetary policy 591 and output gaps 475, 556, 557 and real values 13 RPIX 565 targeting inflation rates 565–6,
599–600 and unemployment 546–7, 565–6
relationship between in the short run 556–62
targeting inflation rates 547, 565–6 inflationary gap 551 information
asymmetries 102–3 governments and the provision
of 358 see also imperfect information
information technology 8 and business organisation 42–3 and telecommuting 301
infrastructure of firms 224 injections
and the circular flow of income 492–3
inner flow of income 490–1 innovation
financing 333 and the knowledge economy 45 and small businesses 268 and tax cuts 610 and technology policy 376 and training 380 and vertical integration 247 see also R&D (research and
development) inputs 18
and multinational corporations 428 and production costs 142
insurance 97–101 Bank of England and liquidity
insurance 531, 592 independence of risks 98 problems
adverse selection 98–9 moral hazard 100
spreading of risks 97–8 integrated international enterprises
43 intellectual property 450 inter-temporal pricing 285 interdependence
global 619–22 under oligopolies 197
interest rates and the Bank of England 530, 531,
579 banks 520 and capital supply 327–30
redistribution of 485 and stock market prices 63 and the UK housing market 61
independence (of firms in a market) 193
independent risks 98 independent variables 33, 121 index numbers 30–2 India 418 indifference curves 106–7, 108, 109 indifference maps 106, 107, 108 individual workers
supply of labour by 300–2 individuals
demand schedules for 53–4, 54 indivisibilities
and economies of scale 150 industrial action 307–10 industrial clusters 151, 153–4 industrial concentration 14, 177 industries
low pay 311 nationalisation 40, 407, 408, 614
industry defining 11 infrastructure 151
industry structure 10–14 classifying by production category
10–11 classifying firms into industries 11–14 output of industrial sectors 11 SME share of 267
inelastic demand 70 and green taxes 393 infinitely elastic 72, 74 and sales revenue 72 totally inelastic 72, 74
inequality and human capital 608–9
infant industries and trade restrictions 446–7
inferior goods 55 infinitely elastic demand 72, 74 inflation 13, 19, 470, 482–9
and aggregate demand 546, 550–4 and the business cycle 489, 490 causes of 487–9 and the circular flow of income
492–3 costs of 485–6 and deflation 488 and European Monetary
Union 625, 627 and exchange rates 506 and fiscal policy 580 inflation rate measures 482–5 inflation rate targets 547, 557, 565–6,
599–600
ignorance (continued) and government intervention in the
market 358 and market failure 353
ILTRS (index long-term repos) 531 IMF (International Monetary Fund)
523, 620–1, 622 controls on exchange
transactions 632 imperfect competition 173, 176–7
monopolistic 173, 175, 176, 192–6 oligopoly 192 profit maximisation under 192–212
imperfect information on consumer behaviour 112–13 on inflation and unemployment
561 and market failure 353 and monopolistic competition 194 and profit maximisation 231–2 and risk 95, 98–9
implicit costs 140–1 imports
balance of trade deficits 19 controls 509 expenditure on 492 substitution 431
impure public goods 350, 353 incentives
and the market 51 and the principal–agent problem
37–8 income account 470 income effects 53
of wage rises 300–2 income elasticity of demand 74–5 income method
of calculating GDP 495–6 incomes
circular flow of income 20–2, 490–3 and business activity 547, 548
consumer response to income changes 108
debt-to-income ratio 568 and demand for goods 54–5 and demand for road space 400 diminishing marginal utility of
income 96–7 disposable income and
consumption 566 distribution of 55 equity 343 and exchange rates 506 expectations of future incomes 570 fiscal policy and the multiplier
effect 586 measuring GDP 495–8 money national income 541
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job seekers and the Internet 318
John Lewis Partnership 6–8, 40 joint ventures 254, 430 joint-stock companies 37 just-in-time (JIT) production
methods 239, 318–19
Kay, John 3 Ketels, C. 153 Keynesian economists
and discretionary demand-side policies 599
models of business activity 546, 547–9, 550–1, 553, 556
King, Mervyn 468 kinked demand theory 201 knowledge economy 45
and globalisation 418 knowledge spillovers 606 Kroes, Neelie 341 Kyoto Protocol 392
labour productivity comparing selected
economies 611–12 and training 380
labour/labour markets 18, 297, 298–320
adverse selection 99 and the European Single Market 460 flexibility 314, 316–19 free movement of labour 456 and gender 314–16 German apprentice schemes 296 government information on 358 market-determined wage rates and
employment 298–304 perfect 299–300, 302 and potential economic growth 477 and power 304–10 and the price mechanism 51 reducing the power of labour 610 and regional policy 616 and the stakeholding economy 240 and structural unemployment 563 supply of labour 300–2 and supply-side policies 604–6,
608–9 telecommuting 301 and training policy 380–1 and unemployment 479–81, 564 and women 297 workforce quality and
performance 15 zero-hours contracts 307, 311–12 see also employment; wages/wage
rates
terms of trade 445, 457, 505 and the WTO 450–2 see also balance of payments;
exchange rates; trade blocs international trade
multiplier 619–20 Internet
advertising 130 e-commerce 102, 103, 182 and the eating-out sector 195 and labour mobility 318 online gaming 236 and technology 376
interrelated demand 289–90 interrelated production 290 interventionist macroeconomic
policies 478 supply-side 606, 614–15
regional policies 617 invention
and technology policy 376 investment
accelerator 570, 571 and the aggregate supply
curve 553–4 appraisal 229, 325–31
ratios 328–9, 330–1 supply of capital 327–30
and the balance of payments account 502
banks and investments 522–3 business and 297 and the business cycle 570 and the circular flow of income 492 and exchange rates 507 financing 331–5 inflation and lack of 485 inward investment and European
Monetary Union 626–7 and potential economic growth
476–7 risks of 327 size of multinational 423–6 UK’s record of low investment 604 see also FDI (foreign direct
investment) investment banks 335, 519 investment capital 37 IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change) 390–1 irrational consumers 90
Japan flexible working 318–19 macroeconomic performance 21 training policy 381
Japanese multinationals 428 Jevons, William Stanley 94
and changes in the money supply 543–4
and the demand for money 541–2 and equilibrium in the money
market 542–3 and European Monetary
Union 625, 627 and exchange rates 506, 509,
510, 555–6 international harmonisation of 623 and macroeconomic policy 20 and monetary policy 588–9,
593–4, 598 and money demand 555 and the money supply 540
intergenerational problems of environmental damage 389
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 390–1
intermediate goods and services 605 internal decisions of the firm 5 internal expansion 245, 246–8 internal funds 243, 331 internal rate of return (IRR) 327 internalisation advantages
and multinational corporations 427, 429–30
international agreements on environmental policy 392
international economic policy 579, 619–35
controlling exchange transactions 629, 632–5
European economic and monetary Union 624–9
exchange rate target zones 633–5 global interdependence 619–22 harmonisation of 622–4
international environment see globalisation
international liquidity and exchange rates 510
International Monetary Fund (IMF) 523, 620–1
international trade 417, 418, 439–54 advantages of 443–6 arguments for restricting 439,
446–50 composition of 442–3 dumping 417, 446, 448, 450 free trade and capital movements
613 geography of 440–2 and green taxes 393 interdependence through 619–22 and the money supply 537 patterns of 439–42 strategic trade theory 446–7, 448
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managers and flat organisation structure 43 and growth strategy 242, 244 the managerial revolution 36–7 and performance 15, 41 principal–agent relationship 37–9 and the production process 35, 36 and profit maximisation
232, 233, 236 and small business growth 269, 271 and the survival of the firm 39
manufacturing industries output of 13, 14, 30–1, 32 and strategic management 220
marginal consumer surplus (MCS) 91 marginal cost (MC) 148–9, 167, 231
of capital 322–3, 324 green taxes 393 of labour 302–4
and wage rates 305, 313 and monopolies 184, 185
market failure under 344 and oligopolies 198, 199, 204 and perfect competition 179, 181 and pricing strategy 278, 280,
282, 290 marginal costs and benefits 25 marginal disutility of work (MDU) 300 marginal efficiency of capital
(MEC) 327 marginal physical product
(MPP) 144, 155 marginal productivity
theory 302–4, 315 marginal propensity to consume
domestically produced goods and services 459
from disposable income 566 marginal revenue (MR) 162, 163–4
of capital 322–3 of labour 302–4 and monopolies 184, 185 and oligopolies 198, 199, 204 and perfect competition 179 and pricing strategy 280, 282 and profit maximisation 166–8, 231
marginal revenue product (MRP) and the depletion of common
resources 352 marginal social benefits (MSB)
and government intervention 342–3 and market failure 343
externalities 345–8, 389 and public goods 351–2 of road usage 392 and taxes 354, 355
marginal social costs (MSC) and government intervention 342–3
market loans 522 maturity gap 523–4 and monetary policy 593, 594 and risk-weighted assets 526 wholesale loans 519
location multinational corporations 422,
427, 428–9 and production costs 151, 153–4 and small business growth 269
location economies 228 lock-outs 307 logistics 224 long-term finance 332 loss leaders 289–90 LSC (Learning and Skills Council) 382
M&S 360 M-form business organisation 42, 43 Maastricht Treaty 459, 625 McDonald’s 193 macro-prudential regulation 528,
529, 531 macroeconomic environment 5–8,
19–22, 466–98 and the business cycle 472, 473,
489–90 circular flow of income 20–2, 490–3,
547, 548 comparisons across countries 21 defining macroeconomics 19 economic growth 470–8 exchange rates 332, 468, 470 and financial well-being 470–1 government policy 20 inflation 13, 19, 470, 482–9 international indicators 623 measuring national income and
output 495–8 unemployment 19, 20, 470, 478–83 see also balance of payments; banks;
business activity; financial sector
macroeconomic policies 471, 578–618 demand-side 20, 580–602 international 579, 619–35 interventionist 47, 478, 606,
614–15, 617 market-oriented 478 supply-side 12, 20, 552, 603–18 to achieve growth 477–8
Main Market List 336 managed flexibility (dirty floating)
512 management information systems 42 management skills
and multinational corporations 428 managerial economies 247
laissez-faire economies 22 Lancaster, Kelvin 104 land 18, 477 language barriers 430 large businesses
internal organisation of 41, 42 and strategic management 219–20
Latin America 2, 457 Laura Ashley 225–6 law of comparative advantage 443–4 law of demand 53 law of diminishing (marginal) returns
142–4, 146, 149 law of large numbers 98 leading indicators 120 Learning and Skills Council (LSC) 382 legal factors
and the business environment 8–10 legal protection
and monopolies 184 legal restrictions
advantages and disadvantages of 356–7
legal structure of firms 39–40 Leniency Notices 370 leverage
and the cost of capital 330–1 gearing ratio 330–1, 524, 525
liabilities of financial institutions 519–22
net stable funding ratio 528 taxes on 523
household balance sheets 568 LIBOR (London inter-bank offer rate)
335, 522, 533 licensing agreements 255 limit pricing 278 limited liability
companies 40, 269 partnerships 39
linear functions 32–3 liquidity 523
bank liquidity and monetary policy 531, 590, 592
and profitability 523–7, 528 and credit creation 534–5
liquidity ratios 329, 524–5, 527 and the rise in the money supply
536–7 variations in 535
liquidity trap 598 litigation
and property rights 356 living wage 311 loans
inter-bank lending 335, 521, 522, 523, 524
longer-term 522
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reasons for merging 249–50 and the stock market 336
MES (minimum efficient scale) 156, 243
MFIs (monetary financial institutions) 519, 531
micro businesses 263 microeconomics 5, 19
and choice 22–5 marginal costs and benefits 25 opportunity cost 23–4 rational choices 24–5
Microsoft 176, 184, 186 Middle Eastern countries 442 minimum efficient plant
size (MEPS) 156 minimum efficient scale
(MES) 156, 243 minimum price 64
for alcohol 65–6, 658 minimum reserve ratio 590, 593 minimum wages 311, 312–14 Minsky’s credit cycles 538–9 Mintzberg, Henry
five Ps of business strategy 217–18 MIRA technology park 617 mission
and strategic analysis 220–1, 229 mixed economies 22 mobility of labour 302 monetary base 533–4 monetary financial
institutions (MFIs) 519 monetary policy 579, 580, 588–98
Bank of England Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) 530–1, 532, 588, 592
and bank liquidity 590 controlling the money supply 591–3 in the Eurozone 590, 596–7 and exchange rates 509 and forward guidance 598 and interest rates 588–9, 593–4,
598 setting out 589–90 short-term measures 591 in the UK 590 see also quantitative easing (QE)
money aggregate demand and inflation
546, 554–6 demand for 517, 541–2 and the financial system 468,
518–33 meaning and functions of 518
money markets 522, 532 and equilibrium 542–4
money multiplier 535–6
market-based strategy 225–6 market-oriented macroeconomic
policies 478 supply-side 606, 607–13
marketing 127–9 and small businesses 268 value chain 224
marketing mix 128–30, 131 markets 48–87
business in a competitive market 50–2
business in a market environment 68–86
coffee trading 48, 49 defining 21 European Union Single
Market 459–60, 632 interdependence of 52
and the aggregate supply curve 552–3
market drivers of globalisation 419–20
market economies 49 market forces and
privatisation 408 market structure and business
performance 14–15 and the production process 35–6 time dimension of market adjust-
ment 76–82 the UK housing market 60–2 uncertainty in 49, 82–3 see also demand; price; supply
Martin, Roger L. 361, 362 maturity gap 523–4, 526 maturity transformation 334, 531 maximum price 64, 65 Means, G.C. 37 media advertising 130 medium-term finance 332 Menger, Carl 94 mentoring for small firms 273 menu costs of inflation 485 Mercedes-Benz 296 merchandise balance 500 MerCoSur (Southern Common
Market) 457 mergers and acquisitions (M&As)
and competition policy 369, 376 European Union 370 United Kingdom 373–5
external growth through 245, 246, 249–55
global merger activity 250–3 and monopolies 184 and multinational corporations
423–5, 426 reasons for disappointing 253–4
and market failure 343 externalities 345, 346, 347–8
of pollution 389 and public goods 351–2 of road usage 402, 404 and taxes 354–5
marginal utility (MU) 91, 92, 94 maximisation 233
marginal utility theory 91–5 diminishing marginal utility 91, 95
and attitudes to risk taking 96–7 mark-up pricing 278–80 market clearing 58 market demand schedules 53–4 market development 127, 128 market failure 343–54
co-ordination failure and financial crisis 524–5
and environmental protection 389 and externalities 344–8, 349 ignorance and uncertainty 353–4 and market power 343 and monopolies 343–4 and property rights 355–6 and social efficiency 343 and technological change 377 see also public goods
market loans 522 market observations 113–14 market penetration 127, 128, 293 market power 51, 175
and competition policy 368–9 in international trade 448 and labour markets 304–10 and market failure 343 and oligopolies 202–3 and pricing strategy 277–8
price discrimination 286 privatised industries 412
market prices GDP at 495
market segmentation 109 and product differentiation 125–7
market structures 173–91 concentration ratios 177 conduct and performance 176–7 contestable markets 188–90, 204–5 and imperfect competition 173,
176–7 and pricing strategy 277–8 see also monopolies; oligopolies;
perfect competition market surveys 113 market value
determining 94 mergers for increased valuation 250
market-based environmental policies 392–4
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and the aggregate supply curve 551–2, 553
and discretionary demand-side policies 599
on inflation and unemployment 561–2
new entrants barriers to entry 182–4 potential threat of 221, 223
new products advertising 133
niche markets 127, 226, 263–4 and small businesses 263–4, 268
Nike 428 nominal exchange rate (NETI) 505 nominal ownership 37 non-collusive oligopoly 197, 199–204 non-excludability of public
goods 349, 350 non-linear functions 33–4 non-price competition 123, 195 non-rivalry of public goods 349 normal goods 54–5 normal profit 168, 170 Northern Rock 258 not-for-profit organisations 220 NPV (net present value) 327 NSFR (net stable funding ratio) 528–9 numerical labour market flexibility
316, 319
observations of market behaviour 113–14
OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development)
data on education and training 381 O’Farrell, R. 166 Ofcom (Office of Communications)
409, 412 Office of Fair Trading (OFT) 371 Ofgem (Office of Gas and Electricity
Markets) 358, 409 Ofwat (Office of Water Services)
358, 409 oil prices
adjusting to oil price shocks 80–1 O’Leary, Michael 138 oligopolies 175, 192, 196–210
and advertising 130, 131–3 barriers to entry 107 collusive 197–9, 277, 376 competition and collusion 197 and competition policy 369 and the consumer 204 and contestable markets 204–5 and the European Single Market 460 features of 176 and game theory 205–10
comparisons of by turnover and GDP 421
and critics of globalisation 420 defining 421 and developing economies 434–7 diversity among 422 and the Eclectic Paradigm 427–30 flexibility of 423 horizontally integrated 429 investment and the host state
advantages for 431 disadvantages for 433–4
problems facing 430 reasons for businesses going multi-
national 426–30 size of multinational investment
423–6 state-owned 422 and strategic management 220 vertically integrated 429–30, 433–4 see also FDI (foreign direct
investment) multiple product pricing 289–90 multiple regression analysis 115–18 multiple-move games 206–10 multiplier effects
and fiscal policy 586 regional 616
multiplier formula 549 multiplier rise in GDP 549, 550 music albums 214
NAFTA (North America Free Trade Agreement) 458
NAIRU (non-accelerating-inflation rate of unemployment) 561, 562, 564
narrow money (monetary base) 533–4, 536
Nash equilibrium 201, 206, 207, 209 national balance sheet 471 National Careers Service (NCS) 382 National Health Service (NHS) 613 nationalisation 40, 407, 408, 614 natural monopolies 182–3, 408, 412 natural rate of unemployment 561 natural resources 18 negative marginal utility 91 NERI (nominal exchange rate) 505 net national income (NNY) 497 net present value (NPV) 327 net profit margin 328 net savings 491 net stable funding ratio (NSFR) 528–9 net taxes 491–2 net worth 471 network economics 186 networks 246, 255 new classical economists
money supply 522–40 and aggregate demand 555–6 causes of rise in the 536–40 and the creation of credit 534–6 and credit cycles 538–9 and interest rates 540 and monetary policy 591–3, 595 see also quantitative easing (QE)
monopolies 173, 175, 181–91 barriers to entry 182–4, 222 bilateral monopoly and wage rates
306–7 competition, monopoly and the
public interest 368–9 and contestable markets 188–90 and e-commerce 182–3 and the European Single Market 460 features of 176, 181 and international trade 448 and market failure 343–4, 354 mergers for monopoly power 250 Microsoft’s monopoly power 186–7 and monopolistic
competition 196 monopoly policy
European Union 370 United Kingdom 372–3
natural 182–3, 408, 412 and perfect competition 185–8 and price controls 358 pricing strategy 277–8, 280 and R&D 377 regulation of privatised
industries 408–12 taxes and subsidies to correct 354 UK National Lottery 188–9 and vertical integration 247
monopolistic competition 173, 175, 192–6
comparing with perfect competition 196
excess capacity under 196 features of 176 and wage rates 305–6
monopsonies 305 and capital services 322, 324 and international trade 448 and market failure 343, 354 and minimum wages 313
moral hazard 100, 102, 103 risks and sub-prime debt 528, 529
mortgages securitisation of 523, 526, 527, 528–9 and the UK housing market 61
MR see marginal revenue (MR) multinational corporations (MNCs)
43–5, 245, 418, 421–38 business organisation 43, 422
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and the market 348 as a negative externality 389 and property rights 356, 392 taxes and subsidies to correct
354–5, 396 see also environmental policy
Porter, Michael 153, 227 Five Forces Model of competition
215, 221–3, 226 on strategic choice 225–6 value chain analysis 223–4
portfolio balance, theory of 556 portfolio investment 502 Portugal 565, 629 potential economic growth 471–2,
476–7 poverty 312, 610–11 predatory pricing 287 preference shares 526 present value approach
to appraising investment 325 press advertising 130 price
benchmarks 199 of capital 321 changes
consumer response to 107–8 expectations of future 57
and changes in the money supply 556
controls 64–6, 358 and costs in the clothing industry
158 demand and price rises 55 future prices 83
expectations of 570 indices 31–2 and the market 49, 50–1
complementary goods 54 demand 53–4 risk and uncertainty 82–3 supply 55–6, 57 time and market adjustment
76–82 in the marketing mix 128, 129 and oligopolies 198–9
shadow pricing 202 and output determination 58–9 own-label brands 125 and perfect competition 179, 181 price to book ratio 244 price wars 293 price-cap regulation 409, 412 price-fixing 340, 341, 372 and the production process 35, 36 stock market prices 62–4 UK house prices 60–2 see also equilibrium price; inflation
panel data 29 parallel money markets 532–3 part-time employment 45,
311–12, 315 partnerships 39–40, 269 patents 377 peak-load pricing 287–8 percentage changes
using index numbers to measure 31 percentage measures
of elasticity of demand 70 perfect competition 173, 175, 178–81
assumptions of 178 and the consumer 180–1 and e-commerce 182–3 and the employment of capital 322 features of 176 and labour markets 299–300, 302
wage rates 305, 306 wages and profits 304
long-run under 179–80 and market failure 353–4 and monopolies 185–8 and monopolistic competition 193,
194, 196 short-run under 178–9
perfect (first-degree) price discrimina- tion 280–2
perfect knowledge 182 perfect labour markets 299–300 perfectly competitive markets 51, 68 perfectly contestable markets 190 performance
determinants of business performance 14–15
performance-related pay 39 personalised pricing 280–2 PEST analysis 8 PFI (Private Finance Initiative) 613 Phillips curve 558–62, 562–3
and hysteresis 564 and inflation rate targeting
565–6, 600 picketing 307 pie charts 29, 30 Pigouvian taxes/subsidies 354–5 place
in the marketing mix 128, 129 planned economies 22 plant economies of scale 150 policy effectiveness proposition 562 political factors
and the business environment 5 political globalisation 420 pollution
capping 395–6 and cars 402–3 global 392
interdependence of firms 197 and market power 202–3 non-collusive 197, 199–204 and price controls 358 pricing strategy 277–8, 280, 287 and R&D 377
oligopsony 305 OMOs (open-market operations) 530–1,
591, 592 online shopping 8
see also Internet OPEC 198 open-market operations (OMOs) 530–1,
591, 592 and the European Central Bank
596–7 operational management
and strategic management 218 opportunity costs 23–4, 140–1, 231
of capital in practice 169 and the demand for money 541 and externalities 345 and the law of comparative
advantage 443–4 trade-offs between economic
objectives 471 of travel time 401
optimal currency areas 627, 628 optimum consumption level
characteristics approach to 106–7 organisational slack 239 output
and aggregate demand 546, 550–4 and changes in the money supply
556 and economic growth 471–2, 473 inflation and unemployment 562 measuring GDP 495–8 and monopolies 184, 185 and perfect competition 179, 185 price and output determination
58–9 and pricing strategy 279 and production costs 143–4,
147, 149 output gaps 472
and inflation 475, 556, 557 outsourcing 255, 256 overdrafts 520 overhead costs
and economies of scale 150 own-label brands 125–7 ownership
divorce from control 36–7 and monopolies 184 of multinational corporations 422 and profit maximisation 232
ownership-specific assets 427–8
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and technological development 376 and training 380
UK productivity gap 381–2 productivity gap 614 products
advertising by product sectors 130–1 analysing consumer demand 104–9 marketing 127–9 in the marketing mix 128, 129 multiple product pricing 289–90 and perfect competition 178 see also substitute products
profit normal 168, 170 and perfect competition 304 profit-sharing schemes 39 and regulation of privatised
industries 409 retained profit and
monopolies 184 revenue, costs and profits 165 satisficers 37, 232, 236, 332 taxes on excessive profits 354 total profit 139, 161 see also supernormal profit
profit maximisation 15, 139, 166–8, 170, 231–41
alternative theories of 232, 233–41 capital 322–3, 324 and corporate social responsibility
360, 361 and imperfect competition 192–212 and labour markets
demand for labour 302–4 wage rates 305, 306
long-run 193–4, 233, 234–6 and managerial objectives 37 and monopoly 181–91 and perfect competition 178–81 and pricing strategy 277 and production costs 152 rule 166–7 short-run 166–7, 172–3 traditional theories of 36, 231–2 and transfer pricing 290–1
profitability and corporate social responsibility
363–4 and global strategy 228, 229 and growth 242–3, 244, 248 and liquidity 523–7, 528
and credit creation 534–5 ratios 328
promotion in the marketing mix 128, 129
property rights changes in 355–6 pollution and the extension of 392
producer surplus and market failure under monopoly
343, 344 producers
price elasticity and taxes 78–9 and the price mechanism 51
product characteristics consumer response to
changes in 107–8 product development 127, 128
and small businesses 268 product differentiation 123, 124–7
and competition 175 and competitive rivalry 223 costs, revenue and profits 165 growth strategy 245 and monopolies 184 and monopolistic competition 193 and multinational corporations 428 oligopolies 130, 196 and price discrimination 285–6
product life-cycle and multinational corporations 427 and pricing strategy 277, 291–3
product method of calculating GDP 495
product/market strategy 127–8 production
classifying categories of 10–11 externalities 345, 346–8 factors of 18, 20, 21
long-run 149–55 short-run 142–3 and supply-side policies 603–6
interrelated 290 just-in-time methods of 239 and microeconomic choices 22 organisation of 35–6 scale of 149–51
production costs 57, 140–60 and economic vulnerability 146–7 long-run 149–59 short-run 142–9, 152–3, 155 and training 380 and wage rates 313
production economies 246 production function
short-run 143–4 productive efficiency 152 productivity
deals and wage rates 306 and inward FDI to the UK 432–3 of labour, comparing selected
economies 611–12 marginal productivity
theory 302–4 and potential economic growth 477 and supply-side policies 603–6
price discrimination 276, 277, 280–8, 376
conditions necessary for 286–7 first-degree 280–2 peak-load pricing 287–8 and the public interest 287 second-degree 284–6 third-degree 282–4, 286–7 two-part tariffs 288
price elasticity of demand 68, 69–74, 231–2
in business decision-making 71–4 cross-price 74, 75 defining 69–70 determinants of 70–1 measuring elasticity 72–3 and revenue 164, 165 and road space 400–1
price elasticity of supply 75–6 price makers 163 price mechanism 51–2
and transport policy 404 price takers 50–1, 162 pricing strategy 276–95
alternative strategies 278–80 and market power 368–9 and market structure 277–8
limit pricing 278 multiple product pricing 289–90 price discrimination 276, 277,
280–8 and the product life-cycle 277,
291–3 quantity discount 288–9 transfer pricing 290–91 see also equilibrium price
primary activities 224 primary labour market 317 primary market in capital 335–6 primary production 10
and trade restrictions 447 primary stakeholders
and corporate social responsibility 362
principal–agent problem 37–9, 353 prisoners’ dilemma game 206, 207,
370 Private Finance Initiative (PFI) 613 private limited companies 40 private-sector organisations 220 privatisation 40, 407–8, 613, 614 privatised utilities
regulatory bodies 357–8 procurement 224
common procurement policies 456 and international trade 446
producer co-operatives 40 producer sovereignty 448
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regional supply-side policies 615–18 regional unemployment 481 regression analysis 115–18 regulatory bodies 357–8 regulatory capture 410–11 Renewals Obligation (RO) 397 rental of capital 321, 322, 324 replacement costs 141 repos (sale and repurchase agree-
ments) 521, 522, 530 repo market 532
RERI (real exchange rate) 505 resale price maintenance 372 research and development see R&D
(research and development) reserve capacity
and pricing strategy 279 resources
increases in the productivity of 477 resource-based strategy 226, 229
restrictive practices policy 369 European Union 369–70 United Kingdom 372
retail banking 334–5, 519 deposits 533
retail price index (RPI) 31 return on capital employed (ROCE)
328–9 revenue 161–5
costs and profits 165 curves when price varies with
output 163–4 reverse repos 522, 530 Richard Review of apprenticeships
383, 384–5, 386 risk
attitudes to 95–6 demand under conditions of 95–104
and insurance 97–101 diversification of 98, 228, 248 fluctuating markets and interna-
tional trade 448 investment 327
risk premium 331 and the market 49, 82–3 and R&D activity 377 risk-weighted assets 526, 527 and strategic alliances 256 and sub-prime debt 528–9 transformation 334
rival firms comparing performance with 239 threat of competitive rivalry 221,
222, 223 rivalry and environmental use 389 roads
demand for road space 400–2 investing in 326
R&D (research and development) duplication of 377 government policies towards 376–80,
614–15 and inward FDI to the UK 432–3 and monopolies 184 and multinational corporations 428 and small businesses 268
railways (UK) privatisation and regulation of 410
random samples 113 random shocks 120, 586, 594 random walk (share prices) 337 rate of discount (investment
appraisal) 325–7 rate of return approach
to appraising investment 325 rational choices 24–5 rational consumer behaviour 90, 92
choosing between brands 107–8 rational expectations
and the aggregate supply curve 551–2
inflation and unemployment 561–2 rationalisation
and economies of scale 149 raw materials
availability of, and multinational corporations 428
costs of 151, 552–3 exports of 447 as a factor of production 297 and price 52 scarcity of 18
re-sale and price discrimination 286
real business cycle theory 572 real exchange rate (RERI) 505 real values 13 real-wage unemployment 480–1 recessionary gap 551 recessions
advertising and marketing in 130, 135
balance-sheet recessions 490, 569 and the business cycle 473, 474 and macroeconomic policy 20 and monetary policy 598 and the price mechanism 51 and real business cycle theory 572 and target setting 238 and unemployment 563–4 see also financial crisis (2007/9)
rediscounting 532 regional multiplier effects 616 regional policy 606, 615–18
European Union 459, 615–16, 617–18
proportionate measures of elasticity of demand 70
prudential control 531 Prudential Regulation
Authority (PRA) 531 PSNB (public-sector net
borrowing) 582 PSNCR (public-sector net cash
requirement) 582 public corporations 40 public expenditure
and fiscal policy 584 public finance gap
developing countries and economic growth 435
public goods 349–53 club goods 350–1 common goods/resources 351 government provision of 358 impure 350, 353 non-excludability of 349, 350 non-rivalry of 349 and pure private goods 350 see also pure public goods
public limited companies 40, 232 Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) 613 public sector
finances 582 deficits 537–40, 590
and strategic management 220 and supply-side policies 613
public sector net borrowing (PSNB) 582
pure fiscal policy 584–5 pure private goods 350 pure profit 168 pure public goods
and the free-rider problem 352–3 socially efficient level of output for
351–2
quality advertising and the
promotion of 134 quantitative easing (QE) 530–1, 536,
556, 593, 595 Bank of England 530–1, 536 European Central Bank 578, 629
quantitative exchange controls 620 quantity demanded 53 quantity discount pricing strategy
288–9 quantity equation 554–5 quarternary sector 10 quick ratio 329 quotas
in international trade 446 set by a cartel 198
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and banks 331 categories of 262, 263 government assistance
for 271–4, 332 growth strategy 248 internal organisation of 41, 42 stimulating the growth of 264–6 tax relief for 610
Smith, Adam 94 social benefits
and consumption externalities 345 social costs
and production externalities 345 social efficiency
and allocation of road space 402–3 and changes in property rights 356 and government
intervention 342–3 and pure public goods 351–2
social factors and the business environment 8
social justice 358 and privatisation 408
social media 135, 195 social-impact standards
of pollution control 394 sole proprietors 39, 269 sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) 422 Spain 565 special purpose vehicles (SPVs)
526–7, 529 specialisation
as the basis for trade 443, 444 and economies of scale 150
speculation 77–81, 84 destabilising 78, 79–80 and exchange rates 510, 511 futures markets 83 and monetary policy 594 price expectations and 76–7 stabilising 77–9 and uncertainty 83–5
spot price 83 spreading of risks (insurance
companies) 97–8 SPVs (special purpose
vehicles) 526–7, 529 stabilising speculation 77–9 stagnation 19 stakeholders
and corporate social responsibility 360, 361–2
the stakeholding economy 240 and strategic analysis 220, 221 and target setting 238
Standard Industrial Classification (SIC) 12–14
state-owned enterprises 40
shareholders and corporate social
responsibility 361 dividends 40 and effective ownership 37 and growth strategy 244 and managers 37
monitoring performance of 38 and privatisation 408 and profit maximisation 232 and small businesses 269
shares issuing of new 244 preference shares 526
short-term contracts 45 short-term finance 331–2 short-term shifts in demand/supply 120 short-termism and the stock
market 336 shortages
and the price mechanism 51, 52 SIC (Standard Industrial Classification)
12–14 sight deposits 519–20, 533 signalling
and adverse selection 100 Singapore
road pricing 406 Single European Act (1986) 459 single-move games 205–6 size of businesses
and internal organisation 41 multinational corporations 422 and strategic management 218–20
size of markets business strategy in a global econ-
omy 227–8 size of products
and pricing strategy 285 Skills Funding Agency (SFA) 382 skills gap
developing countries and economic growth 435, 436
small businesses 262–75 and competitive advantage 267–8 defining 262–3 five stages of growth 268–71 Hotel Chocolat 270–1 international comparisons 267 and the labour market 299 problems facing 268 and strategic management 219–20 in the UK 263–7
government assistance for 271–3, 614–15
SME Instrument 274 SMEs (small and medium-sized
firms) 14
roads (continued) road pricing 405–7 solutions to the supply of 403–7
ROCE (return on capital employed) 328–9
rogue traders 102–4 RPI (retail price index) 31 Ryanair 138, 281
salaries managers and performance 41 and profit maximisation 233
sale and repurchase agreements (repos) 521, 522, 530, 532
sales advertising/sales ratio 131–3 and price discrimination 287 value chain 224
sales revenue maximisation ( short run) 233–7, 238
Samsung 218–19, 225 satisficing behaviour 238, 239, 240 savings
developing countries and economic growth 435
net savings 491 scarcity 17–18, 19, 22 screening
and adverse selection 100 seasonal fluctuations in
demand 120 seasonal unemployment 481 second-degree price discrimination
284–6 secondary capital market 336 secondary labour market 317 secondary marketing of assets 526–7 secondary production 10, 11 secondary stakeholders
and corporate social responsibility (CSR) 362
securitisation 524–5, 526–7, 537 self-fulfilling speculation 77 semi-stong efficiency (of share
markets) 337 sensitivity analysis 121 services
balance 500 free movement of 456 and globalisation 418 intermediate 605 international trade in 442 output of UK 13 small business 263 and strategic management 220 value chain 224
shadow pricing 202 share capital 521–2
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see also aggregate supply (AS); busi- ness strategy; money supply; profit maximisation
supply curves 56–7 capital services 324 currency 506 equilibrium price and output 58–9 and labour markets 299–300, 302, 305
wage rates 305, 306 movements along and shifts
in 57–8, 59, 66 and price elasticity 76
supply-side effects and real business cycle theory 572
supply-side policies 12, 20, 552, 603–18 and demand-side policies 606 and exchange rates 509 and factors of production 603–6 interventionist 606, 614–15, 617 market-oriented 606, 607–13 regional 606, 615–18 solutions to traffic congestion 403–4
support activities 224 surpluses
and fiscal policy 581–2 and the price mechanism 51, 52
surveys 113–14 sustainable investment rule 589 SWFs (sovereign wealth funds) 422
tables, linear functions as 32–3 tacit collusion 198 takeover constraint 244, 332 takeovers
takeover bids 201 see also mergers and acquisitions
(M&As) tapered vertical integration 247–8 target setting 238–9 tariffs 417, 446, 449, 450 tastes (consumers)
and car ownership 401–2 and characteristics analysis 108, 109 as a determinant of demand 54 influence of international
trade on 448 and market observations 113
taxes 354–5 assistance for small firms 271–4 calculating GDP 498 and the circular flow of income 22 and common markets 456 deadweight loss from taxes on
goods and services 357 elasticity and the incidence of 78–9 environmental (green)
taxes 392–4, 396 in the UK 397
and marginal utility 95 and price elasticity of demand 70 threat of 221, 222–3
substitutes in supply 57 substitution effect 53, 70
of tax cuts 610 of wage rises 300–2
success using ratios to measure 328–9
Sull, Donald 49 sunk costs 141, 190 supermarkets
business strategy 227 global 436 market power of 202–3, 222 own-label brands 125–7
supernormal profit 168, 170, 179 and market power 368–9 and monopolies 185, 188 and monopolistic
competition 193, 196 and oligopolies 201
suppliers bargaining power of 221 increase in numbers of 57
supply 18–19, 49, 55–8, 138–71 background to 138–9 of capital 327–30 of capital services 323–4 change in the quantity
supplied 58 change in supply 58 and the circular flow of
income 20–2 determinants of 57–8, 66
price 55–6 elasticity of 49
price elasticity 75–6 and factor markets 297 goods in joint supply 57 growth and profitability 242–3 and the labour market 300–2 and market adjustment over time
76–82 oil prices 80–1
and market value 94 and the price mechanism 51–2 pricing and market structure 277 production costs 140–60 and profit 139 revenue 161–5 of road space 402–4 schedules 56 short-term shifts in 120 and stock market prices 64–5 substitutes in 57 and transport policy 400 and the UK housing market 61–2
state-owned multinational corpora- tions 422
statistics, representing real-life 27–9 STEEPLE analysis 8–10 sterilisation 597 Stern Report on climate change 390–1 Stock Exchange 335–6, 522 stock market 297, 331, 335–7
and efficiency 336–7 financing investment 332 insider dealing 337 risk and uncertainty 82 using to raise capital 336 yield on a share 337
stock turnover 328–9 stocks of capital 322 strategic alliances 245, 246, 254–6
international 426, 429 strategic analysis 218–19, 220–4
the business environment 221–3 value chain analysis 223–4 vision and mission 220–1, 229
strategic choices 219, 220, 225–6 strategic implementation 219 strategic management 218–20 strategic trade theory 446–7, 448 street markets 99 strikes 307–10 strong efficiency (of share
markets) 337 structural deficits 582
European Union 629 structural surpluses 582 structural unemployment 460, 481,
563, 572 structure–conduct–
performance 14–15 sub-prime debt
and monetary policy 591 securitisation of 527, 528–9
subcontracting 255, 266 subsidiaries
integrated international enterprises 43
of multinational corporations 421, 422, 429, 430
and transnational associations 43 subsidies
government environmental policy 392–4 intervention in the market 354–5 for R&D 377
and international trade 446 public transport 407
substitutes for car travel 401 substitute products 54
cross-price elasticity of demand 75, 108
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and women 315 trade-offs
between economic objectives 471 tragedy of the commons 352 training
government policies towards 380–6, 614
Training and Enterprise Councils (TECs) 381–2
transaction costs 36 and external firm growth 257–60 FDI and multinational corporations
429, 430 transfer payments 492 transfer pricing 290–1
multinational corporations and the host state 433–4, 435
transition economies and FDI 424, 425, 426
transnational associations 43 transnational companies see multina-
tional corporations (MNCs) transport costs 151
and multinational corporations 428–9
transport policy 400–7 car and parking restrictions 404 public transport 403–4 road pricing 405–7 road space
demand for 400–2 socially efficient system of 402–3 socially optimum level of 402
traffic congestion 400, 402 solutions to 403–7
Treasury bills 530 trends in demand 119 TRS (total sales revenue)
and price elasticity of demand 71–4 two-part tariffs 288
U-form business organisation 42, 43 uncertainty
attitudes to 95–6 and the demand for money 541 demand under conditions of 95–104
and imperfect information 95 and diminishing marginal utility of
income 97 and exchange rates 511 and inflation 485 and the market 49, 82–3 and market failure 353 multinational corporations and the
host state 433 and pricing strategy 277 and R&D activity 377 reduced uncertainty
development of corporate social responsibility over time 361–2
inter-temporal pricing 286 and market adjustment 76–81 and price elasticity
of demand 70–1 of supply 76
time lags and the business cycle 571 and discretionary demand-side
policies 599 and fiscal policy 586–7 and market failure 353–4
time period of profit maximisation 232
time deposits 520–1, 533 time-series analysis 118–20 time-series data 27–9
index numbers 30–2 tit-for-tat 206–7 Tobin taxes 633–5 tolls (roads) 405 total consumer surplus (TCS) 92 total cost (TC) 147, 166, 231 total fixed cost (TFC) 146 total physical product (TPP) 143–4,
146–7, 155 total quality management (TQM) 318 total revenue (TR) 161–2, 163, 164,
166, 231 strategies to increase 165
total surplus effect of monopoly on 344
total utility (TU) 91 total variable cost (TVC) 146 totally inelastic demand 72, 74 TR see total revenue (TR) tradable permits (cap-and-trade
system) 395–6 trade associations 104 trade blocs 417, 455–64
common markets 456 customs unions 456–7, 459 preferential trading
arrangements 455, 456–7 in practice 457–8
see also European Union (EU); international trade
trade creation/diversion and customs unions 456–7 and the European Single Market 460
trade cycle 472, 473 and actual economic growth 473–6
trade unions 299 market power and wage rates
305–10 collective bargaining 307
UK membership 307
taxes (continued) EU harmonisation of 459 excess burden of 357 financial institutions, balance
sheets 523 and fiscal policy 582–3, 585 and macroeconomic policy 20,
607–10, 617 and mergers 251 and multinational corporations
429, 431, 435 net taxes 491–2 and privatisation 408 Tobin taxes 633–5 and transfer pricing 291 and transport policy 404–5 and unemployment 479
Taylor rule 600 TC see total cost (TC) technological unemployment 481 technology
and the business environment 8 and business organisation 41,
42–3, 45 developing countries and the tech-
nology gap 435, 436–7 efficiency and production costs 152 and the fashion cycle 158 and growth through
diversification 248 and long-run average cost curves 157 and markets 52 and multinational corporations
428, 431 and potential economic growth 477 and product differentiation 124 and production costs 57 technological change and market
failure 377 technological development 224
and low pay 311 technology policy 376–80 and trade blocs 457 and unemployment 563 see also Internet; R&D (research and
development) technology-based standards
of pollution control 394 TECs (Training and Enterprise
Councils) 381–2 television advertising 130 terms of trade 445, 505
and customs unions 457 tertiary production 10, 11 third-degree price discrimination
282–4, 286–7 time
and demand for labour 304
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I N D E X I : 2 1
valuation ratio 244 value chain analysis 223–4 variable factors
in production costs 142 Varoufakis, Yanis 205 velocity of circulation 554 venture capital 272, 332
biotechnology industry 9 versioning and price
discrimination 286 vertical integration 245, 246–8
multinationals 429–30, 433–4 vertical mergers 249 vertical product differentiation 124 vertical restraints 255 vertical strategic alliances 246,
255 video games war 234–6 Virgin 248 virtue matrix 361–3 vision
and strategic analysis 220–1, 229
vocational training 382–3 voluntary agreements (VAs)
environmental policy 395 vouchers
and price discrimination 285
wage takers 298, 299 wages/wage rates 297
efficiency wage hypothesis 310 gender inequality 314–16 and inflation 487–9 and labour markets 303, 304 and low investment in the UK 604 low pay 310–11 and market power 304–10 minimum wages 311, 312–14 and perfect competition 304 and the price mechanism 51 and regional policy 616 and training policy 380–1 and unemployment 479, 480,
611 see also labour/labour markets; trade
unions Wall Street Crash (1929) 450 Walras, Leon 94 Walt Disney Company (Holding
Company) 43, 44 waste dumping 388 weak efficiency (of share markets)
336–7 wealth
and money 518, 541–2 and stock market prices 63
weighted averages 32
Financial Services Compensation Scheme 523
fiscal policy 589, 590, 598 and the financial crisis (2008/9)
580, 584–5 GDP 13, 17, 129–30, 496 governments
competition policy 371–5, 376 supply-side policies 607–15 technology policy 378–9 and trade unions 307 training policy 380, 381–6, 614
green tax revenues 393 housing market 60–2 industrial clusters 153–4 and international trade 442 inward FDI to the UK, benefits and
risks of 432–3 Jobseeker’s Allowance 611 labour market
flexibility 319 minimum wage 312, 314
labour productivity 611–12 London Congestion Charge 405 macroeconomic performance 21 money supply 534 National Health Service (NHS) 613 National Lottery 188–90 nationalisation of banks 40 net capital stock 605 Office of Fair Trading (OFT) 371 privatisation 407
regulation of privatised industries 408–12
productivity gap 614 regional policy in England 617 road traffic 400 Royal Mail 181 small-firm sector 263–7
government assistance for 271–3 and supply-side policies, record of
low investment 604 trade union membership 307 Winter of Discontent 307, 308–9
United States biotechnology industry 9 competition policy 376 Federal Reserve Bank of America
529, 595, 598 macroeconomic performance 21 multinationals 430 NAFTA 458 Reagan administration and
supply-side policies 607 trade disputes with the EU 461–2 training policy 381
unlimited liability partnerships 39–40
and mergers 250 and vertical integration 247
underemployment 564–5 unemployment 19, 20, 470, 478–83
and the business cycle 489, 490 and the circular flow of income 492 claimant unemployment 478 costs of 478–9 demand-deficit 551 duration of 482–3 and the financial crisis (2007/9) 481,
564–5 and inflation 546–7
inflation rate targeting 547, 565–6 relationship between in the short
run 556–62 and investment by multinational
corporations 431 and the labour market 479–81 and minimum wages 312 number unemployed (economist’s
definition) 478 and output gaps 475 and the price mechanism 51 rate of 478 reducing benefits 610–11, 616 regional policy on 615, 616 and self-employment 266 standardised unemployment rate 478 structural 460, 481, 563, 572 technological 460 and trade restrictions 450
uniform pricing 280, 287 Unilever 430 unit elastic demand 72, 74 unit elasticity 70 United Kingdom (UK)
advertising expenditure 130, 131 balance of payments 500, 503 bank levy 523 banking system 334–5 British pubs 172 broad money multiplier 535–6 changes in economic
structure 13–14 Competition Commission
(CC) 371 Competition and Markets Authority
(CMA) 357–8, 371–5 eating-out sector 194–5 environmental policy 397 and the ERM 624 and the European Union 626–7 exchange rates 511, 512 financial sector 332–4 Financial Services (Banking Reform)
Act (2013) 335, 519
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White Knight strategy 251 wholesale banking 335, 519, 524–5
deposits 533 Williamson, John 633 Williamson, O.E. 233 withdrawals
circular flow of income 491, 492–3
Wolf Report on vocational education 382–3
women entrepreneurs 266 in the labour market 297, 307
inequality in pay 314–15 and unemployment 481
working to rule 307 WTO (World Trade Organisation)
450–2, 462, 621, 622 rules 451 trade rounds 451, 452
yield on a share 337 Yip, George 419
zero-hours contracts 307, 311–12
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- Cover
- Title Page
- Copyright Page
- About the authors
- Brief contents
- Detailed contents
- Custom publishing
- Preface
- Publisher’s acknowledgements
- Part A Business and economics
- Part B Business and markets
- Part C Background to demand
- Part D Background to supply
- Part E Supply: short-run profit maximisation
- Part F Supply: alternative strategies
- Part G The firm in the factor market
- Part H The relationship between governmentand business
- Part I Business in the international environment
- Part J The macroeconomic environment
- Part K Macroeconomic policy
- Web appendix
- Key ideas
- Glossary
- Index