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1999 8: 101Current Directions in Psychological Science John F. Dovidio and Samuel L. Gaertner

Reducing Prejudice : Combating Intergroup Biases    

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CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

Copyright © 1999 American Psychological Society 101

Prejudice is commonly defined as an unfair negative attitude to- ward a social group or a member of that group. Stereotypes, which are overgeneralizations about a group or its members that are factually in- correct and inordinately rigid, are a set of beliefs that can accompany the negative feelings associated with prejudice. Traditional ap- proaches consider prejudice, like other attitudes, to be acquired through socialization and support- ed by the beliefs, attitudes, and val- ues of friends and peer groups (see Jones, 1997). We consider the na- ture of traditional and contempo- rary forms of prejudice, particular- ly racial prejudice, and review a range of techniques that have been demonstrated empirically to re- duce prejudice and other forms of intergroup bias. Bias can occur in many forms, and thus it has been assessed by a range of measures. These measures include standard- ized tests of prejudice toward an- other social group, stereotypes, evaluations of and feelings about specific group members and about the group in general, support for policies and individual actions benefiting the other group, and in- teraction and friendship patterns.

In part because of changing norms and the Civil Rights Act and other legislative interventions that made discrimination not simply immoral but also illegal, overt ex- pressions of prejudice have de-

clined significantly over the past 35 years. Contemporary forms of prej- udice, however, continue to exist and affect the lives of people in subtle but significant ways (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1998; Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986). The negative feelings and beliefs that underlie contemporary forms of prejudice may be rooted in either individual processes (such as cog- nitive and motivational biases and socialization) or intergroup processes (such as realistic group conflict or biases associated with the mere categorization of people into in-groups and out-groups). These negative biases may occur spontaneously, automatically, and without full awareness.

Many contemporary approaches to prejudice based on race, ethnici- ty, or sex acknowledge the persist- ence of overt, intentional forms of prejudice but also consider the role of these automatic or unconscious processes2 and the consequent in- direct expressions of bias. With re- spect to the racial prejudice of white Americans toward blacks, for example, in contrast to “old-fash- ioned” racism, which is blatant, aversive racism represents a subtle, often unintentional, form of bias that characterizes many white Americans who possess strong egalitarian values and who believe that they are nonprejudiced. Aversive racists also possess nega- tive racial feelings and beliefs (which develop through normal so- cialization or reflect social-catego- rization biases) that they are un- aware of or that they try to dissociate from their nonpreju- diced self-images. Because aversive racists consciously endorse egali- tarian values, they will not discrim- inate directly and openly in ways that can be attributed to racism; however, because of their negative feelings, they will discriminate, often unintentionally, when their behavior can be justified on the basis of some factor other than race

Reducing Prejudice: Combating Intergroup Biases John F. Dovidio1 and Samuel L. Gaertner Department of Psychology, Colgate University, Hamilton, New York (J.F.D.), and Department of Psychology, University of Delaware, Newark, Delaware (S.L.G.)

Abstract Strategies for reducing prej-

udice may be directed at the traditional, intentional form of prejudice or at more subtle and perhaps less conscious contemporary forms. Whereas the traditional form of preju- dice may be reduced by direct educational and attitude- change techniques, contempo- rary forms may require alter- native strategies oriented toward the individual or in- volving intergroup contact. Individual-oriented tech- niques can involve leading people who possess contem- porary prejudices to discover inconsistencies among their self-images, values, and be- haviors; such inconsistencies can arouse negative emotional states (e.g., guilt), which motivate the development of more favorable attitudes. Intergroup strategies can in- volve structuring intergroup contact to produce more indi- vidualized perceptions of the members of the other group, foster personalized interac- tions between members of the different groups, or redefine group boundaries to create more inclusive, superordinate representations of the groups. Understanding the nature and bases of prejudice can thus guide, theoretically and prag- matically, interventions that can effectively reduce both traditional and contemporary forms of prejudice.

Keywords attitude change; intergroup contact; prejudice; racism; social categorization

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102 VOLUME 8, NUMBER 4, AUGUST 1999

(e.g., questionable qualifications for a position). Thus, aversive racists may regularly engage in dis- crimination while they maintain self-images of being nonpreju- diced. According to symbolic racism theory, a related perspective that has emphasized the role of po- litically conservative rather than liberal ideology (Sears, 1988), nega- tive feelings toward blacks that whites acquire early in life persist into adulthood but are expressed indirectly and symbolically, in terms of opposition to busing or re- sistance to preferential treatment, rather than directly or overtly, as in support for segregation.

Contemporary expressions of bias may also reflect a dissociation between cultural stereotypes, which develop through common socialization experiences and be- cause of repeated exposure gener- ally become automatically activat- ed, and individual differences in prejudicial motivations. Although whites both high and low in preju- dice may be equally aware of cul- tural stereotypes and show similar levels of automatic activation, only those low in prejudice make a con- scious attempt to prevent those negative stereotypes from influen- cing their behavior (Devine & Monteith, 1993).

Attempts to reduce the direct, traditional form of racial prejudice typically involve educational strategies to enhance knowledge and appreciation of other groups (e.g., multicultural education pro- grams), emphasize norms that prej- udice is wrong, and involve direct persuasive strategies (e.g., mass media appeals) or indirect attitude- change techniques that make peo- ple aware of inconsistencies in their

attitudes and behaviors (Stephan & Stephan, 1984). Other techniques are aimed at changing or diluting stereotypes by presenting counter- stereotypic or nonstereotypic infor- mation about group members. Providing stereotype-disconfirm- ing information is more effective when the information concerns a broad range of group members who are otherwise typical of their group rather than when the infor- mation concerns a single person who is not a prototypical represen- tative of the group. In the latter case, people are likely to maintain their overall stereotype of the group while subtyping, with an- other stereotype, group members who disconfirm the general group stereotype (e.g., black athletes; Hewstone, 1996). The effectiveness of multicultural education pro- grams is supported by the results of controlled intervention pro- grams in the real world; evidence of the effectiveness of attitude- and stereotype-change approaches, and the hypothesized underlying processes, comes largely (but not exclusively) from experimental lab- oratory research.

Approaches for dealing with the traditional form of prejudice are generally less effective for combat- ing the contemporary forms. With respect to contemporary racism, for example, whites already conscious- ly endorse egalitarian, nonpreju- diced views and disavow tradition- al stereotypes. Instead, indirect strategies that benefit from peo- ple’s genuine motivation to be non- prejudiced may be more effective for reducing contemporary forms of prejudice. For example, tech- niques that lead people who pos- sess contemporary prejudices to discover inconsistencies among their self-images, values, and be- haviors may arouse feelings of guilt, tension about the inconsis- tencies, or other negative emotion- al states that can motivate the de- velopment of more favorable racial

attitudes and produce more favor- able intergroup behaviors (even nonverbal behaviors) several months later. Also, people who consciously endorse nonprejudiced attitudes, but whose behaviors may reflect racial bias, commonly experience feelings of guilt and compunction when they become aware of discrepancies between their potential behavior toward mi- norities (i.e., what they would do) and their personal standards (i.e., what they should do) during labora- tory interventions. These emotional reactions, in turn, can motivate people to control subsequent spon- taneous stereotypical responses and behave more favorably in the future (Devine & Monteith, 1993). People’s conscious efforts to sup- press stereotypically biased reac- tions can inhibit even the imme- diate activation of normally automatic associations, and with sufficient practice, these efforts can eliminate automatic stereotype ac- tivation over the long term.

Approaches oriented toward the individual, however, are not the only way to combat contemporary forms of prejudice. Strategies that emphasize intergroup processes, such as intergroup contact and social categorization and identity, are alternative, complementary approaches.

Real-world interventions, labo- ratory studies, and survey studies have demonstrated that intergroup contact under specified conditions (including equal status between the groups, cooperative intergroup in- teractions, opportunities for per- sonal acquaintance, and supportive egalitarian norms) is a powerful technique for reducing intergroup bias and conflict (Pettigrew, 1998). Drawing on these principles, co- operative learning and “jigsaw”

INTERGROUP CONTACT INDIVIDUAL PROCESSES

AND PREJUDICE REDUCTION

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CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE 103

classroom interventions (Aronson & Patnoe, 1997) are designed to in- crease interdependence between members of different groups work- ing on a designated problem-solv- ing task and to enhance apprecia- tion for the resources they bring to the task. Cooperation is effective for reducing subsequent inter- group bias when the task is com- pleted successfully, group contri- butions to solving the problem are seen as different or complementary, and the interaction among partici- pants during the task is friendly, personal, and supportive.

Recent research has attempted to elucidate how the different factors of intergroup contact (e.g., coopera- tion, personal interaction) operate to reduce bias. Engaging in activi- ties to achieve common, superordi- nate goals, for instance, changes the functional relations between groups from actual or symbol- ic competition to cooperation. Through psychological processes to restore cognitive balance or re- duce inconsistency between actions and attitudes, attitudes toward members of the other group and to- ward the group as a whole may im- prove to be consistent with the pos- itive nature of the interaction. Also, the rewarding properties of achiev- ing success may become associated with members of other groups, thereby increasing attraction.

Factors of intergroup contact, such as cooperation, may also re- duce bias through reducing the salience of the intergroup bound- aries, that is, through decategoriza- tion. According to this perspective, interaction during intergroup con- tact can individuate members of the out-group by revealing vari- ability in their opinions (Wilder, 1986) or can produce interactions in

which people are seen as unique in- dividuals (personalization), with the exchange of intimate informa- tion (Brewer & Miller, 1984). Alternatively, intergroup contact may be structured to maintain but alter the nature of group bound- aries, that is, to produce recatego- rization. One recategorization ap- proach involves either creating or increasing the salience of crosscut- ting group memberships. Making interactants aware that members of another group are also members of one’s own group when groups are defined by a different dimension can improve intergroup attitudes (Urban & Miller, 1998). Another re- categorization strategy, represent- ed by our own work on the Common In-Group Identity Model, involves interventions to change people’s conceptions of groups, so that they think of membership not in terms of several different groups, but in terms of one, more inclu- sive group (Gaertner, Dovidio, Anastasio, Bachman, & Rust, 1993).

The Common In-Group Identity Model recognizes the central role of social categorization in reducing as well as in creating intergroup bias (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Specifically, if members of different groups are induced to conceive of themselves more as members of a single, su- perordinate group rather than as members of two separate groups, attitudes toward former out-group members will become more posi- tive through processes involving pro-in-group bias. Thus, changing the basis of categorization from race to an alternative dimension can alter who is a “we” and who is a “they,” undermining a contribut- ing force to contemporary forms of racism, such as aversive racism. The development of a superordi- nate identity does not always re- quire people to abandon their pre- vious group identities; they may possess dual identities, conceiving of themselves as belonging both to the superordinate group and to one

of the original two groups included within the new, larger group. The model also recognizes that decate- gorization (seeing people as sepa- rate individuals) can also reduce bias. In contrast, perceptions of the groups as different entities (we/they) maintains and reinforces bias. The Common In-Group Identity Model is presented schematically in Figure 1.

In experiments in the laboratory and in the field, and in surveys in natural settings (a multi-ethnic high school, banking mergers, and blended families), we have found evidence consistent with the Common In-Group Identity Model and the hypothesis that intergroup contact can reduce prejudice. Specifically, we have found that key aspects of intergroup contact, such as cooperation, decrease intergroup bias in part through changing cog- nitive representations of the groups. The development of a common in- group identity also facilitates help- ing behaviors and self-disclosing interactions that can produce recip- rocally positive responses and that can further reduce intergroup prej- udices through other mechanisms such as personalization.

Moreover, the development of a common in-group identity does not necessarily require groups to for- sake their original identities. Threats to important personal iden- tities or the “positive distinctive- ness” of one’s group can, in fact, exacerbate intergroup prejudices. The development of a dual identity (two subgroups in one group; see Fig. 1), in which original and su- perordinate group memberships are simultaneously salient, is ex- plicitly considered in the model. Even when racial or ethnic identity is strong, perceptions of a super- ordinate connection enhance inter- racial trust and acceptance. Indeed, the development of a dual identity, in terms of a bicultural or multicul- tural identity, not only is possible but can contribute to the social

SOCIAL CATEGORIZATION AND IDENTITY

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104 VOLUME 8, NUMBER 4, AUGUST 1999

adjustment, psychological adapta- tion, and overall well-being of minority-group members (LaFrom- boise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993). Recognizing both different and common group membership, a more complex form of a common in-group identity, may also in- crease the generalizability of the benefits of intergroup contact for prejudice reduction. The develop- ment of a common in-group identi- ty contributes to more positive atti- tudes toward members of other groups present in the contact situa- tion, whereas recognition of the separate group memberships pro- vides the associative link by which

these more positive attitudes may generalize to other members of the groups not directly involved in the contact situation.

Prejudice can occur in its bla- tant, traditional form, or it may be rooted in unconscious and auto- matic negative feelings and beliefs that characterize contemporary forms. Whereas the traditional form of prejudice may be combat- ed by using direct techniques in- volving attitude change and educa-

tion, addressing contemporary forms requires alternative strate- gies. Individual-level strategies engage the genuine motivations of people to be nonprejudiced. Intergroup approaches focus on re- alistic group conflict or the psycho- logical effects of categorizing peo- ple into in-groups and out-groups. The benefits of intergroup contact can occur through many routes, such as producing more individu- ated perceptions of out-group members and more personalized relationships. Intergroup contact can also produce more inclusive, superordinate representations of the groups, which can harness the psychological forces that con- tribute to intergroup bias and redi- rect them to improve attitudes to- ward people who would otherwise be recognized only as out-group members. Understanding the processes involved in the nature and development of prejudice can thus guide, both theoretically and pragmatically, interventions that can effectively reduce both tradi- tional and contemporary forms of prejudice.

Recommended Reading

Brewer, M.B., & Miller, N. (1996). Intergroup relations. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole.

Brown, R.J. (1995). Prejudice. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell.

Hawley, W.D., & Jackson, A.W. (Eds.). (1995). Toward a common destiny: Improving race and ethnic relations in America. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

Landis, D., & Bhagat, R.S. (Eds.). (1996). Handbook of intercultural training. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Stephan, W.G., & Stephan, C.W. (1996). Intergroup relations. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

CONCLUSION

Published by Blackwell Publishers, Inc.

Fig. 1. The Common In-Group Identity Model. In this model, elements of an inter- group contact situation (e.g., intergroup interdependence) influence cognitive representations of the groups as one superordinate group (recategorization), as two subgroups in one group (recategorization involving a dual identity), as two groups (categorization), or as separate individuals (decategorization). Recategorization and decategorization, in turn, can both reduce cognitive, affec- tive, and behavioral biases, but in different ways. Recategorization reduces bias by extending the benefits of in-group favoritism to former out-group members. Attitudes and behavior toward these former out-group members thus become more favorable, approaching attitudes and behaviors toward in-group members. Decategorization, in contrast, reduces favoritism toward original in-group mem- bers as they become perceived as separate individuals rather than members of one’s own group.

Acknowledgments—Preparation of this article was facilitated by National Institute of Mental Health Grant MH 48721.

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CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE 105

Psychologists and laypersons have long believed that keeping personal secrets is stressful and that unburdening oneself of such secrets offers emotional relief and physio- logical benefits. Supporting this no- tion is recent experimental research that has demonstrated the health benefits of revealing personal se- crets (i.e., ones that directly involve the secret keeper). These findings lead to several key questions: Why do these health benefits occur?

When does revealing personal se- crets to various confidants backfire? And, finally, when should someone reveal his or her personal secrets?

Secrecy involves actively hiding private information from others. The most painful or traumatic per- sonal experiences are often con- cealed, and most secrets are likely to involve negative or stigmatizing information that pertains to the se- cret keepers themselves. For exam- ple, people may keep secret the fact that they have AIDS, are alco- holic, or have been raped. Secrecy has also been called self-conceal- ment and active inhibition of dis- closure.

The belief that secrecy is prob- lematic is supported by studies

HEALTH BENEFITS OF REVEALING SECRETS

SECRECY

Copyright © 1999 American Psychological Society

Notes

1. Address correspondence to John F. Dovidio, Department of Psychology, Colgate University, Hamilton, NY 13346; e-mail: [email protected]. edu.

2. For further information and a demonstration in which you can test the automaticity of your own racial at- titudes using the Implicit Association Test, see Anthony Greenwald’s World Wide Web site: http://weber.u. washington.edu/~agg/ (e-mail: agg@ u.washington.edu).

References

Aronson, E., & Patnoe, S. (1997). The jigsaw class- room. New York: Longman.

Brewer, M.B., & Miller, N. (1984). Beyond the contact hypothesis: Theoretical perspectives on deseg- regation. In N. Miller & M.B. Brewer (Eds.), Groups in contact: The psychology of desegregation (pp. 281–302). Orlando, FL: Academic Press.

Devine, P.G., & Monteith, M.J. (1993). The role of discrepancy-associated affect in prejudice reduction. In D.M. Mackie & D.L. Hamilton (Eds.), Affect, cognition, and stereotyping: Interactive processes in intergroup perception (pp. 317–344). Orlando, FL: Academic Press.

Dovidio, J.F., & Gaertner, S.L. (1998). On the nature of contemporary prejudice: The causes, conse- quences, and challenges of aversive racism. In J. Eberhardt & S.T. Fiske (Eds.), Confronting racism: The problem and the response (pp. 3–32). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Gaertner, S.L., & Dovidio, J.F. (1986). The aversive form of racism. In J.F. Dovidio & S.L. Gaertner (Eds.), Prejudice, discrimination, and racism (pp. 61–89). Orlando, FL: Academic Press.

Gaertner, S.L., Dovidio, J.F., Anastasio, P.A., Bachman, B.A., & Rust, M.C. (1993). The Common Ingroup Identity Model: Re- categorization and the reduction of intergroup bias. In W. Stroebe & M. Hewstone (Eds.), European review of social psychology (Vol. 4, pp. 1–26). London: Wiley.

Hewstone, M. (1996). Contact and categorization: Social psychological interventions to change intergroup relations. In N. Macrae, M. Hewstone, & C. Stangor (Eds.), Foundations of stereotypes and stereotyping (pp. 323–368). New York: Guilford Press.

Jones, J.M. (1997). Prejudice and racism (2nd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.

LaFromboise, T., Coleman, H.L.K., & Gerton, J. (1993). Psychological impact of biculturalism: Evidence and theory. Psychological Bulletin, 114, 395–412.

Pettigrew, T.F. (1998). Intergroup Contact Theory. Annual Review of Psychology, 49, 65–85.

Sears, D.O. (1988). Symbolic racism. In P.A. Katz & D.A. Taylor (Eds.), Eliminating racism: Profiles in controversy (pp. 53–84). New York: Plenum Press.

Stephan, W.G., & Stephan, C.W. (1984). The role of ignorance in intergroup relations. In N. Miller & M.B. Brewer (Eds.), Groups in contact: The psychology of desegregation (pp. 229–257). Orlando, FL: Academic Press.

Tajfel, H., & Turner, J.C. (1979). An integrative the- ory of intergroup conflict. In W.G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of inter- group relations (pp. 33–48). Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole.

Urban, L.M., & Miller, N. (1998). A theoretical analysis of crossed categorization effects: A meta-analysis. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74, 894–908.

Wilder, D.A. (1986). Social categorization: Implications for creation and reduction of intergroup bias. In L. Berkowitz (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 19, pp. 291–355). Orlando, FL: Academic Press.

Revealing Personal Secrets Anita E. Kelly1

Department of Psychology, University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, Indiana

Abstract Both the health benefits and

the potential drawbacks of re- vealing personal secrets (i.e., those that directly involve the secret keeper) are reviewed. Making the decision to reveal personal secrets to others in- volves a trade-off. On the one hand, secret keepers can feel better by revealing their se- crets and gaining new insights into them. On the other hand, secret keepers can avoid look- ing bad before important audi- ences (such as their bosses or therapists) by not revealing their secrets. Making a wise decision to reveal a personal secret hinges on finding an ap- propriate confidant—someone who is discreet, who is per-

ceived by the secret keeper to be nonjudgmental, and who is able to offer new insights into the secret.

Keywords revealing secrets; new insights; confidants

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