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ECO561Week2AssignmentGovernmentInterventionsSocialSecurity.pptx

Government Intervention

“Many clients will look to Social Security to supply an important portion of their retirement incomes. Even if a client does not anticipate needing Social Security benefits to pay for his or her living expenses, the benefits can still provide a sizeable income stream that can affect other financial decisions. Understanding Social Security benefits can help clients and financial professionals make more informed retirement planning decisions” (Tannahill, 2013, p. 27).

1

Introduction

Social Security

Government Intervention Reasons

Market Base Solutions

Selected Government Intervention

Cost Trends

Conclusion

References

2

Social Security Retirement Benefits

The original Social Security Act, was signed into law on August 14, 1935, grew out of the work of the Committee on Economic Security, a cabinet-level group appointed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt just one year earlier. (Martin & Weaver, 2005) The Act created several programs that, even today, form the basis for the government's role in providing income security, specifically, the old-age insurance, unemployment insurance, and Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) programs. The old-age program is, of course, the precursor to today's Old-Age, Survivors, and Disability Insurance, or Social Security, program. The original Act also provided federal support for means-tested old-age assistance programs run by the states, which were eventually transformed into the current Supplemental Security Income (SSI) program” (Martin & Weaver, 2005). The Great Depression was a catalyst for the creation of the Social Security program, the idea of social insurance predated the committee's work and the Depression. As early as the 1880s, Germany had built a social insurance program (one requiring contributions from workers) that provided for sickness, maternity, and old-age benefits (Martin & Weaver, 2005). These benefits were given to individuals who were 65 years are older who were not working. “

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Replacement rates for scaled workers retiring at age 65, by type of earner, 1940–2003

Chart 5. Replacement rates for scaled workers retiring at age 65, by type of earner, 1940–2003. SOURCE: Tabulations were done by the Office of the Chief Actuary, Social Security Administration

The 1939 amendments defined the test of retirement (commonly referred to as the retirement earnings test) as earnings of less than $15 a month; earnings in excess of this amount precluded payment of benefits. Changes to the earnings test are an important policy theme in Social Security's history. In fact, in 2000, the retirement earnings test was completely repealed for beneficiaries older than the currently defined full retirement age” (Martin & Weaver, 2005). In the 1940’s “President Roosevelt vetoed the legislation in 1943 that prevented a scheduled tax increase from taking effect, but the veto was overridden in Congress. The Roosevelt administration argued that it was inappropriate to leave future administrations and Congresses with large benefit liabilities (once the program matured) and a limited reserve fund. However, a coalition of lawmakers who were opposed to reserve funding and tax increases prevailed. The paradox of the 1940s is that the robust economy led to a substantial buildup of reserves (even at the 2 percent combined payroll tax rate) but that proponents of the reserve approach to financing lost the political argument over tax increases. As a result, debates about reserve funding died down until the amendments of 1977 and 1983, and the Social Security program operated for many years as if it were approximately following a pay-as-you-go, or pay-go, approach to funding benefits” (Martin & Weaver, 2005).

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Government Intervention

“The amendments of 1983 established the general policy structure of the current Social Security program and, in particular, its current financing structure. The direct and dramatic result of the financing structure in the 1983 law was a massive buildup in the size of the trust fund reserves” (DeWitt, 2010, para. 1).

“Historically, the Social Security trust funds have never been either fully funded or on a strict pay-as-you-go (PAYGO) basis. Rather, the trust funds have always contained what former SSA Chief Actuary, Robert J. Myers, characterized as a "partial reserve." We can conceptualize these two extremes (a fully funded system and a PAYGO system) as the end poles of a continuum. Over the decades, major legislation has tended to move the placement of the reserve in one direction or the other. Both the 1977 and the 1983 amendments shifted program policy noticeably away from the PAYGO end and significantly toward the fully funded end of this continuum (Myers 1993, 385–392)” (DeWitt, 2010, para. 2).

“The design of the 1983 financing scheme produced a large buildup of the reserve in the near term so that this source of investment income might help defray future costs when the "baby boom" generation began to move into beneficiary status. The effect of this approach to program funding can clearly be seen in Chart 3” (DeWitt, 2010, para. 3).

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Trust fund reserves: Actual and projected, selected years 1983–2037

Trust fund reserves: Actual and projected, selected years 1983–2037. SOURCE: Annual Trustees Report, 2009, Table V1.A4 and Table V1.F7. (DeWitt, 2010).

6

Market Based Solutions

“Rep. Xavier Becerra, vice chair of the House Democratic Congress, made a declarative statement last Friday that Social Security has “never contributed a dime” to the national debt, “not one penny” to the budget deficit this year” and Obama states that “social security is not the primary driver of our long-term deficits and debt.” That phrasing would suggest it contributes in some way to long-term deficits and debt, though not in a substantial way” (Kessler, 2011).

“We find that extended UI benefits have a strong effect on the incidence of early retirement, defined as permanent exit from the labor force before the retirement age. The probability that a job loser aged 50-54 permanently withdraws from the labor market increases by 15.6 percentage points when the worker is eligible to the REBP. Among job losers aged 55-57, the incidence of early retirement increases by 14.5 percentage for those eligible to the REBP.3 Extended UI benefits also affect the pathways into early retirement. For workers aged 50-54, program complementarity – exit from the labor force by combining extended UI with DI and/or retirement benefits – is quantitatively important. The 15.6 percentage point increase in early retirement is associated with a 12 percentage point increase in exits through the DI program. For workers aged 55-57 both program complementarity and program substitution – higher take-up of UI but lower take-up of DI – are at work. The 14.5 percentage point increase in early retirement is associated with a 24 percentage point increase in using extended UI benefits to bridge the gap until retirement benefits and a 9.5 percentage reduction in claiming of DI benefits” (Inderbitzin, Staubli, & Zweimuller, 2015, p. 2).

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Selected Government Intervention

What type of people should the government help?

Retirees

Handicap

Mentally Incapable to work

People In need

Many people can be helped by the social security retirement benefits. The retirees should be able to have their benefits and be able to retired off them after working for so many years to get to the point where they should retired in comfort and not worry about where their next meal will come from or how they will get the money for medicine and living expenses. Government interventions allows for our country to provide for those in need in order to prevent starvation and other issues experience in 3rd world countries.

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Selected Government Intervention (Cont)

Some economists believe that Social Security is also responsible for the low savings rates, although this assertion has been debated for years.

The traditional reasoning has been that people didn't save because Social Security would take care of them

The traditional reasoning has been that people didn't save because Social Security would take care of them

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Cost Trends

“Workers and employers pay for Social Security. Workers pay 6.2 percent of their earnings up to a cap, which is $127,200 a year in 2017. (The cap on taxable earnings usually rises each year with average wages.) Employers pay a matching amount for a combined contribution of 12.4 percent of earnings. Self-employed persons pay both the employee and employer share for a total 12.4 percent. (Half of this contribution, the employer share, is a deductible business expense for income tax purposes.) Also, higher-income Social Security beneficiaries pay federal income taxes on their benefit income, and these taxes help pay for Social Security.

During 2011 and 2012, the premiums that workers pay for Social Security protection were temporarily reduced from 6.2 percent to 4.2 percent. The lost revenue from this “payroll tax holiday”—$103 billion in 2011 and $114 billion in 2012—was made up from the government's general fund. In 2015 the average worker made $48,099 a year, according to the Social Security Administration. This worker and his or her employer will each pay $2,982 this year. Approximately 6 percent of all workers will earn more than the $127,200 tax cap. Earnings above the cap now account for 18 percent of the aggregate pay of all workers who pay into Social Security” (“Who Pays for Social Security?,” 2017).

“The percentage of workers claiming retirement benefits at age 62 increased more than two percentage points during the recession

Fully insured men claiming benefits at age 62 increased from 33.5 percent in 2007, the year before the recession, to 35.8 percent in 2009, at the lowest point of the recession. Fully insured women claiming benefits at age 62 increased from 36.3 percent in 2007 to 38.9 percent in 2009. The increase in claiming at the earliest eligibility age of 62 interrupted a declining trend. For both men and women, the percentage claiming at age 62 began to decrease after 1997. Before then, the rate of women claiming at age 62 was about 50 percent while the rate of men claiming at age 62 increased from 37 percent in 1975 to 49 percent in 1993. At the state level, higher rates of claiming retirement benefits at age 62 are correlated with higher rates of unemployment. In 2009, when the national unemployment rate was 9.3 percent, state-level unemployment rates varied from 4 percent in North Dakota to 13 percent in Michigan. The four states with the lowest rates of claiming at age 62 (less than 33 percent) had unemployment rates between 6 percent and 8 percent. The four states with the highest rates of claiming at age 62 (greater than 53 percent) had unemployment rates between 10 percent and 13 percent” ((“Early Claiming of Social Security Retirement Benefits Increased During the Recession,” 2013).

“Last year, 24 percent of the budget, or $916 billion, paid for Social Security, which provided monthly retirement benefits averaging $1,360 to 41 million retired workers in December 2016. Social Security also provided benefits to 3 million spouses and children of retired workers, 6 million surviving children and spouses of deceased workers, and 10.6 million disabled workers and their eligible dependents in December 2016” (Policy Basics, 2017).

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Conclusion

Social security retirement benefits should be modified to fit each individual needs

Benefits are based on a person income and how much they have worked

“Economic security is a universal human problem, encompassing the ways in which an individual or a family provides for some assurance of income when an individual is either too old or too disabled to work, when a family breadwinner dies, or when a worker faces involuntary unemployment” (DeWitt, 2010).

References

DeWitt, L. (2010). The Development of Social Security in America. Social Security Bulletin, 70(3), .

Retrieved from https://www.ssa.gov/policy/docs/ssb/v70n3/v70n3p1.html

Early Claiming of Social Security Retirement Benefits Increased During the Recession. (2013, April). , (), . Retrieved from https://www.ssa.gov/retirementpolicy/research/early-claiming.html

Gebhardtsbauer, R. (2001, March). Understanding How Social Security Works and Why It needs Immediate Attention. Journal of Financial Service Professionals,

55(2), 60-71. doi:ProQuest

Friedman, M. (2009, September). Downturn Leaves Some Workers Delaying Retirement. Arkansas Business, 26(38), 16. ProQuest.

Inderbitzin, L., Staubli, S., & Zweimuller, J. (2015, July). Extended Unemployment Benefits and Early Retirement: Program Complementarity and Program

Substitution. , (), . Retrieved from https://www.econ.uzh.ch/dam/jcr:18e67b02-5a40-4513-ab27

8e5fa7dd87f8/Extended%20Unemployment%20Benefits%20and%20Early%20Retirement%20Program%20Complementarity%20and%20Program%20Su

bstitution.pdf

Kessler, G. (2011, July). Social Security and Its Role in the Nations Debt. , (), . Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/fact-checker/post/social-

security-and-its-role-in-the-nations-debt/2011/07/11/gIQAp1Wl9H_blog.html?utm_term=.fddcb267e2a9

Martin, P.P., & Weaver, D.A. (2005). Social Security: A Program and Policy History. Social Securtiy Bulletin, 66(1), .

Retrieved from https://www.ssa.gov/policy/docs/ssb/v66n1/v66n1p1.html

Policy Basics: Where Do Our Federal Tax Dollars Go? The federal government collects taxes to finance various public services. As policymakers and citizens weigh key decisions

about revenues and expenditures, it is instructive to examine what the government does with the money it collects. (2017, October). , (), .

Retrieved from https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-budget/policy-basics-where-do-our-federal-tax-dollars-go

Tannahill, B.A. (2013, November). Social Security Retirement Benefits- The Basics. Journal of Financial Service Professionals, 67(6), 27-30. EBSCOhost.

Who Pays for Social Security?. (2017). , (), . Retrieved from https://www.nasi.org/learn/socialsecurity/who-pays