Short Paper: Media vs. Parenting

A Conceptual Framework for Examining Adolescent Identity, Media Influence, and Social Development

Blake Te’Neil Lloyd University of South Carolina

The adolescent identity, media, and sociocognitive schema (AIMSS) framework offers a theoretical understanding of adolescent consumption and cognitive processing of media entertainment. Review and integration of mass communication theory, develop- mental theory, and ecological theory serves as the conceptual foundation. The frame- work outlines linkages between media exposure and adolescent development, in par- ticular adolescent identity formation and social competence. A key contribution of the model is consideration of the positive and negative aspects of adolescent cognition and behavioral functioning. The present article offers several recommendations for testing the utility of the AIMSS framework.

Less than a century ago, G. Stanley Hall pub- lished his seminal work, Adolescence (1904), which popularized the idea of adolescence as a time of storm and strife. Since then our under- standing of adolescence has slowly progressed beyond a narrow focus on reactive, transient be- haviors of maturing children to the study of intri- cate developmental processes. Along the way, several researchers have provided major concep- tual and practical insights into our understanding of how cognitive, social, and biological develop- ment contribute to the overall well-being of the adolescent. Erikson (1968), Elkind (1990), Brooks- Gunn (1988), and numerous others have proposed exemplary theoretical models that examine the salient biological, psychosocial, and cognitive tasks faced by adolescents. The key to deepening this understanding of adolescent development is to synthesize existing exemplary frameworks so as to create new, perhaps eclectic, conceptual mod- els. These new models must incorporate relevant historical frameworks while simultaneously pre- senting new theoretical perspectives that address the interaction of the multiple domains of human development within a contemporary context. If adolescent social functioning is to be addressed adequately, a close examination of the current zeitgeist in which these youths develop is paramount.

In this millennium, adolescents develop in an environment saturated with technology, multi- culturalism, and mass media imagery. Current theories of adolescent development address the biological and psychological growth of these youths, but a comprehensive model that incor- porates the sociocultural specificity of the 21st century has not been set forth. If there is to be an in-depth and more accurate understanding of adolescent behavior, researchers must account for these cultural and technological changes within a developmental context. This article lays out such a conceptual framework. It en- deavors to present adolescent social develop- ment within the context of these multiple phe- nomena by considering the impact on adoles- cent development and its most salient task, identity formation. This review examines the implications that mass media devices (i.e., the Internet, video gaming, and television viewing) have for adolescent development, in particular adolescent social competence. A discussion of mass communication theory, adolescent identity formation, and symbolic interactionist theory nested within ecological theory provides the conceptual foundation for the presentation of the adolescent identity, media, and sociocogni- tive schema (AIMSS) framework.

Mass Communication: Adolescent Connection to the Outside World

From its conception, theories on mass com- munication have encompassed several philo- sophical frameworks. Many researchers actu-

Correspondence concerning this article should be ad- dressed to Blake Te’Neil Lloyd, Department of Psychology, University of South Carolina, Columbia, South Carolina 29208. E-mail: [email protected]

Review of General Psychology Copyright 2002 by the Educational Publishing Foundation 2002, Vol. 6, No. 1, 73–91 1089-2680/02/$5.00 DOI: 10.1037//1089-2680.6.1.73

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ally conceptualize the origin of mass communi- cation theory with that of sociology (De Fleur & Ball-Rokeach, 1975; Merton, 1994; Schramm, 1971). The philosophies of Auguste Comte (i.e., society as an organism), Herbert Spencer (i.e., social Darwinism and the division of labor), Ferdinand Tonnies (i.e., the complex ideas of “community” and “social contract”), and Emile Durkheim (i.e., bringing the ideas together, along with division of labor as the principal source of “social solidarity,” a sociopsychologi- cal bonding of the members of the society) are all components of sociological theorizing and what came to be known as “mass society” (i.e., the relationship between individuals and the social order). This sociological perspective was being linked with a psychological perspective that viewed human behavior totally in the do- main of genetic endowment (De Fleur & Ball- Rokeach, 1975). Together, they can be viewed as the starting point for mass communication theory.

Researchers have defined the first theory of mass communication as the “instinctive Stimu- lus-Response (S-R) theory” (Katz & Lazarsfeld, 1960). This theory posited that media simply sent forth messages that were received and obeyed by the masses; nothing resided in the middle. Devised in the 1920s during the peak of instinct psychology, and based on the assump- tions of uniform human nature (i.e., the biolog- ical inheritance of behavior) with the social mass as social order, instinctive S-R theory seemed quite viable and consistent with both psychological and sociological theory of the period. Over time, as psychological and socio- logical theories changed, so did mass commu- nication theories. Mass communication theo- rists used these changes as a basis for under- standing the impact of mass media devices on society.

Some of the most popular and influential theories have used sociological or psychologi- cal constructs as major components in the de- velopment of their theoretical and foundational bases (Davis & Baron, 1981; Williams & Pearce, 1978). For example, the individual dif- ferences perspective on the mass communica- tion process used the psychological constructs of Watson’s behaviorism as a blueprint. Indi- vidual differences theorists posit that individu- als will react idiosyncratically to mass media stimuli. These theorists believe that individuals

will be selective with regard to the type of information processed. Audience members will attend to messages that are consistent with pre- existing attitudes and beliefs that serve to sup- port personal values (De Fleur & Ball-Rokeach, 1975). Proponents of the social categories per- spective suggest that there are broad collectivi- ties or aggregates and that people in similar social settings, or people of similar social class or demographic characteristics, are more likely to have similar responses to the same stimuli (De Fleur & Ball-Rokeach, 1975).

Several theorists have attempted to explain the broad impact of mass media and media technologies on society and the individual (e.g., Davis & Baron, 1981; Klapper, 1960; McLu- han, 1964; McQuail, 1994; Perry, 1996; Wil- liams & Pearce, 1978). Davis and Baron (1981) posited that because mass media is often the primary source of information about situations and places that the audience may have limited knowledge of, and because the media itself im- parts a certain level of validity by reporting this information, mass communications have the power to shape impressions and conceptions of normal behavior in given situations. Social crit- ics argue that violence on television affects chil- dren by teaching them that aggressive behavior is an acceptable if not normative means of prob- lem solving (Donnerstein & Smith, 1997). So- cial learning theorists argue that children imi- tate the violent behaviors to which they are exposed (Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1963). Sev- eral scholars have documented that an individ- ual’s television viewing patterns are predictive of certain attitudinal and behavior patterns (Bushman & Anderson, 2001; Drabman & Thomas, 1975; Fowles & Horner, 1975). Other researchers, however, have posited mass me- dia’s impact as a function of how it impedes societal or individual behavioral changes rather than as a means of facilitating societal or be- havioral change (Klapper, 1960).

Despite contrasting views as to the specific results of the influx of mass media technologies, there is overall agreement that these types of mass communication do exert some influence on the development of young children and ad- olescents (Caplow & Merton, 1991; Singer & Singer, 2001). I propose that as these technolo- gies become increasingly more entertaining and relevant to the targeted audience members, it is much more probable that adolescent audiences

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will adapt and use this information as a tool for understanding of self and others. Furthermore, although the potential for imitation of aggres- sive behaviors exists, it is more likely that ad- olescent viewers use these viewing opportuni- ties as times to rehearse (cognitively) interac- tions with peers and selectively apply them as appropriate situations arise. In other words, con- sumption of mass media, particularly as a form of entertainment, does not necessarily negate the normal developmental cognitive functioning of these adolescents. The mass media devices of the 21st century simply provide new opportuni- ties for learning appropriate and inappropriate social–cultural behaviors and practicing these new behaviors cognitively without risking peer rejection.

It is clear that mass communication theorists understand the complexity of mass media and its impact on society and the individual. As these researchers have concluded, both social and psychological factors contribute to our un- derstanding of mass media. However, others have criticized media research for failing to examine outcomes using a developmental per- spective (Arnett, 1995; Singer & Singer, 2001). To advance this field of study, mass media constructs must become integrated into our core understanding of adolescent psychological functioning. Adolescent development does not occur within a single designated theoretical confine. As elements of the relevant environ- ment change, conceptualization of adolescent development must also be modified. This is especially important because these mass media devices have become one of the most prevalent ways in which adolescents gather information about their environment, including societal at- titudes toward high-risk behaviors involving sexuality, drug and alcohol consumption, and smoking (Strasburger, 2001).

Despite decades of research examining the influences of a major media format, television, Singer and Singer (2001) lamented that main- stream discussions of child development often treat television viewing as a cursory influence on development. Television has been the focus of significant research, but too often theoretical models suffer from a limited focus on either (a) isolated child outcomes, most often aggressive behavior, or (b) type of media device, such as television. For example, a large body of litera- ture documents associations among aggression,

criminality, and heavy television viewing (Bushman & Huesmann, 2001; Donnerstein & Smith, 1997), whereas the impact of television on the development of empathy and prosocial development has received less attention (Fesh- bach & Feshbach, 1997). A major exception to this critique applies to research targeting cogni- tive or school readiness benefits of educational programming on television; however, these studies are generally confined to samples of preschool and elementary-aged children (Bick- ham, Wright, & Huston, 2001). The next major frontier in media research is likely to involve studies capturing the active processing that oc- curs as children use various forms of media. Empirical studies ranging from visual attention and processing by preschool children (Bickham et al., 2001) to adolescents’ preferred use of music as a media format (Roberts & Christen- son, 2001) demonstrate the potential for this approach to provide more sophisticated answers to a public highly concerned with the influence of media, and not solely television, on youth development.

The commonplace uses of mass media de- vices in today’s society might make the issue of accessibility to mass media information or ma- terial less relevant, especially with respect to television programming, because most families in the United States have at least one television. Access to the Internet is rapidly growing as well. Recent surveys indicate that just over one third of American households with children had Internet services during 1999 (Turrow, 1999), and children report using the Internet for social activities such as interactive game playing and online chats as well as for schoolwork purposes (Subrahmanyam, Kraut, Greenfield, & Gross, 2001). However, it is precisely this increased accessibility and familiarity with traditional and interactive media devices among children that necessitates more precision in our theoretical frameworks concerning the role of mass media for different developmental periods (Stokols, 1999). For example, Roberts and Christenson (2001) have shown that media preferences ex- hibit both consistency and change across early to late adolescence, with music consistently pre- ferred over television and increasing in prefer- ence as students get older. Music listening av- erages 3 to 4 hr a day, with female and African American youths reporting greater consumption (Roberts & Christenson, 2001).

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Adolescents also differ in terms of reasons for listening to music and watching television, a position often captured within the uses and grat- ification approach (Arnett, 1995; Arnett, Lar- son, & Offer, 1995; Rubin, 1993). This ap- proach generally captures the bidirectional link between individuals and media, whereby people may be influenced differently by the same me- dia message as a result of developmental factors such as age, gender, or other individual charac- teristics. As these approaches reveal, mass me- dia’s influence on adolescents must be centrally linked with our current understanding of ado- lescent development. This linkage is critical be- cause it provides further insight into the mech- anisms or pathways through which external en- vironmental stimuli may affect adolescent social development. Therefore, a discussion of the context and salient events of this develop- mental stage is crucial in our attempts toward linking mass media influences and adolescent development.

Developmental Theory: Identity Formation and the “Significant Other”

As mentioned, mass media culture is viewed as a major mechanism by which ideals of mul- ticulturalism, sexuality, and sometimes violence are introduced to the adolescent. An analysis of these and other media influences as they pertain to adolescents is facilitated by drawing from three distinct perspectives: ecological models, identity formation theory, and symbolic inter- actionist theory. These frameworks provide a contextual and developmental linkage of the individual with the surrounding mass media context. By incorporating ideas from these com- plementary perspectives, the researcher is able to explore and offer social explanations for the interaction of mass media devices, such as tele- vision or music entertainment, and critical de- velopmental tasks, such as adolescent identity formation.

First, the adolescent must be viewed within the context of the environment in which the adolescent interacts. Bronfenbrenner’s ecologi- cal perspective (1989) provides a mechanism to explain this phenomenon. Second, because de- velopment continues to occur across the life span, the adolescent must be viewed within the appropriate developmental stage. Specifically, the stage-salient task of adolescent identity for-

mation, as described by Erikson (1968), is of critical importance because it is the selection of an identity that determines how one will even- tually view the self and how one will interact with others in society. Finally, symbolic inter- actionist theory serves as a useful tool for de- fining linkages between the individual and en- vironmental processes.

Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Perspective

Lewin’s classical equation, B � F(P, E), is the starting point for Bronfenbrenner’s ecology of human development. According to Lewin’s equation, behavior (as well as development) is a function of the interaction between the person and the environment (Lewin, 1931). Lewin’s theories, abstract and often in the language of mathematics, focused on topology: the study of relations among regions in space. Lewin’s to- pology, his space, included the subjective, one’s psychological space or, as Lewin articulated, one’s phenomenological field. It is Bronfen- brenner’s view that this ecology of human de- velopment is nothing more than a continuation of the Lewinian line of thought (Bronfenbren- ner, 1977).

From Bronfenbrenner’s perspective, when- ever Lewin spoke about human behavior, he did so by always placing human behavior in con- text: situational, interpersonal, sociological, cul- tural, historical, and, of course, theoretical (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). Ecological models as expressed by authors such as Bronfenbrenner (1989) and Garbarino (1982) recognize the mul- tiple layers of contextual influences on child development. Bronfenbrenner (1989) asserted that developmental research must attempt to include several contexts in research designs to capture the complexity of any phenomenon. Muuss (1988) described this challenge as un- derstanding “how adolescents adjust to an ever- changing, interrelated social and cultural envi- ronment” (p. 301). Bronfenbrenner articulated four major systems that represent the context for child development: microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem. These levels of context simultaneously affect the individual and interact with one another.

The microsystem is described by Bronfen- brenner (1977) as “an immediate setting con- taining that person” where interactions occur between the developing person and the environ-

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ment (p. 514). In essence, the microsystem is the most proximal level of context to the indi- vidual. Typical components of a microsystem for an adolescent include interpersonal relation- ships with family members, a peer network, and other social groups such as neighbors. With respect to understanding microsystem-level in- fluence, it is important to recognize that the adolescent is a member of multiple microsys- tems. Therefore, the role of the adolescent in each microsystem may be similar or different, depending on the types of interactions promoted within the system.

Bronfenbrenner referred to the mesosystem as “a system of microsystems” through which different settings are linked. An example of this level of ecology might be the linkage between home and school. Furthermore, these interwo- ven relationships can be supportive of each mi- crosystem or in opposition to each microsystem. For instance, Muuss (1988, p. 304) described an “impoverished mesosystem” in which parents are not familiar with their adolescent child’s peer group. Microsystems, by definition, cannot be congruent in their impact on adolescent de- velopment if they are not successfully linked through a mesosystem. Bronfenbrenner also noted that substantial changes in any one mi- crosystem often necessitate an “ecological tran- sition” within the mesosystem, such as when children move from junior high school to high school. (Muuss, 1988, p. 305).

The last two systems of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model, the exosystem and the mac- rosystem, are more distal from the developing person. Within the exosystem, the adolescent does not directly participate in these interac- tions; however, decisions made at this level of context often greatly affect the adolescent. For example, interactions that occur within a par- ent’s place of employment often have a signif- icant impact on the microsystem level of the family. Finally, the macrosystem is described as a broad societal blueprint that contains the core structures and values that compose a particular culture. Features of the macrosystem include political, religious, and educational values; health practices; appropriate standards for be- havior and appearance; and roles according to age, gender, and ethnicity (Muuss, 1988).

Recent writings of Bronfenbrenner have called the original model into question by not- ing the limitations of the approach in capturing

the dynamic nature of interactions between the developing person and the surrounding environ- ment. Bronfenbrenner (1999) has even pro- posed a more elaborate bioecological model that argues for the distinct importance of four elements in environmental research designs: person, process, context, and time. He spe- cifically pressed researchers to more closely examine the “form, power, content, and direc- tion of the proximal process” as related to a range of developmental outcomes within a nested set of environmental systems (p. 5). The evolution of ideas toward a focus on the pro- cesses that can account for human development across settings is a major step toward offering more precision regarding how macrosystem at- titudes might influence individuals. The bioeco- logical model may also lead to generating more research that examines how a developmental process may vary as a function of contextual variables or characteristics of individuals; how- ever, to date such questions remain understud- ied within developmental research (Bronfen- brenner, 1999).

With respect to mass media influence and the environment, Stokols (1999) has argued that increased access to the Internet is changing pre- vious assumptions regarding contextual systems and individuals. Previously, a person’s context was in large part determined by geographic or economic boundaries at each stage of the life course. However, Stokols (1999) observed that because of endless opportunities for participa- tion in virtual places through chat rooms or other Internet experiences, “the boundaries among one’s micro-, meso-, and exosystems have become increasingly blurred” (p. 343). Because of the dramatic impact of these tech- nologies, mass media researchers will need to incorporate these issues of context into their own perspectives when designing conceptual models and research hypotheses. Bronfenbren- ner’s framework may provide an important starting point with respect to identifying envi- ronmental variables worthy of consideration, but such ecological models are often less able to offer testable predictions regarding mechanisms of contextual influence (Dannefer, 1992). Mass media theorists will probably need to extend beyond the general bioecological framework to produce specific applications involving various media devices, including Internet, music, tele- vision, and music video consumption. In sum-

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mary, whereas significant research has included the proximal ecological levels of the microsys- tem and mesosystem, such as comparisons be- tween home and school attitudes or the interac- tion between parents and teachers, the processes by which broad cultural messages of the mac- rosystem filter through the ecology to finally affect the adolescent are less well understood.

Identity and Adolescence

The nature of the self and of personal identity has been studied by philosophers for centuries. Thinkers from Descartes to West have provided much guidance and insight into the definition of identity (Baumeister, 1986). Even within the field of psychology, researchers have used a variety of terms to examine an individual’s identity. Over time, several key components of the definition and understanding of identity have emerged. The ability to be cognate of self; the continuity of experience; ethnic, ethical, and economic makeup; and character and the ability to make meaning of context and experience are examples of components that researchers posit as constituting identity (Kroger, 1990). Most researchers agree that adolescence is the devel- opmental period in which individuals have the requisite cognitive abilities to effectively com- plete the process of identity formation (Blos, 1968; Erikson, 1968; Spencer, 1999; Waterman, 1984).

Although the language, and oftentimes the process, by which the adolescent reaches an understanding of self is different in the theoret- ical conceptions of one researcher to the next, the fundamental construct—appreciation and acceptance of self—is the same. For example, Blos (1962, 1968) used the term character to refer to what is denoted by many other research- ers as identity. Blos asserted that to successfully negotiate adolescence, the preadolescent must master four “challenges”: (a) the second indi- viduation process, (b) reworking and mastering of childhood trauma, (c) ego continuity, and (d) sexual identity. Blos contended that, on com- pletion of these challenges, the adolescent will possess the ability to manage the anxieties that come with human existence.

Sullivan (1953), closely following the work of Cooley (1902) and Mead (1934), looked to interpersonal relationships to help explain the self. According to Sullivan (1953), “all that is

the self-system arises in interpersonal relations” (p. 200). The self system operates to minimize the level of anxiety when dealing with others. Sullivan also denoted three modes of ex- perience (i.e., levels of cognitive function- ing): prototaxic, parataxic, and syntaxic. These modes of experience are expressions of the in- ner thoughts of the individual. More complex inner thoughts are believed to be more differ- entiated thoughts found in developmentally pro- gressed individuals (Sullivan, 1953). Like many other theorists, Sullivan has put forth a stage model of development. Unlike other theorists, however, Sullivan contends that the individual’s movement from one stage to the next is con- tingent on her or his ability to contend with feelings of anxiety that arise out of changing interpersonal relationships. The key feature for Sullivan becomes, in essence, the individual’s ability to acquire the appropriate interpersonal skills for each particular stage of development. Thus, a person who can successfully negotiate and cope with normal levels of societal anxiety would be considered as having achieved an appropriate level of identity formation in Sulli- van’s model.

Loevinger (1977) discussed identity within the framework of the ego. She referred to the ego as “the master trait of personality” that forms the basis of identity. Furthermore, Loe- vinger defined ego development as a continuum that is both a developmental sequence and a dimension of individual differences at every age (Loevinger, 1977). Although, according to Loe- vinger, the defining characteristics of the stages are not age specific, a developmental perspec- tive informs us that there is a linkage between age and the stage continuum. In Loevinger’s typology, most individuals have progressed through the conformist stage by the end of ad- olescence. These individuals begin to see ex- ceptions to rules instead of only viewing people within the norm of the group (Loevinger, 1990). Her stages of ego development include the fol- lowing: the impulsive, self-protective conform- ist stage (most frequently found in individuals during adolescence); the conscientious–con- formist stage (viewed by Loevinger as a transi- tional stage); the conscientious stage; the indi- vidualistic stage (transitional); the autonomous stage; and the integrated stage. A person at the highest stage in this particular framework has an integrated understanding of his or her own per-

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sonal identity and its relation to the views of others.

Elkind (1961) believed that the major devel- opmental task of early adolescence concerns the adolescent’s ability to access thought. He con- tended that consideration of adolescent egocen- trism might be helpful in attempts to reconcile cognitive structure and the dynamics of person- ality (i.e., the formation of identity). According to Elkind, it is during adolescence, with the onset of formal operational thought, that ado- lescents begin to conceptualize their thoughts and the thoughts of others. However, adolescent egocentrism leaves early adolescents preoccu- pied with their own appearance and behavior. He concluded:

One consequence of adolescent egocentrism is that, in actual or impending social situations, the young person anticipates the reactions of other people to himself. These anticipations, however, are based on the premise that others are as admiring or as critical of him as he is of himself . . . in a sense, then, the adolescent is con- tinually constructing, or reacting to, an imaginary au- dience. (Elkind, 1990, p. 83)

In Elkind’s framework, the adolescent’s ego- centrism is overcome by a twofold transforma- tion. First, with respect to the cognitive plane, a gradual differentiation occurs between the ado- lescent’s preoccupations and the thoughts of others. Second, on the plane of affectivity, the adolescent gradually integrates the feelings of others with his or her own emotions (Elkind, 1990). Thus, differentiation and appropriate af- fect appear to be key components regarding the formation of a dynamic personality (i.e., appro- priate identity formation).

Erikson’s Identity Formation

A significant body of work has attempted to describe the process through which identity for- mation occurs during adolescence (Waterman & Archer, 1990). The origins of these efforts can be traced to the seminal work on identity theorizing offered by Erik Erikson in the 1960s. Erikson (1968) is generally associated with the concept of identity formation as a result of Stage 5 of his eight-stage epigenetic model of life span development. According to Erikson, Stage 5, identity versus identity confusion, is the primary challenge of the adolescence period of development. However, this model recog- nizes that resolution of earlier stage-salient

tasks, such as trust, autonomy, and initiative, plays a key role in contributing to a strong, healthy identity. The concept of identity, as intended by Erikson, refers to adolescents’ ac- tive search for their role, contemplation of per- sonal strengths and weaknesses, and simulta- neous synthesis of past, present, and future life experiences (Waterman, 1988). The success or failure of negotiating future life stages of devel- oping intimate relationships, fulfilling work goals, and contributing to society in general is dependent on a strong concept of identity emerging during adolescence. In addressing the task of identity formation, Erikson (1968) wrote:

The young person, in order to experience wholeness, must feel a progressive continuity between that which he has come to be during the long years of childhood and that which he promises to become in the antici- pated future; between that which he conceives himself to be and that which he perceives others to see in him and to expect of him. Individually speaking, identity includes, but is more than, the sum of all the successive identifications of those earlier years when the child wanted to be, and often was forced to become, like the people he depended on. (p. 87)

Because of the importance of constructing an identity, adolescents are constantly seeking out information about themselves from others within specific contexts. Erikson viewed peer interaction as an acceptable and necessary in- volvement as the adolescent moves from ac- cepting her or his parents’ views to exploring peers’ views to eventually determining her or his own view of the self. The adolescent is struggling to answer key questions during the identity crisis about the present and future self. The dangers of proceeding through adolescence without gaining answers to these questions were also specified by Erikson. “Many a late adoles- cent, if faced with continuing [identity] diffu- sion, would rather be nobody or somebody bad, or indeed, dead . . . than be not-quite some- body” (Erikson, 1959, as cited in Muuss, 1988, p. 63).

In attempting to operationalize Erikson’s the- oretical description of identity formation, Mar- cia (1966, 1993) posited that during Erikson’s identity formation stage (Stage 5), the adoles- cent can exhibit four distinct identity “statuses”: identity diffused or identity confused, fore- closed, moratorium, and identity achieved. Identity achievement and identity diffusion rep- resent the “polar alternatives of status inherent

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in Erikson’s theory” (Marcia, 1966, p. 551). According to Marcia, adolescents are assigned an identity status on the basis of two criteria: (a) commitments to core beliefs or life choices and (b) crisis period or “exploration of alternatives” (Côté & Levine, 1988a). An adolescent who is identity diffused or identity confused has not experienced an identity crisis. This adolescent has not made any commitment to a vocation or set of beliefs. The foreclosed adolescent has not experienced an identity crisis but, unlike the identity-diffused or identity-confused adoles- cent, has made commitments. The problem, however, is that these commitments are not the result of personal exploration but are probably the result of parental imposition. The adolescent has accepted the role without raising fundamen- tal questions about how the role will affect him or her.

In moratorium, the adolescent is in an acute state of crisis, actively searching and struggling to find a set of beliefs to call his or her own. He or she has not committed to a set of beliefs but may have developed very temporary kinds of commitments. Adolescents may fluctuate be- tween periods of distress and boredom until reaching Marcia’s last stage, identity achieve- ment. According to Marcia, identity-achieved adolescents will have experienced the tradi- tional Eriksonian struggle of developing their own set of beliefs or values and committed to a set of core identity features.

Recent research has highlighted the signifi- cant physical and psychological stress associ- ated with the identity exploration crisis. In a study involving high school students 14–17 years of age, researchers found associations be- tween identity exploration and lowered ego strength, agitation, acting out, and depressive symptoms (Kidwell, Dunham, Bacho, Pas- torino, & Portes, 1995). However, according to Côté and Levine (1988a), Marcia has failed to adequately address the “compatibility” of the identity status paradigm with Erikson’s original ego identity theoretical framework. They ob- served that Marcia’s identity status paradigm does not appear to follow a developmental con- tinuum, which is a necessary criterion for ac- ceptance under Erikson’s epigenetic frame- work. Rather, the adolescent must continually revert to a state of moratorium if exploration and progress in identity development are to occur. Côté and Levine (1988a) “challenge[d]

the assumption that [Marcia’s] identity status paradigm is an appropriate conceptualization and operationalization of Erikson’s theory of ego identity formation” (p. 147). These re- searchers asserted that Erikson did not support the notion that achievement of an identity is an end product that can be clearly identified. Rather, Erikson described the evolving nature of identity, focusing on the process through which individuals become more differentiated in their view of self. Despite this criticism, Côté and Levine (1988a) agreed that Marcia’s iden- tity status paradigm “appears to address at least one essential concern expressed in Erikson’s work, namely, the formation of commitments during the process of ego identity formation” (p. 149).

Comparisons of definitions of identity reveal similarities as well as differences. For example, Marcia (1980) described identity as

an internal, self-constructed, dynamic organization of drives, abilities, beliefs and individual history. The better developed this structure is, the more aware in- dividuals appear to be of their own uniqueness and similarity to others and their own strengths and weak- nesses in making their way in the world. The less developed this structure is, the more confused individ- uals seem about their own distinctiveness from others and the more they have to rely on external sources to evaluate themselves. (p. 159)

However, Waterman (1984) equated identity with

having a clearly delineated self-definition comprised of those goals, values, and beliefs to which the person is unequivocally committed. These commitments evolve over time and are made because the chosen goals, values, and beliefs are judged worthy of giving a direction, purpose, and meaning to life. (p. 331)

Comparing Waterman’s (1984) perspective with the definition of identity presented 4 years earlier by Marcia (1980) and the classic defini- tion presented by Erikson in 1968, Waterman (1988) asserted that all three definitions are “attempts to describe the same referent but that each theorist has sought to focus on different descriptive elements and on different functions the concept serves in human endeavors” (p. 187). Waterman’s interpretation of this “differ- ent focus” is clearly evident in the numerous examples just presented.

Marcia and Waterman have operationalized and researched the commitment aspect of iden- tity formation (see Waterman and Archer, 1990,

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for a review), but it is important to consider the other aspects of identity as set forth by Erikson. If Côté and Levine (1988b) are correct and identity statuses are more similar to “states,” then a logical next step for identity researchers is to examine how adolescents move or evolve in their views of self. Perhaps this line of in- quiry can more closely approximate Erikson’s notion that adolescents continue to refine their view of self throughout this and subsequent developmental periods as they formulate an identity. Erikson reminded us that the idea of identity achievement is ephemeral, because in- dividuals are continuously contemplating and incorporating new life experiences into their internalized view of self. Research that can cap- ture the cognitive and behavioral processes that facilitate the evolving nature of the self will be useful in developing a richer template for un- derstanding identity that moves beyond “sta- tuses” or “states.”

The work of Baumeister (1986) makes a start at answering these questions by offering a model of identity consisting of two defin- ing criteria: continuity and differentiation. Baumeister (1986) postulated that “whatever differentiates one from others and makes one the same across time creates identity” (p. 26). This definition points to the cognitive processes that adolescents use to evaluate their position in relation to others in their social environment. Many of the theorists mentioned earlier classify their work in terms other than “identity” and “identity formation”; however, it is unmistak- ably clear that these terms reflect a similar search for an understanding of self. Thus, mul- tiple theoretical perspectives are useful in high- lighting key features explicating adolescents’ ability to identify and differentiate self from others. It should be noted that although Erik- son’s theoretical framework is relied on heavily to explain the process of identity formation, other researchers have contributed substantial information to our understanding of this phenomenon.

Ethnic Identity

Perspectives on identity formation concur re- garding the necessity for integration of various identities into one cohesive self (Harter, 1990). For minority adolescents, identity formation also requires contemplation of ethnic or racial

group membership, a process that influences the development of ethnic or racial identity (Spen- cer & Dornbusch, 1990). Ethnic identity is con- ceptualized as a sense of connectedness to an ethnic group in addition to cognitive, emotional, and behavioral correlates of belonging to a par- ticular ethnic group (Rotheram & Phinney, 1987; Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990). Whereas ethnic identity is especially important for minority youths, Spencer (1999) noted that it may also be relevant for majority youths.

Spencer and Markstrom-Adams (1990) syn- thesized literature related to identity processes for American ethnic minority children and ad- olescents. Early literature on this topic was characterized by a lack of precision in differen- tiating components of ethnic identity, including people’s racial identification, society’s racial at- titudes toward them, and ethnic–racial pride (Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990). How- ever, the work of several scholars has contrib- uted to a sophisticated understanding of the role of ethnic identity during adolescence (Cross, 1978; Parham & Helms, 1985).

A number of theorists have proposed a stage model for exploring ethnic identity, similarly patterned with Marcia’s perspective on ego identity development. For example, Cross (1978, 1991) traced the emergence of Black identity from the preencounter stage, or an un- examined ethnic identity, through a process of engaging in an active search for and, ultimately, commitment to an ethnic identity. Work by Phinney and Aliporia (1987) highlighted the saliency of ethnic identity considerations for minority adolescents, as related to other, more traditionally studied components of the self such as religion, occupation, and political ori- entation. Phinney’s work also suggests that this exploration is actively occurring among adoles- cents as young as 11 years of age. In a study conducted in an integrated junior high school with an even distribution of Black and White students, interviews documented sophisticated consideration of views regarding ethnicity, par- ticularly among Black girls (Phinney & Tarver, 1988). This research showed that identity state- ments for White adolescents frequently cen- tered around comparisons and acknowledg- ments of privilege in relation to minority groups, whereas Black students with a commit- ment to their racial identity provided statements

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regarding pride with respect to Black culture (Phinney & Tarver, 1988).

Ecological perspectives regarding ethnic identity have also highlighted the role signifi- cant others can play in the formation of ethnic identity. Literature addressing racial socializa- tion has examined the transmission of values, beliefs, and other messages about a child’s ra- cial identity within a society (Hale, 1991; Spen- cer, 1990; Stevenson, 1994). Several scholars have highlighted the specific plight of African American youths who must simultaneously ex- ist in three often disjointed realities—main- stream society, the African-rooted Black cul- tural experience, and an oppressed minority group—a phenomenon captured by Boykin (1986) as “a triple quandary” (p. 59). Similarly, Ogbu (1986) noted negative consequences for African American youths associated with a castelike minority status that may differ, for example, from identity processes of voluntary or immigrant minorities such as Asian Ameri- can adolescents.

In summary, the racial socialization literature emphasizes the diverse approaches taken by minority families to convey important mes- sages, both positive and negative, to their chil- dren. In response to the saliency of these mes- sages, Stevenson (1994, 1995) developed an instrument designed to assess cultural strengths that could be critical for racial socialization. Stevenson (1994) denoted a process whereby professionals and other socialization agents out- side the Black family could recognize pro- Black racial attitudes as adaptive, particularly as expressed through “pro-Black attitudes, lan- guage, and behaviors (e.g., styles of dress)” (p. 196). This perspective is useful within the con- text of a discussion contemplating cognitive interpretations of music video images, which, at least for certain music genres (i.e., hip-hop and rap), are likely to contain representations related to ethnic identity formation for African Ameri- can adolescents.

Cooley and Mead’s Symbolic Interactionist Theory

Blumer (1969, p. 2) suggested that the con- ceptual foundation of symbolic interactionism “rests on three simple premises”:

(1) human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings that the things have for them; (2) the mean-

ing of such things is derived from, or arises out of the social interaction that one has with one’s fellows; and (3) these meanings are handled in, and modified through, an interpretative process used by the person in dealing with the things he encounters.

Spencer (1999) elaborated on this process by noting that adolescents’ “inferences about other people’s thoughts, feelings, perceptions, and at- titudes” (p. 44) are directly linked to eventual emotional and behavioral responses. Symbolic interactionists have raised awareness regarding the salience of communication, and more pre- cisely language, as both “an interpersonal and intrapersonal medium by which culture, socially structured situations, interpersonal relation- ships, and social identities are created and main- tained in individual minds (Heise & Weir, 1999, p. 139). This theory therefore provides a key insight into how adolescents who exist in very similar environments can develop entirely different attitudes, feelings, and emergent identities.

The initial proponents of symbolic interac- tionist theory, Charles H. Cooley and George Herbert Mead, believed that individuals develop their self-concept through interactions with sig- nificant others (Cooley, 1902). Their work ex- amined the influence on a developing individual of repeated images from people closely and frequently involved with that individual. Sym- bolic interactionist theory offers an explanation for the linkage between individuals in a society and provides a mechanism for new members to become incorporated into a common culture. Mead (1934) highlighted the importance of communication in this process, especially the role of language and symbols used to convey “culturally defined meanings” (Newton & Buck, 1985). Individuals internalize the sym- bols and images they observe in their immediate surroundings; however, as media influences from multiple sources become more wide- spread, messages may or may not be congruent with an individual’s family or cultural values.

The impact of the media may be magnified during adolescence, especially if media images are being discussed and socially reinforced within an adolescent’s peer group. The in- creased use of mass media among adolescents can no longer be dismissed by onlookers; how- ever, the specific ways in which adolescents are affected by images are unclear. Bloom (1990) noted that “the influence [of modern mass me-

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dia] is cognitive as well as affective: its mean- ings are social as well as personal” (p. 17). For example, it is probable that features depicted within music video entertainment, such as fash- ion, language, decision making, risk-taking be- haviors, and character attitudes and relation- ships, can exert influences within the arena of adolescent peer relationships.

Thus, symbolic interactionist theory can be used to account for the cognitive processes of adolescent meaning making. Symbolic interac- tionist theory also provides the connection be- tween intrapersonal processes, such as identity formation, and interpersonal processes, such as forming friendships or participating in peer group activities. The theory articulates that me- dia images are to be conceptualized as a “sig- nificant other” through which adolescents “de- velop, maintain, and revise their self-concepts including perceptions of gender and role iden- tification” (Newton & Buck, 1985, p. 294). The relationship between mass communication and individual behavior is likely to be affected by a number of variables at both the micro and macro levels of society (Bronfenbrenner, 1989). However, as media technology continues to ad- vance and become integrated in more ways into the daily lives of adolescents, symbolic interac- tionist theory predicts that these repeated im- ages are likely to have an impact on the views of adolescents.

Linkages to Outcomes: Adolescent Social Competence

To provide a more comprehensive and accu- rate view of media influence on adolescence, the range of salient outcomes must expand be- yond the confined focus on violent behavior (see Bushman & Anderson, 2001, for a review). Existing empirical literature on youth social competence has established this construct as an important variable in the overall adjustment of adolescents (Coie, Christopoulos, Terry, Dodge, & Lochman, 1988; Parker & Asher, 1987). During this stage of development, ado- lescents with strong and positive peer group affiliations are generally considered to be so- cially competent individuals who are successful in navigating the social demands of their imme- diate environment (Ford, 1982; White, 1959). Within the context of media influence, it is postulated that the features of mass media en-

tertainment (e.g., language, clothing, and cul- tural settings in television programming) take on a primary role in the transmission of implicit social knowledge within the adolescent peer culture.

The historical observance of social compe- tence dates back to the era of Socrates, who first observed that “those possessing it manage well the circumstances which they encounter daily.” Socrates further noted that socially competent individuals “possess a judgment which is accu- rate in meeting occasions as they arise and rarely miss the expedient course of action.” Others have addressed the development of spe- cific skills involved in social competence, such as “possession of the capability to generate skilled behavior” (Trower, 1982, p. 419) or “an effective response of the individual to specific life situations” (Goldfried & D’Zurilla, 1969, p. 158). Finally, some researchers have noted the interactional dimension of social competence and defined this construct as the “degree to which a person is successful in interactions or transactions taking place in the social sphere” (Conger & Conger, 1982, p. 314) or “an organ- ism’s capacity to interact effectively with its environment” (White, 1959, p. 297).

In general, adolescents are required to mobi- lize both personal and environmental resources to achieve good interpersonal outcomes within a given context (Peterson & Leigh, 1990; Wa- ters & Sroufe, 1983). For example, personal resources that are suggestive of social compe- tence for an adolescent would be emotional control, thought-out decisions, a good self-con- cept, high self-esteem, motivation toward iden- tity achievement, and acceptance of the physical self (Downs, 1990). Within the interpersonal arena, a socially competent adolescent demon- strates many of the following capabilities: con- versational abilities, listening and responsive- ness to others, good peer status, growing inter- est in intimacy and dating, acceptance of increasing responsibility, and overall adaptation to a variety of social situations (Downs, 1990).

A developmental approach to social compe- tence within adolescence requires attention to the emerging capabilities and changes that in- fluence the expression of socially competent behavior (Ford, 1982). Bloom (1990) reviewed three major domains of functioning—changes in physical appearance during adolescence, the developing cognitive structures of adolescents,

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and expanding affective structures—that are key in understanding social competence. In- creases in cognitive processing, especially for- mal reasoning abilities, along with exploration of feelings of others and morality, contribute to an adolescent’s decisions about social interac- tions. Cognitive researchers suggest that adoles- cents use internal schemas to perceive or inter- pret the social environment and determine ap- propriate social interactions (Bloom, 1990; Spencer, 1999). These perceptions also evolve within the interpersonal context of family rela- tionships, expanding peer networks, and influ- ential community–school relationships. As de- scribed by Bloom (1990), any one of these factors can inhibit or promote socially compe- tent behavior during adolescence; therefore, re- searchers must study the processes by which adolescents integrate these influences within their social relationships.

Clearly, social competence encompasses both adolescent cognition and social behavior. This underlying sense of competence may be best defined as “the degree that an adolescent devel- ops the relevant attitudinal and behavioral rep- ertoire that a given social order sees as good and desirable” (Thomas & Carver, 1990, p. 195). Therefore, research has targeted the interactions between specific cognitive capacities, or socio- cognitive schemas, that aid adolescents in their interpersonal behavioral interactions. Identified cognitive resources include not only problem- solving abilities but also positive self-esteem, perspective taking, and an internal locus of con- trol (Peterson & Leigh, 1990). However, these overly simplistic developmental lists are mis- leading in regard to their applicability when investigations are conducted with adolescents in real-life contextual situations.

Critiques of the literature on social compe- tence among adolescents identify the lack of consideration of contextual influences as con- tributory or inhibitory influences on the devel- opment of cognitive or social abilities (Bloom, 1990). For example, how does the developing adolescent sort through messages about socially desirable attitudes and behaviors from main- stream culture? This processing is likely to de- pend on multiple factors in addition to personal cognitive resources, including an adolescent’s gender, ethnicity, level of acculturation, and identity status. For example, research with mi- nority adolescents has demonstrated that a re-

active cognitive orientation to majority group attitudes and behaviors is associated with less adaptive functioning, as opposed to a proactive attitude or schema regarding one’s own minor- ity group (Swanson, Spencer, & Petersen, 1998). Therefore, those assessing social compe- tence among adolescents from diverse back- grounds must embrace contextual consider- ations in their theories and research.

AIMSS: An Integrated Framework for Examining Identity, Media, and

Sociocognitive Schemas

Simultaneous consideration of the literatures reviewed in this article is complex yet neces- sary. Mass communication theory provides a context for understanding the importance of so- cial–cultural stimuli and offers an important rationale for the need for additional research regarding the impact of media on the develop- ing adolescent. Mass communication theory also provides strong evidence that information transmitted through mass media sources can and does influence individuals. Whereas most media research has focused on external images, developmental theories provide a means for fur- ther examining the domain-specific internal processes of individual adolescents (i.e., cogni- tive and socioemotional).

Consideration of development in context, specifically the process of identity formation during adolescence as defined by Erikson, is useful for examining the linkages from the ex- ternal or macrosystem impact of mass commu- nication to internal developmental processes such as identity formation. Identity formation, as the key developmental undertaking of ado- lescence, can in turn be viewed in the context of the “significant other” as defined by Cooley, Mead, and other symbolic interaction theorists. These “significant others,” according to sym- bolic interactionist theorists, will not only in- clude peers, as posited by Erikson, but may also include music videos (vis-à-vis television) and interactive gaming and chat rooms (vis-à-vis the Internet). It is posited here that the cognitive processes that take place within individual ad- olescents while they are integrating external mass communication images (music videos and multiculturalism) with the salient developmen- tal task (identity formation) eventually provide them with an additional resource for enhancing

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their social competence with peers. Finally, the literature on adolescent social competence dem- onstrates that more research is necessary to pre- cisely determine relations between cognitive processes involved in the interpretation of media images and important interpersonal outcomes.

A new conceptual framework, AIMSS, is presented in Figure 1. The AIMSS is unique in its ability to analyze the impact of media on adolescent development using an integrated the- oretical lens. Specifically, the AIMSS unifies the various theoretical perspectives reviewed in this article into a comprehensive framework that recognizes the importance of (a) ecology, (b) salient developmental tasks, (c) process, and (d) relevant outcomes. Each component of the model is viewed as essential for understanding and measuring the true impact of mass media during this developmental period. Considering the impact of one or two of these components without including the others may obfuscate the analysis and produce inaccurate conclusions re- garding a complex phenomenon.

The AIMSS depicts the multileveled interac- tions among mass media devices, adolescent

sociocognitive processing, and adolescent iden- tity formation. Relevant mass media devices for adolescents include television and radio pro- gramming, video games and Internet technolo- gies, and other evolving interactive formats. The AIMSS framework is capable of analyzing the mechanisms through which these media de- vices contribute to the socialization of adoles- cents. By taking a comprehensive view of this process, the AIMSS can offer specific predic- tions regarding adolescent cognitive and social decision making as a result of media exposure that serve to guide research in this important area.

So, how would we apply the AIMSS to an adolescent who is watching a music video? The AIMSS posits that the experience of watching a music video is likely to affect the adolescent’s social competence. How does this come about? Initially, we must remember that the salient developmental task is identity formation. Nav- igation of this task occurs within the larger ecological context that defines the adolescent’s experience. Key contextual examples to analyze might include a family microsystem lacking in adult supervision or monetary resources or a highly functional home environment with au- thoritative parenting. In addition to proximal variables such as family composition, macro features of the ecology, such as cultural atti- tudes or political control of media content, are equally relevant within the AIMSS framework.

Concomitantly, the AIMSS posits that this adolescent engages in a cognitive process of identity exploration as a consequence of expo- sure to the music video. In other words, the adolescent viewer uses the video as a vehicle for cognitive exploration that involves the “trying on” of possible selves. The adolescent will at- tribute meaning to the image on the basis of perceptions of self and perceptions of how sig- nificant others would interpret the video. Rele- vant features of the self that come into play include identity status, racial identity, and pos- sible selves defined at the broader or more pe- ripheral levels of the ecological system. An adolescent’s perceptions of significant others include his or her standing with respect to peer group status, in-group or out-group tensions in a school context, family cohesion, and member- ship in a socially devalued group. For some adolescents, the peer group is the most salient source of feedback; for others, family influences

Figure 1. Multileveled interactions among mass media, adolescent identity formation, and adolescent social com- petence. The identity formation process is mediated by adolescent cognitive processing of music videos using a proactive or reactive sociocognitive schema.

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are more central. Adolescents pose a series of “what if” scenarios that become integrated into their own sociocognitive schemas. Eventually, these schemas are thought to influence adoles- cents’ behavior, specifically their social interac- tions. These cognitive processes also occur re- peatedly throughout this developmental period and contribute to adolescents’ refinement of their approaches to social interactions. These refinements are ultimately expected to lead to higher levels of socially competent attitudes and behaviors.

To illustrate sociocognitive schemas more precisely, consider an adolescent of high school age who watches a music video; this adolescent, according to Loevinger (1990), would typically be in the “conformist stage” of ego develop- ment. He or she would view interpersonal in- teractions in terms of social acceptance and belonging, cognitively associating behaviors with identifying with the group. The adolescent would interact with the video images as with any important “significant other”; however, these interactions are first occurring in a virtual (cognitive, if you will) context. Eventually, the adolescent will cognitively determine the atti- tudes and behaviors that are most valued within the peer group culture of which he or she is familiar. Moreover, refinement of the adoles- cent’s sociocognitive schema occurs following social interactions with peers that provide the adolescent with important socialization mes- sages. Because of the adolescent’s need for in- formation about the self from others, consider- ation of music videos or other media formats with respect to peer relationships is critical in understanding adolescent identity formation.

The AIMSS model posits the existence of two major sociocognitive schemas that adoles- cents use to organize media images. It is hy- pothesized that some adolescents use a proac- tive social schema that consists of a cognitive orientation toward positive peer interactions, trusting others, getting along with others, dem- onstrating empathy, and healthy identity forma- tion. These adolescents interpret their environ- ment using a positive or adaptive framework that would lead to successful navigation of key challenges of the developmental period. In con- trast, the reactive social schema would reflect a tendency to organize perceptions of the social environment based on maladaptive components. For example, adolescents high in reactivity

might be more inclined to attend to violent imagery on television, including guns and gang activity, as well as messages related to un- healthy attitudes regarding intimate relation- ships and family interactions. Adolescents using a reactive social schema would reflect a cogni- tive orientation toward violence, poor relation- ships with others, and negative peer interac- tions. I have argued here that research regarding the utility and refinement of social schemas among adolescents is necessary to increase pre- cision in models that predict proactive and re- active behavioral outcomes among adolescents.

The presence of both proactive and reactive social schemas in the AIMSS framework can be viewed as an elaboration of theorizing offered within the identity-focused cultural ecological perspective (Spencer, Dupree, & Hartmann, 1997). The specific theoretical framework de- veloped by Spencer and colleagues to examine this transaction between the self and contextual influences is called the phenomenological vari- ant of ecological systems theory (PVEST; Spencer, 1999, p. 44). According to PVEST:

Across the life course, encounters in diverse cultural contexts (e.g. home, school, peer group, community) influence how individuals perceive and experience the “self.” This suggests that one’s own phenomenological processes involve making inferences about other peo- ple’s thoughts, feelings, perceptions, and attitudes. Along with other functions, these processes are critical for directing behavior, conceptualizing possibilities, and determining emotional responses.

Spencer (1999) added that perceptual processes will vary among individuals, often according to salient characteristics that help define the self, including developmental level, gender, and cul- tural background. The PVEST framework ana- lyzes transactions between self and context ac- cording to five components: (a) risk contribu- tors; (b) stress engagement; (c) reactive coping methods; (d) stable coping responses: emergent identities; and (e) life stage outcomes: coping products.

The third component of the framework, reac- tive coping methods, is conceptualized by Spen- cer (1999) as a response by the adolescent to a perceived experience of stress in his or her immediate environment. Examples include daily hassles from teachers and disrespect from a peer. As a result, the adolescent engages in reactive coping, which, according to the theory, may be either an adaptive problem-solving

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strategy or a maladaptive problem-solving strat- egy. It is significant to note that the PVEST framework considers reactive coping as a tem- porary response by the adolescent that may or may not be maladaptive. For example, an ado- lescent could become more engaged with school as a result of teacher interaction or could respond with exaggerated bravado or social withdrawal (Spencer, 1999). The process by which these reactive coping strategies progress to stable coping or emergent identities is a core feature of research based on the PVEST framework.

A comparison of the major components of the AIMSS framework with respect to PVEST cop- ing methods reveals that proactive social sche- mas and reactive social schemas could be con- sidered different problem-solving strategies used by adolescents during the viewing of mu- sic videos or other media formats. However, classification of all styles of adolescent coping under the broad PVEST label of reactive coping methods seems misleading. Rather, the AIMSS framework of adolescent identity formation ar- gues that reactive social schemas and proactive social schemas represent two entirely different pathways toward emergent identities. The sig- nificant contribution of the PVEST component of reactive coping is that this model addresses the immediacy of adolescents’ reactions to en- vironment stressors and that these “reactions” to social contexts may change or proceed toward stable coping methods or emergent identities.

At this stage of research, the immediate cog- nitive processing of mass media imagery (i.e., a proactive or reactive schema) may at best be considered a “snapshot” of coping methods used by adolescents in interpreting their social context. In keeping with the music video exam- ple, the perceptual processes used during view- ing of videos ultimately determine an adoles- cent’s tendency to orient toward violent imag- ery and maladaptive interpersonal choices made by characters in the videos, as opposed to awareness of prosocial activity and empathic actions contained within the videos. A major question to be resolved between the PVEST and AIMSS models is the process by which reactive social schemas and proactive social schemas influence the adolescent over time. In other words, are adolescents’ cognitive schemas or responses to mass media images indicative of a temporary reactive coping method as defined

within PVEST? Or, perhaps more troubling, do these cognitive orientations become stable cop- ing responses that are integrated into adoles- cents’ personal identity? Future research that assesses cognitive interpretations of music video imagery at multiple points in time could delineate the relative impact of mass media on core features of identity processes, including personal identity, ethnic identity, and gender role orientation.

The extensive literature on mass media influ- ence clearly characterizes the influential nature of these images among adolescents. Although the PVEST perspective recognizes the impor- tance of ecology, the framework does not ex- plicitly recognize media influence as an im- portant feature of the macrosystem. Empirical literature has supported the salience of phenom- enological processes as influencing identity for- mation and adolescent adjustment (see Spencer, 1999, for a review). Yet, failure to integrate mass media into these theoretical frameworks produces empirical results that tell only a part of the story of adolescent development. Specifi- cally, developmental researchers must incorpo- rate the social nature of mass media influence into their investigations of adolescent social de- velopment and question how various forms of media contribute to adolescents’ peer group in- teractions and their views of self. Ultimately, the utility of the AIMSS framework is depen- dent on empirical research designed to test the major tenets of the model.

Several logical steps can be derived from the AIMSS framework to guide research efforts in this arena. These steps include the following:

1. Psychometrically sound instruments that quantify media influences must be developed and validated with diverse adolescent popula- tions. Such measures should tap into media out- lets, such as music videos and the Internet, that are face valid and attractive to adolescent view- ers. By developing instruments, we can test assumptions that drive many public policy and intervention programs regarding the nature and extent of mass media’s negative influence on youths. Efforts are already under way to vali- date a measure of proactive and reactive social schemas for use with adolescents.

2. Developmental theory could be used to further inform the study of mass media by iden- tifying individual and ecological variables that are predictive of differential views and con-

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sumption patterns of media. Individual charac- teristics, including age, gender, and ethnicity, play a central role in the formation of individual identity; thus, such factors are likely to be cen- tral in the cognitive processing of media im- ages. Ecological variables that might be linked to media influences among adolescents include the peer culture and the family culture. Differ- ences or similarities across these important mi- crosystems may play a key role in how adoles- cents perceive media images and ultimately in- tegrate them into their personal identity.

3. Increased precision in our conceptualiza- tion of media influences on key developmental tasks may yield preventative intervention strat- egies for addressing negative outcomes during adolescence. For example, a more comprehen- sive understanding of violence in the media and subsequent influences on young people could lead to prevention of reactive, risk-taking be- havior during adolescence. Measures that tap into adolescent cognitive processing that is mal- adaptive (i.e., a reactive sociocognitive schema) could serve to identify adolescents in need of counseling or other supportive services.

4. By studying adolescents who identify with socially competent behaviors or prosocial mes- sages presented in the media, we may gain insight into the sophistication of adolescent cognitive schemas. If theories fail to embrace the range of positive and negative outcomes that define the period of adolescence and retain a narrow focus on storm and strife, connections with youths are jeopardized. Adolescents should continue to report their own views and perceptions of media so that adults can more fully understand the proactive social schemas they use in their daily lives.

This article has presented a new perspective on how adolescents integrate information from mass media into their daily lives. It has also posited that these media influences affect cog- nitive and behavioral processes that ultimately contribute to social competence among adoles- cents. Mass communications, particularly the Internet and television programming, including music videos, can be reconceptualized as oppor- tunities for adolescents to identify cues for so- cial behavior among their peer group as well as cognitively rehearse their own approaches to certain social interactions. Finally, it has been submitted that this process can occur not only within the adolescent but also between adoles-

cents within a larger peer group. Without an appreciation for the specific “cultural compe- tencies” (Ogbu, 1988) of this adolescent cul- ture, mass media influences are likely to be overlooked as a significant socialization agent for this population in the new millennium.

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Received January 29, 2001 Revision received June 19, 2001

Accepted June 20, 2001 �

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