music article3

British Forum for Ethnomusicology

Birds of Wasulu: Freedom of Expression and Expressions of Freedom in the Popular Music of Southern Mali Author(s): Lucy Durán Reviewed work(s): Source: British Journal of Ethnomusicology, Vol. 4, Special Issue: Presented to Peter Cooke (1995), pp. 101-134 Published by: British Forum for Ethnomusicology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3060685 . Accessed: 15/02/2013 14:45

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VOL 4 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY 1995

Birds of Wasulu: freedom of expression and expressions of freedom in the popular music of southern Mali

Lucy Durdn

Wassoulou is a type of semi-acoustic music that has been popular in Mali since the 1970s. This paper, an ethnography of wassoulou, traces its roots to the music of masquerade and the hunters' traditions of the Wasulu region in the south, and explores the ways in which the cultural worlds of these traditions are evoked through the music. Wassoulou performers are called birds (kono) and occupy a social r0le that allows them to comment on social issues with impunity, with gender playing an important part.

INMALI, a type of music known as wassoulou has become increasingly popular in the past decade.1 Named after the Wasulu (Wasolon) region in southern Mali

where the music originally developed, and with which it continues to be associated, it is of recent (post-independence) origin, though its roots are far older. It first emerged in Bamako, the capital of Mali, in the early 1970s, reaching a peak of success in 1989 with the release of a cassette by the female singer Oumou Sangare (Fig. 1). This cassette, entitled Moussolou ("women"), sold widely throughout West Africa, consolidating an international audience. There are currently dozens of young artists performing and recording wassoulou in Mali, Ivory Coast, and Europe.

One of the most important characteristics of wassoulou is that its performers describe themselves as konow (sing. kono), meaning "birds". By doing so, they are differentiating themselves from the endogamous social group or "caste" of musicians, the Mande2 jeliw, who otherwise dominate musical life in western

1 To distinguish between Wasulu, the name of the region, and wassoulou, the style of music, I have adopted the two different spellings, and italicised the latter. The first (Wasulu) is in accordance with modem Bamana orthography; the second reflects common usage in the local music industry. 2 The use of "Mande" as opposed to "Manding" to denote a large group of West African peoples with a common ancestry and speaking the closely related languages of Maninka, Bamana,

101

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102 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995)

Fig. 1: Oumou Sangare (seated) with members of her group, backstage: singers Nabintou Diakite (left, standing), Alima Toure (right, standing), Kassim Sidibe (kamalengoni) and Basidi Keita (djembe), Lille, 1995. In background: bogolanfini cloth.

Mali. Though they share many basic cultural expressions with the Mande, the performers of wassoulou see themselves as fulfilling a very different social r61e from the jeliw. The bird is a symbol of freedom, wisdom and beauty of voice in Mande. The konow are musicians by choice and natural ability, with a "bird's eye" view of society, allowing them to comment on social issues in "freer" musical and textual ways than those of the jeliw.

Despite its popularity both in Mali and abroad, there have been no studies of wassoulou. This article presents an ethnography of the music,3 looking at its origins and development, and examining its representations of the world of Wasulu hunters. It explores the (hitherto unreported) significance of the use of "bird" as a term for singer/musician, and the roots of that metaphor in oral

Wasulunke, Jula (etc.) is problematic. In accordance with most current Anglophone scholarship I have chosen "Mande" as the most convenient term. A description of the history of these terms and the confusion arising from them, plus some suggested solutions, can be found in Vydrine (1995). 3 Based on research carried out in Mali during one-month periods in 1986, 1987, 1991, 1993 and 1995, and extensive research with Malian musicians performing in Europe, from 1986 onwards. All interviews (listed at the end of this article) were conducted by myself; translations into English are my own.

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DurAn: Birds of Wasulu 103

traditions that date back to the beginning of the Mande empire (13th century). It argues that part of the strength of wassoulou derives from its youth ethos. Wassoulou has created a space for youth in general, and unmarried women in particular, to challenge social norms, especially those affecting gender relations.

The patrilineal and gerontocratic nature of Mande society has largely provided the cultural and social models for the modem nation-state of Mali, whose former two presidents, Modibo Keita (1960-68) and Moussa Traore (1968-91) were both members of aristocratic Mande lineages. In this model there has been little formal outlet for youth to assert themselves.4 During the late 1980s, when disenchant- ment with Traore's regime was reaching a peak, various youth and student movements played a significant rOle in precipitating political changes, ultimately leading to Traore's downfall in 1991, and transition to multi-party democracy in the following year.5 It is no coincidence that wassoulou achieved its widest audience precisely during this period.

The reasons for this are embedded in the source traditions of wassoulou, which draws on three genres that are characteristic of the Wasulu region: kamalengoni, didadi, and sogoninkun. The first of these is the dominant style in modem wassoulou, and consists of the appropriation by unmarried youth of the ritual songs of hunters' societies. Didadi is a female harvest dance from the eastern part of Wasulu, and sogoninkun is a masquerade. The latter two are linked to festivities organised by age-set associations for agricultural cycles. These associations play a central role in Mande culture extending far beyond their original social contexts.6

Because of its origins, wassoulou music operates on a different "cultural axis" from the music of the jeliw who, as the hereditary musicians, have monopolised public performance. This contrast has given rise to a discourse, discussed further below, on the relative merits of each, reflecting changing attitudes towards established hierarchies of age and lineage.

Jeliw from Mali draw on similar repertoire and performance styles to the jeliw of Guinea, Ivory Coast, and to some extent even from Senegal and Gambia. Wassoulou, on the other hand, is specifically Malian.7 Yet it has a wide constituency extending far beyond its regional or linguistic borders. It is in many ways analogous to Bamana mudcloth (bogolanfini)--a comparison that is not arbitrary given their common links with hunters. Bogolanfini is a type of cloth

4 In the context of this article, youth is defined primarily as unmarried youth, both as audiences of the music, and as performers, who are often in their teens. The song texts of female wassoulou singers are often from the perspective of the unmarried female or bride-to-be; e.g. Oumou Sangare's albums. 5 For an account of the economic and social problems facing Mali's urban youth, and their role in recent years as "political actors", see Brenner, forthcoming. 6 See Meillassoux 1968b. Brenner, forthcoming, describes how these associations have been re- created as grin, a type of informal urban youth club.

7 I have been unable to trace any versions of wassoulou as a modem popular genre in Guinea, despite the fact that Wasulu is also in Guinea.

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104 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995)

dyed a dark brown or black from mud, usually with white patterns. Originally made by women and worn during circumcision and excision rites, also one of the ritual cloths worn by hunters, bogolanfini has become one of the most conspicuous symbols of Malian identity in recent years, especially since the democratic Third Republic. Within the country it has now become inter-ethnic and is widely used in fashion, art and textiles; musicians often wear costumes made from this cloth.s It is a symbol of tradition that also accommodates a broad range of contemporary expression.9 Both bogolanfini and wassoulou represent and encourage two-way links between city and countryside, tradition and innovation.

For these reasons, an analysis of wassoulou opens up new perspectives not just on the study of Mande society, but also furthers our understanding of popular culture in West Africa today.

Wasulu regional identity The representation of Wasulu ethnicity and regional identity plays a fundamental r^le in the music. As described below, the term wassoulou itself only appeared in the early 1970s; previously this music had been known by its constituent names. It began to be called wassoulou in response to the fact that it was being performed outside the region, and was therefore seen as a portrayal of regional "folklore".

Wasulu is a geolinguistic area in southern Mali and eastern Guinea (though here we are concerned exclusively with Mali). The part of Wasulu that falls into present-day Mali lies within Mali's third administrative region, Sikasso, comprising the cercles (administrative regions) of Yanfolila, Kolondieba and Bougouni just south of the ancient heartland of the Mande (Mali) empire. It is generally described as remote and inaccessible (see Garrard 1995:31, 55, 139). Mande discourse often depicts Wasulu as a place of abundant crops, with much time for leisure and the pursuit of musical entertainment.10 There are many blacksmiths in the area, and strong pre-Islamic beliefs in occult power persist. The area is characterised by savannah forest, with agriculture and hunting as the main traditional occupations. The music associated with these activities has played a central rtle in the emergence of wassoulou as a popular style.

According to some oral traditions, Wasulu was defined as a region during the reign of Sunjata Keita (c. 1230-55) with the settlement of a Fula brigand army under the Fula warrior Yoro, who also gave Wasulu its name when he declared in

8 This can be seen in the BBC television documentary "Under African skies: Mali" (1989), in which many of the bands shown wore bogolanfini. Oumou Sangare's musicians wore bogolanfini costumes during their recent tour of Europe (Nov-Dec 1995). For a discussion of bogolanfini see Imperato 1970.

9 Most recently it has also become (along with Kente cloth) a popular expression of African identity in the USA. 10 Sidibe interview 1989; Clemens Zobel, pers. comm. 1995. See also Imperato 1981: 47: "historical proof of abundant wildlife in southeastern Mali, and specifically Wassalu, has best been provided by A.H.W. Haywood, a British colonial official and hunting enthusiast who traversed the region on foot in the early part of the century."

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Duran: Birds of Wasulu 105

Maninka "N te wa so toun: ne be n'solon ay la yan" ("I will not return home; I entrust myself to you here"), which became abbreviated to Wasolon (Cisse and Kamissoko 1991:172). Amselle, who has written extensively about Wasulu, gives several other etymologies (1990:123). The region came particularly to the attention of French colonial administrators (and ethnographers) during its conquest by the imam warrior Almamy Samory Toure (1835-1900). Samory Toure's military exploits are a subject of sogoninkun songs,11 as also of Mande jeliw's repertoire, but are conspicuously absent in the song texts of urban wassoulou, which evoke a sense of history in other ways.

The origin legend cited above reflects the mixed identity of the region, which plays an important role in wassoulou. The people who call themselves Wasulunke define their ethnicity as tripartite: they are of Fula (Fulbe, Peul) lineage; their cultural framework falls within the Maninka-Bamana matrix; and these two identities intersect in configurations that are specific to the region. In addition, there is much interaction with neighbouring peoples such as the Senufo. Thus part of the character of Wasulu is its diversity. Imperato estimates the Wasulunke population at c. 100,000 (Imperato 1981), though this is not based on a firm census; many maps of ethnic groups and languages in Mali fail to cite the Wasulunke, classifying them as either Fula or Bamana. In addition, the Wasulunke have migrated widely both as seasonal workers to Bamako (Meillassoux 1968b:49, 96) and as settled communities to the Gambia,'2 the Ivory Coast and within Mali itself.

Wasulunka is closely related to Maninka, the language of the Mande heartland (which borders on Wasulu), differing mainly through pronunciation and some vocabulary. Despite the fact that they do not speak Pulaar (the Fula language), and indeed do not appear to have done so for many generations (Amselle 1990:73), the Wasulunke maintain at least symbolically a strong sense of Fula heritage. The four main patronyms of Wasulu-Diallo, Diakite, Sidibe and Sangare- are clan lineages which are said to be descended from the four sons of one Fula woman (Amselle 1990:35; Cisse and Kamissoko 1991:160fn). As Amselle has shown, however (1990: ch.3), the notion of Fula ethnicity is ambiguous and mainly relevant in relation to neighbouring identities.

Music is one way in which the Wasulunke reclaim their Fula heritage, particularly with groups who are outside the region as a statement of their own identity. It is significant that several contemporary wassoulou singers were born in Bamako (e.g. Oumou Sangare). Fula identity is symbolically emphasised in names of ensembles such as Wasolonfenin ("the cream of Wasulu")--a reference to the traditional occupation of the Fula as cow-herders and sellers of milk, as well as a metaphor meaning "the best of'.13 Certain songs in the wassoulou

11 See Imperato's account of Sogoninkun (1981: 46) and Meillassoux 1968b: 99. 12 For example it is said that the oldest section of Bakau, a small coastal town in the Gambia, was settled by people from Wasulu; this section is still called Wasulunkunda ("the Wasulu compound"). 13 Featured on Electric and acoustic Mali CD band 11

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106 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995)

Fig. 2: Kassim Sidibe (kamalengoni player), Lille, 1995

repertoire, such as Jula Samba, also make use of isolated Fula words.14 Two instruments widely associated with the Fula have been introduced into wassoulou ensembles in the past decade: the one-string horse-hair fiddle soku (literally "horse tail"; as used by e.g. Sali Sidibe); and the rim-blown cane flute fle, often substituted by an orchestral flute and violin.15s Most important is the use of the kamalengoni (youth harp; see Fig. 2), which is specific to Wasulu, and which has such a distinctive timbre that it immediately signals regional identity, much the same way that, for example, the sound of Uillean pipes signals Irish music.

14 The song, in praise of a Fula cow-herder called Samba, includes a chorus in a mixture of Pulaar and Mande words; cf. Sali Sidibe's Santana, from her cassette Sali Sidibe. 15 Note that the pentatonic scales render a Fula ethos to the combination of violin and flute, which otherwise is associated with the Cuban "charanga" orchestral formation, popular in Mali during the 1970s; cf. Oumou Sangare, Moussolou, CD.

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Durin: Birds of Wasulu 107

This can also be seen as part of the trend of some wassoulou styles towards folklorisation, i.e. a conscious representation of inter-ethnicity, in which one can see the influence of cultural policies initiated after Mali's independence, such as the formation of regional and national ensembles. For example, some wassoulou ensembles have incorporated the bolon, the Maninka four-string bass harp formerly played to incite kings to war, and now rarely heard outside the context of state-subsidised regional ensembles. The large Senufo pentatonic gourd- resonated xylophone is also featured in many wassoulou ensembles, reflecting the proximity of Senufo culture in the Wasulu region (cf. Fig. 3).

Another aspect of Wasulu identity, reinforced in virtually all forms of wassoulou, is the association with the cultural, moral and religious world of hunters, for which the region is famous. This will be discussed in more detail below.

Fig. 3: Karinyan (iron scraper), kamalengoni (player wearing hunter's hat) and Senufo balafon; part of Sali Sidibe's ensemble, 1989

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108 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995)

The kono (bird) as metaphor for musician

One of the principal ways in which the performers of wassoulou articulate their sense of a distinctive identity is in the social r61e and status of their musicians. The key issue here is the designation "birds" (konow, sing. kono). The konow define themselves as musicians and singers by choice--not birth--who have the special r6le of conveying important messages. This sets them diametrically apart from the jeliw, the endogamous class of hereditary musicians, who underpin Mande social structure, and who specialise in narrative histories and genealogies of Mande lineages.

No documentation appears to exist on kono as a general term for Wasulunke musicians. This is possibly because much of the music of the konow has not been studied, and also precisely because they do not constitute a distinctive social group. The term emerges primarily in their own discourse, as a way of differen- tiating themselves from the jeliw. Though no doubt this has become more of an issue since the emergence of wassoulou on the popular music scene, there is plenty of evidence to suggest that the term kono is far older than wassoulou itself. Indeed several key informants state that it is as old as the term jeli, though not as widespread.16

The metaphor of bird for singers is, of course, by no means exclusive to Wasulu. In many cultures around the world they signify great voices-for example the female Egyptian singer Um Kalthum was called the "nightingale of the Nile"; the Peruvian singer Victor Alberto Gil, popular during the 1970s, was known as "the hummingbird of the Andes"; while the canary in Spain and the mockingbird in Cuba are other examples of birds as metaphors for virtuosic voices.17

What is perhaps singular to Wasulu is the way in which the term "bird" is used not just as an epithet, but as a specific appellation for all musicians who perform music by choice. For example, the hunters' donsongoni player is called "string- playing bird" (jurufo kono) and the singer simply kono. In Cashion's transcription of the hunters' narrative Famori, Seydou Camara often refers to himself as both kono and jurufo kono, in such a way that it is clearly accepted usage; e.g. "will you not give some meat to the string-playing bird? I have given you renown" (I te ne jurufo kono son sobo la, n y'i son togo la), and "Hunters have gone to rest, Lore Tanin is not in the house...nostalgia entered the birds" (nyinansuma donin konoi la); "Mali money has been given to the bird, I thank you" (Mali wari dilen kono ma, ko barika). Cashion explains that "the 'birds' refers to those singers, both past and present, who sang their [the hunters'] feats" (1984.2: lines 85, 129, 180; p. 336 fn). He does not, however, make any reference to the term in his

16 Thus the kora player Sidiki Diabate states, "kono is how you call the singers who are not jeliw, there have always been konow" (interview 1995). 17 See Huaynos & huaylas: the real music of Peru, Globestyle CD ORBD 064, sleeve notes by L. DurAn, 1990. Feld has done extensive research on bird symbolism in the music of the Kaluli, Papua New Guinea (e.g. Feld 1982).

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DurAn: Birds of Wasulu 109

description of the hunters' musician as performer, using instead the better known terms donsojeli and serewa (1984.1:286).

In Mande, birds are a symbol of wisdom, the human spirit, and all forms of singing.18 In view of this, it is suprising that so little information on the kono as singer exists.

The connection between birds and verbal skills in Mande is ancient and important. The Moroccan traveller Ibn Battuta, who visited Mansa Sulyeman's court in Mali in 1355, describes the r6le of "poets" (whom Battuta also calls jali) on a feast day.

Each of them has enclosed himself within an effigy made of feathers, resembling a [bird called] shaqshaq, on which is fixed a head made of wood with a red beak as though it were the head of a shaqshaq. They stand in front of the sultan in this comical shape and recite their poems. I was told that their poetry is a kind of exhortation in which they say to the sultan "This banbi on which you are sitting was sat upon by such and such a king and of his good deeds were so-and-so...so you do good deeds which will be remembered after you". Then the chief of the poets mounts the steps of the banbi and places his head in the lap of the sultan. Then he mounts to the top of the banbi and places his head on the sultan's right shoulder, then upon his left shoulder, talking in their language. I was informed that this act was already old before Islam, and they had continued to do it. (Ibn Battuta, in Levtzion and Hopkins 1981:293)

Battuta makes another significant observation: Mansa Suleyman's "interpreter" was a musician called Dugha, who played an instrument that is clearly the balafon (ibid), in the tradition of Sunjata's own jeli, Bala Faseke Kouyate. Duga means "vulture", a symbol of bravery and wisdom in Mande, as in the proverb "the eldest/wisest bird is the vulture" (kono korolin ye duga ye) (Sangare interview 1995). In Mande culture generally, mastery is associated with the wisdom acquired through age and experience. Thus great kono singers are termed kono koroba ("old bird") and sometimes simply duga ("vulture") (Sangare ibid).19

Birds also feature in the Sunjata epic as conveyors of important messages. In Niane's version of the epic, they appear at various crucial moments. On the eve of the decisive battle at Kirina in which Sunjata finally defeats his enemy Sumaoro, the latter "decided to assert his rights before joining battle. Sumaoro knew that Sundiata also was a sorcerer, so, instead of sending an embassy, he committed his words to one of his owls. The night bird came and perched on the roof of Djata's tent and spoke. The son of Sogolon in his turn sent his owl to Sumaoro" (Niane 1965:61). The owl (gwingwin) is "the bird that sees all, both in daylight and darkness" and is one of many symbols of occult power in hunters narratives (Cashion 1984.2:7, 335).

As in many cultures, birds are considered omens in Mande. The best known example of this is the "black bird of misfortune" who heralded Somaoro's defeat

18 I am grateful to Cherif Keita for elucidating many aspects of bird symbolism in Mande culture to me; pers. comm., 1995. 19 Masterjeliw are by contrast called ngara, "master musician"; see Durdn 1995.

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110 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995)

at Kirina (Niane 1965:65). This is the bird that gave rise to the Kono cult celebrated annually at Kirina, one of six initiatory societies in Mande. It involves a masquerade with a mask that is part-elephant, part-bird, representing "man's capacity for thought", which is a "bird capable of lifting an elephant and carrying it away". The songs of the cult reveal "how self-knowledge may lead to satisfaction or to remorse, and how the 'interior voice' commands or forbids such and such an action" (Zahan 1974:19). While the kono singers of today's wassoulou do not acknowledge any direct relationship with the Kono cult, this statement echoes with remarkable accuracy their own discourse on their r61e and function, as described below.

There are several Mande bird masquerades in Mali today (McNaughton 1988; Arnoldi 1983). In addition to the Kono secret society, there are also kono masquerades of age-set associations in Bougouni cercle in which the mask represents the hornbill, whose "shrewdness and intelligence are hidden beneath a maladroit exterior". Imperato (1980:54) reports witnessing a performance in which female singers accompanied on drums sang kono si te kamale kono bo ("no bird is as fine as the young people's bird").

Birds are represented as symbols of wisdom and ancestry in masquerades and sculptures among other neighbouring cultures, e.g. the Senufo and the Dan (Garrard 1995:457; Zemp 1993). The nightingale (sorofe) also has strong associations in Mande culture with verbal arts.20

It may be relevant to cite here another use of the term kono: Leynaud reports on the r61e of a child termed kono, in the selection process for the head of a senior Mande lineage.21

The kono in the musicians' discourse To understand the significance of kono status, it is necessary to summarise here the position of musicians generally among the Mande. The three social classes of the Mande-the horon (freeborn; descendants of Sunjata and his generals); the nyamakala (craft-professions--music, praise, smithery, leatherworkers); and the jon (descendants of slaves), have been much researched and debated (see Conrad and Frank 1995). The hereditary musicians (jeliw) belong to the nyamakala class, and sing the histories, praises, and genealogies of the horon, with whom they have a patron-client relationship. Similar endogamous groups exist among neighbouring peoples and are indeed also characteristic of Wasulu. The jeliw tend to monopolise most forms of public and professional performance (see Charry 1992; Camara 1992; Conrad and Frank 1995), with the exception of some forms

20 As in the cassette Jamana Sorofe, which features interviews with four leading jeliw on the nature of their musical and verbal art. 21 E. Leynaud (1960) Les cadres sociaux de la vie rurale dans la Haute-Vallge du Niger, Paris, pp.23-4, cited in Meillassoux 1968b.

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Dur-n: Birds of Wasulu 111

of drumming.22 Social attitudes towards the jeliw and the nyamakala as "people of caste" have had a profound effect on those few individuals who, though "freeborn", have chosen music as their profession, particularly in the case of singers in the popular domain.2

The konow fall outside this social hierarchy and express great pride in this. They may praise individuals, just as the hunters' musician may, but they do not sing genealogies or praise names. They co-exist with jeliw, but they are the "songsters" while the Wasulunke jeliw are story-tellers. The jeliw of Wasulu operate in a restricted domain, using the speech mode known as tarikou. Among Maninka jeliw, this is considered the optimum mode for narrative, the most difficult and prestigious, performed only by senior male Mande jeliw (Duran 1995). The art of the kono, on the other hand, is song, not speech: they see themselves as the voice of the people, free of any restrictions, whether of gender, age, performance mode or repertoire. They have two duties: to sing beautifully, and to convey matters of importance.

Oumou Sangare describes the respective roles of jeli and kono as follows:

In Wasulu we have lots of griots, born griots, they're usually men...but they rarely sing. They're historians, our griots. They take an ngoni, [lute], they sit down and tell all the history of Wasulu. That's what we call griots, the wasulunkajeli. They tell how Wasulu was created...their music is completely different from mine. But they can also do the music I do, everyone is free to do it, you don't have to be a jeli...to do the traditional music of Wasulu...We are kono because we are messengers, we sing for a reason, with a goal, to advise people or pass messages...not like the griots. Before, in Wasulu,...if a king wants to fight with another king, he takes a bird, writes a letter, attaches it to the leg of the bird, then lets it go. When the hunters see the bird they kill it, they know the message is for them, they read it, the war begins. Long long ago! (Sangare interview 1995)

This description has strong resonances with the owl episode in Sunjata quoted above.

It must be said, however, that the jeliw sometimes also call themselves kono. While more research needs to be done on this, it appears that such usage does not replace the term jeli, but qualifies it, to denote a particularly great singer, or to signal a message of great importance. For example, the female jeli (jelimuso) Nantenegue Kamissoko, a master singer (ngara) from Kirina, calls herself Kirina kono and Lembouroula kono (the bird of Kirina, the bird of the lemon tree). The fact that she is from Kirina, home of the Kono cult, may possibly of some significance in this connection (Cherif Keita pers. comm. 1995). Another great jelimuso, Fanta Damba "no.1", in talking of Samory Toure's jeli Tasirimaghan,

22 The oppositional interaction between drumming and jeliw is clearly demonstrated in Meillassoux's account (1968a) of the renowned septennial re-roofing ceremony at Kaaba in the heart of Mande.

23 E.g. Salif Keita and Ali Farka Toure; see L. Durdn (1996) "Salif Keita", Folk Roots 149: 42- 48; L. Durin (1995) sleeve notes to Ali Farka Toure, Radio Mali, World Circuit WCD 044.

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112 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995)

says "when the monkey climbs the tree you can catch it by its tail, but not the bird".24

Not surprisingly, birds are mentioned frequently in the song texts of the jeliw both as omens and as metaphors for heroic types. Two of the oldest and most important songs in thejeli's repertoire commemorate birds: Koulandjan (marabou stork), is a song in praise of hunters, and Duga (the vulture) is about bravery in battle.25 In Cono, a song by Salif Keita, one of Mali's most popular singers (who though not a jeli has been influenced by the style of jeliw), the bird represents a voice "of paths, of hills, of the river, of the gods" which has come "not to bring you suffering but to warn you instead".26 In Simba, a song by the jelimuso Ami Koita (who incidentally is also from Kirina), a bird plays an important r61e as an omen, representing a non-Islamic voice. Simba tells the story of a woman who is having difficulties conceiving. She hears the voice of the koyankono, a bird "who has two songs, one of good omen, the other bad". This bird mocks her by saying she will never have a child, but she replies, "I hear your voice, but I haven't yet heard the voice of God". In the end, her prayers to God are answered and she gives birth.27

Many jeliw songs contain the phrase: "the voice of the bird of Mande has come forth" (Mande kono kan bora), often as a repeated refrain.28 This formula also occurs in wassoulou lyrics. At least a third of the songs recorded by Oumou Sangare's contain phrases such as "listen to the voice of the Wasulu kono".29 Her guitarist, Boubacar Diallo, explains that this is her way of saying "this message is important; it comes from Wasulu, but it is for everyone, so pay attention" (Diallo interview 1995).

The roots of wassoulou Wassoulou has its roots in a number of styles and dance rhythms performed in a variety of contexts throughout the Wasulu region. This paper focusses on the kamalengoni as the major source of wassoulou, but first, it outlines briefly the other genres that have contributed to the music, namely sogoninkun and didadi.

24 From the cassette Jamana Sorofe, side B. 25 Bird (1972b: 468) describes this song as "the oldest and most widespread song known in West Africa, recorded in early Arabic texts." 26 Salif Keita, Soro, Stems 1020 (1987). Cono is another spelling of kono. 27 From Ami Koita, Tata Sira: the quotes are her own explanations, from an interview, 1991. 28 Many examples can be cited, e.g. the young jelimuso, Hadja Soumano: bolin ye Mande kono, kono kan ye sanukan ye--"the Mande bird has come forth, the voice of the bird is the voice of gold" (from her album Nteri Diaba, Syllart 38771-4). See also the refrain of Mory Kante's acoustic song Teriya, which is about the power of the word: "Ah, Mande kono kan bora"- '"the voice of the Mande bird is out", from his album Ten Cola Nuts (Barclay BA581, 1986). 29 E.g. Oumou Sangare's song Kayini wura, in which she sings: "May my fathers and mothers forgive me / may my wordsmith masters forgive me / for the apprentice is practising her language / May they not be offended / Here comes the bird of Wasulu with the good message / With the nostalgia of her brother Malians in her heart" (from Oumou Sangare, Ko Sira: CD; translations from sleeve notes).

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Fig. 4: Djembe player and sogoninkun dancers; child-naming ceremony, Bamako, 1995

Wassoulou performers attribute one of the roots of their music to a masquerade called sogoninkun, which has particular rhythms and singing styles (sogoninkun- folt). Sogoninkun ("the little antelope head") is the most characteristic masquerade of the Wasulunke and the southern Bamana, originating in Wasulu (Fig. 4). It has been documented primarily by Prouteaux (1929), Meillassoux (1968a) and Imperato (1981), and is mentioned in passing by McNaughton (1988).

Sogoninkun is one of many masquerades whose original context was the age- set association (ton). It is a fast-tempo masked dance performed by males accompanied only on the djembe and dundun (large cylindrical drum played with sticks). The lead singer (termed kono) is female as is the chorus.

Made of sculpted wood and heavy red or blue cotton cloth, the mask, which is said to represent a female antelope, covers the head completely, and hangs over the face, down to the chest, with small holes for the eyes. There is a white bushy (goathair) tail on top and smaller tufts of goathair attached to the sides of the face cloth. The masked dancers, wearing ankle rattles, interact with the drummers using powerful and supple acrobatic movements, described as those of a lion (a symbol of strength). Those who have the reputation of being great dancers, such as Amadu Ba (from Bougouni cercle), are sometimes called "sorcier danseurs" and they are said to "fly through the air" (Sali Sidibe interview). Women also perform the sogoninkun as a dance, but with graceful calm gestures (Diallo

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114 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995)

interview). The songs help to contextualise the masks and interpret their messages; the lyrics may refer to the prowess of certain animals and also to great heroes of the past. The dancers also interact with the singer: "the female soloist frequently places her hand on the sogoni koun [sic] dancer's shoulder, allaying his fears, slowly singing his praises..." (Imperato 1981:45).

Imperato states that sogoninkun is one of several "animal children" (wara deoun) masked dances performed for public entertainment, usually for agricultural festivities. He reports that while it has declined since the Second World War, "some very talented sogoni koun performers have become theatrical stars with audiences and reputations well beyond their local districts" (Imperato 1981:40).

Meillassoux's study of Bamako in the 1960s shows that migrant workers from Wasulu were a significant component of the city's population; he describes an "inter-ethnic" Bougouni association who performed sogoninkun and other masked dances. The masked dancers were "younger men between fourteen and twenty, who were born in Bougouni and live temporarily in town as seasonal workers, sometimes unemployed...between the appearances of the masks young men and even children of the association step in to perform yayoba, an acrobatic dance..." (Meillassoux 1968b:97, 99).

Nevertheless, Imperato's account of sogoninkun performances in Mali during the late 60s shows strong parallels with wassoulou. He describes how the singers addressed various messages to both dancers and audience; the young female soloist would "ask everyone's forgiveness, for herself and the troupe, for any direct or indirect insults that may inadvertently arise during her singing...[because] she is young and like all young people is capable of committing errors".30 He also recounts an event in which one (female) singer openly ridiculed a European in the audience who was trying to record the performance, satirising first him as an individual, and then Europeans in general: "Hey big fat white man/you in the shorts/you with grey hair and glasses/I see your red shirt/your white socks/that stick you are hiding/it is a microphone..." (Imperato 1981:46).

Sogoninkun and other masked dances disappeared during the radical measures of Modibo Keita's regime prior to his overthrow in 1968, and thereafter went into a decline (Imperato 1981). The severe droughts that Mali suffered have also taken their toll on traditions associated with the agricultural cycle. Nevertheless sogoninkun continues to be performed as a masked dance among Wasulunke both in the region and in Bamako, at weddings and circumcision celebrations, but not in the context of wassoulou music, where it was recreated as a rhythm and style of singing.31

Nevertheless, many of the early wassoulou artists of the 1960s and '70s such as the late female singer Kagbe Sidibe, started out as sogoninkun singers. Abdoulaye Diabate, a popular singer originally from Segou, but now based in Koutiala, who

30 Cf. Oumou Sangare's song Kayini wura, cited in previous footnote. 31 E.g. in Oumou Sangare's song Djamakaisoumnou, from her CD Moussolou.

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incorporates wassoulou styles into his recordings, has a song entitled Sogoninkun, in which he celebrates the tradition. One of the most influential singers of wassoulou, Coumba Sidibe, is also widely associated with sogoninkun; her father was reputed to be a great exponent of the dance.32

The second most important source of wassoulou, described by some musicians as even older than sogoninkun, is a ritual fertility dance which in its secularised modern version is known as didadi an onomatopoeic sound for the drum rhythm, previously termed jakawara.33 The dance involves a semi-circle of women and girls, who bend forwards at the waist and dance with pelvic movements, to show "the corpulence of the buttocks" (Diallo interview). Didadi has become a style in its own right in wassoulou, differentiated from other styles by the absence of the kamalengoni (youth harp). Some artists tend to specialise in didadi, such as Nahawa Doumbia, a female singer from the Bougouni cercle. Her first album was entitled Didadi). Abdoulaye Diabate also is known for his didadi style, as in the song Sissi kouloun in which the chorus (didadi foli kera jinna foli ye "didadi is the music of djinns") reinforces the association of wassoulou music with occult power.

Kamalengoni, wassoulou and the evocation of the hunters' world The most distinctive and widespread style of wassoulou, however is based on the music of the kamalengoni, the six string "youth" harp. There is in practice little difference between the type of music known as kamalengoni and wassoulou. Both kamalengoni and its companion instrument the karinyan (iron tube scraper) provide a direct link with the world of hunters, from which they have been appropriated.

The kamalengoni represents a secularisation of the donsongoni, the hunters' harp, (donso = hunter; ngoni = string instrument) which is a ritual instrument, believed to contain nyama34 (occult force, energy). The donsongoni has a highly distinctive timbre, which evokes, by associative process, the "mystique" of hunting (donsoya), and its values--bravery, skill, cunning and access to that esoteric power that master hunters possess. Taken out of this context, the kamalengoni is a powerless, playful youth version of the hunters' harp. Yet, with virtually identical playing technique and sound, it inevitably evokes a similar associative, emotional and aesthetic response; which contributes to the appeal of wassoulou.

32 See her compact disc Sanghan, sleeve notes: "son pare dtait un sorcier danseur du Sokoninkou, toujours du grand Wassoulou". 33 According to Oumou Sangare (interview 1995). I have found no further information on the subject, except for a song entitled Djaka wara by Fanta Naya Diawara, in which she sings of djaka wara as synonymous with didadi; the song is in didadi rhythm and style (audio cassette Fanta Naya Diawara). Meillassoux provides a description of a masked dance called jarawara which may be the same (1968b: 91). 34 The concept of nyama has preoccupied scholars of Mande culture since the turn of the century; see McNaughton 1988.

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Hunters play a special r61e in Mande society, a r1le which has been well documented by Cisse, Bird, Cashion and others. Though hunting as such is a vanishing way of life, it remains in Mali (and elsewhere in Africa, as Herbert has shown) a "locus of belief' in which "bush and forest are cosmological as well as geographical constructs" (Herbert 1993:166). It is widely accepted that hunters' societies contributed to the founding of the Mali empire. The respect for hunters and the world they symbolise--"an activity that refuses to admit its anachronism" (ibid:164)--fimds many expressions in present-day Malian thinking and cultural expression, including music. Many songs of the jeliw either refer to and praise hunters, or contain musical quotes from well-known songs by hunters' musi- cians.35 However, jeliw and hunters occupy very different cultural and ideological domains, a difference which is reinforced in a number of origin legends.36 This is reinforced via the sound of the kamalengoni, the kono status of its musicians, and the use of certain imagery, textual formulae, and song structure.

For example, Coumba Sidibe's mid-1980s song Mougoukan ("the sound of gunpowder") is dedicated to the late president of the Ivory Coast, Houphouet Boigny, and his wife (Madame Th6rbse). The song compares Boigny (and his army commanders) to the master hunter, while she claims for herself the authority of a bird who observes from the distance of tree-tops:

This is the dance of men, this is the sound of hunters' guns, the sound of gunpowder puts fear into the hearts of men you are here Boigny, this is the sound of the drum of Wasulu. Mine Therese, this is the sound of your drum. For you, the president of Ivorian women, here is the sound of the Wasulu drum. The lion is dangerous, commander Salimou, when the lion comes, everyone is in the hands of their mother. When I speak of men, Houphouet Boigny is a great man...he has gunpowder with him, it's true! I'm on top of one tree, I go to another tree, I speak of one person, then I call another...37

The constant refrain of i ya dunun kan ye ("this is the sound of your drum") that follows each name and place mentioned in this song is an exact replica of the formula used by Seydou Camara (see Cashion 1984.2: lines 90-249) and other hunters' musicians, usually towards the beginning of their narratives. Indeed the

35 Thus Balakononfin, a song made famous by the blind Maninka harpist/singer Bala Jimba Diakite, has been recorded in many popular versions by the Rail Band, Mory Kante, Salif Keita, and most recently by the female singer Kandia Kouyate on her cassette Sa kunu sa. It has a simple, repetitive accompaniment on the simbi harp, which is immediately distinctive in the popular versions as well. 36 E.g. the well-known story of the two Diabate brothers, Damansa Wulemba and Damansa Wulending: the latter (younger) brother is the good marksman and manages to kill a wild beast, while the older brother sings his praises. See Darbo 1976.

37 Coumba Sidibe, Mougoukan, from her CD Coumba Sidibe, linear translations by Boubacar Diallo.

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frequent reference to gunpowder and drums in both hunters' songs and wassoulou is arguably more symbolic than literal.

Another formula of the hunters' songs that is echoed in wassoulou lyrics is the declaration that a jinn has "come out" for the person to whom the song is dedicated. This is a way of establishing the power (nyama) of that person, as in Sali Sidibe's song Diaby, which opens with the refrain Ah, Diaby, jinne bora Diaby ye ("Ah Diaby, the jinns have come out for Diaby").38 Similar connections between wassoulou and hunters' music are made through references to certain hunters' dances such as the ntanan, which are reserved only for master hunters, e.g. those who have killed a lion; violation of this rule is believed to have serious consequences for the individual. Hence, wassoulou titles such as Ntanan (a 1988 song by Sali Sidibe, dedicated to Mali's former president, Moussa Traore) have powerful connotations.

Herbert has shown that hunters in Africa along with smiths and kings are a "tripartite representation of male power", but unlike the latter two, hunters are not determined by lineage. Hunters' societies are egalitarian both in terms of class and ethnicity; the title of "great hunter" may be conferred on any member, irrespective of social status age or ethnic background (Coulibaly). Indeed its only exclusion is gender-based. Hunters' societies function as a kind of freemasonry, and though hunting is now heavily restricted (by legislation, lack of game, deforestation etc.) the societies meet on a number of occasions, for example at the funeral of one of their members. Wearing mud-dye cloth tunics covered with amulets, they fire their guns into the air, and dance to the songs accompanied on donsongoni and karinyan. Although these are private gatherings, they often attract a large public, inspiring respect and awe, as well as a deep aesthetic response.39

The kamalengoni: construction and tuning Hunters' harps are found in most of western, central and southern Mali, a raised bridge at right angles to the sound table,40 differing mainly according to whether they have either one or two rows of strings, and are pentatonic or heptatonic. The Wasulu donsongoni, like its youth counterpart the kamalengoni, has two parallel rows of three (nylon, formerly twisted rope) strings each, tuned to a pentatonic scale. While the donsongoni may only be played in the designated ritual contexts of the hunters' societies, the kamalengoni has no such requirements, and has no special powers. Some musicians however consider it a form of apprenticeship to the donsongoni.41

38 From her CD Wassoulou foli. Compare Seydou Camara's opening lines: A yee Famori lee, jina bolen Famori ye; Cashion 1984.2: lines 30-60. 39 See for example Salif Keita, Destiny of an outcast, Island Productions, 1989.

40 Known as ngoni, donsongoni, simbi (among the Maninka and Khassonke) and tata (among the Gana). The simbi has only one row of metal strings in heptatonic tuning (as in the music of the famous blind harpist and singer Bala Jimba Diakite (Coulibaly etc.)). 41 According to the late musician Alou Fane, a singer and kamalengoni player from Ganadugu (on the periphery of Wasulu), and former musician with Super Djata band: "When the hunter

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Fig. 5 The kamalengoni strings, their names and tuning

Name Pitch

denjurufitini D (little child string)

jemanje juru fitini A (little string in the middle)

bajouroufitini E (little big string)

LEFT HAND ROW

(first finger and thumb)

Name Pitch

kumabal denjuru C (big sound/child string)

jemanjejuru kumaba G (big sounding middle string)

bajourouba D (big string)

RIGHT HAND ROW

(thumb only, but jemanje juru string can also be played with left- hand thumb reaching over)

(Player sits here)

The karinyan (variant: narinyan; Fig. 3) iron percussion rod is also identical in name, construction and playing technique to the hunters' instrument. It consists of a flat piece of iron rolled into a tube, with serrated edges that are scraped with a long iron needle, in a steady down-up-down pattern in either binary or ternary rhythm, also characteristic of hunters' music.

The absence of any documentation on the kamalengoni, may be because of its recent origin, or because it is almost identical to the donsongoni. Both have only one tuning (see Fig. 5), with intervals of a 4th between the strings of each row, and an overall scale of DEGACD. The kamalengoni is tuned about a 4th higher than the donsongoni, reflecting the higher pitch of the young singers' voices,42 as well as the less sombre musical style. It makes more extended use of improvisation and special techniques such as harmonics.

The layout and tunings of the strings of the kamalengoni impose their own stylistic parameters on the music. Most of its repertoire is based on the lowest right-hand string, called bajourouba; i.e. the songs begin and end on this string. Wassoulou groups harmonise the bajourouba (DEGAC) scale on guitar or keyboard in a minor key; hence, much of wassoulou music is minor key. Some alternate between the two minor scales based on bajourouba and bajouroufitini

reaches the age of 40, he becomes a great hunter. From this moment on he plays his ngoni in the Dozon style" (Alou Fane, CD, 1994 sleeve notes). 42 This is confirmed by Diallo, who describes it as "the same type" of harp as the donsongoni. His diagram and tunings of the latter are indeed identical, except that he gives the pitch as a 4th lower (Diallo n.d.: 47).

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Fig. 6: Kamalengoni, front view

(EGACD) (e.g. Coumba Sidibe's Koniya, Women of Wassoulou CD vol. 1) while others such as Oumou Sangare's Diarabi nene start out on bajourouba but then shift to kumaba (C) as centre, thus moving to a major pentatonic scale (CDEGA). The two middle strings are occasionally also used as tonal centres to vary the pitch and timbre.

Like the hunters' harp, the kamalengoni is constructed from a long thin slightly curved neck which pierces a calabash resonator (fle), whose top portion has been cut open and covered in goatskin (bagolo). The bridge (so, literally "horse") stands at right angles to the sound table, putting this instrument into the category of West African bridge harps (Charry 1992, Knight 1973); the bridge is held in place with string tied to two lateral soundposts (Fig. 6). The two parallel rows of strings pass through holes in the bridge and are wrapped around nails on the lower side. There are two small cane holders (bolomenelan) that emerge upwards from the resonator and are tied to the lower section of the neck, though only the left one

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120 British Journal ofEthnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995)

is actually used to support the instrument. The left little finger hooks around the holder, and both thumb and first finger are used of the left hand, while the right hand supports the instrument half-way up the neck, using only the thumb to play the strings.

The distinctive "nervous" sound of the instrument is created by rapid alternating left and right-hand plucking using a punchy, heavily staccato technique of damping the strings (ka dere). This is mixed with harmonics ("the secret of the ngoni"', as some players describe it), producing an interval of a 12th above the note, effected by touching the two highest-pitch strings with the knuckle of the thumbs or tip of the left first finger. Musicians often compare the resulting "choppy" sound (which can also be heard in hunters' music) to the funk rhythms of James Brown.

The structure of kamalengoni music mirrors that of the donsongoni: it is built around a short bipartite theme called ngonisin, literally "the leg of the ngoni", that serves as a basis for instrumental improvisations known by the general term of teremeli (literally, "musical bargaining"). This is comparable to the r6le of kumbengo in Mandinka kora music (Charry 1992, Knight 1973). The songs are also similar to the solo-chorus structure of the hunters' songs. The kamalengoni however has developed its own repertoire, and new songs are constantly being composed.

Appropriation and moral censorship Unlike didadi and sogoninkun, the kamalengoni and its music are not connected to any particular occasion or age-set association (ton). Wasulu musicians date its emergence from the 1930s or '40s, or possibly later, attributing its widespread popularity to one musician in particular, Alata Brulaye from Yanfolila. Former accompanist to Kagbe Sidibe, he is widely credited with the development of the kamalengoni technique.

The significance of this instrument is its striking reversal of the ritual nature of hunters' music, a reversal that was considered shocking at the time. According to Wasulu informants, the kamalengoni was first created in villages of Yanfolila cercle, by boys who liked the sound of hunters' music. Oumou Sangare explains:

In Wasulu, hunters are great healers. The kamalengoni is like the donsongoni, which is played by hunters and healers; it's the same type of instrument but played differently...it's a symbolic instrument for us, it symbolises youth, because it's the youth who created it. There was a moment when it was a dangerous phenomenon, because when a young person in Wasulu heard it, he'd stop working, he'd refuse to work, all the youth would shout and go to the public place in the village to dance to the kamalengoni. So the elders forbade it, they even gave it a pejorative name, they called it samakoro which means fleas, because when you have them in your bed you can't sleep or be still...the girls go out at night and dance... (Oumou Sangare interview 1995)

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Yoro Zoumana Traore, an authority on Mande music,43 says:

The arrival of the 'youth's harp' in Wasulu was a shock to the elders, because they said it was an instrument which was corrupting young people. When one plays the kamalengoni at night, under the moon, young girls and boys would dance until dawn. No girl could stay in her room if she heard it; she would be obliged to creep out to dance...The elders would say, 'this is a dance party. Let's listen to the hunter's harp instead...' When the youth harp is playing, it's purely for the youth. Its message is simple: you like me, I like you, we rendezvous at the music. (Traore interview 1989)

Nevertheless the music had a powerful aesthetic appeal. "When this same donsongoni got into the hands of the youth, and was very sweet and easy to dance, and there were no rites to do, then everyone went there...people appreciated it because they could not dance certain rhythms and songs which were reserved exclusively for those who knew how to hunt" (Diallo interview 1995).

The kamalengoni dance borrows directly from those of hunters (donsodon), but also shows influences from popular American dances of the 1960s, particularly the dances of the 1950s and '60s such as the jitterbug and the jerk (Kassim Sidibe interview 1995). It involves mainly a rapid sliding sideways foot movement; in three motions: 1) feet parallel; 2) heels together, toes outward in V shape; 3) toes together and heels outward in circumflex. Connections with the jitterbug are particularly striking, not in the movements of the dance itself, but because of the parallel "itchy bug" terminology. Also, the kind of moral censorship first evoked by the kamalengoni echoes the ways in which dances like the jitterbug (and rock and roll in general) were considered immoral and corruptive when they first appeared. Such disapproval was also a reaction to the fact that many kamalengoni songs are about love, sometimes with overtly sensual lyrics, as in the song Diaraby Nene ("the shivers of passion") made famous by Oumou Sangare (see below), but first created as a kamalengoni piece and recorded by various artists.

Despite the diversification of wassoulou styles since the late '80s, the sound of the kamalengoni continually reinforces links with rural Wasulu and the world of the hunters. Most recently these links have been made explicit visually in "playback" videos of songs. In the RTM (Radio Television Malienne) video-clip of Oumou Sangare's song Ko Sira, for example, a group of women sing at the river while nearby a young hunter, dressed in full hunter's costume and carrying a gun, dances to the donsongoni. 44

Arnoldi's and Brink's studies of Mande theatre have shown how the Mande talk of their performance traditions in two overall categories: nyan fe which is "serious" (sebe), i.e. private ritual, invested with occult power; and nyenanje which is "playful" (tlon), i.e. public entertainment (Arnoldi 1983:23-4). The

43 Presenter of an influential weekly music programme on RTM television, "Rencontre avec nos vedettes".

44 Ko Sira, produced Kolly Keita for RTM, 1993.

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122 British Journal ofEthnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995)

emergence of kamalengoni, its initial rejection by the elders as vulgar and corrupt, and the use of a pejorative name, are all an aspect of movement from the "serious" to the "playful" domain that can be seen in many popular music styles.

The development of wassoulou: trends, artists and lyrics Wassoulou first emerged as a named style in the years just after independence, and appears to have been created when sogoninkun singers such as (the late) Kagbe Sidibe began to record for Radio Mali. Whereas sogoninkun was originally accompanied only on drums, Kagbe Sidibe and others began to include the kamalengoni and electric guitars in their ensembles. Thus two different traditions, each with its repertoires, instruments and singing styles, were combined in the urban context, and this combination was seen as a representation of Wasulu identity, hence the name wassoulou.

The first recordings date from the 1960s, but otherwise little information is available on this early phase. Wassoulou at this point was not widespread, and may have been eclipsed by Bamako's sogoninkun associations. Nevertheless wassoulou was one of the earliest recorded styles in Mali to feature female singers accompanied on electric instruments, at least contemporary with the music of the female jeliw (jelimusow) who already were "radio stars", mixing electric guitars with traditional instruments (Meillassoux 1968b:109).

Some informants claim that wassoulou largely remained "underground" in Bamako during the socialist regime of Mali's first president, Modibo Keita (1960-68). Though by no means overtly political it was nonetheless seen as socially subversive because it voiced the aspirations and desires of youth and women. As has been shown, both sogoninkun and the kamalengoni were performed by youth who were generally under the age of 20. The singers, with their "bird" status, operated outside the constraints of patron-client relationships. Their r61e was considered opposite to that of the jeliw, who in the 1960s were "actively participat[ing] in the construction nationale through highly effective pro-government propaganda, praising and explaining the leaders' and the party's objectives" (Meillassoux 1968b:111). The strong social messages of wassoulou were "not always what people in power want to hear" (Diallo interview 1995).

After the fall of Modibo Keita, during the brief period of economic recovery under Mali's second president, Moussa Traore, wassoulou began to gather momentum. It developed in two main contexts: the radio, and the Ensemble Instrumental National (EIN), a state-subsidized ensemble of some 40 musicians from different regions, who performed at official functions and at festivals. The first wassoulou artist to join the EIN was the female singer Coumba Sidibe from Koninko, Yanfolila cercle, who remains one of the singers most widely associated with the genre. Known as Coumba saba ("three Coumbas"): Kawako Coumba, Koninko Coumba, Bamako Coumba--"astonishing Coumba, Coumba from Koninko, Coumba from Bamako", the popularity of one of her songs in the early 1970s raised awareness of wassoulou as a genre. Diya ye banna ("Pleasure ends") is a celebration of youth, lamenting the finite nature of all things--even the packet of sugar, which ends up as a mere paper bag that is crumpled up and

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Durnn: Birds of Wasulu 123

thrown away. A version recorded in 1977 with the EIN has no kamalengoni, its r6le being taken by the bolon (four-string bass harp); the "folkloric" evocation of Wasulu identity is principally through the karinyan scraper. The song is subtitled "Wasulu folklore".45

Around the same time, some of the dance orchestras based in Bamako began to include wassoulou songs in their repertoire, which otherwise was largely based on the music of Maninka jeliw (as well as some international styles). For example, the Ambassadeurs du Motel de Bamako performed a kamalengoni song Deli geleman ("it is hard to part with someone you have grown used to") and later recorded it in Abidjan, renamed Wassouloufoli, with the late "Mengs" Diakite as singer. The choice of Diakite (who was from Wasulu) for this song and not Salif Keita, otherwise the lead singer with the Ambassadeurs, is significant.

Wassoulou never played more than a marginal role in Mali's dance band culture. First of all, it was felt that singers from the region were required because of the difficulties of the Wasulunke language. Without this, and without the presence of a kamalengoni, the pentatonic scales and rhythms of wassoulou were not easily distinguishable from some forms of Bamana and other regional musics. Often it served a deliberately "folkloristic" function in dance orchestras. By the early 1980s dance bands were in any case on the decline in Mali; some (like the Ambassadeurs, who were independently financed) had left the country, and others (like the Rail Band, which was state subsidised) were playing to diminishing audiences.

In the 1970s there were only a handful of artists performing wassoulou but the gap created by the demise of dance bands, and the success of Coumba Sidibe, encouraged other Wasulunke musicians to move to the capital. Sali Sidibe (Fig. 7), born in Bougouni cercle, was recruited in 1978 (while still in her teens) to the EIN, at a time when, in her words, "only the songs of griots were favoured by Bamako's citizens". It was her idea to incorporate the kamalengoni into the ensemble.

One day I asked Dji [the Minister of Culture, Idrissa Mariko] to introduce the instruments from Wasulu into the Ensemble. He said to me, "Why don't you do it? Sing the songs of your region for us!"...I replied, "I won't be able to sing my songs properly in my own language [Wasulunka] without my instruments. The balafon [xylophone] of the jeliw is different from the Senufo balafon. The Senufo balafon 'speaks' my language, while Maninka instruments like the kora cannot 'pronounce' Wasulunka." Then the Minister asked me to bring a djembe and kamalengoni, to see if they really could "speak" my language. That's how they first made their entry into the Ensemble Instrumental. (Sali Sidibe interview 1989).

The new emphasis on kamalengoni in the EIN (Fig. 8) was taken up in the '80s by a number of smaller independent folkloric and wassoulou ensembles performing around the capital. The distinctive sound of the instrument revived the

45 A version recorded in 1977 was re-released on the LP Ensemble instrumental du Mali (Mali Stars), Syllart SYL 8379.

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124 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995)

Fig. 7: Sali Sidibe and kamalengoni player, at home in Bamako, 1989

connections with the hunters' world and provided a marked contrast to the music of the jeliw which used a different instrumentation. Around this time many artists were leaving the EIN, which was felt to be restrictive professionally, some (including both Sali Sidibe and Coumba Sidibe) taking up solo careers. Both continued to exploit their status as "free" singers by commenting on society in a number of ways.

For example in one of Coumba Sidibe's songs, Wary, she condemns the corruptive nature of money: "Coumba says money is dangerous; dollar money is bad, French money is bad, Malian money is bad; men and women, watch out; if you have money, but you don't use your head, that money will destroy you". (from her CD Coumba Sidibe). This can be taken as a comment on political corruption as well as on the growing materialism of Malian society (and possibly also on the jeliw).

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Fig. 8: Kamalengoni player (front) with members of the Ensemble Instrumental National du Mali, Bamako, 1987

The freedom of "bird" singers to comment with impunity is encapsulated in a Bamana song of the period by Abdoulaye Diabate: Yayankono, whose refrain says kono bee be kasi le, wa kiri te bo a la : "all the birds are singing, but no one can pass judgment on them". In this song, he rebuffs criticisms that have been directed at him for things he has sung, citing the refrain in his defence. Though Diabate is a jeli, he also classes himself as kono since he performs wassoulou styles (Diabate interview 1991).46

46 See also above, in the description of sogoninkun and didadi, for a discussion of Diabate's wassoulou styles; he was the lead singer with the regional orchestras of Koutiala (Sikasso), Koule Star and Kene Star, c. 1975-85. Yayankono is on his cassette Namawou.

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The moralising tone of some lyrics reflect ways in which Moussa Traore's economic and political policies were seriously threatening the social fabric (see Brenner, forthcoming). In Douga Diarabi (on CD Wassoulou foli), Sali Sidibe sings:

Those who are blessed in this world have a duty towards those who are not. God has made some people rich-what have they done for God? Others He has made poor; what have they done to deserve that? If God has listened to the blessings of parents and rewarded their children with wealth, let Him not forget the poor; if He has rewarded others with big families, let him not forget the orphans.47

Such songs, however, were also balanced with other texts expressing nationalistic sentiments and even pan-Africanism, as well as songs dedicated to political leaders including Traore himself,48 partly a "means of survival" for independent artists who had no recourse to state subsidy or to the kinds of private remuneration given to jeliw by their patrons (see Durin 1995).

The oppositional relationship of jeli and kono reflect the growing rivalry between the two; indeed some jeliw regarded the arrival of wassoulou onto the professional music scene with concern and even hostility. Oumou Sangare recalls: "At first, when women singers of wassoulou wanted to perform in public, the jeliw gave us a hard time. They complained that since we're not born into the caste, we had no right to sing. The caste had a real monopoly on music in Mali. But our people have turned all that around, because even if we're not jeliw, we can still be 'artistes'. This has been a real struggle for us but in the end we're coming out on top because the public is tired of being extorted for money."

Ami Koita, one of the best known and most popular and successful female jeliw (jelimusow) of the mid-'80s and early '90s, articulates a widespread view among these singers that they were the r61e models for the female "stars" of wassoulou. "Maybe [Wasulu] women began to sing their music because of our own success. When I was little, both men and women sang wassoulou but it wasn't very popular, mostly it was something you heard in the region. It's very recent that people like Oumou Sangare are successful with this style and I believe it's because of us" (Ami Koita interview 1991).

The discourse on the relative merits of wassoulou vs. jeliya (the art of the jeli) extends to concepts and evaluations of musical creativity. The jeli works from an established repertoire and within well-defined parameters of performance modes,49 while the konow are free to compose new pieces for which they themselves continually reset the parameters. In this, parallels between the kono and hunters' musician can be seen. The songs of the jeliw are "products of a long

47 This (non-linear) translation by Annick Sy was done to convey the overall sense of the song for sleeve notes of the CD. 48 E.g. Coumba Sidibe's song in praise of Houphouet Boigny, and Sali Sidibe's song Ntanan for Moussa Traore, cited above. Sali Sidibe's song Faso Bara encourages Francophone countries to unite; from her cassette, La perle noir du Wassoulou. 49 These are discussed in detail by Knight 1972, Charry 1992, and Durdn 1995.

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tradition of singers. No one artist can create a new epic, whereas it is not out of the ordinary to find a [hunters'] artist who creates new heroic songs..." (Bird 1972a:290). Wassoulou is by nature eclectic, combining different source traditions in varied ways in which the kono is seen to have a more individual r81e as composer.

The people of Bamako...have grown tired of always hearing the same pieces performed repeatedly and invariably by the griots, always saying the same things. For instance Yoro Zumana50 once asked the griots why they don't innovate, do musical research, and compose new melodies, they way that the singers of Wasulu do. The griots replied: "We don't innovate because we have been born into this, we follow the tradition of our mothers and fathers." This is not the case [of the kono], and this needs to be emphasised. (Sali Sidibe interview 1989)

During the 1980s wassoulou underwent an interesting reversal of the prevailing tendency in Malian popular music. At a time when the jeliw were going increasingly "hi-tech", a new wave of young wassoulou artists were moving towards a more traditional sound highlighting the kamalengoni but also bringing together a range of other regional styles and instruments. One of the most influential of these musicians was Oumou Sangare. Born in Bamako, with a family background in Wasulu (her parents are from Medina Diassa in Yanfolila and her mother is a sogoninkun singer), Sangare began performing professionally with the folkloric group Djoliba Percussions in 1986. She recorded her first album in Abidjan in 1989 when she was just 21 years old and still unmarried. It was considered radical in a number of ways, most of all because of her lyrics openly address feminist issues.

The kono, Islam, and gender This raises broader questions of the extent to which gender plays a r61e in wassoulou music, since many of its best known exponents are women. A full consideration of this issue is outside the scope of this study, but here a few important points may be raised. In Mande society, singing is generally constructed as a female activity. Camara, in his extensive study of Maninkajeliw, states categorically that "in Maninka country, males do not sing at all, except for the griots" (Camara 1975:124; my translation). This division of musical labour (song = female; instrumental performance, and use of the speech mode = male) (see Durin 1995) has been remarked in passing (though not analysed) by many scholars.

In Meillassoux's discussion of on the inter-ethnic gumbe5t associations of Bamako in the 1960s, he comments: "as in other types of traditional associations, singing is the business of girls" (1968b:126). Arnoldi's study of puppet theatre among the Bamana gives frequent examples of female singers (1983:14, 149,

so See note 44 above. 51Gumbe is a style of youth urban music popular in Bamako in the 1960s, having arrived there from Senegal in the 1930s; it is widespread in west and central Africa, and was first introduced into Sierra Leone in the mid- 19th century by re-settled freed slaves from Jamaica.

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200). In both kamalengoni music and sogoninkun the singers are invariably women-indeed in the latter their r1le "is limited to singing" (Meillassoux 1968b:96-100). Even in the otherwise all-male hunters' societies, women contribute as singers; both Bird and Cashion refer to the r61e of Seydou Camara's wife as singer in his otherwise all-male ensemble of apprentices (Bird 1972a:279; Cashion 1984.2:333 fn 4).

The construct of singing as female among the Mande is an extremely complex subject.52 Elsewhere, I have noted how female jeli singers (jelimusow) dominate popular styles of jeliya in Mali, to the extent that male singers are rarely successful (Durin 1995). In wassoulou, however, singers may be of either gender, and it is clear that this represents a break from tradition, since in its initial phases the singers are invariably female. The pioneer singers of wassoulou in the 1960s and early '70s were women, but since the late '80s male singers-notably Abdoulaye Diabate (previously mentioned), Yoro Diallo (kamalengoni style), the singers of the group Wasolonfenin and Jah Youssoufou ("wass reggae")53--have taken their place alongside the female konow. This, I suggest, is not because men are "taking over", but because, with its ethos of social equality and freedom of expression, wassoulou provides a forum for challenging prevailing gender relations, including the assumption that women should be the sole singers.

Wassoulou is often perceived as reinforcing links with non-Islamic belief, and here too gender plays a r1le. The all-male hunters' music on which wassoulou draws makes extensive reference to occult power, since, in the words of the singer Seydou Camara, "one cannot become a hunter/ if no sorcery is in him/ you do not become a hunter/ if you have no fetish/ you cannot become a hunter/ if you possess no changing power" (Cashion 1984.2:lines 225-30). Such references are acceptable within the context of the hunters' world; it is however another matter for women to sing of such things in public.

Sali Sidibe, whose father was the village Imam, says:

God made music my thing. But when the authorities [the Ministry of Culture] came to find me, my father preferred to leave by the back door not properly dressed rather than have to greet them. He said to me, "Sali, you are damned in my family! How can I proclaim the word of God while you sing profane and animist songs? Clearly, you are damned. I won't address a word to those who encourage you in your choice."...But God made me love music, which I have been performing up to this day. I love nothing more in the world than music. (Sali Sidibe, interview 1989)

Wassoulou women singers focus on gendered themes such as fertility, in which occult powers are called upon for help (infertility is always seen as a female

52 Some wassoulou and kamalengoni informants provide a simple explanation: women specialise in singing because they exhort their menfolk to work the fields.

53 Wass reggae first appeared in the early '90s as a combination of reggae rhythms with the instrumentation and sound of wassoulou. Most recently the links with wassoulou by self-styled wass reggae artists such as Askia Modibo are musically tenuous; Modibo is himself not from Wasulu.

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Fig. 9: Oumou Sangare's group in performance: Boubacar Diallo (left, guitar), Alima Toure (dancing), Basidi Keita (djembe), Oumou Sangare (right, background), with calabash percussion, Lille, 1995

problem). For example, the young singer Dieneba Diakite had a "hit" in 1993 with her song Dougou dasiri in which she implores the dasiri (the sacred protecting spirit of the village) to give her a baby, offering sacrifices of red kola nuts, a black cockerel and a white sheep in return.54

In general women singers of wassoulou are becoming increasingly overt in their criticism of such social institutions as arranged marriages and polygamy, while their performance styles celebrate women's culture, e.g. through the use of the cowry-strung calabash percussion (Fig. 9) specific to female wedding parties. This is echoed in the many songs entitled "women", as in Oumou Sangare's album Moussolou. The championing of women's rights in a society where the prevailing gender ideology is male-biased is becoming one of the most significant trends of wassoulou.

In Sangare's most recent recordings, one song (Tiebaw, "men") is addressed to the first wife of a polygamous marriage: "She feels abandoned by her husband,

54 From her eponymous CD. Diakite was one of the chorus singers on Oumou Sangare's 1989 album Moussolou before forming her own group Farafina Lolo. The dasiri is said to inhabit a spring, rock or tree outside the village commemorating the village's founding site; see Zahan 1974:11-13.

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who now gives all his attention to the new wife; he gives everything to her. But God is our witness, all this suffering will end. Women of Mali, women of Africa and the whole world, let us fight together to put an end to this social injustice." Another (Worotan, "ten kola nuts") suggests that for the price of ten kola nuts-- the ritual gift of the bridegroom's father to the father of the bride-a woman can virtually be sold into slavery.55 Such texts, considered highly provocative by more conservative sectors of Malian society, illustrate ways in which the konow are pushing their r6le as commentators to an extreme.

Probably the most famous wassoulou song, Diarabi nene, summarises this spirit as well as reaffirmnning the youth voice of wassoulou. This is also Sangare's "fetish" piece. The term "fetish" is used by performers to describe their most successful and solicited piece, which in performance reconfirms their magical qualities of "stardom"; in concert, she always changes into a dress reflecting the mood of the lyrics (Fig. 10) (Sangare interview 1995). Diarabi nene ("Shivers of passion") is an adaptation of an older kamalengoni song which has explicitly erotic lyrics expressing the viewpoint of the unmarried female. Meanwhile, the unmistakable sounds of the kamalengoni punctuate the song with vivid solos, drawing the listener back into the world of Wasulu hunters.

Ah baby, we'll see each other in the morning. Wait for me, my love, and don't think too much, don't think too much about the shivers of passion. ...when I talk of shivers, I'm not talking of the cold season, or the rains, I'm talking of the shivers of love, my sweet one. my fathers, you can tut at me, my mothers, I am to blame... life is pleasurable, I swear to God. Wait for me here, my love. Oh God, the day that I got up, each to his destiny! to knock on the door, no need to talk, my love opened the door, no need for words. I put my leg on his leg, his leg is cold, I put my hand against his arm, my skin is gooseflesh, on my love's arm. I put my hand on his chest, his chest is cold, my love's chest. My chest is shivering. I put my hand low on his stomach, on my love's stomach, mm, the shivers of love! There are many pleasures but not all are the same! Ah baby, I'll see you in the morning.56

55 WCD 045, forthcoming June 1996 (as yet untitled). Descriptions of the song lyrics were supplied by Oumou Sangare. 56 From Moussolou, CD; translations with help from Annick Sy. An older, less elaborated version of this song can be found on Bintou Sidibe's eponymous cassette.

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Fig. 10: Oumou Sangare performing her 'fetish' piece Diarabi Nene, Paris, 1995

Conclusion The term wassoulou is now used to cover a wide range of musical styles which, despite the name, only loosely represent regional identities and musical genres. More important is the fact that its performers are continuing to enact a vital social r6le as musicians who perform by choice, not birth, a r6le which has its roots in much older traditions. This "free" status, emphasised in the term "bird", permits them to comment with impunity on fundamental issues of relevance to Malian society, while re-creating the heroic values of the past through their music.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This article is an expansion of a paper presented at the third international MANSA conference held at Leiden, March 1995. It represents current work towards my PhD thesis (SOAS, University of London) on the role of women in Mande popular song. I would like to thank members of MANSA who have contributed to this article, especially Cheick Cherif Keita who provided crucial insights and information, and gave generously of his time. Barbara Hoffman, Eric Charry and Stephen Belcher have also made useful suggestions. Thanks also to Annick Sy for help with translations.

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INTERVIEWS

Oumou Sangare, Bamako 1991, Paris 1995, [original language: French]; Abdoulaye Diabate, Paris 1992 [French]; Sidiki Diabate, Bamako 1995 [Mandinka]; Sali Sidibe, Bamako 1989 [Bamana, trans. into French by Youssouf Tata Cisse]; Zoumano Yoro Traore, Bamako 1989 [French]; Boubacar Diallo, Paris 1995 [French]; Kassim Sidibe, Paris 1995 [Wasulunke, trans. into French by Amadou Tera]; Ami Koita, Bamako 1987, London 1991 [Maninka, trans. into French by Samir Naman]

DISCOGRAPHY

Diabate, Abdoulaye: Namawou (Syllart audio cassette SYL 83135) Diabate, Abdoulaye: Kassikoun (Syllart audio cassette SYL 38765-4) Diakite, Dieneba: Dieneba Diakite (Mali Stars CD 38108-2) Diallo, Yoro: Yoro Diallo dit "Tiekorobani" vol.1 (Samassa audio cassette SAM 0182924) Diawara, Fanta Naya: Fanta Naya Diawara no.1 (audio cassette AM 91001) Doumbia, Nahawa: Didadi (Syllart SYL 8337) Fane, Alou: Fote mocoba---kamalan n'goni-dozon n'goni (Dakar Sound CD DKS 005, 1994) Jamana Sorofe: Jeliya (Jamana audio cassette K2043) Koita, Ami: Tata Sira (Bolibana CD 42079.2) Sangare, Oumou: Moussolou (World Circuit WCD 021) Sangare, Oumou: Ko Sira (World Circuit WCD 036) Sangare, Oumou: (title not available) (World Circuit WCD 045, forthcoming) Sidibe, Bintou: Bintou Sidibe (Super Sound audio cassette ENC SS 37) Sidibe, Coumba: Coumba Sidibe (Mali Stars CD 38111-2) Sidibe, Coumba: Sanghan (Camara Production CD FDBO32) Sidibe, Sali: Sali Sidibe (Syllart audio cassette SYL 8362) Sidibe, Sali: Wassouloufoli (Stems STCD 1047) Sidibe, Sali: La perle noir du Wassoulou (Camara audio cassette CK7 044) (various artists) The wassoulou sound: women ofMali vol 1 (Stems STCD 1035) (various artists) The wassoulou sound: women ofMali vol 2 (Sterns STCD 1048) Wasolonfenin: on Electric and acoustic Mali (EMI Hemisphere CD 72438 2818625, bd 11)

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Lucy Durin is Lecturer in African Music at the School of Oriental and African Studies. Since 1976 she has conducted extensive fieldwork on Mandinka music in Gambia and Senegal, changing focus in 1986 to Maninka popular music in Mali. She has produced several albums with Mande musicians. Her extensive publications and freelance broadcasting (for BBC radio and television) have covered various regions of Africa and Latin America. Address: SOAS, Thornhaugh Street, London WC1H OXG, England; e- mail [email protected]

Peter Cooke was the first to introduce her to African music, through recordings of amadinda. Later, they worked together on the New Grove dictionary of music.

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