American History- Primary Source Analysis Paper

24 Building the United States

Daniel Heister, Frederic Augustus Muhlenburgh, John W. Kittera, Gen. William Irvine, Peter Muhlenburgh.

A FEDERALIST

2. Abigail Adams on the Partisan Press, June 8, I7972

Bry the time John Adams replaced George Washington as President of the United States in r797, disputes over the shape and direction of the federal government crystallized into a political contest between the Federalist and Republican parties. Chief among the opposing voices to Adams's strong Federalist leanings were Benjamin Franklin Bache's Aurora General Advertiser in Philadelphia and Thomas Adams's Boston Independent Chronicle. As First Lado/ Abigail Adams notes in this excerpt from a letter to her sister, the partisan press attacked her husband's administration for extravagant expenditiires and for hiring his son, John Quincy Adams, as a foreign minister. Although she points out some of the journalistic errors (her son's age is misreported- he was actually 3 o years old in r797) and wonders if her brother-in-law, Richard Crancb, could actually get a fair shake in the press, it seems that Abigail ultimateby concedes that the First Family is fair game for attacks.

The First American Party System 25

He is not pickd out to receive more than any other, but his fault is being the son of the President. This wretched party are sinking very fast; but the mischief of these publications arises from their circulating amongst persons and in places where no inquiry is made into facts. Bache will publish on both sides. I wish Mr. Cranch would make a true statement and see if the wretch would publish it. We give for this very House a thousand pounds a year. President Washington never gave more than 500. And every thing else in the same proportion, nay more than double -. But enough of this. I expected to be vilified and abused, with my whole Family when I came into this situation. Strickly to addhere to our duty, and keep ourselves unprejuced, is the path before us and the curse causeless shall not come ....

3. Matthew Lyon Criticizes "Aristocratic" Politics, June 9, 17973

In response to the attacks on Federalist foreign and domestic policies by the partisan press, President Adams signed the Sedition Act into law in I798. This law provided stiff fines and imprisonment for saying, writing, or printing "any false, scandalous and malicious writings" against the US government. It was designed to squelch the kind of criticism leveled by Republican editors like Matthew Lyon, a Revolutionary War veteran born in Ireland. Working out of Vermont, Lyon eventually rode his radical politics into the House of Representatives, where he constantly assailed Federalists for what he believed to be their aristocratic pretensions. He was physically assaulted by a Federalist colleague, Roger Griswold of Connecticut, and faced censure from his peers. Although a divisive figure, Lyon became a martyr for many Republicans when he was conoicted -under the Sedition Act and sentenced to prison. He won reelection in r198 from his jail cell and returned to Congress the f0llowingyear.

26 Building the United States

a single member, or even by the clerk, it would do every whit as well, as the house going in a body.

Besides, I have another objection. Many members may not wish to go! Such as do not approve of all things in an address, might fear the imputation of inconsistency. As for my own part, I confess I should be ashamed to make one of the figures, in such a piece of mummery. All this may possibly be owing to my blood not being of that high and

refined quality which a certain gentleman present (Mr. Allen) made such a noise about the other day. As to blood, which I am on the subject, I will own that I make no pretensions to older ancestors than other people. In looking over the roll of my ancestry, I have not traced among them any of the couriers of Oliver Cromwell, nor those who hanged witches, or punished their horses for working on Sundays. - I have, gentlemen, no such exalted pretensions as these to well-born progenitors.

"Patres, et genus, et quoe non secimus ipsi Vix nostra voco. - Wealth, honour, lineage, titles, or a throne Are what mankind should fear to call their own."

The First American Party System 27

Mr. LYON continued:- "I wish to modify the resolution, that such members as do not choose to attend may not be liable to compulsion." - [He was informed the stated methods of procedure in the house, did not allow the proposition.]

"I therefore move personally to be exempted from the ceremony. It is not a light matter with me, standing as I do here one of the Representatives of a free people. In this case I consider myself in the light of a Quaker, and stand upon an exemption from the ceremonial, as much a Friend would if told to take off his hat before a civil magistrate." Mr. OTIS said as the gentleman (Lyon) appeared to be insane, he would

recommend him to be locked up while the house proceeded to the President. He was loudly called to order from several parts of the House.

Mr. DANA said if the Speaker did not think he lessened his dignity by waiting on the President, and several others of the first characters in this country, he did not see how the gentleman could object.

Mr. MACON moved that the House should adjourn to Monday; he meant for his own part to proceed with the address to the President; but still he considered it a matter of ceremony, and not a duty of the members; neither did he think that a member could be subjected to censure for the omission - on the question being put - shall the House now adjourn? it was carried in the negative; and the House thereupon proceeded with the address ...

4. A Massachusetts Farmer Attacks the Federalists, 17984

Although George Washington recommended that Americans steer clear of political parties in his Farewell Address of r796., the Federalist and Bepublican parties were well entrenched b~ the r79os. William Manning, a Reuolutionarv War veteran and farmer from Massachusetts, became embroiled in this political debate through his various writings. Manning offered a critique of the Federalists from the perspective of a self-educated citizen-soldier and promoted the ideas of the Republicans. In this brief essaw @n politieal parties, Mrmning lin'ks events overseas t0 t'he forwati©.n of political factions in the United States. In pCli/ittoular; Mrmning [eund the signing of /fay's 'ifrrieacy in E7,~~, whiwh 'he alludes to in this dornment, to 'be an odious e;11ample 0f the Red-er.alis•t attaehment. t@ t!?e /Er,itis'h attempt t@ squash repubiiean torms 0f g,@ve1inment in Etil!T@pe, pa1,tioulal/i.l~ that @ff rfiranee.

Chapter 3 Recasting the American Nation

I. First Inaugural Address of Thomas Jefferson, March 4, I8oII

When Thomas Jefferson faced off against John Adams for the presidency in t Boo, it was a momentous occasion. The Republican Jefferson and Federalist Adams were among the most prominent of the Founding Generation, but their partisan differences drove a wedge between them and many of their fellow Americans. The campaign was a bitter one, with Federalists accusing Republicans of being radical, godless and in league with French revolutionaries. Republicans countered that the Federalists would prefer a king to a chief executive and [auoned the rich and powerful at the expense of the small farmer. When the smeke eleared, the Republicans carried the Electoral College, 73 votes to 65 for the Federalists. But confusion reigned when J'effers0n's vice-presidential candidate, New York's Aaron Burr, received the same number of uotes. Tlhe election eventually was threum t0 the House and, after I9 tie ballots, ffefffers@n was finally, declared the winner. The Twelfth Amendmrmt (r804) sptit the vote between presidential and uice-pnesidential aandidates t© insure this kind ef fracas neuer ecsurred again. But nenetheless, it w.as ti! l.bump'i>' trip t@ the presidenrz& ffor Jiih0mas J,e#f,.er,s@n. Ln this centext, 'he deliive11ed 'his inaugural addmess @n Mar.di 4, li8@,.r in t'he naiti@1v's new capital 0f Washingt0n, !DC

E 7Jj//,e !Papers @'f/ 'i/fl/JJ0mas !f'e'fl~rs@n, ~01. 3 3: I7 ~evm,1a17Y,t@ 3-0 A'ipr;i/ ;i; Be« (1Rr,inceu0n TulniMersiuy Priess, iZl®06), ID,Jll. [~8-52..

30 Building the United States

Recasting the American Nation 3 r

world, during the agorusing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore; that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others; and should divide opinions as to measures of safety; but every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. W e have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all republicans: we are all federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it. I know indeed that some honest men fear that a republican government cannot be strong; that this government is not strong enough. But would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, aban- don a government which has so far kept us free and firm, on the theoretic and visionary fear, that this government, the world's best hope, may, by possi- bility, want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest government on earth. I believe it the only one, where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern. - Sometimes it is said that man cannot be trusted with the government of himself. Can he then be trusted with the government of others? Or have we found angels, in the form of kings, to govern him? Let history answer this question.

Let us then, with courage and confidence, pursue our own federal and republican principles; our attachment to union and representative govern- ment. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high minded to endure the degrad- ations of the others, possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation, entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisi- tions of our owm industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them, enlightened by a bemgn religion, p,rofe~sed indeed and practised ~n various forms, yet all @f them insulcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude and the fo:v.e of man, ac~0wlecdgi,Bg and acd@r1ng an overruling providenee, which my all iits td,isp,ensatioms p11@ves thac it Gl.elighns in the na,wp1ness @.£ man here, and his greateli happirn~ss llierieaifuier; witrb. all! these blessings, iWhat rrrors is N@@@ssar~ tl@ make us a h.af)p>,¥ and a _ll)r@SJ!)er@l!lS JiH~@ple? Sti1lil one tlruim:g [email protected], [email protected] @i.,til.l)@r.rs, a wise aim@ frugal [email protected], iWbi@h sh.all .llestFai.m: mem [email protected] 1N1jmri,m.g erre [email protected], slil:all ~aMe th.em @tiherw,ise f.riee I!@ rngi1i1fate 1,;hre,~11 @~m: !_!>l!l1J1Sl!lil!s ©'.£ im~l!lSl!lif aM iiFNJ!>11iOM@FN@nli, aNcd shall a@t take

3 2 Building the United States

Recasting the American Nation 3 3

2. A New Name for the United States? 18032

In i Soo the United States of America had grown to encompass r6 states and 5.3 million residents. As a young and expanding nation, the US struggled to forge its own political path separate from the traditional European powers such as Great Britain, France, or Spain. In the early nineteenth century Dr. Charles Mitchell of New York City suggested that a new name, "Fredonia," would also help the United States forge a distinct identity. Although Dr. Mitchell was quite serious about his proposal, lexicographer John Pickering described the idea as "deservedly ridiculed" in r8r6. Perhaps the idea does seem bizarre to us today, but Mitchell's idea speaks to the newness of the American nation and the various ideas for its improvement in the public sphere. After all, in r789 the Senate agreed to use the title, "His Highness the President of the United States of America, and Protector of the Liberties." The House of Representatives rejected that title as too aristocratic, but that struggle suggests that "Fredonia" was not the only strange idea swirling around the political culture of the Early Republic.

THE portion of terraqueous globe comprehended by the great Lakes, the Saint Lawrence, the Ocean and the Mississippi, has no general denomin- ation by which it can be conveniently distinguished in geography. Its sub- divisions and local names are appropriate enough and sufficiently well understood. But there is still wanting one broad and universal appellation, to designate and characterize the whole appropriated and unappropriated territory of the United States. It was a great oversight in the Convention of 1787, that they did not give

a name to the country for which they devised a frame of government. Its citizens are suffering every day for lack of such a generic term. Destitute of a proper name for their own soil and region, they express themselves vaguely and awkwardly ON the subject. By some it is termed "United States;" this however is a pohtical, and not a geographical tide. By, others it is called "America," and the inhabitants "Americans." But these epithets equally belong to Labrador and Paliagua,y and their natises. "New England" and "New-En.glanders" are two unceurh terms aji)plierd by certain ether writers a1rxcd speakers. ]ro seme parts @f ElJIIi@F'e, w® have been tdistinguishe.d as "Ang,l@-AmeriGans;" ncd this apJilellatroN is in some respects worse, aNrd im JJl@ li@S~e€t better tl\tan eirher @t tlte @th@FS.

34 Building the United States

What are we to do? Are we never to have a geographical distinction? Is the land to be forever called "United States," and its people "United States men?" And even then, on a supposition that the union should cease must the region it occupies be nameless? It is in the power of the people to find and adopt fitting names for their country and themselves, by common consent. These ought to be expressive, concise, nervous and poetical. And any new word possessing these qualities, may serve to designate this part of the planet we inhabit - From such a word as a radical term, all others proper for distinguishing the people, &c. may be derived. To supply this sad deficiency in our geographical and national nomen-

clature, the following project is respectfully submitted to the consideration of our map-makers, engravers, printers, legislators and men of letters. The authors of it are citizens of the United States, and are zealous for their prosperity, honour, and reputation. They wish them to possess a name among the nations of the earth. They lament that hitherto and at present the country is destitute of one.

Let the extent of land ceded to our nation by the treaty of I 7 8 3, be distinguished henceforward on charts, globes, and in elementary books by the name of

FREDON: the etymology of this is obvious and agreeable: it may mean a free-gift; or any thing done freely; or the land of free privileges and doings. This is the proper term to be employed in all grave, solemn, and prose compositions, and in ordinary, conversation. It is better adapted than "Albion" is tiG> England. If, however, any of the favorites of the Muses desire a poetical name far

1lhis tract of earth, it is easy to supply them with one which sounds and pronounces no great advantage. Suero au one is

fRiEIDONIA:

Recasting the American Nation 3 5

much more nobly than "a Frenchman, a Spaniard, a Portuguese," "a Turk" and the like.

Again, a monysyllablic name is perfectly easy to be obtained from the same root; and to him who thinks the last word too long or lofty, it will be wholly at his option to call himself

FREDE; and in this respect he will put himself on a par with a "Mede" and "a Swede." Moreover, should an adjective be desired to qualify expressions and facilitate discourse, there is such a thing immediately ready for use in

FREDISH; and thereby, we can speak of "a Fredish ship," or a "Fredish man," or a "Fredish manufacture or production," after the same manner and according to the same rule, by which we employ the adjectives, British, Spanish, Danish, Turkish, Turkish, and the like. Thus, our nation is in possession of a prosaic word for its whole territory, FREDON; a poetical word for the same, FREDONIA; a grave and sonorous generic title for its people, property and relations, FREDONIA; a short and colloquial appellation, FREDE; and a convenient universal epithet, FREDISH. A language so rich and copious is scarcely to be found; and it is hoped our citizens will make the most of it.

In case any of our countrymen should wish to express himself according to this novel dialect, the following is offered as an example, alluding to a recent subject of public discussion. "It has been a favourite object with a certain class of men to involve

FREDON in a war with Spain, France or both of them, about the right of deposit on the Mississippi. The outrageous conduct of the Intendant at New-Orleans was indeed very provoking, but the FREDONIAN SPIRIT, though roused by just indignation, was too temperate and magnanimous to rush immediately to arms. It was thought most wise and politic for the administration to attempt a negociation in the first instance, and accord- ingly, one of the FREDISH ships was ordered to be got in readiness to carry an envoy extraordinary from America t© Eurepe. Should war become necessary for the national honour and security, our public enemies will find to their [email protected] the F~D!ES will make brave soldiers and gallant sailors. Ne-v€r \M!illil tmey cquit the ha.Ji@¥ contest until their meeds shaill hie worthy @f being lieC@Iid@d in i1J.ililiilil@Ftal verse, equaMy, hon@urabl@ te the h>a,r@s aro@ die hences @f fiR.E:@ONiLA."

3 6 Building the United States

"Their Chiefs, to glory lead on The noble sons of FREDON."

Or if it is moral sublimity,

"Nor Plato, in his PH/EDON Excels the Sage of FREDON."

Should it be commercial Activity,

"AH Nations have agreed on The Enterprize of FREDON."

Perhaps it may refer to our exports; why then

"The Portuguese may feed on The wheat and maize of FREDON."

It may me desirable to celebrate our Agriculture, as in the following distich,

"No land so good as FREDON To scatter grain and seed on."

Gn the supposition that a swain wishes to compliment his country-women, he may infonrr tlliem: that

"The graceful Nymphs of FREDON SUFJ.Dass all Beliles we mad on."

A.n.<ll iirodeed if it is his desire ll@ ejacu!latle in a serious strain, it may be writtJ~liI