Writting
ECON 321 SPRING 2020 – INDIVIDUAL ASSIGNMENT 4
TO BE SUBMITTED VIA COURSESPACES BY 11:59 PM ON FEBRUARY 25th, 2020
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TO SPEED UP MARKING, PLEASE ANSWER THE QUESTIONS IN THE FORMS AND SPACES PROVIDED. THE T.A. RESERVES THE RIGHT TO NOT MARK ANY QUESTIONS THAT ARE NOT ANSWERED IN THE EXPECTED LOCATIONS.
By submitting this assignment you agree to the following honor code, and understand that any violation of the honor code may lead to penalties including but not limited to a non-negotiable mark of zero on the assignment:
Honor Code: I guarantee that all the answers in this assignment are my own work. I have cited any outside sources that I used to create these answers in correct APA style.
Marking scheme – Make sure you answer all the questions before handing this in !
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1. [Reading] Read the following article:
Storey, K. (2017). Donald Fraser, the London Times, and the Gold Rushes of British Columbia. BC Studies, 193, 65-87. Retrieved from https://ojs.library.ubc.ca/index.php/bcstudies/article/view/186403
The article is open access, so you should have no difficulty in accessing it for free (click on ‘PDF’, below the illustration), but if you run into trouble use this link and log into UVic when prompted.
a. (12 marks) Write a 3-2-1 report in the usual fashion, using the form on Coursespaces.
2. [Research] This question was inspired by a question asked by a current ECON 321 student.
In early September of 1907, what had started as a parade and meeting of Vancouver’s Asiatic Exclusion League became a riot that saw every shop window in Chinatown and Japantown smashed. In this question, you will use contemporary sources (mostly from 1907) to answer a few basic questions about the riot.
I have included two versions of the relevant information: one that includes only selected passages that I think will be the most helpful for answering the questions (found at the end of this assignment), and (as a separate file) one that includes much more material, for students who would like a richer understanding of the events and their context.
a. (4 marks) What motivated the parade and meeting of Vancouver’s Anti-Exclusion League on September 7, 1907? Your answer must mention the role of the Grand Trunk Railway and members of the provincial government (Bowser, McBride and Dunsmuir).
b. (4 marks) Why did the parade and meeting turn into a riot? Your answer must include mention of the Bellingham riots, A. E. Fowler and the logistics of the parade and meeting (hint: was there room for everyone to attend the main meeting?).
c. (4 marks) Several newspapers reported on the events of the riot, but the accounts do not always match. Why was reporting about the ‘Charmer’ by the Times different than reporting about the same event in the Colonist? Note that you have been given access to passages where the Colonist and Times write about each others’ editorial practices when it comes to reporting on Chinese and Japanese matters.
d. (4 marks) The Japanese reacted to the riot immediately by fighting back with clubs and broken bottles. The Chinese were not reported to have fought back immediately, but instead organized a general strike the day after the riot. Why did the Chinese and Japanese react so differently to the riot? Your answer must mention the relationship between the Japanese and Canadian governments.
Sources for Question 2 (Abridged)
THE GRAND TRUNK RAILWAY AND JAPANESE LABOR
The Grand Trunk Railway made plans to use 50,000 Japanese workers to build its western line. The Vancouver Province newspaper broke the news in February, 1907.
FIFTY THOUSAND JAPANESE FOR BRITISH COLUMBIA. (1907, February 1). The Province, p. 1.
Note: My source for this text is heavily damaged, and I have had to [guess] at some words and omit phrases which are entirely unintelligible. -CW
Arrangements have been virtually completed for the coming to British Columbia of fifty thousand Japanese [to work on] the western end of the Grand Trunk Pacific railway. […] Arrangements are now being perfected to flood the country with Japanese coolie labor, in the spring, to [an extent previously] undreamed of. And this is how it is being done:
There is a company carrying on business […] called the United Supply & Contracting Company, Limited. This concern is in reality the Grand Trunk Pacific, under another name. Its manager is Mr. E. G. Russell, who is, also, the confidential agent for the Grand Trunk Pacific on the coast, and its stockholders are said to be the members of the local Liberal machine. This […] company has, it is understood, entered into an [agreement] with a Vancouver Japanese employment [agent] named Goto, to furnish, through one of the largest [agencies] in Tokyo, Japan (a firm with £45,000 capitalization), of [almost] fifty thousand coolie Japs during this year, [and more later]. Mr. E. G. Russell, accompanied by Goto, [went up to] Prince Rupert a short time ago, to enable Goto to look over the ground and examine into conditions, so that he could report favorably to the Japanese Government, which exercises a paternal care over all emigrants. Goto is now in Japan making all necessary arrangements with the Government and the Tokyo firm, for the furnishing and transportation of this army of coolies to British Columbia. Every difficulty has been anticipated, in [fact], Mr. E.G. Russell recently stated that it has cost the company, up to date, over fifteen thousand dollars in [currency,] perfecting the scheme.
It may be asked, how can the Alien Act be circumvented? The plan is this: The Grand Trunk Pacific will [officially] have nothing to do with the bringing of the [Japanese workers]. The United Supply company (its creature) will [land] the coolies at Prince Rupert, under a secret agreement, with the Tokyo firm, as to wages, etc., and arrange to erect huge barracks for their accommodation. The Grand Trunk Pacific emissaries can then appear on the scene and innocently hire them just as they would engage any other residents there.
But the worst feature of this plot is the statement made on the authority of Mr. Russell that these coolie Japs are not to be sent back to Japan after the railway is completed, but are to be settled by the Railway Company all along the line, so that they can do the rough operating work of the system. As a consequence the workingmen of Canada, who are helping with their money to build this railroad, will derive no benefit from its construction, nor even in its operation after it is built.
BOWSER, McBRIDE AND DUNSMUIR
BOWSER’S BILL VS THE GRAND TRUNK
WOULD DEBAR JAPS FROM RAILWAY WORK. (1907, March 25). The Province, p. 1.
Victoria, March 25. – (Special.) – Formal notice was given to the House by Mr. W. J. Bowser[footnoteRef:1] to-day of his intention to ask leave to introduce on Tuesday an act which will aim at the exclusion of the cheap foreign labor for the Grand Trunk Pacific, including Mr. Goto and his fifty thousand Japanese. [1: William John Bowser (1867 – 1933). In 1907 he represented Vancouver in the Legislative Assembly. Bowser would be Premier of B.C. from 1915 to 1916.]
This will be done by applying the educational test as in the Natal Act[footnoteRef:2]. Mr. Bowser, however, intends in his bill to go further than any previous legislation has thus far gone, even if the previous provincial acts have been disallowed by the federal Government, which is quite likely to be the fate of this. [2: “In that act the educational test is applied and no person is able to come into the country who is not able to write in one of the European languages.” CAPITAL GOSSIP. (1900, February 22). The Windsor Evening Record, p. 2.]
In the Grand Trunk Pacific contract, as it is well known, there is no restriction whatever as to the class of labor that company may employ. It may have the cheapest and most undesirable class of Asiatics. And it is against this class that Mr. Bowser’s bill is aimed.
McBRIDE PROTESTS “FINAL AND UNALTERABLE” AT THE “FOOT OF THE THRONE”
British Columbia joined the Dominion of Canada in 1871. In 1907, the British North America Act, which spelled out some of the rules that B.C. had to follow as part of Canada, was due to be revised. One of these revisions was set to include the words “final and unalterable”. This would make it more difficult for B.C. to negotiate with the federal government on various matters in the future. This includes negotiating for stricter restrictions on Asian immigration in B.C. than in the rest of Canada. Richard McBride, premier of British Columbia, took the fight against “final and unalterable” all the way to Britain (to go over the Canadian government’s head).
The present intention of Premier McBride is to proceed to London on the conclusion of the session of the legislature, and there to do what he sees fit in connection with the province’s contention for better terms. This move on the part of the Premier will come very close to taking the fight as promised to the “foot of the throne.” […]
Just in what matter the Premier will approach the Imperial authorities on this subject is very difficult to understand. The proposed amendments to the B. N. A. Act, which Sir Wilfrid will suggest to the Imperial government, is in compliance with the recommendations of the premiers of the provinces. Premier McBride may only ask to have the Imperial authorities take steps to give to British Columbia something which the other provinces refused to do at a representative convention of the premiers after the premier of the province of British Columbia had done his best in presenting the case for the best part of a week. […] There has been serious objection taken to the fact that the suggested amendment to the British North America Act, which assigns British Columbia a sum of $100,000 annually for ten years as a special grant, designates that this shall be “final and unalterable.”
WINSTON CHURCHILL AGREES WITH McBRIDE
McBride won supporters in the English government, and praise at home for his efforts.
THE PREMIER WINS POINT IN PROVINCE’S CASE. (1907, June 14). The Nanaimo Daily News, p. 1.
LONDON, June 14. – Hon. Richard McBride’s negotiations with the British ministers had a sequel in the Imperial parliament today, when Winston Churchill, as spokesman for the Colonial office, introduced an amendment to the British North America Act, readjusting the subsidies to the provinces.
Mr. Churchill spoke at some length. After reviewing the stages leading up to the measure, he dwelt upon British Columbia’s position, and stated that while the Imperial government was bound to give weight to the representations of the Dominion government, backed as they were by all the provinces except British Columbia, yet they did not want it understood that these alone were to be regarded in a matter in which a single province was affected.
He referred to the action of the British Columbia legislature in protesting against the proposed settlement being “final and unalterable,” and in this connection spoke as follows:
“The prime minister of Quebec, also Sir Wilfrid Laurier and Hon. Mr. Fielding, have made personal applications to the colonial secretary or myself on this question. On the other hand, Hon. Mr. McBride, prime minister of British Columbia, has also stated his case very fully to us. He has, with great frankness and much force, placed us in possession of the views and grievances of British Columbia. While we are unable to accept his opinions entirely, we have endeavored as far as possible to make the legislation agreeable to him, and we have not introduced into the legislation the words “final and unalterable,” which it had been proposed to introduce, and which would have prejudiced British Columbia’s chance of making some other friendly arrangements in the future with the Dominion and with the other provinces.”
THE PROVINCE REPORTS THAT McBRIDE VETOED THE BOWSER BILL
By September of 1907, the Bowser Bill had not passed, despite having been approved by the Legislature. It had not been signed by Robert Dunsmuir, the Lieutenant-Governor. No one was quite sure why. On the day of the planned Asiatic Exclusion League Parade, the Vancouver Province had as its page one story a fresh scandal: it looked like McBride had traded the Bowser Bill for getting the federal government to agree to exclude “final and unalterable” from the British North America Act. Later reports suggest this was not, in fact, strictly true, but the damage was done. Members of the Asiatic Exclusion League, who wanted restrictions on Chinese and Japanese immigration into Canada, felt betrayed.
Mystery has always enshrouded the fate of the Bowser Bill, the measure for the prevention of Oriental immigration which the Lieutenant-Governor refused to sign. It is a constitutional inference that Mr. Dunsmuir acted on the advice of the Premier, and it has been a subject of some speculation as to what could have impelled the Premier to take a course contrary to the expressed wishes of successive legislative assemblies. Information now in the possession of The World, however, throws a curious light on the matter. It is asserted on what is deemed competent authority that when Mr. McBride reached Ottawa he interviewed the Secretary of State, Mr. Scott, and said the bill would be disallowed by his advice, and suggested that the Ottawa authorities in their turn reciprocate by facilitating the mission to London to the extent of allowing him a free hand to make the best he could of it. Mr. Scott was so surprised that he wired to the Lieutenant-Governor for confirmation – and got it. The Bowser act was therefore disallowed at the request of the Premier of this province.
DUNSMUIR BURNED IN EFFIGY
As a planned part of the Asiatic Exclusion League Parade, an image of Robert Dunsmuir was burnt at city hall as a sign of protest against his refusal to sign the bill (that is, Dunsmuir was “burnt in effigy”). Ironically, for constitutional reasons, he was not the correct target. (Details in Joseph Martin’s article in the full version of these sources.)
CHINESE BUY REVOLVERS FOR DEFENCE IN CASE OF RIOTS. (1907, September 9). The Province, p. 1.
Lieutenant-Governor Dunsmuir, blamed by many people of British Columbia in great measure for the recent large influx of Japanese, because he refused to assent to the Bowser Natal Act, passed at the last session of the provincial legislature, was burned in effigy by the mob early in the evening in front of the City Hall.
BURNED DUNSMUIR IN EFFIGY
Seldom has such an insult been offered in Canada to a representative of the Crown, but the temper of the crowd on the oriental question would brook no half measures as far as the Lieutenant-Governor was concerned.
As explained by a labor man, the burning of Dunsmuir in effigy was a protest of the people against “autocratic rule.” He instanced the fact that the Bowser Natal Act was passed unanimously by the representatives of the people in the Legislature. He declared the measure represented the will of the people of British Columbia, yet Mr. Dunsmuir had, presumably at the instance of the Ottawa Government, refused to make possible its operation as law. It was declared by this man that the people turned against Mr. Dunsmuir as the representative of the Crown because their behests, constitutionally made, had been balked.
“To be burned before the City Hall,” was the inscription on the banner which accompanied the effigy of the Lieutenant-Governor through the streets of Vancouver. When the match was touched to the suspended figure of straw and old clothes the crowd shouted itself hoarse with delight.
THE BELLINGHAM RIOTS
A milling company in Washington state was believed to have hired Indian workers in preference over white workers. This caused a riot where Indian residents of Bellingham were threatened. They left in response to the violence. All of this took place days before the Vancouver riot.
RACE RIOTS RAGING – BLOODSHED FEARED. (1907, September 5). The Seattle Star, p. 1.
BELLINGHAM, [WASHINGTON STATE,] Sept. 5. – One of the fiercest race riots in the history of the northwest is raging in this city. Business is practically suspended and the end is not in sight. […] The trouble was precipitated late yesterday afternoon when the report spread through the rank and file of union circles that the Whatcom Falls Mills company had purposefully laid off many white laborers to give place to Hindus who have lately congregated in this city. […] Early Wednesday evening there was a spirit of unrest at various labor centers of the city. Finally at midnight, as if by a preconcerted signal, 500 shingle weavers and other millmen started with hoots and yells towards the Hindu settlement. There the men divided and scattered, bent on driving the foreigners from the city. Naked and half naked turbaned Hindus ran here and there, some making a break for the woods and other seeking a place of safety under the docks or among the lumber piles on the water front.
HINDUS LEAVE. (1907, September 6). The Seattle Star, p. 1.
BELLINGHAM, Sept. 6. – By night few if any Hindus will be in town. In spite of the promises of city officials to protect them, the turbaned men from India have suffered enough at the hands of the white men and are leaving the city, bag and baggage, as quickly as possible. Yesterday afternoon many started to walk to British Columbia. Last night trains and boats took others. Many went south. On the Great Northern train 20 went to Seattle and over 40 left by boat.
THE ROLE(S) OF A. E. FOWLER
A. E. Fowler was the secretary of the Seattle Asiatic Exclusion League.
FOWLER TO SPEAK AT THE PARADE
PARADE WILL BE STRIKING. (1907, September 6). The Vancouver World, p. 1.
The big parade and anti-Asiatic demonstration to be held on Saturday evening under the auspices of the Asiatic Exclusion league promises to be one of the most impressive affairs of the kind ever seen in British Columbia, and if the expectations of the committee are realized the parade will undoubtedly be the largest ever seen in the city. […] At the city hall a mass meeting will be held at which many prominent citizens will be heard. […] Mr. A. E. Fowler[footnoteRef:3], secretary of the Exclusion league in Seattle, will be in the city for the occasion and will also address the meeting. [3: Fowler had been in contact with British Columbians earlier in the year. “A letter […] was read from A. E. Fowler, secretary of the Washington Exclusion League at Seattle, suggesting among other things that an international convention of all those interested in the exclusion of Asiatics should be called to meet at some point on British territory, preferably Victoria or Vancouver. He stated that the league was growing in Washington state at a great pace, no less than 5,000 members having been enrolled in two weeks.” ENDORSES ACTION OF SCHOOL BOARD. (1907, August 28). The Victoria Daily Times, p. 1.]
INFLAMMATORY AND CALMING SPEECHES
The Victoria Times thought Fowler’s speech was responsible, in part, for the riot.
WHITES AND JAPANESE FIGHT IN STREETS OF VANCOUVER. (1907, September 9). The Victoria Daily Times, p. 1.
The rioting which took place in Vancouver city on Saturday and yesterday has raised what was before only an anti-Oriental agitation to the dimensions of an international question. […] The whole trouble grew out of a parade organized by the Asiatic Exclusion League. For some weeks past the feelings of Vancouverites have been worked up in connection with the steady and increasing flow of Asiatics to this country. A raid was made on Chinatown by a mob some 800 strong. The destruction of the stores there drew the attention of other citizens, who joined the demonstration and descended on the Japanese quarters. […] The inflammatory speech made by a Seattle man seems to have had a good deal to do with setting the match to material which was ready for a conflagration. A. E. Fowler, the man in question, is the secretary of the Anti-Asiatic League in Seattle, and he pointed to the action of the Bellingham rioters in connection with the Hindus as an example worthy of emulation.
VANCOUVER CITY BATHED IN RIOT. (1907, September 9). The Victoria Daily Times, p. 1.
Then came A. E. Fowler, secretary of the Anti-Asiatic League of Seattle, who addressed the overflow meeting, the scene the while lighted by the burning effigy of His Honor, Mr. Dunsmuir. Fowler told the crowd how the Hindus had been driven out of Bellingham. Five minutes later the crowd was wrecking all that was movable and breakable in Chinatown. In the meantime a series of formal resolutions were carried at the meeting indoors.
The Vancouver Province credited Fowler with helping to calm down the mob, once the riot had started.
CHINESE BUY REVOLVERS FOR DEFENCE IN CASE OF RIOTS. (1907, September 9). The Province, p. 1.
Speakers from the City Hall meeting had been requisitioned to talk to the mob at the corner of Hastings and Carrall street, with the idea of holding them back from Chinatown. Several arrived, and Mr. A. E. Fowler, secretary of the Seattle Anti-Asiatic League, climbed out on the guy wire of a telephone pole. The mob was calmed and listened to him, though those on the outskirts of the crowd, who could hear nothing of what was being said, kept up a fusillade of rocks which smashed the glass in the windows of every oriental store within a stone’s throw. The crowd was advised to disperse, but it was hours before the streets were clear at this point.
LOGISTICS: THE OVERFLOW AND ITS CONSEQUENCES
The Victoria Times claimed the lack of capacity at the main meeting had a role in the riots.
VANCOUVER CITY BATHED IN RIOT. (1907, September 9). The Victoria Daily Times, p. 1.
THE RIOT STARTED when the procession had ended at the city hall. The purpose of the meeting held there was to bring to the attention of the federal government the need of stopping altogether Oriental immigration. Long before the parade reached the meeting place, the auditorium was crowded to overflowing and it was to find entertainment for itself that an overflow meeting, seven or eight thousand strong, sought diversion by cleaning out Chinatown.
The Province also commented on it:
CHINESE BUY REVOLVERS FOR DEFENCE IN CASE OF RIOTS. (1907, September 9). The Province, p. 1.
By 9 o’clock in the evening the thousands of people who could not gain admission to the City Hall where the big anti-Asiatic mass-meeting was being held, began to search for diversion elsewhere, and it was this crowd, disappointed at not gaining entrance to the overflowing hall, which split into small sections, some of which eventually consolidated into the property-smashing mob. […] While the orators of the Anti-Asiatic meeting were counselling moderation from the platform the mob of congenially violent spirits had gathered. Leaderless, it cast about for some vent for its feelings, which was found when some youngster tossed a brick through a window of a Chinese store on Carrall street. That act was the spark invading [sic.] Orientalism, and in a moment the flash caught the destructive element. Bricks and stones started to fly in every direction, and the noise of shattered glass falling into stores and to pavement answered the volleys of the mob.
THREE REPORTS ON THE ‘CHARMER’
By the Victoria Times:
VANCOUVER CITY BATHED IN RIOT. (1907, September 9). The Victoria Daily Times, p. 1.
Just at the time when festivities were at their height, the steamer Charmer arrived from Victoria with five hundred Japs aboard. They had come across from Yokohama on [the] trans-Pacific liner and could not have arrived here at a more inopportune time. The only lucky feature was that the mob was otherwise engaged. But scores of rioters scented the arrival of the brown men and started for the Canadian Pacific wharf, where the new arrivals were debarking. Unceremoniously, seven of the Japanese WERE THROWN INTO THE TIDE. Others dropped their baggage and fled. The men were rescued from the inlet.
By the Victoria Colonist:
VANCOUVER ORIENTALS FEAR FURTHER ATTACKS. (1907, September 10). The Daily Colonist, p. 1.
The Charmer arrived between 7.30 and 8 o’clock Saturday evening, when the procession was just starting and long before there was any trouble. There were probably less than 75 Japanese aboard. They landed without molestation and went quietly up town. F. W. Bayliss, son of the proprietor of the Queens hotel, and one of the James Bay A. C. four that went over to Vancouver to row, was on the deck when the Charmer came in. Mr. Bayliss said:
“We went down to meet the Charmer to put our boat aboard, and saw her come in. There were from fifty to seventy-five Japanese on her, who landed quietly and without molestation. There was no crowd of any kind on the dock to meet the boat, nor was there the slightest disturbance. The Japanese hung around the dock for a little while, till finally a couple of Japanese agents came down and the whole party went up town. There was no one thrown into the water, nor was there any scuffle or dispute of any kind. Absolutely nothing happened. I was there the whole time and saw everything that took place.”
By the Vancouver Province:
CHINESE BUY REVOLVERS FOR DEFENCE IN CASE OF RIOTS. (1907, September 9). The Province, p. 1.
While the mob was raiding the Japanese in the East End of the city, four hundred more men of that race were swarming down the gangplank of the steamer Charmer, fresh from Japan, via Victoria. The Charmer reached port at 7 o’clock, and although there were a number of whites on the wharf to meet them, no violence was offered. It was reported throughout the city that a dozen of the new arrivals had been unceremoniously thrown into the Inlet, and that they had been rescued with difficulty. No encounter of any nature occurred on the wharf.
THE TIMES VS THE COLONIST ON CHINESE AND JAPANESE IMMIGRATION
THE TIMES CAN ‘SCARCELY UNDERSTAND’
The Victoria Times, which was against unrestricted Asian immigration to Canada in general, saw Japanese immigration as a danger as great as Chinese immigration. In September of 1907, its editor claimed it could not understand why the Colonist reacted negatively to people who spoke negatively about the Japanese.
A POLICY OF HUSH. (1907, September 6). The Victoria Daily Times, p. 4.
We confess that we can scarcely understand the position of the Colonist with regard to the discussion of the question of Chinese and Japanese immigration. Here is a matter of prime importance to every class in the community, but from which our neighbor asks everyone to withhold comment, leaving it for judicious treatment by the editorial pen alone. Responsible correspondents are refused the insertion of letters on the subject, couched in perfectly proper language, and to which they sign their names. […] It is feared that in some way these views may become before the Emperor of Japan, and an international tangle of world stirring proportions may follow […].
It would seem from these facts that this whole subject has, in the opinion of our contemporary, become such a delicate matter that the only protection from bloodshed is the judicial calm and poise of the editor of the Colonist, who can be relied upon to protect the public from the fruit of their own impulses by refusing to publish their ill-digested views. In his spare moments he will try and pacify Japan, and stop her from wrinkling her front. The sleeping passenger rarely appreciates the danger in the form of yawning chasms and mighty precipices round which he is unconsciously carried by the brave and skillful engineer.
THE COLONIST’S POSITION. (1907, September 7). The Daily Colonist, p. 4.
The Colonist was very clear about its position: it was completely against Chinese immigration, and slightly more open-minded regarding the possibility of Japanese immigration.
The Times says it is scarcely able to understand the position of the Colonist with regard to the discussion of questions relating to Chinese and Japanese immigration. This certainly is not the fault of the Colonist, for this paper has declared itself over and over again as unalterably opposed to the introduction of Chinese labor into Canada. In pursuance of this policy we have declined to print letters advocating it. This may not be a wise decision, but it is certainly intelligible. In regard to the Japanese we have discussed the question over and over again and have never closed our columns to others desiring to discuss the pros and cons of this phase of the Oriental question. We have printed very many extracts from eastern exchanges giving their views on the subject, and have expressed approval of some and disapproval of others. We have endeavored to deal sanely with a difficult subject and perhaps this is why the Times is not able to understand our position.
CHINESE AND JAPANESE REACTIONS TO THE RIOT
CHINESE VS JAPANESE REACTION
DEMONSTRATION AGAINST ASIATICS TERMINATES IN ANTI-ORIENTAL RIOT. (1907, September 9). The Vancouver World, p. 1.
Last night there was a great change noticeable in the attitude of both Chinese and Japanese. Both were practically standing under arms and both stated openly that there would be bloodshed if any further attempts were made on them by the mob. The Chinese mostly kept indoors, with all lights out in the front of the buildings, but the Japanese paraded in front of their houses on Powell street and had pickets posted at the approaches of the Japanese quarter. These men were all armed with clubs or guns or knives or all three. Revolvers stuck out of hip pockets, sheath knives hung from belts and the least sign of disturbance caused doors to open and more men, armed even with axes, to appear.
THE JAPANESE FIGHT BACK
As reported by the Times. Other reports are found in the full version of the sources.
VANCOUVER CITY BATHED IN RIOT. (1907, September 9). The Victoria Daily Times, p. 1.
[F]rom away up the street came the sound of smashing glass as some plate front was stove in. Instantly hundreds of bricks flew from all directions directed at the corner stores, and in fifteen seconds thousands of dollars’ worth of damage was done. The Japanese could stand it no longer. From stores, from hallways, from roofs they hurried down into the street. Armed with sticks and bottles and even knives they CHARGED THE MOB. “Banzais” filled the air.
In five minutes the Japanese had cleared the street. Away far up Powell street a volley of pistol shots were heard at that moment and the crowd turned its attention to the new scene of fighting. The Japanese pursued, and the white men fled, only to take up fight in another place where the little brown enemy was not nearly so well organized. The Nipponese had been well prepared for this street corner attack. They used broken bottles to perfection. Grasping in his hand the neck of a broken bottle, the Japanese would jab it into the face or body of the nearest rioter, and many nasty wounds were inflicted by this system of warfare. JAPANESE WOMEN too came to the rescue of their husbands with a new supply of bottles, already broken with sharp edges that cut like razors. Knives were used in this fight too. Two white men were so badly injured, that they had to be carried away by the crowd.
THE CHINESE STRIKE
Vancouver’s Chinese community responded to the riot by staging a general strike for two days. This strike was not spontaneous, but centrally organized (according to the Province).
HUNDREDS OF CHINESE STRIKE. (1907, September 9). The Province, p. 1.
Angered by the treatment they had received at the hands of the mob on Saturday night, a number of tyee[footnoteRef:4] Chinamen met in conference yesterday, and decided to call a general strike of all Chinese workmen in Vancouver and vicinity. [4: Chinook trade jargon for “chief” or “leader”.]
The strike went into effect this morning, and the ticklish situation is further complicated as a consequence. Hotels, restaurants, saloons, private houses, steamers, logging camps and shingle bolt camps, railways and other institutions employing Chinese help are without their hoys [sic.] to-day. In nearly every instance the Chinese deserted their employment without vouchsafing any reason.
In order that there should be no possibility of a failure of the general strike the tyee Chinese used threats very freely, many of the individual Chinese being intimidated by declarations that unless they walked out they would be killed; others were informed that they would be fined $100 by some of the tongs to which they owed allegiance unless they stopped work. […]
Steamship companies operating vessels out of Vancouver are at their wits’ end to provide cooks for their boats. As fast as steamers arrive in port, the walking delegates of the all-powerful Chinese Union, secret society, tong or whatever is the mysterious authority behind the strike movement, appears with the order calling on the cooks and helpers to quit work. Implicit obedience has been the rule whenever this summons has been presented.
The strike appears to have been at least in part a measure intended to keep the Chinese safe. There were no demands made of the sort that are usually made between a striking union and a company.
CHINESE RETURN TO WORK TO-MORROW. (1907, September 10). The Province, p. 1.
The Chinese domestics, gardeners, and the servant class generally, decided at noon to-day that they would return to their respective places of employment to-morrow morning. This decision was reached at a conference of tyee Chinese, who have satisfied themselves that all danger of personal violence to their countrymen has passed.
The Chinese have since Saturday night been greatly in fear of violence; indeed, not a few of them claim to have been victims of assault at the hands of rowdies. It has only been with the greatest difficulty that the Chinese have been convinced that they run no risk by leaving Chinatown. It has been explained to the coolie class by the tyee Chinese that the better element of the city will see that ample protection is afforded them.
CHINESE RETURN TO HOTEL VANCOUVER. (1907, September 11). The Province, p. 1.
The Chinese help in the laundry and kitchen of the Hotel Vancouver resumed work this morning. They exceed sixty in number. Since Sunday night when they went off duty, they have been in retirement in the Chinese quarter. […] The Chinese help, still in fear that the troubles are not over, stipulated with Manager Cummings that they be provided with sleeping accommodation in the hotel. To this proposition Mr. Cummings readily agreed. The Orientals will be provided with beds in the basement until they feel satisfied that they will not be murdered when they return to Chinatown.
THE CHINESE CONDOLIDATED BENEVOLENT ASSOCIATION STEPS IN
CHINESE ASK THAT PROTECTION BE GIVEN. (1907, September 11). The Daily Colonist, p. 7.
Hon. W. J. Bowser, attorney-general, who returned from Vancouver yesterday morning, was waited upon by a delegation of Chinamen representing the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Society of this city, which has affiliations in Vancouver.
The delegation, consisting of Lee Mong Kow, Lim Bang, a representative from Vancouver and Mr. Moresby, solicitor of the association, stated that they were in receipt of a request from the Vancouver body that they call upon the provincial authorities, lay the situation in Vancouver before them and request them to take steps to protect the life and property of the Celestials in the Terminal city.
Mr. Bowser informed the delegation that he believed that the police of Vancouver were perfectly [cap]able of keeping any lawless movement in check. The riot of Saturday evening had taken the chief of police by surprise, but he had immediately taken vigorous steps to bring the matter under control. He had on Saturday night, when the mob attempted to visit Chinatown a second time, prevented its so doing, and all day Sunday and Monday he had shown that the Vancouver police were quite able to protect the Asiatic quarter.
The delegation upon these representations of Mr. Bowser expressed themselves perfectly satisfied.
They were particularly anxious to know whether the rioters arrested would be prosecuted. Mr. Bowser informed them that they would be prosecuted at the next assizes.
THE ROLE OF THE JAPANESE GOVERNMENT
Canada had a treaty with Japan in 1907, and the federal government was in the process of negotiating with the Japanese government to come to an agreement to limit immigration from Japan. No such treaty was in place with China.
OPINION ON RIOTS IN THE CAPITAL. (1907, September 9). The Victoria Daily Times, p. 1.
(Special to the Times). Ottawa, Sept. 9. – The general opinion in official circles is that Canada will have to pay the shot and apologize to Japan for damages caused by Vancouver rowdies to property of the Japanese in the city. It is regretted that the outbreak took place at a time when the Japanese immigration question was all but solved between the governments of Canada and Japan. Those who are responsible for the destruction of property will no doubt be prosecuted. It is also thought here that there has been too much strong talk by the advocates of the Japanese as well as those who are opposed to Japanese labor.
Hon. R. W. Scott, secretary of state, in being interviewed said that the treaty between Canada and Japan ratified by the Canadian parliament at its last session was perfectly clear as to the rights of the Japanese in Canada. The treaty says: “The subjects of each of the two high contracting parties shall have full liberty to enter at, or reside at any port of the Dominion and possessions of the other contracting party and shall enjoy full and perfect protection of their property.”
“The treaty was not adopted in a hurry,” said Mr. Scott. “It was in force between Britain and Japan 10 years before we became a party to it. It was given full consideration before we adopted it.” […]
The Dominion government has made good progress in the direction of making an amicable arrangement with Japan restricting immigration to about 500 arrivals in Canada in one year, no matter from where they came, and it is hoped here that the disturbances will in no way interfere with the negotiations.
THE JAPANESE CONSULATE WAS ACTIVE IN VANCOUVER
CHINESE BUY REVOLVERS FOR DEFENCE IN CASE OF RIOTS. (1907, September 9). The Province, p. 1.
Prowling bands of white men were on the streets till daylight on Sunday searching for Japanese or Chinese. The aliens, however, warned by what had befallen them earlier in the evening and counselled by Japanese Consul Morikawa, kept indoors, and gradually the fighting spirit and excitement died out, the strugglers dispersed, and daylight disclosed nothing worse than wrecked store fronts and smashed windows in the Chinese and Japanese sections.
VANCOUVER ORIENTALS FEAR FURTHER ATTACKS. (1907, September 10). The Daily Colonist, p. 1.
Ottawa, Sept. 9. – Mr. Nosse, consul-general for Japan, received a message from Consul Morikawa at Vancouver, stating that the mob had damaged 56 Japanese houses at Vancouver, and that he feared a renewal of the disturbances tonight. Consul Nosse called upon Premier Laurier and laid before him the reports received from Vancouver. Every effort will be made to prevent a renewal of the trouble. Asked if any demand had been made for reparation by his government, he said he had no doubt but the good feeling of the Canadian government could be trusted to make good the loss without the formality of a demand by Japan. Mr. Nosse said there had been a good deal of feeling and criticism of the American authorities for not being able to control disorders, and Canada had been admired for the manner in which her laws were enforced. He regretted that the American practice seemed to have crossed the boundary in the west.
STORM IN VANCOUVER HELPS TO PRESERVE THE PEACE. (1907, September 11). The Daily Colonist, p. 1.
Mayor Bethune announced that at the request of Consul Morikawa he had sent a telegram to Colonel Holmes, D. O. C., asking that the militia be placed at their disposal if necessary, and Colonel Holmes had replied that he had instructed Major Boultbee in Vancouver to place the Sixth regiment at the disposal of the mayor of necessary. The mayor at the same time expressed the conviction and hope that they would not be needed. The following telegram was sent in reply to a dispatch received from Sir Wilfrid Laurier deprecating injury to Japanese:
“Premier of Canada, Ottawa, Ont. – Telegram of 9th received. Please assure his excellency that disturbance which occasioned so much damage to property, but not to persons, is being kept under control by strong public sentiment. Disturbances were directed against Asiatics generally rather than against Japanese. The offenders, who were apprehended, numbering 20, are now before the courts of justice. (Signed) Alex. Bethune, Mayor.”
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