human growth and development

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PRESCHOOL PERIOD (3 to 6 years)

Height and weight continue to increase rapidly.

The body becomes less rounded and more muscular.

The brain grows larger, neural interconnections continue to develop, and lateralization emerges.

Gross and fine motor skills advance quickly. Child ren can throw and catch balls, run, use forks and spoons, and tie shoelaces.

Children begin to develop handedness.

Children show egocentric thinking (viewing world from their own perspective) and "centration," a focus on only one aspect of a stimulus.

Memory, attention span, and symbolic thinking improve, and intuitive thought begins.

Language (sentence length, vocabulary, syntax, and grammar) improves rapidly.

Children develop self-concepts, which may be exaggerated.

A sense of gender and racial identity emerges.

Children begin to see peers as individuals and form friendships based on trust and shared interests.

Morality is rule-based and focused on rewards and punishments.

Play becomes more constructive and cooperative, and social skills become important.

Preoperational stage

Initiative-versus-guilt stage

Phallic stage

Preconventional morality level

MIDDLE CHILDHOOD (6 to 12 years)

Growth becomes slow and steady. Muscles develop, and "baby fat" is lost.

Gross motor skills (biking, swimming, skating, ball handling) and fine motor skills (writing, typing, fastening buttons) continue to improve.

Children apply logical operations to problems.

U nderstanding of conservation (that changes in shape do not necessarily affect quantity) and transformation (that objects can go through many states without changing) emerge.

Children can "decenter"-take m ultiple perspectives into account.

Memory encoding, storage, and retrieval improve, and control strategies (meta-memory) develop.

Language pragmatics (social conventions) and metalinguistic awareness (self-monitoring) improve.

Children refer to psychological traits to define themselves. Sense of self becomes differentiated.

Social comparison is used to understand one's standing and identity.

Self-esteem grows differentiated, and a sense of self-efficacy (an appraisal of what one can and cannot do) develops.

Children approach moral problems intent on maintaining social respect and accepting what society defines as right.

Friendship patterns of boys and girls differ. Boys mostly interact with boys in groups, and girls tend to interact singly or in pai rs with other girls.

Concrete operational stage

I ndustry-versus-inferiority stage

Latency period

Conventional morality level

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT

COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT

SOCIAL/ PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT

THEORIES & THEORISTS

Jean Piaget

Erik Erikson

Sigmund Freud

Lawrence Koh Iberg

ADOLESCENCE (12 to 20 years)

• Girls begin the adolescent growth spurt around age 1 0, boys around age 1 2 .

• Girls reach puberty around age 1 1 or 1 2, boys around age 13 or 1 4 .

Primary sexual characteristics develop (affecting the reproductive organs), as do secon dary sexual characteristics (pubic and underarm hair in both sexes, breasts in girls, deep voices in boys).

• Abstract thought prevails . Adolescents use formal logic to consider problems in the abstract.

Relative, not absolute, thinking is typical.

• Verbal , mathematical , and spatial skills improve.

• Adolescents are able to think hypothetically, divide attention, and monitor thought through meta cognition.

Egocentrism develops, with a sense that one is always being observed . Self-consciousness and introspection are typical.

• A sense of invulnerability can lead adolescents to ignore danger.

• Self-concept becomes organized and accurate and reflects others' perceptions . Self-esteem grows differentiated .

Defining identity is a key task. Peer relationsh ips provide social comparison and help define acceptable roles. Popu larity issues become acute; peer pressure can enforce conform ity.

• Adolescents' q uest for autonomy can bring confiict with parents as family roles are renegotiated.

• Sexuality assumes importance in identity formation . Dating begins.

Formal operations stage

Identity-versus-confusion stage

Genital stage

Postconventional morality level may be reached

EARLY ADULTHOOD (20 to 40 years)

Physical capabilities peak in the 20s, includ ing strength, senses, coord ination, and reaction time.

• Growth is mostly complete, although some organs, including the brain , continue to grow.

For many young adults, obesity becomes a threat for the first time, as body fat increases.

Stress can become a significant health threat.

In the mid-30s, disease replaces accidents as the leading cause of death.

• As world experience increases, thought becomes more flexible and subjective, geared to adept problem solving.

Intelligence is applied to long-term goals involving career, family, and soc iety.

Significant life events of young adulthood may shape cognitive development.

Forming intimate relationships becomes highly important. Commitment may be partly determined by the attachment style developed in infancy.

Marriage and children bring developmental changes, often stressful. Divorce may result, with new stresses.

Identity is larg ely defined in terms of work, as young adults consolidate their careers.

Intimacy-versus- isolation stage

MIDDLE ADULTHOOD (40 to 65 years)

Physical changes become evident. Vision declines noticeably, as does hearing, but less obviously.

Height reaches a peak and declines slowly. Osteoporosis speeds this process in women. Weight increases, and strength decreases.

Reaction time slows, but performance of complex tasks is mostly unchanged because of lifelong practice.

Women experience menopause, with unpredictable effects. The male climacteric brings gradual changes in men's reproductive systems.

Some loss of cognitive functioning may begin in middle adulthood, but overall cognitive com petence holds steady because adults use life experience and effective strategies to compensate.

Slight declines occur in the efficiency of retrieval from long-term memory.

People in m id dle adulthood take stock, appraising accomplishments against a "social clock" and developing a consciousness of mortality.

Middle adulthood, despite the supposed "midlife crisis," usually is tranquil and satisfying. Ind ividuals' personality traits are generally stable over time.

Although marital satisfaction is usually high, family relationships can present challenges.

The view of one's career shifts from outward ambition to inner satisfaction or, in some cases, dissatisfaction. Career changes are increasingly common.

Generativity-versus-stagnation stage

LATE ADULTHOOD (65 years to death)

Wrinkles and gray or thinning hair are marks of late adulthood. Height declines as backbone disk cartilage thins. Women are especially susceptible to osteoporosis .

The brain shrinks, and the heart pumps less blood through the body. Reactions slow, and the senses become less acute. Cataracts and glaucoma may affect the eyes, and hearing loss is common.

Chronic diseases, especially heart disease, grow more common. Mental disorders, such as depression and Alzheimer's d isease, may occur.

Cognitive declines are min imal until the 80s. Cognitive abil ities can be maintained with training and practice, and learning remains possible throughout the life span.

Short-term memory and memory of specific life episodes may decline, but other types of memory are largely unaffected.

Basic personality traits remain stable, but changes are possible. "Life review," a feature of this period, can bring either fulfillment or dissatisfaction.

Retirement is a major event of late adulthood, causing adjustments to self-concept and self esteem.

A healthy lifestyle and continuing activity in areas of interest can bring satisfaction in late adulthood.

Typical c ircumstances of late adulthood (reduced income, the aging or death of a spouse, a change in living arrangements) cause stress.

Ego-integrity-versus-despair stage

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Discovering the Life Span Fifth Edition

Robert S. Feldman University of Massachusetts Amherst

@Pearson

To Alex, Miles, Naomi, Lilia, Rose, and Marina

Copyright© 2021, 2018, 2015 by Pearson Education, Inc., 221 River Street, Hoboken, NJ 07030, or its affiliates. All Rights Reserved. Printed in the United States of America. This publication is protected by copyright, and permission should be obtained from the publisher prior to any prohibited reproduction, storage in a retrieval system, or transmission in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise. For information regarding permissions, request forms and the appropriate contacts within the Pearson Education Global Rights & Permissions department, please visit www.pearsoned.com/ permissions I.

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Feldman, Robert S. (Robert Stephen). Title: Discovering the life span/Robert S. Feldman, University of

Massachusetts, Amherst. Description: Fifth edition. I New York, NY : Pearson Education, Inc.,

[2021] I Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019021013 I ISBN 9780135710869 (paperback) Subjects: LCSH: Developmental psychology. I Life cycle, Human. I Human

growth. Classification: LCC BF713 .F46 2021 I DDC 155-dc23 LC record available at https:/ /lccn.loc.gov /2019021013

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ISBN 10: 0-13-5685 37-0 ISBN 13: 978-0-13-568537-2

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Instructor's Review Copy

ISBN 10: 0-13-570677-7 ISBN 13: 978-0-13-570677-0

Brief Contents

1 Introduction 1 6 Adolescence 258 Module 1.1 Beginnings 3 Module 6.1 Physical Development in Adolescence 259 Module 1.2 Theoretical Perspectives on Lifespan Module 6.2 Cognitive Development in Adolescence 274

Deve lopment 11 Module 6.3 Social and Personality Development Module 1.3 Research Methods 25 in Adolescence 284

2 The Start of Life 40 7 Early Adulthood 309 Module 2.1 Prenatal Development 42 Module 7.1 Physical Development in Early Module 2.2 Prenatal Growth and Change 59 Adulthood 311 Module 2.3 Birth and the Newborn Infant 70 Module 7.2 Cognitive Development in Early

Adulthood 319

3 Infancy 94 Module 7.3 Social and Personality Development in Early Adulthood 330 Module 3.1 Physical Development in Infancy 96 Module 3.2 Cognitive Development in Infancy 116 8 Middle Adulthood 353 Module 3.3 Social and Personality Development

Module 8.1 Physical Development in Middle in Infancy 137

Adulthood 354 Module 8.2 Cognitive Development in Middle

4 The Preschool Years 155 Adulthood 367 Module 4.1 Physical Development in the

Module 8.3 Social and Personality Development

in Middle Adulthood 373 Preschool Years 157

Module 4.2 Cognitive Development in the 9 Late Adulthood Preschool Years 165 395 Module 4.3 Social and Personality Development

Module 9.1 Physical Development in Late Adulthood 397 in the Preschool Years 181

Module 9.2 Cognitive Development in Late Adulthood 412 Module 9.3 Social and Personality Development

5 Middle Childhood 202 in Late Adulthood 418 Module 5.1 Physical Development in

10 Middle Chi ldhood 204 Death and Dying 440 Module 5.2 Cognitive Development in

Module 10.1 Death and Dying Across the Life Span 441 Middle Chi ldhood 215

Module 5.3 Social and Personality Development Module 10.2 Confronting Death 448

in Middle Childhood 235 Module 10.3 Grief and Bereavement 455

vii

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Contents

Preface About the Author

1 Introduction

xvn xxx

Module 1.1 Beginnings 3 An Orientation to Lifespan Development 4

Characterizing Lifespan Development: The Scope of the Field 4

TOPICAL AREAS IN LIFESPAN DEVELOPMENT • AGE

RANGES AND INDIVIDUAL DI FFERENCES • THE LINKS BETWEEN TOPICS AND AGES

Cohort and Other Influences on Development: Developing with Others in a Social World 6

Cultural Dimensions How Culture, Ethnicity, and Race I nfluence Development 7

Key Issues and Questions: Determining the

Nature-and Nurture-of Lifespan Development 8

Continuous Change Versus Discontinuous Change 8

Critical and Sensitive Periods: Gauging the Impact of Environmental Events 8

Lifespan Approaches Versus a Focus on Particular Periods 9

The Relative Influence o f Nature and Nurture on Development 9

Review, Check, and Apply 1 O Module 1.2 Theoretical Perspectives

on Lifespan Development 11 The Psychodynamic, Behavioral, and Cognitive

Perspectives 12

The Psychodynamic Perspective: Focusing on the Inner Person 12

FREUD'S PSYCHOANALYTIC THEORY • ERIKSON 'S PSYCHOSOCIAL THEORY • ASSESSING THE

PSYCHODYNAM IC PERSPECTIVE

The Behavioral Perspective: Focusing on Observable Behavior

CLASSICAL CONDITIONING: STIMULUS SUBSTITUTION • OPERANT CONDITIONING • SOCIAL-COG NITIVE LEARNING

THEORY: LEARNING THROUGH IMITATION • ASSESSING THE

BEHAVIORAL PERSPECTIVE

The Cognitive Perspective: Examining the Roots of Understanding

PIAGET'S THEORY OF COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT •

ASSESSING PIAGET'S THEORY • INFORMATION

PROCESSING APPROACHES • ASSESSING INFORMATION PROCESSING APPROACHES • COGNITIVE NEUROSCIENCE

APPROACHES • ASSESSING COG NITIVE NEUROSCIENCE

APPROACHES

The Humanistic, Contextual, and Evolutionary Perspectives 18

The Humanistic Perspective: Concentrating on Uniquely Human Qualities

ASSESSING THE HUMANISTIC PERSPECTIVE

The Contextual Perspective: Taking a Broad Approach to Development

THE BIOECOLOGICAL APPROACH TO DEVELOPMENT • ASSESSING THE BIOECOLOGICAL APPROACH •

VYGOTSKY'S SOCIOCULTURAL THEORY • ASSESSING

VYGOTSKY'S THEORY

Evolutionary Perspectives: Our Ancestors'

Contributions to Behavior 21

ASSESSING THE EVOLUTIONARY PERSPECTIVE

W h y "W hich Approach Is Right?" Is the Wrong Question 22

Review, Check, and Apply 23

Module 1.3 Research Methods 25 Theories, Hypotheses, and Correlational Studies 25

Theories and Hypotheses: Posing Developmental Questions 25

Choosing a Research Strategy: Answering Questions 26

Correlational Studies 26

THE CORRELATION COEFFICIENT • TYPES OF

CORRELATIONAL STUDIES • ETHNOGRAPHY AND QUALITATIVE RESEARCH • PSYCHOPHYSIOLOGICAL METHODS

Experiments: Determining Cause and Effect 29

The Basics of Experiments 29

INDEPENDENT AND DEPENDENT VARIABLES • CHOOSING A RESEARCH SETTING

Theoretical and Applied Research: Complementary

Approaches 32

From Research to Practice Using Lifespan Developmental Research to I mprove Public Policy 32

Measuring Developmental Change 33

LONGITUDINAL STUDIES: MEASURING

INDIVIDUAL CHANGE • CROSS-SECTIONAL

STUDIES • SEQUENTIAL STUD IES

Ethics and Research

Development in Your Life Thinking Critically About "Expert" Advice Rev iew, Check, and Apply

Chapter 1 Summary: Putting It All Together: Introduction

2 The Start of Life Module 2.1 Prenatal Development

Earliest Development

Genes and Chromosomes: The Code of Life

MULTIPLE BIRTHS: TWO-OR MORE-FOR THE GENETIC

PRICE OF ONE • BOY OR GIRL? ESTABLISHI NG THE SEX

OF THE C HILD

The Basics of Genetics: The Mixing and Matching of Traits

TRANSMISSION OF GENETIC INFORMATION • POLYGENIC

TRAITS • THE HUMAN GENOME AND BEHAVIORAL GENETICS:

CRACKING THE GENETIC CODE • INHERITED AND GENETIC DISORDERS: WHEN DEVELOPMENT DEVIATES FROM THE NORM

42 42

x Contents

Cultural Dimensions Overcoming Racial and Genetic Counseling: Predicting the Future from the Genes of the Present 48 Cultural Differences in Infant Mortality 84

PRENATAL TESTING • SCREENING FOR FUTURE PROBLEMS

The Interaction of Heredity and Environment 50

The Role of the Environment in Determining the Expression of Genes: From Genotypes to Phenotypes 50

INTERACTION OF FACTORS • STUDYING DEVELOPMENT:

HOW MUCH IS NATURE? HOW MUCH IS NURTURE?

From Research to Practice When Nurture Becomes Nature 51 Genetics and the Environment: Working Together 53

PHYSICAL TRAITS: FAMILY RESEMBLANCES • INTELLIGENCE:

MORE RESEARCH, MORE CONTROVERSY • GENETIC AND ENVIRONM ENTAL INFLUENCES ON PERSONALITY: DO WE

INHERIT OUR PERSONALITY?

Cultural Dimensions Cultural Differences in Physical Arousal: Might a Culture's Phi losophical Outlook Be Determined by Genetics? 56

PSYCHOLOGICAL DISORDERS: THE ROLE OF GENETI CS

AND ENVIRONMENT

Can Genes Influence the Environment?

Review, Check, and Apply

Module 2.2 Prenatal Growth and Change

The Prenatal Period

The Moment o f Conception and the Onset of Development

THE GERMINAL STAGE: FERTI LIZATION TO 2 WEEKS • THE EM BRYON IC STAGE: 2 TO 8 WEEKS • THE FETAL STAGE: 8 WEEKS TO B IRTH

Pregnancy Problems

IN FERTILITY • MISCARRIAGE AND ABORTION

POSTPARTUM DEPRESSION: MOVING FROM THE HEIGHTS

OF JOY TO THE DEPTHS OF DESPAIR

The Highly Competent Newborn

Physical Competence: Meeting the Demands of a New Environment

Sensory Capabilities: Experiencing the World

CIRCUMCISION OF NEWBORN MALE INFANTS

Early Learning Capabilities

CLASSI CAL CONDITIONING • OPERANT

CONDITIONING • HABITUATION

Social Competence: Responding to Others

Review, Check, and App ly

Chapter 2 Summary: Putting It All Together: The Start of Life

3 Infancy

Module 3.1 Physical Development in Infancy 96 Growth and Stability 96

Physical Growth: The Rapid Advances of Infancy 96

The Nervous System and Brain: The Foundations of Development 98

SYNAPTIC PRUNING • ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES

ON BRAIN DEVELOPMENT

Integrating the Bodily Systems: The Life Cycles of Infancy 100

RHYTHMS AND STATES • SLEEP: PERCHANCE TO DREAM? • SI DS: THE UNANTICIPATED KILLER

Motor Development The Prenatal Environment: Threats to Development

MOTHER'S DIET • MOTHER'S AGE • MOTHER'S

64 Reflexes: Our Inborn Physical Skills

104

HEALTH • MOTHER'S DRUG USE • MOTHER'S USE OF

ALCOHOL AND TOBACCO • DO FATHERS AFFECT THE PRENATAL ENVIRONMENT?

Development in Your Life Optimizing the Prenatal Environment Review, Check, and Apply

Module 2.3 Birth and the Newborn Infant

Birth

From Labor to Delivery

LABOR: THE PROCESS OF BIRTH BEGINS • BIRTH:

FROM FETUS TO NEONATE

Approaches to Childbirth: Where Medicine and Attitudes Meet

ALTERNATIVE BI RTH ING PROCEDURES • CHI LDB IRTH

ATIENDANTS: WHO DELIVERS? • USE OF ANESTHESIA

AND PAIN-REDUCING DRUGS • POSTDELIVERY HOSPITAL STAY : DELIVER, THEN DEPART?

Development in Your Life Dealing with Labor Birth Complications

Preterm Infants and Postmature Babies

VERY-LOW-BIRTHWEIGHT INFANTS: THE SMALLEST OF THE

SMALL • WHAT CAUSES PRETERM AND LOW-BIRTHWEIGHT

DELIVERIES? • POSTMATURE BABIES: LATER, LARGER

Cesarean Delivery: Intervening in the Process of Birth

Stillbirth, Infant Mortality, and Postpartum Depression

STILLBIRTH AND INFANT MORTALITY: THE TRAGEDY OF

PREMATURE DEATH

6 9

THE BASIC REFLEXES • ETHNIC AND CULTURAL

DIFFERENCES AND SIMILARITIES I N REFLEXES

Motor Development in Infancy: Landmarks of Physical Achievement

GROSS MOTOR SKILLS • FINE MOTOR SKILLS •

DEVELOPMENTAL NORMS: COMPARING THE INDIVIDUAL TO THE GROUP

Nutrition in Infancy: Fueling Motor Development

MALNUTRITION

Cultural Dimensions Motor Development Across Cultures

OBESITY • BREAST OR BOTILE? • INTRODUCING

SOLID FOODS: WHEN AND WHAT?

The Development of the Senses

Experiencing the World: The Sensory Capabilities of Infants

VISUAL PERCEPTION • AUDITORY PERCEPTION: THE WORLD OF SOUND • SMELL AND TASTE • SENSITIVITY TO

PAIN • RESPONDING TO TOUCH

Multimodal Perception: Combining Individual Sensory Inputs

Development in Your Life Exercising Your Infant's Body and Senses Review, Check, and App ly

Module 3.2 Cognitive Development in I nfancy Piaget's Approach to Cognitive Development

Key Elements o f Piaget's Theory

106

108

109

111

114

115

1 1 5

116

117

SUBSTAGE 1 : SIMPLE REFLEXES • SUBSTAGE 2: FI RST HABITS AND PRIMARY CIRCULAR REACTIONS •

SUBSTAGE 3: SECONDARY CIRCULAR REACTIONS •

SUBSTAGE 4: COORDI NATION OF SECONDARY CIRCULAR REACTIONS • SUBSTAGE 5: TERTIARY CIRCULAR

REACTIONS • SUBSTAGE 6: BEGINNINGS OF THOUGHT

Appraising Piaget: Support and Challenges

Information Processing Approaches to Cognitive

Development

The Foundations of Information Processing: Encoding, Storage, and Retrieval

AUTOMATIZATION • MEMORY CAPAB ILITIES IN INFANCY

Individual Differences in Intelligence: Is One Infant Smarter Than Another?

DEVELOPM ENTAL SCALES • INFORMATI ON PROCESSI NG APPROACHES TO INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN

INTELLIGENCE • ASSESSING INFORMATION PROCESSING

APPROACHES

From Research to Practice Why Formal Education Is Lost on Infants Development in Your Life What Can You Do to Promote I nfants' Cognitive Development? The Roots o f Language

The Fundamentals of Language: From Sounds to Symbols

EARLY SOUNDS AND COMMUN ICATION • FIRST WORDS

• FIRST SENTENCES

The Origins of Language Development

LEARNING THEORY APPROACHES: LANGUAGE AS A LEARNED SKILL • NATIVIST APPROACHES: LANGUAGE

AS AN INNATE SKILL • THE INTERACTIONIST

APPROACHES • IN FANT-DIRECTED SPEECH

Cultural Dimensions Is Infant-Directed Speech Similar Across All Cultures? Review, Check, and App ly

Module 3.3 Social and Personality Development

in Infancy Developing the Roots of Sociability

Emotions in Infancy: Do Infants Experience Emotional

Contents xi

TEMPERAMENT: STABILITIES IN INFANT BEHAVIOR • GENDER: BOYS IN BLUE, GIRLS IN PINK

Family Life in the 21st Century

Development in Your Life Choosing the Right Infant Care Provider

121 Review, Check, and Apply

122

123

125

128

129

133

Chapter 3 Sum mary: Putting It All Together: Infancy

4 The Preschool Years Module 4.1 Physical Development in

the Preschool Years The Growing Body

Changes in Body Shape and Nutrition

Health and Illness

The Growing Brain

Development in Your Life Keeping Preschoolers Healthy

Brain Lateralization

The Links Between Brain Growth and Cognitive Development

Motor Development

Gross Motor Skills

Fine Motor Skills

Review, Check, and Apply

Module 4.2 Cognitive Development in the Preschool Years

Piaget's Approach to Cognitive Development

Piaget's Stage of Preoperational Thinking

THE RELATION BETWEEN LANGUAGE AND THOUGHT • 1 3 5 CENTRATION: WHAT YOU SEE IS WHAT YOU THINK • 136

137

CONSERVATION: LIEARNING THAT APPEARANCES ARE

DECEIVING • INCOMPLETE UNDERSTANDING OF TRANSFORMATION • EGOCENTRISM: THE INABILITY TO

TAKE OTHERS' PERSPECTIVES • THE EMERGENCE OF

INTUITIVE THOUGHT

149

151

1 52

1 54

155

157

159

160

161

162

164

1 64

165

166

Highs and Lows? 137

Evaluating Piaget's Approach to Cognitive Development 169

STRANGER ANXIETY AND SEPARATION ANXIETY • SM ILING • DECODING OTH ERS' FACIAL EXPRESSIONS •

SOCIAL REFERENCING: FEELING WHAT OTH ERS FEEL

Alternative Approaches: Information Processing

Theory and Vygotsky 169

The Development of Self 140 Information Processing Approaches to Cognitive Development 170

SELF-AWARENESS • THEORY OF MIND: INFANTS' PERSPECTIVES ON THE MENTAL LIVES OF OTHERS AND

THEMSELVES

Forming Relationships

Attachment: Forming Social Bonds

THE AINSWORTH STRANGE SITUATION AND PATIERNS OF

ATIACHMENT • PRODUCING ATIAC HMENT: THE ROLES OF

MOTHER AND FATHER

Cultural Dimensions Does Attachment Differ Across Cultures?

Infants' Sociability with Their Peers: Infant-Infant Interaction

Differences Among Infants

Personality Development: The Characteristics That Make Infants Unique

141

PRESCHOOLERS' UNDERSTANDING OF NUMBERS • MEMORY: RECALLI NG THE PAST • CHILDREN'S

EYEWITNESS TESTIMONY: MEMORY ON TRIAL •

INFORMATION PROCESSING IN PERSPECTIVE

Vygotsky's View of Cognitive Development: Taking Culture into Account

THE ZONE OF PROXIMAL DEVELOPMENT AND SCAFFOLDING:

FOUNDATIONS OF COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT • EVALUATI NG

VYGOTSKY'S CONTRIBUTIONS

172

1 4 4 The Growth o f Language and Learning 174

Language Development 174

145 PRIVATE SPEECH • SOCIAL SPEECH

145 Informal and Formal Learning 176

MEDIA AND SCREEN TIME IN THE LIVES OF PRESCHOOLERS

146 • THE UP- AND DOWNSIDES OF MEDIA VIEWING

xii Contents

From Research to Practice Screen Time and the Video Deficit

EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATI ON: TAKING THE "PRE" OUT

OF THE PRESCHOOL PERIOD • THE VARIETIES OF EARLY EDUCATION • THE EFFECTIVENESS OF CHILD CARE •

THE QUALITY OF CHILD CARE

Cultural Dimensions Preschools Around the World: Why Does the United States Lag Behind? Review, Check, and Apply

Module 4.3 Social and Personality Development in the Preschool Years

Forming a Sense of Self

Self-Concept in the Preschool Years

PSYCHOSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: RESOLVING THE

CONFLICTS • SELF-CONCEPT: THINKING ABOUT THE SELF

Cultural Dimensions Developing Racial and Ethnic Awareness

Gender Identity: Developing Femaleness and Maleness

BIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES • SOCIAL LEARNI NG APPROACHES • COGNITIVE APPROACHES

Friends and Family: Preschoolers' Social Lives

The Development of Friendships

PLAYING BY THE RULES: THE WORK AND CATEGORIZATION

OF PLAY • THE SOCIAL ASPECTS OF PLAY

Preschoolers' Theory of Mind: Understanding What Others Are Thinking

Preschoolers' Family Lives

CHANGES IN FAM ILY LIFE • EFFECTIVE PARENTI NG: TEACH ING DESIRED BEHAVIOR

Development in Your Life Disciplining Children CULTURAL DIFFERENCES IN CH ILDREARING PRACTICES

Child Abuse, Neglect, and Resilience: The Hidden Side of Family Life

CHI LDHOOD SEXUAL ABUSE • THE WARNING SIGNS

OF ABUSE • REASONS FOR PHYSICAL ABUSE • THE CYCLE OF VIOLENCE HYPOTHESIS • PSYCHOLOGICAL

MALTREATMENT • RESI LIENCE: OVERCOMING

THE ODDS

Moral Development and Aggression

Developing Morality: Following Society's Rights and Wrongs

PIAGET'S VIEW OF MORAL DEVELOPMENT • SOCIAL

LEARNING APPROACHES TO MORALITY • GENETIC APPROACHES TO MORALITY • EMPATH Y AND MORAL

BEHAVIOR

Aggression and Violence in Preschoolers: Sources and Consequences

THE ROOTS OF AGGRESSION • SOCIAL LEARNING

APPROACHES TO AGGRESSION • VIEWING VIOLENCE ON

TV: DOES IT MATIER? • COGNITIVE APPROACHES TO AGGRESSION: THE THOUGHTS BEHIND VIOLENCE

Development in Your Life Increasing Moral Behavior and Reducing Aggression in Preschool-Age Children Review, Check, and Apply

Chapter 4 Summary: Putti ng It All Together: The Preschool Years

177

179

180

1 81 181

181

182

183

185

186

187

188

190

193

194

195

199

201

5 Middle Childhood 202 Module 5.1 Physical Development in

Middle Childhood 204 The Growing Body 204

Height and Weight Changes 204

Nutrition and Obesity 205

Development in Your Life Keeping Children Fit 207 Motor Development and Safety 207

Leaps and Bounds: The Rapid Growth of Motor Skills 207

GROSS MOTOR SKILLS • FINE MOTOR SKILLS

Health and Safety During Middle Childhood 208

ASTHMA • ACCIDENTS • SAFETY IN CYBERSPACE •

PSYCHOLOG ICAL DISORDERS

Children with Special Needs 211

Sensory Difficulties and Learning Disabilities 211

VISUAL PROBLEMS • AUDITORY PROBLEMS • SPEECH

PROBLEMS • LEARNING DISABILITIES : DISCREPANCIES

BETWEEN ACHIEVEMENT AND CAPACITY TO LEARN

Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder 212

Review, Check, and App ly 2 1 4

Module 5.2 Cognitive Development i n Middle Childhood 215

Intellectual and Language Development 215

Perspectives on Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood 215

PIAGETIAN APPROACHES TO COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT • INFORMATION PROCESSING IN MI DDLE

CHILDHOOD • VYGOTS KY'S APPROACH TO COGNITIVE

DEVELOPMENT AND CLASSROOM INSTRUCTION

Language Development: What Words Mean 219

MASTERING THE MECHANICS OF LANGUAGE •

METALINGU ISTIC AWARENESS • HOW LANGUAGE

PROMOTES SELF-CONTROL • BILINGUALISM: SPEAKI NG IN MANY TONGUES

Schooling: The Three Rs (and More) of Middle Childhood 221 Reading: Learning to Decipher the Meaning Behind Words 222

READING STAGES • HOW SHOULD WE TEACH READING?

Educational Trends: Beyond the Three Rs 223

CULTURAL ASSIM I LATION OR PLURALISTIC SOCIETY?

Cultural Dimensions Multicultural Education 224 FOSTERIN G A BICULTURAL IDENTITY • SCHOOLING

AROUND THE WORLD AND ACROSS GENDERS:

WHO GETS EDUCATED?

Intelligence: Determining Individual Strengths 225

Intelligence Benchmarks: Differentiating the Intelligent from the Unintelligent 225

BINET'S TEST • MEASURING IQ: PRESENT- DAY

APPROACHES TO INTELLIGENCE • WHAT IQ TESTS

DON'T TELL: ALTERNATIVE CONCEPTIONS OF INTELLIGENCE • GROUP DIFFERENCES IN IQ

Below and Above Intelligence Norms: Intellectual Disabilities and Intellectual Giftedness 231

BELOW THE NORM: INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY •

ABOVE THE NORM: THE GIFTED AND TALENTED

Review, Check, and App ly 234

Contents xiii

Module 5.3 Social and Personality Development Threats to Adolescents' Well-Being 267

in Middle Childhood 235 Drugs, Alcohol, and Tobacco 268 The Developing Self 236 DRUG ABUSE • ALCOHOL: USE AND ABUSE

A Different Mirror: The Changing Ways Children Development in Your Life Hooked on Drugs View Themselves 236 or Alcohol? 270

PSYCHOSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD: TOBACCO: THE DANGERS OF SMOKING INDUSTRY VERSUS INFERIORITY • UNDERSTANDING

Sexually Transmitted Infections ONE' S SELF: A NEW RESPONSE TO "WHO AM I?" •

271

SELF-ESTEEM: DEVELOPING A POSITIVE-OR NEGATIVE- Review, Check, and Apply 273 VIEW OF ONESELF Module 6.2 Cognitive Development in Adolescence 274

Cultural Dimensions Are Children of I m migrant Cognitive Development 274 Families Well Adjusted? 239 Piagetian Approaches to Cognitive Development:

Moral Development 239 Using Formal Operations 275

Relationships: Building Friendship in Middle Childhood 242 USING FORMAL OPERATIONS TO SOLVE PROBLEMS •

Stages of Friendship: Changing Views of Friends 243 THE CONSEQUENCES OF ADOLESCENTS ' USE OF FORMAL

STAGE 1: BASING FRIENDSHIP ON OTHERS' BEHAVIOR • OPERATIONS • EVALUATING PIAGET'S APPROACH

STAGE 2: BASING FRIENDSHIP ON TRUST • STAGE 3: BASING Information Processing Perspectives: Gradual

FRIENDSH IP ON PSYCHOLOGICAL CLOSENESS • INDIVIDUAL Transformations in Abilities 277 DIFFERENCES IN FRIENDSHIP: WHAT MAKES A CHILD M ETACOGNITION: THINKING ABOUT THINKING • POPULAR? • BULLYING: SCHOOLYARD AND ONLINE EGOCENTRISM IN TH INKING: ADOLESCENTS' VICTIMIZATION SELF-ABSORPTION

Development in Your Life Increasing Children's School Performance 278 Social Competence 246 Adolescent School Performance: A Complex Picture 279

Gender, Race, and Friendships 247 SOCIOECONOM IC STATUS AND SCHOOL PERFORMANCE: GENDER AND FRIENDSHIPS: THE SEX SEGREGATION OF INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN ACHIEVEMENT • ETHNIC AND

MIDDLE CHILDHOOD • CROSS-RACE FRIENDSHIPS: RACIAL DIFFERENCES IN SCHOOL ACHIEVEMENT •

INTEGRATION IN AND OUT OF THE CLASSROOM DROPPING OUT OF SCHOOL

Family Life in Middle Childhood 249 Adolescents' Merna Use: Screen Tune in the Digital Age 281 Families Today: A Variety of Constellations 249 Review, Check, and App ly 283

FAMILY LIFE: THE INFLUENCE OF PARENTS AND SIBLINGS Module 6.3 Social and Personality Development • SINGLE-PARENT FAMILIES • MULTIGENERATIONAL in Adolescence 284 FAMILIES • LIVING IN BLENDED FAMILIES • FAM I LIES

Identity: Asking "Who Am I?" WITH GAY, LESBIAN, AND TRANSGENDER PARENTS • RACE

284

AND FAMILY LIFE Self-Concept and Self-Esteem 284

From Research to Practice Two Morns, Two Dads: SELF-CONCEPT: WHAT AM I LIKE? • SELF-ESTEEM: HOW

How Do Children Fare with Gay, Lesbian, and DO I LIKE MYSELF? • GENDER DIFFERENCES IN SELF- ESTEEM • SES AND RACE DIFFERENCES IN SELF-ESTEEM

Transgender Parents? 251 Challenges to Family Life 252

Perspectives on Identity Formation 286

ERIK ERIKSON: RESOLVING THE IDENTITY CRISIS • MARCIA'S HOME AND ALONE: WHAT DO CHILDREN DO? • APPROACH: UPDATI NG ERIKSON • RELIGION AND DIVORCE • POVERTY AND FAMILY LIFE • GROUP CARE: SPIRITUALITY IN IDENTITY FORMATION • THE ROLE OF ORPHANAGES IN THE 21 ST CENTURY RACE AND ETHNICITY IN IDENTITY FORMATION

Review, Check, and Apply 255 Anxiety, Depression, and Suicide: Psychological Chapter 5 Summary: Putting It All Together: Midd le Chi ldhood 257 Difficulties in Adolescence 290

ADOLESCENT ANXIETY • ADOLESCENT DEPRESSION •

6 Adolescence ADOLESCENT SUICIDE 258 Development in Your Life Preventing

Module 6.1 Physical Development in Adolescence 259 Adolescent Suicide 293 Physical Maturation 260 Relationships: Family and Friends 293

Growth During Adolescence: The Rapid Pace Family Ties: Changing Relations with Relations 293

of Physical and Sexual Maturation 260 THE QUEST FOR AUTONOMY • CULTURE AND AUTONOMY

PUBERTY IN GIRLS • PU BERTY IN BOYS • BODY IMAGE: • THE MYTH OF THE GENERATION GAP • CONFLICTS WITH

REACTIONS TO PHYSICAL CHANGES IN ADOLESCENCE • PARENTS • CULTU RAL DIFFERENCES IN PARENT-CHILD

THE TIMING OF PUBERTY: THE CONSEQUENCES OF CONFLICTS DURING ADOLESCENCE

EARLY AND LATE MATURATION Relationships with Peers: The Importance o f Belonging 296

Nutrition, Food, and Eating Disorders: Fueling SOCIAL COMPARISON • REFERENCE GROUPS • CLIQUES

the Growth of Adolescence 264 AND CROWDS: BELONGING TO A GROUP •

OBESITY • ANOREXIA NERVOSA AND BULIMIA NERVOSA GENDER RELATIONS

Brain Development and Thought: Paving the Way From Research to Practice Is Anyone "Liking"

for Cognitive Growth 266 Me? Social Comparison and Self-Esteem in the SLEEP DEPRIVATION Digital Age 297

xiv Contents

Cultural Dimensions Race Segregation: The Great Divide of Adolescence

POPULARITY AND REJECTION • CONFORMITY: PEER PRESSURE IN ADOLESCENCE • JUVENILE

DELINQUENCY: THE CRIMES OF ADOLESCENCE

298

Dating, Sexual Behavior, and Teenage Pregnancy 301

Dating: Close Relationships in the 21st Century 301

THE FUNCTIONS OF DATING • DATING, RACE, AND ETHNICITY

Sexual Relationships 302

MASTURBATION • SEXUAL INTERCOURSE • SEXUAL

ORIENTATION AND IDENTITY: LGBTQ AND MORE • WHAT DETERM INES SEXUAL ORI ENTATION? • CHALLENGES FACI NG

ADOLESCENTS WITH LGBTQ SEXUAL ORIENTATIONS AND

IDENTITIES • TEENAGE PREGNANCY

Review, Check, and Apply 306

Chapter 6 Summary: Putti ng It All Together: Adolescence 307

7 Early Adulthood Module 7 .1 Physical Development in Early

Adulthood Physical Development and Health

Physical Changes and Challenges

THE SENSES: SUBTLE S HIFTS • MOTOR

FUNCTIONI N G • PHYSICAL DISABILITIES: COPI NG WITH PHYSICAL CHALLENGE

Fitness, Diet, and Health

PHYSICAL FITNESS • GOOD NUTRITION: NO SUCH

THING AS A FREE LUNCH? • OBESITY • HEALTH

Cultural Dimensions How Cultural Beliefs Influence Health and Health Care Stress and Coping: Dealing with Life's Challenges

The Origins and Consequences of Stress

Coping with Stress

Development in Your Life Coping with Stress Review, Check, and Apply

Module 7 .2 Cognitive Development

in Early Adulthood Cognitive Development and Intelligence

Intellectual Growth and Postformal Thought

From Research to Practice How Long Do Young Adult Brains Continue to Develop?

POSTFORMAL THOUGHT • PERRY'S APPROACH TO

POSTFORMAL THINKING • SCHAIE'S STAGES OF

DEVELOPMENT • LIFE EVENTS AND COGN ITIVE DEVELOPMENT • COMPARING THE THEORI ES OF

POSTFORMAL THOUGHT

Intelligence: What Matters in Early Adulthood?

PRACTICAL AND EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE • CREATIVITY: NOVEL THOUGHT

College: Pursuing Higher Education

The Demographics o f Higher Education: Who Attends College?

THE GENDER GAP IN COLLEGE ATIENDANCE • THE CHANGING COLLEGE STU DENT: NEVER TOO LATE

TO GO TO COLLEGE?

The Effects of Gender Bias and Negative Stereotypes on College Performance

309

311

312

314

315

317

3 1 8

319

320

322

324

325

326

GENDER BIAS • STEREOTYPE THREAT AND DISIDENTIFICATION WITH SCHOOL • COLLEGE

ADJUSTMENT: REACTING TO THE DEMANDS OF COLLEGE LIFE

Development in Your Life When Do College Students Need Professional Help with Their Problems? Review, Check, and App ly

Module 7 .3 Social and Personality Development

in Early Adulthood Forging Relationships: Intimacy, Liking, and Loving

During Emerging and Early Adulthood

Emerging Adulthood

Intimacy, Friendship, and Love

SEEKING INTIMACY : ERIKSON'S VIEW OF YOUNG

ADULTHOOD • FRIENDSHIP • FALLING IN LOVE: WHEN

LIKING TURNS TO LOVING

The Faces of Love

PASSIONATE AND COMPANIONATE LOVE: THE TWO FACES

OF LOVE • STERNBERG 'S TRIANGU LAR THEORY:

THE THREE FACES OF LOVE

Choosing a Partner: Recognizing Mr. or Ms. Right

SEEKING A SPOUSE: IS LOVE THE ONLY THING THAT

MATIERS? • FILTERING MODELS: SIFTING OUT A SPOUSE

Cultural Dimensions Gay and Lesbian Relationships: Men with Men and Women with Women

ATIACHM ENT STYLES AND ROMANTIC RELATIONSHIPS: DO ADULT LOVING STYLES REFLECT ATIACHMENT

IN INFANCY?

The Course of Relationships

Cohabitation, Marriage, and Other Relationship

329

330

331

332

334

336

338

339

Choices: Sorting Out the Options of Early Adulthood 339

MARRIAGE • WHAT MAKES MARR IAGE WORK? • EARLY

MARITAL CONFLICT • STAYING SINGLE: I WANT TO BE ALONE

Parenthood: Choosing to Have Children 342

FAMILY S IZE • DUAL-EAR NER COUPLES • THE TRANSITION TO PARENTHOOD: TWO'S A COUPLE,

THREE'S A CROWD? • GAY AND LESBIAN PARENTS

Work: Choosing and Embarking on a Career

The Role of Work

IDENTITY DURING YOUNG ADULTHOOD • WHY DO

PEOPLE WORK? MORE THAN EARN ING A LIVING

Picking an Occupation: Choosing Life's Work

GINZBERG'S CAREER CHOICE THEORY • HOLLAND'S PERSONALITY TYPE THEORY • GENDER AND CAREER

CHOICES: WOMEN'S WORK

Development in Your Life Choosing a Career Review, Check, and App ly

Chapter 7 Summary: Putting It All Together: Early Adulthood

8 Middle Adulthood Module 8.1 Physical Development

in Middle Adulthood Physical Development and Sexuality

Physical Transitions: The Gradual Change in the Body's Capabilities

HEIGHT, WEIGHT, AND STRENGTH: THE BENCHMARKS OF

CHANGE • THE SENSES: THE SIGHTS AND SOUNDS OF

MIDDLE AGE

345

347

348 350 352

353

3 5 4

355

Contents xv

Sexuality in Middle Adulthood: The True, the False, and the Controversial

Development in Your Life Dealing with 358 Spousal and I ntimate Partner Abuse

THE ONGOING SEXUALITY OF MI DDLE AGE • THE FEMALE CLIMACTERIC AND MENOPAUSE • THE DILEMMA

OF HORMONE THERAPY: NO EASY ANSWER • THE

PSYCHOLOG ICAL CONSEQUENCES OF MENOPAUSE • THE MALE CLIMACTERIC

Health

Wellness and Illness: The Ups and Downs of Middle Adulthood

Cultural Dimensions Individual Variation in Health: Socioeconomic Status and Gender Differences

Heart Disease and Cancer: The Big Worries of Middle Adulthood

THE A'S AND B'S OF HEART DISEASE: HEALTH

AND PERSONALITY • THE THREAT OF CANCER

From Research to Practice Routine Mammograms: At What Age Should Women Start?

Review, Check, and App ly

Module 8.2 Cognitive Development in Middle Adulthood

Intelligence and Memory

Does Intelligence Decline in Adulthood?

THE DIFFICULTIES IN ANSWERING THE QUESTION • CRYSTALLIZED AND FLUID INTELLIGENCE • REFRAMI NG

THE ISSUE: WHAT IS THE SOURCE OF COMPETENCE DURING

MIDDLE ADULTHOOD? • THE DEVELOPMENT OF EXPERTISE: SEPARATI NG EXPERTS FROM NOVICES

361

363

364

366

367

368

How Does Aging Affect Memory? 371

TYPES OF MEMORY • MEMORY SCHEMAS

Development in Your Life Effective Strategies for Remembering 372 Review, Check, and App ly 373

Module 8.3 Social and Personality Development

in Middle Adulthood 373 Personality Development 374

Perspectives on Adult Personality Development 374

ERIKSON'S STAGE OF GEN ERATIVITY VERSUS STAGNATION • BUILDING ON ERIKSON'S VI EWS:

VAILLANT, GOULD, AND LEVINSON • THE MIDLIFE

CRISIS: REALITY OR MYTH?

Stability Versus Change in Personality

Cultural Dimensions Middle Age: In Some Cultures It Doesn't Exist

STABILITY AND CHANGE IN THE "BIG FIVE" PERSONALITY

TRAITS • HAPPINESS ACROSS THE LIFE SPAN

Relationships: Family in Middle Age

Marriage and Divorce

THE UPS AND DOWNS OF MARRIAGE • DIVORCE •

REMARRIAGE

Family Evolutions

BOOMERANG CHILDREN: REFILLING THE EMPTY NEST •

THE SANDWICH GENERATION: BETWEEN CHILDREN AND PARENTS • BECOMING A GRANDPARENT: WHO, ME?

Family Violence: The Hidden Epidemic

THE STAGES OF SPOUSAL ABUSE • THE CYCLE OF

VIOLENCE • SPOUSAL ABUSE AND SOCIETY: THE CULTURAL ROOTS OF VIOLENCE

377

379

382

385

Work and Leisure

Work in Middle Adulthood: The Good and the Bad

WORK AND CAREERS: JOBS AT MIDLIFE • CHALLENGES OF WORK: ON-THE-JOB SATISFACTION • UNEM PLOYMENT:

THE DASH ING OF THE DREAM • SWITCHING-AND

STARTING-CAREERS AT MIDLIFE

Cultural Dimensions Immigrants on the Job: Making It in America

Leisure Time: Life Beyond Work

Review, Check, and Apply

Chapter 8 Summary: Putt ing It All Together: Middle Ad ulthood

9 Late Adulthood Module 9.1 Physical Development in

Late Adulthood Physical Development in Late Adulthood

Aging: Myth and Reality

THE DEMOGRAPH ICS OF LATE ADULTHOOD • AGEISM:

CONFRONTING THE STEREOTYPES OF LATE ADULTHOOD

Physical Transitions in Older People

OUTWARD SIGNS OF AGING • INTERNAL AGING •

SLOWING REACTION TIM E

The Senses: Sight, Sound, Taste, and Smell

VISION • HEARING • TASTE AND SMELL

The Impact o f Aging on Health

Health Problems and Wellness in Older People

COMMON PHYSICAL DISORDERS • PSYCHOLOGICAL

AND MENTAL DISORDERS • ALZHEIMER'S DISEASE • WELLNESS IN LATE ADULTHOOD: THE RELATIONSH IP

BETWEEN AGING AND ILLNESS

Development in Your Life Caring for People with Alzheimer's Disease

SEXUALITY IN OLD AGE: USE IT OR LOSE IT

Approaches to Aging: Why Is Death Inevitable?

RECONC ILING THE THEORIES OF AG ING • LIFE EXPECTANCY:

HOW LONG HAVE I GOT? • POSTPONING AGING: CAN SCIENTISTS FIND THE FOUNTAIN OF YOUTH?

Cultural Dimensions Racial and Ethnic Differences in Life Expectancy Review, Check, and Apply

Module 9.2 Cognitive Development in Late Adulthood

Intelligence

Cognitive Functioning in Older People

Recent Conclusions About the Nature of Intelligence in Late Adulthood

Memory and Leaming

Memory

AUTOB IOGRAPH ICAL MEMORY: RECALLI NG THE DAYS OF OUR LIVES • EXPLAININ G MEMORY CHANGES IN OLD AGE

Never Too Late to Learn

From Research to Practice Can We Train the Brain? Interventions to Improve Cognitive Functioning Review, Check, and Apply

387

388

391

392

394

395

397

400

401

403

404

407

408

410

411

412

413

414

416

417 417

xvi Contents

Module 9.3 Social and Personality Development

in Late Adulthood 4 1 8

Personality Development and Successful Aging 419

Continuity and Change in Personality During Late Adulthood 419

EGO INTEGRITY VERSUS DESPAIR: ERIKSON '$ FINAL STAGE • PECK'S DEVELOPM ENTAL TASKS • LEVINSON'$ FINAL SEASON: THE WINTER OF LIFE • COPING WITH AGING:

NEUGARTEN'S STUDY • LIFE REVIEW AND REMINISCENCE: THE COMMON THEME OF PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT

Age Stratification Approaches to Late Adulthood 422

Cultural Dimensions How Culture Shapes the Way We Treat People in Late Adulthood 422

Does Age Bring Wisdom? 423

Successful Aging: W hat Is the Secret?

DISENGAGEMENT THEORY : GRADUAL RETREAT • ACTIVITY

THEORY: CONTINUED INVOLVEMENT • CONTI NUITY THEORY: A COMPROMISE POSITION • SELECTIVE

OPTI MIZATION WITH COMPENSATION: A GENERAL MODEL OF

SUCCESSFUL AGING

The Daily Life of Late Adulthood

Living Arrangements: The Places and Spaces of Their Lives

LIVING AT HOME • SPECIALIZED LIVING

ENVIRONMENTS • INSTITUTIONALISM AND LEARNED HELPLESSNESS

Finances, Work, and Retirement

THE ECONOMICS OF LATE ADULTHOOD • WORK AND

RETIREMENT IN LATE ADULTHOOD

Development in Your Life Planning for-and Living-a Good Retirement Relationships: Old and New

Marriage in the Later Years: Together, Then Alone

DIVORCE • DEALING WITH RETIREMENT: TOO MUCH

TOGETH ERNESS? • CARING FOR AN AGING SPOUSE OR PARTN ER • THE DEATH OF A SPOUSE OR PARTNER

Friends and Family in Late Adulthood

FRIENDSHIP: WHY FRIENDS MATTER IN LATE

ADULTHOOD • FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS: THE TIES THAT BIND

Elder Abuse: Relationships Gone Wrong

Review, Check, and Apply

Chapter 9 Summary: Putting It All Together: Late Adulthood

426

428

431

434

436

437

439

10 Death and Dying Module 10.1 Death and Dying Across the Life Span Understanding Death

Defining Death: When Does Life End?

Death Across the Life Span: Causes and Reactions

DEATH IN INFANCY AND CHILDHOOD • CHI LDHOOD

CONCEPTIONS OF DEATH • DEATH IN ADOLESCENCE •

DEATH IN YOUNG ADULTHOOD • DEATH IN MIDDLE ADULTHOOD • DEATH IN LATE ADULTHOOD

Cultural Dimensions Differing Conceptions of Death Death Education: Preparing for the Inevitable?

Review, Check, and Apply

Module 10.2 Confronting Death

Understanding the Process of Dying

Steps Toward Death: Kiibler-Ross's Theory

DENIAL • ANGER • BARGAIN ING • DEPRESSION •

ACCEPTANCE • EVALUATING KUBLER-ROSS'$

THEORY • ALTERNATIVES TO KUBLER-ROSS'$ THEORY Choosing the Nature of Death

DNRS • LIVING WILLS • EUTHANASIA AND

ASSISTED SUICIDE

W here to Die: Easing the Final Passage

Review, Check, and Apply

Module 10.3 Grief and Bereavement

440

441

442

446 446

447

448

451

453

454

455

Death: Effects on Survivors 455

Saying Farewell: Final Rites and Mourning 456

Bereavement and Grief 457

From Research to Practice Moving On: Surviving the Loss of a Long-T i me Spouse 457

DIFFER ENTIATING UNHEALTHY GRIEF FROM NORMAL

GRIEF • THE CONSEQUENCES OF GRIEF AND BEREAVEMENT

Development in Your Life Helping a Child Cope with Grief 460 Review, Check, and Apply 460

Chapter 1 O Summary: Putting It All Together: Death and Dying

Glossary

References

Name Index

Subject Index

Answers to Check Yourself Questions

461

G-1

R-1

NI-1

SI-1

A-1

Pref ace

To the Student Welcome to the field of lifespan development! It's a disci

pline that's about you, about your family and those who

came before you, and about those who may follow in your

footsteps. It's about your genetic heritage, and it's about the

world in which you were raised.

Lifespan development is a field that will speak to you

in a personal way. It covers the range of human existence

from its beginnings at conception to its inevitable ending at

death. It is a discipline that deals with ideas and concepts

and theories, but one that above all has at its heart people-

our fathers and mothers, our friends and acquaintances,

and our very selves.

But before we jump into the world of lifespan develop

ment, let's spend a little time getting to know this book and

the way it presents the material. Knowing how the book is

constructed will pay off in big ways.

Getting to Know the Book

You've probably already read a fair number of textbooks

over the course of your college career. This one is different.

Why? Because it's written from your perspective as a

student. Every word, sentence, paragraph, and feature in this book is included because it's meant to explain the field of

lifespan development in a way that excites you, engages you

with the content, and facilitates the study of the material. And

by doing that, it maximizes your chances for not only learning

the material and getting a good grade in your class, but also

applying the material in a way that will improve your life.

The organization of the book is based on what psychol

ogists know about how students study most effectively. The

text is divided into short modules, nestled within chapters,

with each module having several clearly demarcated sub

sections. By focusing your study in short sections, you're

much more likely to master the material.

Similarly, the material is organized into Learning objec

tives, abbreviated as LO. At the start of every subsection,

you'll find them in the form of statements. It makes sense

to pay particular attention to the learning objectives because

they indicate the material that instructors most want you to

learn and that they use to develop test questions. The learn

ing objectives are also listed at the beginning of each chapter.

The book also has a way of indicating which terms

are most critical to your understanding of lifespan devel

opment. Key terms and concepts are printed in boldface type, and are defined in the margins. Less-critical terms and

concepts are printed in italics and defined within the para

graph where they first appear, but not in the margin.

To further help you study, modules end with a "Review,

Check, and Apply" section. The "Review" section includes

a summary of the material in the module, organized by

learning objective. Each module also includes four "Check

Yourself" questions, which require that you recall and un

derstand the material to answer correctly. Finally, there's a

question that requires you to apply the material in the chap

ter to some real-world issue. By answering the "Applying

Lifespan Development" question, you're demonstrating a

higher-order understanding related to critical thinking.

You'll also find several recurring features in every chap

ter. There are opening vignettes designed to illustrate how

lifespan development is relevant to everyday life. There are

boxes, called "From Research to Practice," which include

recent research that is applied to current social issues, and

"Cultural Dimensions" sections that highlight multicultural

issues related to lifespan development.

Ever wish you could apply the theoretical material

you're reading about in a textbook to your own life? The sec

tion called "Development in Your Life" offers a variety of tips

and guidelines, based on the chapter's theme, ranging from

childrearing tips to choosing a career and planning your re

tirement. By applying these to your life, you'll learn the di

versity of what the field of lifespan development has to offer.

Finally, there are several features illustrating how the

material is relevant from the perspectives of people in dif

ferent roles and professions, including parents, educa

tors, healthcare providers, and social workers. "From the

Perspective of . . . " asks you questions designed to help you

think critically about how lifespan development applies

to someone working in a specific field, and "Putting It All

Together"-a summary at the end of each chapter-will

help you integrate the material in the modules and learn

how it applies across a variety of dimensions.

A Last Word . . .

I wrote this book for you. Not for your instructor, not for my

colleagues, and not to see it sitting on my own bookshelf. I

wrote this book as an opportunity to extend what I do in my own classes at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, and to

reach a wider, and more diverse, set of students. For me, there's

nothing more exciting as a college professor than to share my

teaching and knowledge with as many students as possible.

I hope this book grabs your interest in lifespan develop

ment and shows you how it can apply to your own life and

xvii

xviii Preface

improve it. Let me know if it does, or anything else you'd

like to convey to me. I'd love to hear from you, and you can

easily reach me at feldman@chancellor. umass.edu. In the meantime, enjoy your introduction to lifespan development.

To the Instructor I've never met an instructor of a lifespan development

course who didn't feel that he or she was fortunate to teach

the course. The subject matter is inherently fascinating, and

there is a wealth of information to convey that is at once

intriguing and practical. Students come to the course with

anticipation, motivated to learn about a topic that, at base,

is about their own lives and the lives of every other human

being.

At the same time, the course presents unique chal

lenges. For one thing, the breadth of lifespan development

is so vast that it is difficult to cover the entire field within

the confines of a traditional college term. In addition, many

instructors find traditional lifespan development texts too

long. Students are concerned about the length of the texts

and have trouble completing the entire book. As a result,

instructors are often reluctant to assign the complete text

and are forced to drop material, often arbitrarily.

Finally, instructors often wish to incorporate into their

classes computer-based electronic media that promote un

derstanding of key concepts and take advantage of stu

dents' capabilities using electronic media. Yet traditional

lifespan development textbooks do little to integrate the

electronic media with the book. Consequently, in most

courses, the book and accompanying electronic media

stand largely in isolation to one another. This lack of inte

gration diminishes the potential impact of both traditional

and electronic media and the advantages that an integra

tion of the two could produce in terms of helping students

engage with and learn the subject matter.

Discovering the Life Span, Fifth Edition, directly ad dresses these challenges. The book, which is based on the

highly popular Development Across the Life Span, is some

25 percent shorter than traditional lifespan books. At the

same time, it maintains the student friendliness that has

been the hallmark of the original. It is rich in examples and

illustrates the applications that can be derived from the re

search and theory of lifespan developmentalists.

The book uses a modular approach to optimize student

learning. Each chapter is divided into three modules, and in

turn each module is divided into several smaller sections.

Consequently, rather than facing long, potentially daunting

chapters, students encounter material that is divided into

smaller, more manageable chunks. Of course, presenting

material in small chunks represents a structure that psycho

logical research long ago found to be optimum for promot

ing learning.

The modular approach has another advantage: It allows

instructors to customize instruction by assigning only those

modules that fit their course. Each of the book's chapters fo

cuses on a particular period of the life span, and within each

chapter separate modules address the three main concep

tual approaches to the period: physical development, cogni

tive development, and social and personality development.

Because of the flexibility of this structure, instructors who

wish to highlight a particular theoretical or topical approach

to lifespan development can do so easily.

Finally, Discovering the Life Span, Fifth Edition, pro vides complete integration between the book and a huge

array of media interactives and assessments in Revel, com

prising videos, quizzes, and literally hundreds of activities

that extend the text and make concepts come alive.

An Introduction to Discovering the Life Span, Fifth Edition Discovering the Life Span, Fifth Edition-like its predecessor-provides a broad overview of the field of

human development. It covers the entire range of the human

life, from the moment of conception through death. The text

furnishes a broad, comprehensive introduction to the field,

covering basic theories and research findings, as well as

highlighting current applications outside the laboratory. It

covers the life span chronologically, encompassing the pre

natal period, infancy and toddlerhood, the preschool years,

middle childhood, adolescence, early and middle adult

hood, and late adulthood. Within these periods, it focuses on

physical, cognitive, and social and personality development.

In a unique departure from traditional lifespan de

velopment texts, each chapter integrates the physical,

cognitive, and social and personality domains within each

chronological period. Chapters begin with a compelling

story about an individual representing the age period cov

ered by the chapter, and the chapter ends by refocusing on

that individual and integrating the three domains.

The book also blends and integrates theory, research,

and applications, focusing on the breadth of human devel

opment. Furthermore, rather than attempting to provide a

detailed historical record of the field, it focuses on the here

and now, drawing on the past where appropriate, but with

a view toward delineating the field as it now stands and the

directions toward which it is evolving. Similarly, while pro

viding descriptions of classic studies, the emphasis is more

on current research findings and trends.

The book is designed to be user friendly. Written in a

direct, conversational voice, it replicates as much as pos

sible a dialogue between author and student. The text is

meant to be understood and mastered on its own by stu

dents of every level of interest and motivation. To that end,

it includes a variety of pedagogical features that promote

mastery of the material and encourage critical thinking.

These features include:

• CHAPTER-OPENING PROLOGUES. Each of the chapters starts with an attention-grabbing account of an

individual who is at the developmental stage covered

by the chapter. The material in the prologue sets the

stage for the chapter, and the material is addressed in

the end of the chapter when the physical, cognitive, and

social and personality aspects are integrated.

• MODULE-OPENING VIGNETTE. Modules (which are nestled within chapters) begin with short vignettes,

describing an individual or situation that is relevant to

the basic developmental issues being addressed in the

module.

• LEARNING OBJECTIVES . Every subsection begins with a learning objective, clearly specifying what stu

dents are expected to master after reading and study

ing the material. Learning obj ectives are listed at the

beginning of each chapter.

• FROM RESEARCH TO PRACTICE. Each chapter includes a box that describes current developmental

research or research issues, applied to everyday prob

lems. Most of these boxes are new to the fifth edition.

• CULTURAL DIMENSIONS. Every chapter includes "Cultural Dimensions" sections incorporated into the

text. These sections highlight issues relevant to today's

multicultural society. Examples of these sections in

clude discussions about preschools around the world,

gay and lesbian relationships, the marketing of ciga

rettes to the less advantaged, and race, gender, and eth

nic differences in life expectancy.

• DEVELOPMENT IN YOUR LIFE. Every chapter in cludes information on specific uses that can be derived

from research conducted by developmental investiga

tors. For instance, the text provides concrete informa

tion on how to encourage children to become more

physically active, how to help troubled adolescents

who might be contemplating suicide, and on planning

and living a good retirement. In previous editions, this

feature was titled "Becoming an Informed Consumer of

Development."

• REVIEW, CHECK, AND APPLY SECTIONS. At the end of each module are short recaps of the chap

ters' main points, a series of questions on the chapter

content, and a question oriented to apply the chap

ter content to the real world, keyed to the learning

objectives.

• "FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF . . . " QUESTIONS. Students will encounter frequent questions throughout

Preface xix

the text designed to show the applicability of the ma

terial to a variety of professions, including education,

nursing, social work, and healthcare.

• THINKING ABOUT THE DATA. Every chapter in cludes a "Thinking About the Data" figure, which in

vites students to apply critical thinking to a graph or

diagram.

• RUNNING GLOSSARY. Key terms are defined in the margins of the page on which the term is presented.

• END-OF-CHAPTER INTEGRATIVE MATERIAL. At the end of each chapter, the chapter-opening pro

logue is recapped and addressed from the three do

mains of physical, cognitive, and social and personality

development. In addition, questions address the pro

logue from the perspective of people such as parents,

professional caregivers, nurses, and educators.

What's New in the Fifth Edition? The fifth edition of Discovering the Life Span has been

extensively revised in response to the comments of

dozens of reviewers. Among the major changes are the

following:

Additions of New and Updated Material. The revision

incorporates a significant amount of new and updated in

formation. For instance, advances in areas such as behav

ioral genetics, brain development, evolutionary perspec

tives, and cross-cultural approaches to development receive

expanded and new coverage. Overall, hundreds of new ci

tations have been added, with most of those from articles

and books published in the last few years.

The fifth edition also includes the following improvements:

• THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES. Each chapter in cludes a look at a topic through the lenses of various

theoretical perspectives. For example, Chapter 1 dis

cusses how various theorists would study the Ruiz

family, profiled in the chapter opener.

• STRONGER EMPHASIS ON CULTURE. More so than in previous editions, Discovering the Life Span,

Fifth Edition emphasizes the impact of culture on

development.

• REDESIGNED CHAPTER SUMMARIES. "Putting It

All Together" chapter summaries have been redesigned

to more closely link to chapter content .

• CHAPTER-OPENING PHOTO. Every chapter opens with a photo representing the content to follow and

tying into the Summary vignette.

New topics were added to every chapter. The following

sample of new and revised topics featured in this edition

provides a good indication of the currency of the revision:

xx Preface

Chapter 1 : Introduction

• Revised prologue on Louise Brown and Elizabeth Carr, both born by in vitro fertilization

• Revised "perspective" prompt on cohort membership, emphasizing the cell phone generation

• Revised material on gender, culture, ethnicity, and race, including:

• How roles played by men and women vary across cultures

• Revised Cultural Dimensions box "How Culture, Ethnicity, and Race Influence Development" dis

cusses cultural, ethnic, racial, socioeconomic, and

gender considerations in the study of development

• Revised discussion of critical and sensitive periods

• Streamlined coverage of Freud's psychoanalytic perspective

• New examples in assessment of behavioral perspective

• New section on assessing cognitive neuroscience approaches

• New Figure 1-1 on brain differences in a person with autism

• Additional material on Vygotsky and scaffolding

• Theoretical perspectives: Discussion of how various theorists would study the Ruiz family, profiled in the

chapter opener

• Updated Figure 1-5 on longitudinal vs. cross-sectional research

• New example of application of theories

• New Figure 1-2 on scientific method

• Additional coverage of ethnographic research and challenges

• Additional coverage of the importance of replication in psychological experiments

• New replication crisis discussion

• Revised From Research to Practice box on using lifespan development research for public policy

• Expanded meta-analysis discussion

• New coverage of informed consent and vulnerable populations

Chapter 2: The Start of Life

• New prologue on genetic testing

• New Figure 2-2 showing rise in number of triplet and higher-order births

• New From Research to Practice box on transgenerational epigenetic inheritance

• Updated Table 2-1 on the genetic basis of various disorders

• Updated Table 2-2 on fetal development monitoring

techniques

• Updated Table 2-3 on DNA-based genetic tests

• Updated abortion statistics

• Marijuana use during pregnancy

• Opioid use during pregnancy

• Cultural myths of pregnancy

• New guidelines on drugs during delivery from the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists

• Importance of touch in newborns

• New research on immediate mother-child bonding

• Updated statistics on length of hospital stay

• New data on rates of infant mortality in the United States by race, including new Figure 2-17

• New Figure 2-14 on worldwide rates of infant mortality

• New Table 2-4 on risk factors for low-birthweight pre- term infants

• New estimates of cost of caring for premature infants

• New material on risk factors for premature births

• Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) update

• Additional material on postpartum depression

• Updated statistics on IVF infants

• New coverage of circumcision rates

Chapter 3 : Infancy • Statistics on shaken baby syndrome, with new Figure 3-5

showing damage to the brain of a shaken baby

• Causes of cultural differences in infant sleep patterns

• Rates of poverty and hunger in the United States and worldwide

• Clarification of timing of breastfeeding and introduc tion of solid foods

• Change in key term from scheme to schema

• New From Research to Practice box on why formal edu cation is lost on infants

• Theoretical perspectives: Comparing application of

Piagetian and information processing theories

• Updated statistics on single-parent and no-parent families

• Updated statistics on teen pregnancy

• American Academy of Pediatrics guidelines on infant sleep location

• Mothers' sleep difficulties

• Efficacy of strategies to increase infant intelligence

• Suggestion to teach cause-and-effect in infants

• Newer critiques of Chomsky's nativist approach to lan guage learning

• Imitative vocalization of infants

• Average size of families-changes

Chapter 4: The Preschool Years • New opening vignette

• New definition of obesity in terms of BMI

• New statistics on obesity

• Obesity and overweight children in developing countries

• "Just-right phenomenon" eating rituals in children

• Updated statistics on parents' views of children's health

• Updated statistics on early childhood education

• Long-term benefits of preschool education

• Explaining the complementary nature of alternate the- oretical perspectives

• Additional comparison of differing theoretical approaches

• Transgender preschoolers' challenges

• Mental health advantages of androgyny

• More symptoms of autism spectrum disorder

• New statistics of family life demographics

• Success of immigrant children despite different parent- ing styles

• New figure on child abuse

• Additional signs of child abuse

• Revised discussion of screen time

• Video deficit hypothesis

• Revised end-of-chapter summary to reflect new chap

ter opener

Chapter 5 : Middle Childhood • Revised obesity statistics

• New Figure 5-1 on obesity rates in childhood

• Obesity demographics

• Risk factors in asthma

• Prevalence of asthma

• Demographic differences in asthma

• Updated material on cyber-safety

• Prevalence of learning disabilities

• Theoretical perspectives: Explanatory theories of learn ing disabilities

• Incidence of ADHD

• New Figure 5-5 on bilingualism rates in the United States

• Cognitive advantages of bilingualism

• Revised section with new support for code-based read- ing instruction

• New edition of WISC-V

• Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA)

• Categories of bullying

• One-child policy in China and academic performance

Preface xxi

• Updated material on family demographics

• Multigenerational families

• Self-care laws

• Free-range parenting

Chapter 6 : Adolescence • BMI definition of obesity

• Updated information on males with anorexia

• From Research to Practice box on brain development in adolescence

• Updated statistics on marijuana use and opioid abuse

• Figure 6-4 on marijuana use among teens

• Updated statistics on binge drinking and alcohol use

among teens and its effect on the brain

• New Figure 6-5 on binge drinking

• Updated coverage of e-cigarettes

• New statistics on grade inflation

• New Figure 6-6 on child care choices

• New Figure 6-8 on how teens prefer to communicate with friends

• New statistics on social media use and video games

• Emerging adulthood

• Adolescent anxiety

• New statistics on suicide among adolescents

• New Figure 6-9 on behavioral problems of teens in terms of time spent with parents

• New From Research to Practice box on social comparison, self-esteem, and social media

• Cross-race friendships

• Transgender and gender-fluid persons

• New Figure 6-12 on teen pregnancy

Chapter 7: Early Adulthood • New learning objective relating to emerging adulthood

• Brain development in early adulthood

• New recommendations for physical fitness

• New Figure 7-1 on connection between fitness and longevity • New Figure 7-2 on obesity rates in the United States

• Updated statistics on obesity

• New Figure 7-3 on obesity rates worldwide

• More on cross-cultural differences in health beliefs

• Using mindfulness to reduce stress

• New section comparing theories of post-formal think

ing in adulthood

• Additional creativity peaking examples

• Decline in flexibility in thinking relating to creativity

xxii Preface

• Updated statistics on college attendance

• New Figure 7-6 on diversity increases in college attendance

• New Figure 7-7 on increase in students reporting prob- lems with anxiety, depression, and relationships

• New statistics on support of gay marriage

• Mother 's attachment style and parenting of infants

• New statistics on delay of marriage

• New Figure 7-9 on rates of cohabitation

• New Figure 7-10 on median age at first marriage

• New divorce statistics

• New fertility rate statistics

• Millennial generation views of work

• New material on emerging adulthood

• New Figure 7-14 on the gender gap in wages

Chapter 8 : Middle Adulthood • SES and health

• Cause of death statistics

• New data on hormone replacement therapy

• New Figure 8-5 on incidence of breast cancer

• Routine mammogram controversy

• Normative crises theories

• Life events theories

• Application of life events theories

• Updated divorce statistics

• Updated causes for divorce

• Remarriage failure statistics

• Stress from children returning compared to leaving during middle adulthood

• Rise in multigenerational families

• New statistics on life expectancy

• Update on intimate partner violence

• Honor killings and spousal abuse

• Revised leisure time statistics

• Burnout on the job

• Suicide and job loss

Chapter 9: Late Adulthood • New From Research to Practice box on cognitive skills

training in late adulthood

• New Figure 9-1 on growing size of the late adulthood population

• New data on leading causes of death in elderly people

• New data on Alzheimer rates

• New Figure 9-3, data on vehicular crashes involving older adults vs. teens

• Lengthening telomeres

• New drug therapies for extending life

• New Figure 9-6 on longer life spans

• New Figure 9-10 on technology adoption in late adulthood

• Socioemotional selectivity theory

• Cost of nursing home care

• New Figure 9-12 on living arrangements in late adulthood

• New Figure 9-13 on perceived benefits of growing older

Chapter 10: Death and Dying

• New prologue on a good death

• Theoretical perspectives: Alternative theories on dying to that of Kubler-Ross

• Four-component theory of grieving

• New From Research to Practice box on grief after spouse death

• Professional mourners in China

• Displays of grief in Egypt

• Additional ways of helping children deal with grief

• New statistics on assisted suicides and jurisdictions

• Treatment of dying across cultures

• Updated statistics on infant mortality in the United States and other countries

• New Figure 10-4 on predictions of life span versus reality

• Discussion of crisis intervention used for children who

survived the Sandy Hook school shooting

• New Check Yourself question in module 10.3

• Revised Summary

A Final Note I am excited about this new edition of Discovering the Life

Span. I believe its length, structure, and media and text in

tegration will help students learn the material in a highly

effective way. Just as important, I hope it will nurture an

interest in the field that will last a lifetime.

Teaching and Leaming Resources Discovering the Life Span is accompanied by a superb set of

teaching and learning materials.

Revel TM

Revel is an interactive learning environment that deeply

engages students and prepares them for class. Media and

assessment integrated directly within the authors' narrative

lets students read, explore interactive content, and practice

in one continuous learning path. Thanks to the dynamic

reading experience in Revel, students come to class pre

pared to discuss, apply, and learn from instructors and from

each other.

Learn more about Revel

www.pearson.com/ revel

The fifth edition includes integrated videos and media

content throughout, allowing students to explore topics

more deeply at the point of relevancy. Revel makes the

content come alive as students respond to "Myth or Truth"

and "Fun Facts and a Lie" interactives. Each chapter also in

cludes at least one "Trending Topic" feature, which explores

cutting-edge research or current events.

Highly engaging interactives encourage student par

ticipation. Interactive scenarios invite students into "choose

your own path" -type activities. Other interactives lead

them through how a health-care professional, counselor,

teacher, or parent might react to a specific developmen

tal situation or solve a problem. Students can also explore

interactive figures using drag-and-drop and predictive

graphing tools.

Each chapter includes a Thinking About the Data prompt,

which encourages the student to think about what is behind

the data they see in graphs and tables using a data-driven

Social Explorer activity in Revel.

Finally, a set of carefully curated videos builds on text

content, exploring developmental psychology from a vari

ety of perspectives, including a deeper look at diversity and

the latest in neuroscience.

Revel also offers the ability for students to assess their

content mastery by taking multiple-choice quizzes that

offer instant feedback and by participating in a variety of

writing assignments, such as peer-reviewed questions and

autograded assignments.

MyVirtualLife integration enables students to apply developmental concepts in a simulated environment within

their Revel™ course. MyVirtualLife is an interactive simu

lation that allows students to parent a child from birth to

age 18, making decisions on the child's behalf. Once the vir

tual child turns 18, the student user 's perspective flips for

the second half of the program, which enables students to

live a simulated life and see the impact of their first-person

decisions over the course of a lifetime.

Print and Media Supplements • Instructor's Resource Manual (ISBN: 9780135871904).

Designed to make your lectures more effective and save

you preparation time, this extensive resource gathers to

gether the most effective activities and strategies for teach

ing your course. The Instructor's Resource Manual includes

learning objectives, key terms and concepts, self-contained

lecture suggestions, and class activities for each chap

ter. Available for download via the Pearson Instructor's

Resource Center (www.pearsonhighered.com).

Preface xxiii

• PowerPoint Lecture Slides (ISBN: 9780135872222). The PowerPoints provide an active format for presenting con

cepts from each chapter and feature prominent figures

and tables from the text. The PowerPoint Lecture Slides

are available for download via the Pearson Instructor's

Resource Center (www.pearsonhighered.com).

• Video Enhanced Lecture PowerPoint Slides (ISBN: 9780135872253). The lecture PowerPoint slides have been embedded with video, enabling instruc

tors to show videos within the context of their lecture.

No Internet connection is required to play videos.

Available for download on the Instructor's Resource

Center (www.pearsonhighered.com).

• PowerPoint Slides for Photos, Figu res, and Ta bles (ISBN: 9780135871881). These slides contain only the photos, figures, and line art from the textbook.

Available for download on the Instructor's Resource

Center (www.pearsonhighered.com).

• Test Bank (ISBN: 9780135871843). For the fifth edi tion, each question was checked to ensure that the cor

rect answer was marked and the page reference was

accurate. The test bank contains multiple-choice, true/

false, and essay questions, each referenced to the rele

vant page in the book and correlated to chapter learn

ing objectives. The test bank features the identification

of each question as factual, conceptual, or applied and

also makes use of Bloom's Taxonomy. Finally, each

item is also identified in terms of difficulty level to

allow professors to customize their tests and ensure

a balance of question types. Each chapter of the test

item file begins with the To tal Assessment Guide:

an easy to reference grid that makes creating tests

easier by organizing the test questions by text section,

question type, and whether it is factual, conceptual,

or applied. The Te st Bank is available for download

via the Pearson Instructor's Resource Center (www.

pearsonhighered.com).

• MyTest (ISBN: 9780135872178). The test bank comes with the Pearson MyTest, a powerful assessment gen

eration program that helps instructors easily create

and print quizzes and exams. Questions and tests can

be authored online, allowing instructors ultimate flex

ibility and the ability to efficiently manage assessments

anytime, anywhere. For more information, go to www.

PearsonMyTest.com.

• Pearson Teaching Films Lifespan Development Video (ISBN: 0205656021). This video engages students and

brings to life a wide range of topics spanning prenatal

through the end of the life span. International videos

shot on location allow students to observe similarities

and differences in human development across various

cultures.

xxiv Preface

• Supplementan1 Texts. Contact your Pearson rep resentative to package any of these supplementary

texts with Discovering the Life Span, Fifth Edition.

• Curren t Directions in Developmental Psychology (ISBN: 0205597505). Readings from the American

Psychological Society. This exciting reader includes

more than 20 articles that have been carefully se

lected for the undergraduate audience, and taken

from the accessible Current Directions in Psychological

Science journal. These timely, cutting-edge articles

allow instructors to bring their students a real-world

perspective about today's most current and pressing

issues in psychology. The journal is discounted when

packaged with this text for college adoptions.

• TwenhJ Studies That Revolutionized Child Psych ology by Wallace E. Dixon Jr. (ISBN:

0130415723). Presenting the seminal research stud ies that have shaped modern developmental psy

chology, this brief text provides an overview of the

environment that gave rise to each study, its experi

mental design, its findings, and its impact on current

thinking in the discipline.

• Human Development in Multicultura l Contexts: A Book of Rea dings (ISBN: 0130195235). Written by Michele A. Paludi, this compilation of readings

highlights cultural influences in developmental

psychology.

• The Psychology Major: Careers and Strategies for Success (ISBN: 0205684688). Written by Eric Landrum (Idaho State University), Stephen Davis

(Emporia State University), and Terri Landrum

(Idaho State University), this 160-page paperback

provides valuable information on career options

available to psychology majors, tips for improving

academic performance, and a guide to the APA style

of research reporting.

Acknowledgments I am grateful to the following reviewers who pro

vided a wealth of comments, constructive criticism, and

encouragement:

Lola Aagaard, Morehead State University

Glen Adams, Harding University

Sharron Adams, Wesleyan College

Carolyn Adams-Price, Mississippi State University

Leslie Adams Lariviere, Assumption College

Judi Addelston, Valencia Communihj College

Bill Anderson, Illinois State University

Carrie Andreoletti, Central Connecticut State University

Harold Andrews, Miami Dade College-Wolfson

Ivan Applebaum, Valencia Community College

Sally Archer, College of New Jersey

Janet Arndt, Gordon College

Christine Bachman, University of Houston-Downtown

Harriet Bachner, Pittsburg State University

Nannette Bagstad, Mayville State University

Jolly Bailey, Delaware Technical Community College

Mary Ballard, Appalachian State University

Michelle Bannoura, Hudson Valley Community College

Daniel Barajas, Community College of Denver

Ted Barker, Okaloosa-Walton College

Catherine Barnard, Kalamazoo Vallei; Community College

Gena Barnhill, Lynchburg College

Sue Barrientos, Butler Community College

Sandra Barrueco, The Catholic University of America

Carolyn Barry, Loyola College in Maryland

Chris Barry, University of Sou thern Mississippi

Robin Bartlett, Northern Kentucky University

Shirley Bass-Wright, St. Philip's College

Kellie Bassell, Palm Beach Community College

Sherry Black, Western Nevada College

Bette Beane, University of North Carolina at Greensboro

Heidi Beattie, Troy University

Dan Bellack, Trident Technical College

Amy Bender, Universihj of Milwaukee

Marshelle Bergstrom, University of Wisconsin-Oshkosh

Doreen Berman, Queens College

Debra Berrett, Solano Community College

Irene Bersola-Nguyen, Sacramento State University

Wendy Bianchini, Montana State University

John Bicknell, Temple College

Robert Birkey, Goshen College

Carol Bishop, Solano Community College

Sherry Black, Western Nevada College

Angela Blankenship, Nash Community College

Cheryl Bluestone, Queensborough Community (CUNY)

Judy Blumenthal, Montgomery College

Tracie Blumentritt, University of Wisconsin-La Crosse

Kathy Bobula, Clark College

Denise Ann Bodman, Arizona State University Kathleen Bonnelle, Lansing Community College

Janet Boseovski, The University of North Carolina at

Greensboro

Teri Bourdeau, University of Tulsa

Sarah Boysen, Ohio State University

Nicole Bragg, Mt. Hood Community College

Gregory Braswell, Illinois State University

Judith Breen, College of DuPage

Alaina Brenick, University of Man;land

Jennifer Brennom, Kirkwood Community College

Barbara Briscoe, Kapiolani Community College

Caralee Brornrne, San Joaquin Delta Community College

Betty Cecile Brookover, Xavier University of Louisiana

Veda Brown, Prairie View A&M UniversihJ

Janine Buckner, Seton Hall University

Sharon Burson, Temple College

Cathy Bush, Carson-Newman College

Jean Cahoon, Pitt Community College

Cheryl Camenzuli, Molloy College

Angela Campbell, Harrisburg Area Community College

Debb Campbell, College of the Sequoias

Lillian Campbell, Humber College

Diane Caulfield, Honolulu Community College

Rick Caulfield, University of Hawaii at Manoa

Lisa Caya, University of Wisconsin-La Crosse

Laura Chapin, Colorado State University

Jing Chen, Grand Valley State University

John Childers, East Carolina University

Saundra Ciccarelli, Gulf Coast Community College

Diana Ciesko, Valencia Community College

Cherie Clark, Queens University of Charlotte

Wanda Clark, South Plains College

J. B . Clement, Daytona College

Kimberly Cobb, Edgecombe Community College

Margaret Coberly, University of Hawaii-Windward

Lawrence Cohn, University of Texas at El Paso

Barbara Connolly, University of Tennessee Health

Sciences Center

Deborah Copeland, Palm Beach Community College

Kristi Cordell-McNulty, Angelo State University

Pam Costa, Tacoma Community College

Ellen Cotter, Georgia Southwestern State University

Trina Cowan, Northwest Vista College

Jodi Crane, Lindsey Wilson College

Pat Crane, Santa Ana College

Amanda Creel, Sowela Technical Community College

Jeanne Cremeans, Hillsborough Community College

Don Crews, Southwest Georgia Technical College

Geraldine Curley, Bunker Hill Community College

Gregory Cutler, Bay de Noe Community College

Chris Daddis, Ohio State University at Marion

Anne Dailey, Community College of Allegheny County

Billy Daley, Fort Hays State University

Dianne Daniels, University of North Carolina-Charlotte

Karen Davis, Sou thwest Georgia Technical College

Minca Davis Brantley, Miami Dade College

Dora Davison, Southern State Community College

Paul Dawson, Weber State University

Barbara Defilippo, Lansing Community College

Tara Dekkers, Northwestern College

J. DeSimone, William Paterson University

Michael Devoley, Montgomery College

David Devonis, Graceland University

Ginger Dickson, University of Texas at El Paso

Trina Diehl, Northwest Vista College

Darryl Dietrich, The College of St. Scholastica

Jennie Dilworth, Georgia Southern University

Stephanie Ding, Del Mar College

Preface xxv

Betsy Diver, Lake Superior College

Delores Doench, Southwestern Community College

Margaret Dombrowski, Harrisburg Area Community

College-Lancaster

Heather Dore, Florida Community College at Jacksonville

Jackie Driskill, Texas Tech University

Victor Duarte, North Idaho College

Susan Dubitsky, Florida International University

Shelley Dubkin-Lee, Oregon State University

Beryl Dunsmoir, Concordia University at Austin

Paula Dupuy, University of Toledo

Kathleen Dwinnells, Kent State University-Trumbull

Campus

Darlene Earley-Hereford Southern Union State

Community College

Y. van Ecke, College of Marin David Edgerly, Quincy University

Jean Egan, Asnuntuck Community College

Trish Ellerson, Miami University

Kelley Eltzroth, Mid-Michigan Community College

Laurel End, Mount Mary College

Dale Epstein, University of Maryland

Diana Espinoza, Laredo Community College

Melissa Essman, California State University, Fullerton

Deborah Stipp, Ivy Tech Community College

Jenni Fauchier, Metropolitan Community College

Nancy Feehan, University of San Francisco

Jef Feldman, Los Angeles Pierce College

Pamela Fergus, MCTC and IHCC

Ric Ferraro, University of North Dakota

Donna Fletcher, Florida State University

Christine Floether, Centenary College

June Foley, Clinton Community College

Jeanene Ford, Holmes Community College

Lee Fournet, Central Arizona College

Jody Fournier, Capital University

Tony Fowler, Florence-Darlington Technical College

James Francis, San Jacinto College

Megan Fulcher, Washington and Lee University

Inoke Funaki, Brigham Young University-Hawaii

Sonia Gaiane, Grossmont College

Donna Gainer, Mississippi State University

Teresa Galyean, Wytheville Community College

Mary Garcia-Lemus, California Polytechnic State

University-San Luis Obispo

Laura Garofoli, Fitchburg State College

Andy Gauler Florida, Community College at Jacksonville

C. Ray Gentry, Lenior-Rhyne College

Jarilyn Gess, Minnesota State University Moorhead

Sharon Ghazarian, University of North Carolina at

Greensboro

Pam Gingold, Merced College

Shery Ginn, Rowan Cabarrus Community College

Drusilla Glascoe, Salt Lake Community College

xxvi Preface

Donna Goetz, Elmhurst College

Rob Goralewicz, Dabney Lancaster Community College

Christina Gotowka, Tunxis Community College

Thomas Grady, Neosho County Community College

Donna Gray, Irvine Valley College

Troianne Grayson, Florida Community College at

Jacksonville-South Campus

Jo Greathouse, Brazosport College

Jerry Green, Tarrant County College

Janelle Grellner, University of Central Oklahoma

Kristi Guest, University of Alabama-Birmingham

James Guinee, University of Central Arkansas

Jill Haasch, Glenville State College

Sharon Habermann, Providence Theological Seminary

Helen Hagens, Central Michigan University

Lisa Hager, Spring Hill College

Carolyn Halliburton, Dallas Baptist University

Sam Hardy, Brigham Young University

Mark Harmon, Reedley College-North Centers

Dyan W. Harper, University of Missouri-St. Louis

Melody Harrington, St. Gregory's University

Nancy Hartshorne, Central Michigan University

Myra Harville, Holmes Community College

Loretta Hauxwell, McCook Community College

Christina Hawkey, Arizona Western College

Lora Haynes, University of Louisville

Sam Heastie, Fayetteville State University

Patti Heer, Clarke College

Jessica Hehman, University of Redlands

Steve Hendrix, James Sprunt Community College

Sarah Herald, Arizona State University

Mary Hetland, Minnesota State Community

Carolyn Hildebrandt, University of Northern Iowa

Pamela Hill, San Antonio College

Sharon Hogan, Cuyahoga Community College

Frank Holiwski, South Georgia College

Debra Hollister, Valencia Community College

Sachi Horback, Baltimore City Community College

Scott Horton, Mitchell College

Julie Howard, Vanguard University

Herman Huber, College of Saint Elizabeth

Martha Hubertz, Florida Atlantic University

Barbara Huff, Chandler Gilbert Community College

Heidi Humm, Mercy College

Bob Humphries, Walsh University

David Hurford, Pittsburg State University

MaryLu Hutchins, West Liberty State College

Cynthia Ingle, Bluegrass Community and Technical

College

Nicolle Ionascu, Queen's University

Jessica Jablonski, Richard Stockton College of New Jersey

Sabra Jacobs, Big Sandy Community and Technical College

Alisha Janowsky, University of Central Florida

Debbra Jennings, Richland College

Sybillyn Jennings, Russell Sage College

Daphne Johnson, Sam Houston State University

Margaret Johnson, Bridgewater State College

Stephanie Johnson, Sou theast Community College

Deborah Jones, Florida Community College

Katherine Jones, Mississippi College

James Jordan, Lorain County Community College

Linda G. Jordan, Skagit Valley College

Terri Joseph, Kent State University East Liverpool

Diana Joy, Community College of Denver

Carl Jylland-Halverson, University of Saint Francis

Louise Kahn, University of New Mexico

Susan Kamphaus, Tulsa Community College West

Campus

Richard Kandus, Mt. San Jacinto College

Paul Kaplan, S UNY at Stony Brook

Michele Karpathian, Waynesburg College

Mark Kavanaugh, Kennebec Valley Community College

Henry Keith, Delaware Technical & Community College

Debbie Keller, College of the Ozarks

Jeffrey Kellogg, Marian College

Colleen Kennedy, Roosevelt University

Rosalie Kern, Michigan Tech University

Lisa Kiang, Wake Forest University

Tim Killian, University of Arkansas

William Kimberlin, Lorain County Community College

April Kindrick, South Puget Sound Community College

Michalene King, Kent State University at Tuscarawas

Jennifer King-Cooper, Sinclair Community College

Kenyon Knapp, Troy University, Montgomery Campus

Don Knox, Midwestern State University

Larry Kollman, North Iowa Area Community College

Leslee Koritzke, Los Angeles Trade Tech College

Nicole Korzetz, Lee College

Holly Krogh, Mississippi University for Women

August Lageman, Virginia Intermont College

Carol Laman, Houston Community College

Warren Lambert, Somerset Community College

Jonathan Lang, Borough of Manhattan Community

College

Rich Lanthier, George Washington University

Leslie Lariviere, Adams Assumption

Kara Larkan-Skinner, Amarillo College

Yvonne Larrier, Indiana University South Bend

Constance Larson, Northeast Community College

Richard Lazere, Portland Community College

Jennifer Leaver, Eastern Arizona College

Maria LeBaron, Randolph Community College

Marilyn Lehmkuhl, Alexandria Technical College

Gary Leka, University of Texas-Pan American

Diane Lemay, University of Maine at Augusta

Elizabeth Lemerise, Western Kentucky University

Cynthia Lepley, Thomas College

Norma Lestikow, Highland Community College

Blue Levin, Ridge Community College

Lawrence Lewis, Loyola University New Orleans

Mary B. Eberly Lewis, Oakland University

Linda Liptok, Mcintosh Kent State University-Tuscarawas

Nancey Lobb, Alvin Community College

R. Martin Lobdell, Pierce College

Janet Lohan, Washington State University

Don Lucas, Northwest Vista College

Joe Lund, Taylor University

Salvador Macias, University of South Carolina-S umter

Grace Malonai, Saint Mary's College of California

Donna Mantooth, Georgia Highlands College

Deborah Marche, Van Glendale Community College

Rebecca Marcon, University of North Florida

T. Darin Matthews, The Citadel Kelly McCabe, University of Mary Hardin-Baylor

William McCracken, Delaware Technical &

Community College

Jason McCoy, Cape Fear Community College

Jim McDonald, California State University-Fresno

Cathy McElderry, University of Alabama-Birmingham

Jim McElhone, University of Texas of the Permian Basin

Cathy McEvoy, University of South Florida

Annie McManus, Parkland College at Jacksonville

Courtney McManus, Colby Sawyer College

Tai McMiller, York Technical College

Beth McNulty, Lake Sumter Community College

Marcia McQuitty, Southwestern Theological Seminary

Dixie Cranmer McReynolds, St. Vincent's College

Joan Means, Solano Community College

Omar Mendez, William Paterson University of

New Jersey

K. Mentink, Chippewa Valley Technical College

Peter Metzner, Vance Granville Community College

LeeAnn Miner, Mount Vernon Nazarene University

Ellen Mink, Elizabethtown Community and

Technical College

Michael Miranda, Kingsborough Community

College (CUNY)

Steve Mitchell, Somerset Community College

Yvonne Montgomery, Langston University

Beverly Moore, Sullivan County Community College

Brad Morris, Grand Valley S tate University

Dolly Morris, University Alaska Fairbanks, TVC Campus

Audrey Ann C. Moses, Hampton University Jean Mosley, Oral Roberts University

Carol Mulling, Des Moines Area Community College

Jeannette Murphey, Meridian Community College

Sylvia Murray, University of South Carolina Upstate

Ron Naramore, Angelina College

Sandra Naumann, Delaware Technical Community College

Lisa Newell, Indiana University of Pennsylvania

Glenda Nichols, Tarrant County College-South

Preface xxvii

David Nitzschke, Western Iowa Tech Community College

Harriett Nordstrom, University of Michigan-Flint

Meghan Novy, Palomar College

Elleen O'Brien, University of Maryland, Baltimore County

Valerie O'Krent, California State University-Fullerton

Shirley Ogletree, Texas State-San Marcos

Jennifer Oliver, Rockhurst University

Leanne Olson, Wisconsin Lutheran College

Rose Olver, Amherst College

Sharon Ota, Honolulu Community College

John Otey, Southern Arkansas University

Karl Oyster, Tidewater Community College

Gwynne Pacheco, Hawaii Community College

Roger Page, Ohio State University-Lima

Joseph Panza, Southern Connecticut State University

Jennifer Parker, University of South Carolina Upstate

Brian Parry, San Juan College

Joan Paterna, Manchester Community College

Julie Patrick, West Virginia University

Sue Pazynski, Glen Oaks Community College

Carola Pedreschi, Miami Dade College

Colleen Peltz, Iowa Lakes Community College

John Phelan, Western Oklahoma State College

Peter Phipps, Dutchess Community College

Michelle Pilati, Rio Hondo College

Laura Pirazzi, San Jose State University

Diane Pisacreta, St. Louis Community College

Deanna Pledge, Stephens College

Leslee Pollina, Southeast Missouri State University

Yuly Pomares, Miami Dade College

Jean Poppei, The Sage Colleges/Russell Sage College

Lydia Powell, Vance-Granville Community College

Sherri Restauri, Jacksonville State University

Kate Rhodes, Dona Ana Community College

Shannon Rich, Texas Woman's University

Cynthia Riedi, Morrisville State College, Norwich Campus

Laura Rieves, Tidewater Community College

Vicki Ritts, St. Louis Community College-Meramec

Jane Roda, Penn State-Hazleton Campus

Keith Rosenbaum, Dallas Baptist University

Karl Rosengren, UniversihJ of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Renda Ross, Capital University

Willow Rossmiller, Montana State University-Great Falls

College of Technology

Melinda Rouse, Alamance Community College

Marlo Rouse-Arnett, Georgia Southern

Lisa Routh, Pikes Peak Community College

Loretta Rudd, Texas Tech University

Robert Rycek, University of Nebraska at Kearney

Brooke Saathoff, Labette Community College

James Sapp, Kentucky Christian University

Marie Saracino, Stephen F. Austin State University Al Sarno, Hannibal-LaGrange College

xxviii Preface

Patricia Sawyer, Middlesex Community College

Linda Schaefer, Minot State University

Troy Schiedenhelm, Rowan Cabarrus Community College

Celeste Schneider, Saint Mary's College

Pamela Schuetze, B uffalo State College

Joe Schuh, Northern Kentucky University

Candace Schulenburg, Cape Cod Community College

Eric Seemann, University of Alabama-Huntsville

Nancy Segal, California State University-Fullerton

Sandy Sego, American International College

Zewelanji Serpell, James Madison University

Nitya Sethuraman, Indiana University

Stacie Shaw, Presentation College-Fairmont Campus

Virginia Shipman, University of New Mexico

Beth Sigmon, Robeson Community College

Theresa Simantirakis, Wilbur Wright College

Denise Simonsen, Fort Lewis College

Julie Singer, University of Nevada, Reno

Peggy Skinner, South Plains College

Tara Smith, Elizabethtown College

Todd Smith, Lake Superior State University

Jerry Snead, Coastal Carolina Community College

James Snowden, Midwestern State University

Le' Ann Solmonson, Stephen F. Austin State University

Brooke Spatta, Lynn University

Tracy Spinrad, School of Social and Family Dynamics

Melinda Spohn, Spokane Falls Community College

Jeannine Stamatakis, Lincoln University

Richard States, Allegany College of Maryland

Jill Steinberg, University of Wisconsin-Madison

Robby Stewart, Oakland University

Nancy Stinnett, University of Alabama

Mary Hughes Stone, San Francisco State University

Terry Stone, University of Nebraska-Omaha

Julia Stork, Jefferson State Community College

Amy Strimling, Sacramento City College

Rose Suggett, Southeast Community College

Terre Sullivan, Chippewa Valley Technical College

Cyril Svoboda, University of Maryland University College

Peter Talty, Keuka College

Amber Tatnall, S UNY Delhi

Becky Taylor, Texas Christian University

Marianne Taylor, Pacific Lutheran University

Samuel Taylor, Tacoma Community College

Luis Terrazas, California State University-San Marcos

Thomas Thieman, College of St. Catherine

Linda EagleHeart Thomas, The University of

Montana-COT

Mojisola Tiamiyu, University of Toledo

Vicki Tinsley, Brescia University

Ed Titus, Troy University

Ivonne Tjoefat, Rochester Community & Technical College

Adrian Tomer, Shippensburg University

Barbara Townsend, Gannon University

Jeannine Turner, Florida State University

Jeffrey Turner, Mitchell College

Dave Urso, Lord Fairfax Community College

Cecelia Valrie, East Carolina University

Michael Vandehey, Midwestern State University

Marina Vera, Southwestern College

Monica Vines, Central Oregon Community College

Steven Voss, Moberly Area Community College

John Wakefield, University of North Alabama

Rebecca Walker-Sands, Central Oregon Community College

James Wallace, St. Lawrence University

Todd Walter, D'Youville College

Mark Wasicsko, Northern Kentucky University

Debbie Watson, Shawnee State University

Sheree Watson, University of Sou thern Mississippi

Nancy Wedeen, Los Angeles Valley College

Glenn Weisfeld, Wayne State University

Orville Weiszhaar, Minneapolis Community and

Technical College

Lori Werdenschlag, Lyndon S tate College

Laurie Westcott, New Hampshire Community

Technical College

Linda Whitney, Houston Community College Northwest

Robert Wiater, Bergen Community College

Sharon Wiederstein, Blinn College

Vicki Will, Brescia University

Jacqueline Williams, Moorpark College

June Williams, Southeastern Louisiana University

Kay Williams, Tidewater Community College

Patti Williams, Tidewater Community College

Lois Willoughby, Miami Dade College

Stephen Wills, Mercer University

Cynthia Wilson, University of South

Alabama-Baldwin County

Christy Wolfe, University of Louisville

Peter Wooldridge, Durham Technical Community College

Shelly Wooldridge, University of Arkansas Community

College at Batesville

Bonnie Wright, Gardner-Webb University

Kent Yamauchi, Pasadena City College

Robin Yaure, Penn State Mont Alto

Ani Yazedjian, Texas State University-San Marcos

Mahbobeh Yektaparast, Central Piedmont

Community College

Susan Zandrow, Bridgewater S tate College

Rowan Zeiss, Blue Ridge Community College

Laura Zettel-Watson, California State

University-Fullerton

Elizabeth Zettler, Rellinger Illinois College

Ginny Zhan, Kennesaw State University

Ling-Yi Zhou, University of St. Francis

Renee Zucchero, Xavier University

Many others deserve a great deal of thanks. I am in

debted to the numerous people who provided me with a

superb education, first at Wesleyan University and later

at the University of Wisconsin. Specifically, Karl Scheibe

played a pivotal role in my undergraduate education, and

the late Vernon Allen acted as mentor and guide through

my graduate years. It was in graduate school that I learned

about development, being exposed to such experts as Ross

Parke, Joel Levin, Herb Klausmeier, and many others. My

education continued when I became a professor. I am es

pecially grateful to my colleagues at the University of

Massachusetts, who make the university such a wonderful

place in which to teach and do research.

Several people played central roles in the development

of this book. The thoughtful and creative Stephen Hupp and

Jeremy Jewell of Southern Illinois University-Edwardsville

were partners in developing the Revel materials, and

their input was critical. John Bickford of the University

of Massachusetts Amherst provided important research

and editorial support, and I am thankful for his help and

superb writing skills. I am also grateful to Christopher

Poirier of Stonehill College, who produced the wonderful

Instructor Resource Manual and Test Bank that accompany

Development Across the Life Span. Finally, Michelle Goncalves

was essential in juggling and coordinating the multiple as

pects of working on a project such as this, and I am very

grateful for the substantial role they played.

I am also thankful to the superb Pearson team that was

instrumental in the inception and development of this book.

Jeff Marshall, the original Executive Editor, conceived of the

Preface xxix

format of this book. Now Kelli Strieby has taken over, and

she has brought creativity and a wealth of good ideas to the

project. Cathy Murphy, developmental editor on this edi

tion, did a superb job of providing thoughtful advice and

keeping on top of a myriad of details. On the production

end of things, project manager Valerie Iglar-Mobley helped

bring all aspects of the text together. Finally, I'd like to

thank (in advance) marketing manager Christopher Brown,

on whose skills I'm counting.

I also wish to acknowledge the members of my fam

ily, who play such an essential role in my life. My brother,

Michael, my sisters-in-law and brother-in-law, my nieces

and nephews, all make up an important part of my life. In addition, I am always indebted to the older generation of my

family, who led the way in a manner I can only hope to emu

late. I will always be obligated to Harry Brochstein, Mary

Vorwerk, and Ethel Radler. Most of all, the list is headed by

my father, Saul Feldman, and my mother, Leah Brochstein.

In the end, it is my immediate family who deserve

the greatest thanks. My son, Jon, his wife, Leigh, and my

grandsons Alex and Miles; my son, Josh, his wife, Julie, and

my granddaughters Naomi and Marina; and my daughter,

Sarah, her husband, Jeff, and my granddaughters Lilia and

Rose, not only are nice, smart, and good-looking, but my

pride and joy. And ultimately my wife, Katherine Vorwerk,

provides the love and grounding that makes everything

worthwhile. I thank them, with all my love.

Robert S. Feldman

University of Massachusetts Amherst

About the Author

Robert S. Feldman is Professor

of Psychological and Brain

Sciences and Senior Advisor

to the Chancellor of the

University of Massachusetts

Amherst. He has also served

as Dean of the College of

Social and Behavioral Scien

ces, Interim Dean of the

College of Education, and

Deputy Chancellor of the

University of Massachusetts.

A recipient of the College Distinguished Teacher

Award, he teaches classes ranging in size from 10 to nearly

500 students. During the course of more than two decades

as a college instructor, he has taught both undergraduate

and graduate courses at Mount Holyoke College, Wesleyan

University, and Virginia Commonwealth University in ad

dition to the University of Massachusetts Amherst.

A Fellow of the American Psychological Association,

American Association for the Advancement of Science, and

the Association for Psychological Science, Professor Feldman

received a B.A. with High Honors from Wesleyan University

(and from which he received the Distinguished Alumni

Award). He has an M.S. and Ph.D. from the University of

Wisconsin-Madison. He is a winner of a Fulbright Senior

Research Scholar and Lecturer award, and he has written

xxx

more than 200 books, book chapters, and scientific articles.

He has edited Development of Nonverbal Behavior in Children

and Applications of Nonverbal Behavioral Theory and Research

and co-edited Fundamentals of Nonverbal Behavior. He is also

author of Development Across the Life Span, Understanding

Psychology, and P.O. W.E.R. Learning: Strategies for Success in

College and Life. His books have been translated into many

languages, including Spanish, French, Portuguese, Dutch,

Chinese, Korean, German, Arabic, Tagalog, and Japanese,

and more than 2.5 million students have used his textbooks.

Professor Feldman's research interests include hon

esty and deception in everyday life, work that he de

scribed in The Liar in Your Life, a trade book. His research

has been supported by grants from the National Institute

of Mental Health and the National Institute on Disabilities

and Rehabilitation Research. He is also past president

of the Federation of Associations in the Behavioral and

Brain Sciences Foundation, an organization that pro

motes the social sciences, a member of the Board of the

Social Psychology Network, and is Chair of the Board and

Executive Committee of New England Public Media.

Professor Feldman loves music, is an enthusiastic pia

nist, and enjoys cooking and traveling. He has three children

and six grandchildren. He and his wife, a psychologist,

live in western Massachusetts in a home overlooking the

Holyoke Mountain Range.

Chapter 1 Introduction

The Ruiz "Happy Birthday Family Reunion" was a big success. Marco Ruiz's grandfather,

Geraldo, who would turn 90 the following day, was in his glory at the center of the fes tivities.

Marco's wife, Ellie, had hatched the reunion idea while planning next summer's wedding of

their youngest daughter, Eva. Eva's fiance, Peter, would be the first African American in the

family, and Ellie's idea was to introduce him early so his ethnicity would be old news by the

wedding day.

Ellie's brainstorm was apparently working, given the happy din of the crowd. Marco took a

quiet census: his father, Damiano, and Ellie 's mom and dad, plus a gaggle of uncles, aunts,

siblings, and cousins from his and Ellie's families. One generation down, he counted his chil

dren and their families, and virtual busloads of nieces and nephews with their families, down

to the youngest child, 4-year-old Alicia Wei-Li Saucedo, Geraldo's great-great-granddaughter,

who had been adopted from China.

Marco watched as Grandpa Geraldo hugged and chatted happily with Alicia. There in one

small picture frame was the story of the five generations of Grandpa's family, from 4 to 90.

Marco thought to himself: What is Grandpa making of all this? /s he wondering how he

spawned all these different personalities? Is he speculating about their careers, their futures?

/s he looking for traces of his stubbornness and short temper, his generosity and open

mindedness? Does he find in this gathering the vast ambitions that he had as a boy? Will any

of them be-at last - the athlete that he never was, or will they be writers and thinkers like

him and his children?

Marco smiled at Ellie's idea of "integrating" Peter into the family. Peter's skin co/or wasn't

even an issue. The main stories were that Marco's nephew Ted was here with his fiance, Tom,

and his niece Clarissa had her girlfriend, Rosa, on her arm. Marco's smile grew broader. Let

Grandpa wonder where this latest family trend came from.

2 Chapter 1

Lifespan development is a diverse and growing field with a broad focus and wide applicability. It covers the entire life span of the individual from birth to death as it examines the ways in which people develop physically, intellectually, and socially. It asks and attempts to answer questions about the ways in which people change and remain the same over their years of life.

Many of the questions that developmentalists ask are, in essence, the scientist's version of the questions that parents ask about their children and themselves: how the genetic legacy of parents plays out in their children; how children learn; why they make the choices they make; whether personality characteristics are inherited and whether they change or remain stable over time; how a stimulating environment af fects development; and many others. To pursue these answers, of course, developmen talists use the highly structured, formal scientific method, whereas parents mostly use the informal strategy of observing, engaging with, and loving their kids.

In this chapter, we will introduce the field of lifespan development. We first dis cuss the breadth of the field, both in the range of years it covers and in the topics it addresses, and we will look at the major theoretical perspectives that have examined those topics. We also describe the key features of the scientific method, the main ap proach that scientists take to answering questions of interest.

As you become acquainted with lifespan development, keep the chapter 's learn ing objectives in mind. Not only do they offer a guide to what you will learn about the field, but they also provide a roadmap of the chapter's structure.

Module 1 . 1 Beginnings

LO 1 . 1 LO 1 .2 LO 1 .3

LO 1 .4 LO 1 .5 LO 1 .6

Describe the scope of the field of lifespan development. Describe cohorts, and explain how they influence development. Explain the differences between continuous change and discontinuous change. Distinguish between critical periods and sensitive periods. Describe how the study of lifespan development expanded. Summarize the influence of nature and nurture on development.

Module 1 .2 Theoretical Perspectives on Lifespan Development

LO 1 .7 Describe the fundamentals of the psychodynamic perspective. LO 1 .8 Describe the fundamentals of the behavioral perspective. LO 1 .9 Describe the fundamentals of the cognitive perspective. LO 1 . 10 Describe the fundamentals of the humanistic perspective. LO 1 . 1 1 Describe the fundamentals of the contextual perspective. LO 1 . 12 Describe the fundamentals of the evolutionary perspective. LO 1 . 13 Explain the value of using multiple perspectives to describe human

development.

Module 1 .3 Research Methods

LO 1 . 1 4 Explain the role theories and hypotheses play in the study of development. LO 1 . 1 5 Contrast correlational and experimental research. LO 1 . 1 6 Explain the types of studies and methods used in correlational research. LO 1 . 1 7 Analyze how experiments can be used to determine cause and effect. LO 1 . 1 8 Explain how theoretical and applied research complement each other. LO 1 . 1 9 Compare longitudinal research, cross-sectional research, and sequential

research. LO 1 .20 Describe some ethical issues that affect psychological research.

M o d u l e 1 . 1 Beginnings

New Conceptions

I n many ways, the first meeting of Louise Brown and El izabeth Carr

was un remarkable: just two women, one in her thirties, th e other in

her fourties, chatting about their lives and their own children.

But i n another sense, the meeti ng was extraord inary. Louise

Brown was the world 's first "test-tu b e baby," born by in vitro

fertilization (/VF) , a procedure i n wh ich ferti lization of a mother's

egg by a father's sperm takes place outside of the mother's body.

And Elizabeth Carr was the first baby born by IVF in the U n ited

States.

Lou ise was a preschooler when her parents told her how she

was co nceived , and throughout her ch ildhood she was bombarded

with questions. It became routine to explain to her classmates

that she , in fact , was not born in a laboratory. At times , she felt

completely alone. For Elizabeth , too, growing up was not easy, as

she experienced bouts of insecurity.

Today, however, Louise and Elizabeth are hardly un ique. They

are among the more than 5 million babies that have been conceived

usin g the procedu re, one that has almost become routine . And

both became mothers themselves , giving birth to babies who were

conceived, i ncidentally, the old-fashioned way (Gagneux, 201 6;

S impson , 201 7 ; Moura- Ramos & Canavarro , 201 8) . Lou ise Brown and Elizabeth Carr 's conceptions may have been

novel, but their development since then h as followed a predictable

pattern. Although the specifics of our develop ment vary, the broad

strokes set i n motion more th an three decades ago are remarkably

similar for all of us. LeBron James, the Pope, and you -all are

traversin g the territory known as lifespan development.

Brown's conception is just one of the brave new worlds of the

day. Issues that affect h uman development range from cloning to

poverty to the prevention of AI DS. Underlying these are even more

fundamental issues: How do we develop physically? How does our

understanding of the world change th roughout our lives? And how

do our personalities and social relationsh ips develop as we move

through the life span?

These questio ns and many others are central to lifespan

development. The field encompasses a broad span of time and a

wide range of areas . Consider the range of interests that different

specialists might focus on when considering Louise Brown and

Elizabeth Carr:

• Lifespan development researchers who i nvestigate behavior at the level of b iological processes might determine if Louise

and Elizabeth's functioning prior to birth was affected by their

conception outside the womb.

• Specialists in lifespan development who study genetics might

Introduction 3

• For l ifespan development specialists who investigate the ways thinking changes over the course of life, their lives might be

examined in terms of how each woman's understand ing of the

nature of her conception changed as she grew older.

• Researchers in lifespan develop ment who focus on phys ical growth might cons ider whether their g rowth rates differed from

children conceived more trad itionally.

• Lifespan development experts who specialize in the social world and social relationships might look at the ways that Louise and

Elizabeth interacted with others and the kinds of friendships they

developed.

Although their interests take many forms , these specialists

share one concern: understanding the growth and change that occur

during l ife. Taking many different approaches, developmentalists

study how both our biological inheritance from our parents and

the environment in which we live jointly affect our future behavior,

personality , and potential as human beings.

Whether they focus on heredity or environ ment, al l

developmental specialists acknowledge that neither one alone can

account for the full range of human development. Instead, we must

look at the interaction of hered ity and environment, attemptin g to

grasp how both underlie human behavior.

I n this module, we o rient ourselves to the field of lifespan

development. We begin with a discussion of the scope of the discipl ine ,

illustratin g t h e wide array o f topics i t covers and t h e full range of ages

it examines. We also survey the main issues and controversies of

the field and consider the broad perspectives that developmentalists

take. Finally , we discuss the ways developmentalists use research to

ask and answer questions.

examine how the genetic endowment from their parents affects Louise Brown, left, and Elizabeth Carr were both concieved by in thei r later behavior. vitro fertilization.

4 Chapter 1

lifespan development the field of study that examines pat terns of growth, change, and stability in behavior that occur throughout the entire life span

physical development development involving the body's physical makeup, including the brain, nervous system, muscles, and senses, and the need for food, drink, and sleep

cognitive development development involving the ways that growth and change in intellectual capabilities influence a person's behavior

personality development development involving the ways that the enduring characteristics that dif ferentiate one person from another change over the life span

social development the way in which individuals' inter actions with others and their social relationships grow, change, and re main stable over the course of life

An Orientation to Lifespan Development Have you ever wondered at the way an infant tightly grips your finger with tiny, per fectly formed hands? Or at the way an adolescent can make involved decisions about whom to invite to a party? Or what makes a grandfather at 80 so similar to the father he was at 40?

If you've ever contemplated such things, you are asking the kinds of questions that scientists in the field of lifespan development pose. Lifespan development is the field of study that examines patterns of growth, change, and stability in behavior that occur throughout the life span.

In its study of growth, change, and stability, lifespan development takes a scientific approach. Like members of other scientific disciplines, researchers in lifespan devel opment test their assumptions by applying scientific methods. They develop theories about development and use methodical, scientific techniques to validate the accuracy of their assumptions systematically.

Lifespan development focuses on human development. Although there are devel opmentalists who study nonhuman species, the vast majority study people. Some seek to understand universal principles of development, whereas others focus on how cul tural, racial, and ethnic differences affect development. Still others aim to understand the traits and characteristics that differentiate one person from another. Regardless of approach, however, all developmentalists view development as a continuing process throughout the life span.

As developmental specialists focus on change during the life span, they also consider stability. They ask in which areas, and in what periods, people show change and growth, and when and how their behavior reveals consistency and continuity with prior behavior.

Finally, developmentalists assume that the process of development persists from the moment of conception to the day of death, with people changing in some ways right up to the end of their lives and in other ways exhibiting remarkable stability. They believe that no single period governs all development, but instead that people maintain the capacity for substantial growth and change throughout their lives.

Characterizing Lifespan Development: The Scope of the Field

LO 1 . 1 Describe the scope of the field of lifespan development.

Clearly, the definition of lifespan development is broad, and the scope of the field is extensive. Typically, lifespan development specialists cover several diverse areas, choosing to specialize in both a topical area and an age range.

TOPICAL AREAS IN LIFESPAN DEVELOPMENT Some developmentalists focus on physical development, examining the ways in which the body's makeup-the brain, nervous system, muscles, and senses, and the need for food, drink, and sleep-helps determine behavior. For example, one specialist in physical development might ex amine the effects of malnutrition on the pace of growth in children, whereas another might look at how athletes' physical performance declines during adulthood (Fell & Williams, 2008; Muinos & Ballesteros, 2014).

Other developmental specialists examine cognitive development, seeking to un derstand how growth and change in intellectual capabilities influence a person's be havior. Cognitive developmentalists examine learning, memory, problem solving, and intelligence. For example, specialists in cognitive development might want to see how problem-solving skills change over the course of life, or if cultural differences exist in the way people explain their academic successes and failures (Penido et al., 2012; Coates, 2016; St. Mary et al., 2018).

Finally, some developmental specialists focus on personality and social develop ment. Personality development is the study of stability and change in the characteristics that differentiate one person from another over the life span. Social development is the way in which individuals' interactions and relationships with others grow, change, and remain stable over the course of life. A developmentalist interested in personality development might ask whether there are stable, enduring personality traits through out the life span, whereas a specialist in social development might examine the effects

Table 1 - 1 Approaches to Lifespan Development

Orientation Defining Characteristics Examples of Questions Asked*

Physical development Emphasizes how brain , nervous system, muscles, sensory capabilities , and needs for food, drink, and sleep affect behavior

• What determines the sex of a child? (2. 1 ) • What are the long-term results of premature birth? (2.3) • What are the benefits of breast milk? (3. 1)

Introduction 5

• What are the consequences of early or late sexual maturation? (6. 1 )

Cognitive development

Personality and social development

Emphasizes intel lectual abilities, including learning, memory, problem solving, and intelligence

Emphasizes enduring characteristics that differentiate one person from another, and how interactions with others and social relationships grow and change over the lifetime

·Numbers in parentheses indicate i n which chapter and module the question is addressed.

• What leads to obesity in adulthood? (7 . 1 ) • How do adults cope with stress? (8. 1 ) • What are the outward and internal signs of aging? (9 . 1 ) • How do we define death? (1 0. 1 )

• What are the earliest memories that can be recalled from infancy? (3.2) • What are the intellectual consequences of watching television? (4.2) • Do spatial reasoning skills relate to music practice? (4.2) • Are there benefits related to bilingualism? (5.2) • How does an adolescent's egocentrism affect his or her view of the world? (6.2) • Are there ethnic and racial differences in intelligence? (5.2) • How does creativity relate to intelligence? (7 .2) • Does intelligence decline in late adulthood? (9.2)

• Do newborns respond differently to their mothers than to others? (2.3) • What is the best procedu re for disciplining children? (4.3) • When does a sense of gender identity develop? (4.3) • How can we promote cross- race friendships? (5.3) • What are the causes of adolescent suicide? (6.3) • How do we choose a romantic partner? (7.3) • Do the effects of parental divorce last into old age? (9.3) • Do people withdraw from others in late adulthood? (9.3) • What are the em otions involved in confronting death? (10. 1 )

of racism or poverty or divorce on development (Lansford, 2009; Tine, 2014; Manning et al., 2017). These four major topic areas-physical, cognitive, social, and personality development-are summarized in Table 1-1.

AGE RANGES AND INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES In addition to choosing a particu lar topical area, developmentalists also typically look at a particular age range. The life span is usually divided into broad age ranges: the prenatal period (from conception to birth); infancy and toddlerhood (birth to age 3); the preschool period (ages 3 to 6); middle childhood (ages 6 to 12); adolescence (ages 12 to 20); young adulthood (ages 20 to 40); middle adulthood (ages 40 to 60); and late adulthood (ages 60 to death).

It's important to keep in mind that these periods are social constructions. A social construction is a shared notion of reality that is widely accepted but is a function of society and culture at a given time. Thus, the age ranges within a period-and even the periods themselves-are in many ways arbitrary and culturally derived. For ex ample, the concept of childhood as a separate period did not exist in Western cultures before the 18th century-until then, children were seen simply as miniature adults. Furthermore, although some periods have a clear-cut boundary (infancy begins with birth, the preschool period ends with entry into public school, and adolescence starts with sexual maturity), others do not.

For instance, consider the period of young adulthood. Age 20 marks the end of the teenage period, but for many people the age change from 19 to 20 has little special sig nificance, coming as it does in the middle of college. For them, more substantial changes are likely to occur when they leave college around age 22. Furthermore, in some cul tures adulthood starts much earlier, as soon as a child can begin full-time work.

In fact, some developmentalists have proposed entirely new developmental pe riods. For instance, psychologist Jeffrey Arnett argues that adolescence extends into emerging adulthood, a period beginning in the late teenage years and continuing into the mid-20s. During emerging adulthood, people are no longer adolescents, but they haven't fully taken on the responsibilities of adulthood. Instead, they are still trying out different identities and engaging in self-focused exploration (de Dios, 2012; Syed & Seiffge-Krenke, 2013; Sumner, Burrow, & Hill, 2015; Arnett, 2016).

In short, there are substantial individual differences in the timing of events in peo ple's lives. In part, this is a biological fact of life: People mature at different rates and

6 Chapter 1

reach developmental milestones at different points. However, envi ronmental factors also play a significant role; for example, the typical age of marriage varies from one culture to another, depending in part on the functions that marriage plays in a given culture.

THE LINKS BETWEEN TOPICS AND AGES Each of the broad topic areas of lifespan development-physical, cognitive, so cial, and personality development-plays a role throughout the life span. Consequently, some developmental experts may focus on physical development during the prenatal period, and others during adolescence. Some might specialize in social development during the preschool years, whereas others look at social relation ships in late adulthood. And still others might take a broader ap proach, looking at cognitive development through every period of life.

In this book, we'll take a comprehensive approach, proceeding chronologically from the prenatal period through late adulthood and death. Within each period, we'll look at physical, cognitive, social, and personality development.

Cohort and Other Influences on Development: Developing with Others in a Social World

LO 1 .2 Describe cohorts, and explain how they influence development.

This wedding of two children in India is an example of how environmental factors can play a signmcant role in de

termining the age when a particular event is likely to occur.

Bob, born in 1947, is a baby boomer; he was born soon after the end of World War II, when an enormous surge in the birth rate occurred as soldiers returned to the United States from overseas. He was an adolescent at the height of the civil rights movement and the begin ning of protests against the Vietnam War. His mother, Leah, was

cohort a group o f people born at around the same time in the same place

born in 1922. She died at age 96, and she was part of the generation that passed its childhood and teenage years in the shadow of the Great Depression. Bob's son, Jon, was born in 1975. Now middle-aged and established in a career and raising his own family, he is a member of what has been called Generation X. Jon's younger sister, Sarah, who was born in 1982, is part of the next generation, which sociologists have called the Millennial Generation. She now is raising a preschooler of her own after finishing graduate school and starting her career. She sees post-Millennials, the gen eration that followed her, as being engrossed in social media and their iPhones.

These people are in part products of the social times and the cultures in which they live. Each belongs to a particular cohort, a group of people born at around the same time in the same place. Such major social events as wars, economic upturns and depressions, famines, and epidemics exert similar influences on members of a particu lar cohort (Mitchell, 2002; Dittman, 2005; Twenge, Gentile, & Campbell, 2015).

Cohort effects are an example of history-graded influences, biological and environ mental influences associated with a particular historical moment. For instance, peo ple who lived in New York City during the 9 / 11 terrorist attack on the World Trade Center experienced shared biological and environmental challenges as a result of the attack. Their development is going to be affected by this normative history-graded event (Laugharne, Janca, & Widiger, 2007; Park, Riley, & Snyder, 2012; Kim, Bushway, & Tsao, 2016).

From an educator's perspective: How would a student's cohort membership affect his or her readiness for school? For example, what would be the benefits and drawbacks of growing up in a cohort in which cell phone use was routine, compared with previous cohorts in which cell phone use was less common?

In contrast, age-graded influences are biological and environmental influences that are similar for individuals in a particular age group, regardless of when or where they

Introduction 7

are raised. For example, biological events such as puberty and menopause are univer sal events that occur at about the same time in all societies. Similarly, a sociocultural event such as entry into formal education can be considered an age-graded influence because it occurs in most cultures around age 6.

Development is also affected by sociocultural-graded influences, the social and cul tural factors present at a particular time for a particular individual, depending on such variables as ethnicity, social class, and subcultural membership. For example, sociocultural-graded influences will be considerably different for white and nonwhite children, especially if one lives in poverty and the other in affluence. Similarly, chil dren raised in remote and isolated areas of the African outback will experience sig nificantly different upbringings from those raised in New York City (Rose et al., 2003; Hosokawa & Katsura, 2018). (See the Cultural Dimensions box.)

Finally, non-normative life events are specific, atypical events that occur in a particu lar person's life at a time when such events do not happen to most people. For exam ple, a child whose parents die in an automobile accident when she is 6 has experienced a significant non-normative life event.

C u lt u ral D i m e n s i o n s

How Cu lture, Eth n i city, and Race I nfluence Development

In the United States, parents praise young children who ask

a lot of questions for being "intelligent" and "inquisitive." The

Dutch consider such children "too dependent on others."

Italian parents judge inquisitiveness as a sign of social and

emotional competence, not intelligence. Spanish parents

praise character far more than intelligence, and Swedes

value security and happiness above all.

What are we to make of the diverse parental expectations cited above? Is one way of looking at ch i ldren 's inquisitiveness right and the others wrong? Surely not, if we take into consideration the cultural contexts in which parents operate. In fact, different cultures and subcultures have the ir own views of appropriate and inappropriate methods and interpretations of childrearing, just as they have different developmental goals for children (Feldman & Masalha, 2007; Huijbregts et al., 2009; Chen, Chen, & Zheng, 201 2).

Special ists in child development must take into consideration broad cultural factors. For example, as we'll discuss further in Chapter 4, ch ildren growi ng up in Asian societies tend to have a collectivistic orientation , focusing on the interdependence among members of society. In contrast, children in Western societies are more likely to have an individualistic orientation, in which they concentrate on the uniqueness of the individual.

S im i larly, child developmentalists must also consider ethnic, racial, socioeconomic, and gender differences if they are to achieve an understanding of how peop le change and grow throughout the life span. If these special ists succeed in doing so, not only can they attain a better understanding of human development , but they may also be able to derive more precise applications for improving the human social conditi on.

To compl icate the study of diverse populations, the terms race and ethnic group are often used inappropriately. Race origi nated as a biological concept, and it initially referred to

classifications based on physical and structural characteristics of species. But such a definition has little validity in terms of humans, and research shows that it is not a meaningful way to differentiate people.

For example, depending on how race is defined, there are between 3 and 300 races, and no race is genetically distinct. The fact that 99.9 percent of humans' genetic makeup is identical in all humans makes the question of race seem insign ificant. Thus, race today is generally thought of as a social construction, something defined by people and their beliefs (Smedley & Smedley, 2005; Alfred & Chl up, 2 0 1 0 ; Kung et al., 201 8).

In contrast, ethnic group and ethnicity are broader terms for wh ich there is greater agreement. They relate to cultural backgrou nd, nationality, rel ig ion. and language. Members of ethnic groups share a common cultural background and group history.

In addition, there is little agreement about which names best reflect different races and ethnic groups. Should the term African American -which has geograph ical and cultural impl ications be preferred over black, which focuses primarily on race and skin color? Is Native American preferable to Indian? Is Hispanic more appropriate than Latino? And how can researchers accurately categorize people with m ultiracial backgrounds?

To fully understand development, then, we need to take the complex issues associated with human diversity into account. In fact. it is only by looki ng for si milarities and differences among various ethnic, cultural, and racial groups that developmental researchers can distinguish principles of development that are u niversal from ones that are culturally determined. I n the years ahead, then, it is likely that lifespan development will move from a discipline that primarily focuses on North American and European development to one that encompasses development around the globe (Matsumoto & Yoo, 2006; Kloep et al., 2009; Arnett, 2017).

8 Chapter 1

continuous change gradual development in which achievements at one level build on those of previous levels

discontinuous change development that occurs in distinct steps or stages, with each stage bringing about behavior that is as sumed to be qualitatively different from behavior at previous stages

critical period a specific time during development when a particular event has its great est consequences and the presence of certain kinds of environmental stimuli are necessary for develop ment to proceed normally

sensitive period a point in development when organ isms are particularly susceptible to certain kinds of stimuli in their envi ronments, but the absence of those stimuli does not always produce ir reversible consequences

Key Issues and Questions: Determining the Nature-and Nurture-of Lifespan Development Lifespan development is a decades-long journey through shared milestones, with many individual routes along the way. For developmentalists, the variations in lifespan development raise many questions. What are the best ways to think about the enormous changes that a person undergoes from before birth to death? How im portant is chronological age? Is there a clear timetable for development? How can one begin to find common threads and patterns?

In this section we examine four of the most important-and continuously argued-issues in the field of lifespan development. We also consider the resolutions to which researchers have come regarding these issues.

Continuous Change Versus Discontinuous Change

LO 1 .3 Explain the differences between continuous change and discontinuous change.

One of the primary issues challenging developmentalists is whether development proceeds in a continuous or discontinuous fashion. In continuous change, develop ment is gradual, with achievements at one level building on those of previous levels. Continuous change is quantitative; the underlying developmental processes remain the same over the life span. In this view changes are a matter of degree, not of kind like changes in a person's height. Some theorists suggest that changes in people's thinking abilities are also continuous, building on gradual improvements rather than developing entirely new processing capabilities.

In contrast, others see development as primarily a matter of discontinuous change, occurring in distinct stages. Each stage brings about behavior that is assumed to be qualitatively different from behavior at previous stages. Consider cognitive de velopment again. Some cognitive developmentalists suggest that our thinking changes in fundamental ways as we develop, not just quantitatively but qualitatively.

Most developmentalists agree that it makes little sense to take an either-or posi tion on this issue. Although many types of developmental change are continuous, oth ers are clearly discontinuous (Heimann, 2003; Gumz et al., 2010; Burgers, 2016).

Critical and Sensitive Periods: Gauging the Impact of Environmental Events

LO 1 .4 Distinguish between critical periods and sensitive periods.

If a woman comes down with a case of rubella (German measles) in the llth week of pregnancy, the consequences for the child she is carrying-possible blindness, deaf ness, and heart defects-can be devastating. However, if she comes down with the same strain of rubella in the 30th week of pregnancy, damage to the child is unlikely.

The differing outcomes demonstrate the concept of critical periods. A critical period is a specific time during development when a particular event has its greatest consequences. Critical periods occur when the presence of certain kinds of environ mental stimuli enable development to proceed normally, or when exposure to certain stimuli results in abnormal development. For example, mothers who take drugs at particular times during pregnancy may cause permanent harm to their developing child (M0lgaard-Nielsen, Pasternak, & Hviid, 2013; Nygaard et al., 2017).

Although early specialists in lifespan development placed great emphasis on criti cal periods, recent thinking suggests that individuals are more malleable, particularly in the domain of personality and social development. For instance, rather than suffer ing permanent damage from a lack of certain early social experiences, there is increas ing evidence that people can use later experiences to help overcome previous deficits.

Consequently, developmentalists are now more likely to speak of sensitive periods rather than critical periods. In a sensitive period, organisms are particularly

susceptible to certain kinds of stimuli in their environments. In contrast to a critical pe riod, however, the absence of those stimuli during a sensitive period does not always produce irreversible consequences.

Although the absence of particular environmental influences during a sensitive

period may hinder development, it is possible for later experiences to overcome the previous deficits. In other words, the concept of sensitive period recognizes the plas ticity of developing humans (Hooks & Chen, 2008; Hartley & Lee, 2015; Piekarski et al., 2017).

Lifespan Approaches Versus a Focus on Particular Periods

LO 1 .5 Describe how the study of lifespan development expanded.

Early developmentalists tended to focus their attention on infancy and adolescence, largely to the exclusion of other parts of the life span. Today, however, develop mentalists believe the entire life span is important, largely because developmental growth and change continue during every part of life-as we'll discuss throughout this book.

Furthermore, to fully understand the social influences on a person of a given age, we need to understand the person's social environment-the people who in large measure provide those influences. For instance, to understand development in infants, we need to unravel the effects of their parents' ages on their social environments. A 15-year-old first-time mother and an experienced 37-year-old mother will provide pa rental influences of different sorts. Consequently, infant development is in part an out growth of adult development.

Additionally, as lifespan developmentalist Paul Baltes points out, development across the life span involves both gains and losses. With age, certain capabilities be come more refined and sophisticated, whereas others decline. For example, vocabu lary tends to grow throughout childhood and continue through most of adulthood, but certain physical abilities, like reaction time, improve until early and middle adult hood, and then begin to decline (Baltes, 2003; Ghisletta et al., 2010; Cid-Fernandez, Lindin, & Diaz, 2016).

The Relative Influence of Nature and Nurture on Development

LO 1 .6 Summarize the influence of nature and nurture on development.

One of the enduring questions of development involves how much of people's be havior is the result of genetics (nature) and how much is the result of the physical and social environment (nurture) (Wexler, 2006; Kong et al., 2018).

Nature refers to traits, abilities, and capacities that are inherited from one's par ents. It encompasses any factor that is produced by the predetermined unfolding of genetic information-a process known as maturation. These genetic, inherited influ ences are at work as we move from the one-cell organism created at conception to the billions of cells that make up a fully formed human. Nature influences whether our eyes are blue or brown, whether we have thick hair throughout life or eventually go bald, and how good we are at athletics. Nature allows our brains to develop in such a way that we can read the words on this page.

In contrast, nurture refers to the environmental influences that shape behavior. Some influences may be biological, such as the impact of a pregnant mother 's use of cocaine on her unborn child or the amount and kind of food available to children. Other influences are more social, such as the ways parents discipline their children and the effects of peer pressure on an adolescent. Finally, some influences are a re sult of societal factors, such as the socioeconomic circumstances in which people find themselves.

Although developmentalists reject the notion that behavior is the sole result of either nature or nurture, the nature-nurture question can cause heated debate. Take, for instance, intelligence. If intelligence is primarily determined by heredity and is largely fixed at birth, then efforts to improve intellectual performance later in life may be doomed to failure. In contrast, if intelligence is primarily a result

Introduction 9

maturation the predetermined unfolding of genetic information

10 Chapter 1

of environmental factors, such as the amount and quality of schooling and home stimulation, then an improvement in social conditions could cause intelligence to increase.

Clearly, neither nature nor nurture stands alone in most developmental matters. The interaction of genetic and environmental factors is complex, in part because certain genetically determined traits have not only a direct influence on children's behavior, but also an indirect influence in shaping children's environments. For example, children who cry a great deal-a trait that may be produced by genetic factors-may influence their environment by making their parents rush to comfort them whenever they cry. The parents' responsivity to their children's genetically determined behavior becomes an environmental influence on the children's subse quent development.

Similarly, although our genetic background orients us toward particular behav iors, those behaviors will not necessarily occur without an appropriate environment. People with similar genetic backgrounds (such as identical twins) may behave in dif ferent ways; and people with highly dissimilar genetic backgrounds can behave quite similarly to one another in certain areas (Segal et al., 2015; Sudharsanan, Behrman, & Kohler, 2016; Pfeifer & Hamann, 2018).

In sum, the nature-nurture question is challenging. Ultimately, we should con sider the two sides of the issue as ends of a continuum, with particular behaviors fall ing somewhere between the ends. The same can be said of the other controversies that we have considered. For instance, continuous versus discontinuous development is not an either-or proposition; some forms of development fall toward the continuous end of the continuum, whereas others lie closer to the discontinuous end. In short, few statements about development involve either-or absolutes (Deater-Deckard & Cahill, 2006; Rutter, 2006; Selig & Lopez, 2016).

Review, C h eck, and Apply Review

LO 1 . 1 Describe the scope of the field of lifespan development.

Lifespan development is a scientific approach to understand ing human growth and change throughout life. The field cov ers a broad range of ages and topic areas. Its chief aim is to examine the links between human age groups and the areas of physical, cognitive, social, and personality development.

LO 1 .2 Describe cohorts, and explain how they influence development.

Membership in a cohort, based on age and place of birth, subjects people to influences based on historical events (history-graded influences). People are also subject to age graded influences, sociocultural-graded influences, and non-normative life events.

LO 1 .3 Explain the differences between continuous change and discontinuous change.

In continuous change, development is gradual, with achievements at one level building on those of previous levels. Continuous change is quantitative; the underlying developmental processes remain the same over the life span. In contrast, in discontinuous change, development occurs in distinct stages. Each stage brings about behavior that is assumed to be qualitatively different from behavior at previous stages.

LO 1 .4 Distinguish between critical periods and sensitive periods.

A critical period is a specific time during development when a particular event has its greatest consequences. In a sensitive period, organisms are particularly susceptible to certain kinds of stimuli in their environments. In contrast to a critical period, however, the absence of those stimuli during a sensitive period does not always produce irre versible consequences.

LO 1 .5 Describe how the study of lifespan development expanded.

Early developmentalists tended to focus their attention on infancy and adolescence, largely to the exclusion of other parts of the life span. Today, however, developmentalists believe the entire life span is important, largely because developmental growth and change continue during every part of life.

LO 1 .6 Summarize the influence of nature and nurture on development.

Nature refers to traits, abilities, and capacities that are inherited from one's parents. In contrast, nurture refers to the environmental influences that shape behavior.

Check Yourself

1. Three assumptions made by lifespan developmen talists are: (1) a focus on human development, (2) an understanding of stability in addition to growth and change, and (3) ��

a. the perception that development persists through out our entire lives

b. the perception that childhood developmental changes are the only changes worth studying

c. the idea that some periods of the life span are more important than others

d. the perception that development is a stagnant process

2. The time when children utter their first complete sen- tence is an example of ____ _

a. a history-graded influence b. an age-graded influence c. a sociocultural-graded influence d. a non-normative life event

Applying Lifespan Development

Introduction 11

3. Grady believes that human development occurs in small, measurable amounts. His sister Andrea dis agrees and suggests that human development is more distinct and steplike. Their argument is most reflective of the issue.

a. critical and sensitive period b. nature and nurture c. continuous and discontinuous d. lifespan approach and particular period

4. A is a specific time during development when a particular event has its greatest consequence.

a. critical period b. sensitive period c. genetic period d. embryo period

What are some examples of the ways culture (either broad culture or aspects of culture) affects human development?

M o d u l e 1 . 2 Theoretical Perspectives on Lifespan Development

In Europe, there was no concept of "childhood" until the 1 7th

century. Instead, children were simply thought of as miniature adults.

They were assumed to be subject to the same needs and desires as

adults, to have the same vices and virtues, and to warrant no more

privileges. They were dressed the same as adults, and their work

hours were the same. Children also received the same punishments

for misdeeds. If they stole, they were hanged; if they did well, they

could achieve prosperity, at least so far as their station in life or social

class would allow.

This view of childhood seems wrong headed now, but at the time

it was society's und erstand ing of lifespan development. From this

perspective, there were no differences because of age; except for

size, people were assumed to be virtually unc hanging , at least on

a psychological level, throughout most of th e life span (Aries, 1 962;

Acocella, 2003 ; Hutton , 2004; Wines, 2006).

It is easy to reject the medieval view but less clear how to

formulate a contemporary substitute. Should our view of development

focus on the biological aspects of chan ge, growth , and stab ility over

the life span? The cognitive or social aspects? Or some other factors?

In fact, people who study lifespan development approach the field

from different perspectives. Each perspective encompasses one or more

theories: broad, organized explanations and predictions concerning phenomena of interest. A theory provides a framework for understanding

the relationships among a seemingly unorganized set of facts or principles.

We all develop theories about development, based on our

experience, folklore, and stories in the med ia. However, theories in

lifespan development are different. Whereas our own personal theories

are haph azardly bui lt on unverified observations, developmentalists'

theories are more formal, based on a systematic integration of prior

findings and theorizing . Theories allow developmentalists to summarize

and organize prior observations, and they allow them to move beyond

existing observations to draw deductions that may not be immediately

apparent. In addition, theories are su bject to rigorous testing through

research. By contrast, the developmental theories of individuals are not

subject to testing and may never be questioned at all (Thomas, 200 1 ) .

We'll consider the six major theoretical perspectives used in lifespan

development- the psychodynamic, behavioral, cognitive, humanistic,

contextual, and evolutionary perspectives - and discuss them in greater

detail in later chapters. Each perspective emphasizes somewhat

different aspects of development and steers developmentalists in

particular directions. Furthermore, each continues to evolve, as befits a

dynamic d iscipline.

Society's view of childhood, and what is appropriate to ask of chil

dren, has changed through the ages. These children worked full-time

in mines in the early 1900s.

12 Chapter 1

theories broad explanations, and predictions about phenomena of interest

psychodynamic perspective the approach that states that behavior is motivated by inner forces, memories, and conflicts that are generally beyond people's awareness and control

psychoanalytic theory the theory proposed by Freud that suggests that unconscious forces act to determine personality and behavior

psychosexual development according to Freud, a series of stages that children pass through in which pleasure, or gratification, is focused on a particular biological function and body part

psychosocial development according to Erik Erikson, develop ment that encompasses changes in the understandings individuals have of themselves as members of society

Sigmund Freud

The Psychodynamic, Behavioral, and Cognitive

Perspectives Let's first examine the main characteristics of the psychodynamic, behavioral, and cognitive perspectives and how each explains lifespan development.

The Psychodynamic Perspective: Focusing on the Inner Person

LO 1 . 7 Describe the fundamentals of the psychodynamic perspective.

When Marisol was 6 months old, she was involved in a bloody automobile accident or so her parents tell her because she has no recollection of it. Now, however, at age 24, she is having difficulty maintaining relationships, and her therapist is seeking to determine whether her current problems are a result of the accident.

Looking for such a link might seem a bit far-fetched, but not to proponents of the psychodynamic perspective. Advocates believe that much behavior is motivated by inner forces, memories, and conflicts of which a person has little awareness or control. These inner forces, which may stem from childhood, influence behavior throughout the life span.

FREUD'S PSYCHOANALYTIC THEORY The psychodynamic perspective is most closely associated with Sigmund Freud. Freud, who lived from 1856 to 1939, was a Viennese physician whose revolutionary ideas had a profound effect not only on psy chology and psychiatry, but on Western thought in general (Greenberg, 2012; Roth, 2016; Mahalel, 2018).

Freud's psychoanalytic theory suggests that unconscious forces act to deter mine personality and behavior. To Freud, the unconscious is a part of the personality about which a person is unaware. It contains infantile wishes, desires, demands, and needs that are hidden from conscious awareness because of their disturbing nature. Freud suggested that the unconscious is responsible for a good part of our everyday behavior.

According to Freud, everyone's personality has three aspects: id, ego, and super ego. The id is the raw, unorganized, inborn part of personality that is present at birth. It represents primitive drives related to hunger, sex, aggression, and irrational impulses. The ego is the part of personality that is rational and reasonable. The ego acts as a buf fer between the external world and the primitive id.

Finally, the superego represents a person's conscience, incorporating distinctions between right and wrong. It begins to develop from age 5 or 6 and is learned from an individual's parents, teachers, and other significant figures.

Freud also addressed personality development during childhood. He argued that psychosexual development occurs as children pass through distinct stages in which pleasure, or gratification, is focused on a particular biological function and body part. As illustrated in Table 1-2, he suggested that pleasure shifts from the mouth (the oral stage) to the anus (the anal stage) and eventually to the genitals (the phallic stage and the genital stage).

According to Freud, if children are unable to gratify themselves sufficiently dur ing a particular stage, or if they receive too much gratification, fixation may occur. Fixation is behavior reflecting a previous stage of development resulting from an unre solved conflict. For instance, fixation at the oral stage might produce an adult who is unusually absorbed in oral activities-eating, talking, or chewing gum.

ERIKSON'S PSYCHOSOCIAL THEORY Psychoanalyst Erik Erikson, who lived from 1902 to 1994, provided an alternative psychodynamic view, emphasizing our social interaction with other people. In Erikson's view, society and culture both chal lenge and shape us. Psychosocial development encompasses changes in our inter actions with and understandings of one another, as well as in our knowledge and understanding of ourselves as members of society (Erikson, 1963; Malone et al., 2016; Knight, 2017).

Erikson's theory suggests that development proceeds throughout our lives in eight stages (see Table 1-2), which emerge in a fixed pattern and are similar for all people.

Table 1-2 Freud's and Erikson's Theories

Freud's Stages Erikson's Stages

Introd uction 13

of Psychosexual Major Characteristics of of Psychosocial Positive and Negative Outcomes of Approximate Age Development Freud's Stages Development Erikson's Stages

Birth to 1 2-1 8 months

1 2-1 8 months to 3 years

3 to 5-6 years

5-6 years to adolescence

Oral

Anal

Phallic

Latency

Adolescence to Genital adulthood (Freud) Adolescence (Erikson)

Early adulthood (Erikson)

Middle adulthood (Erikson)

Late adulthood (Erikson)

I nterest in oral gratification from sucking , eating, mouthing, biting

Gratification from expelling and

withholding feces; coming to terms with society's controls relating to toilet training

I nterest i n the genital s; coming to terms with Oedipal conflict, lead ing to identification with same-sex parent

Sexual concerns largely unimportant

Reemergence of sexual interests and establ ishment of mature sexual relationships

Trust vs. mistrust

Autonomy vs. shame and doubt

Initiative vs. guilt

Positive: Feelings of trust from environmental support Negative: Fear and concern regarding others

Positive: Self-suffic iency if exploration is encouraged Negative: Doubts about self, lack of independence

Positive: Discovery of ways to initiate actions Negative: Guilt from actions and thoughts

Industry vs. inferiority Positive: Development of sense of competence Negative: Feelings of inferiority , no sense of mastery

Identity vs. role

diffusion

Intimacy vs. i solation

Generativity vs. stagnation

Ego-integrity vs. despair

Positive: Awareness of uniqueness of self, knowledge of role to be followed Negative: Inability to identify appropriate roles i n life

Positive: Development of loving, sexual relationships and close friendships Negative: Fear of relationships with others

Positive: Sense of contribution to continuity of life Negative: Trivialization of one's activities

Positive: Sense of unity in life's accomplishments Negative: Regret over lost opportunities of life

Each stage presents a crisis or conflict that the individual must resolve. Although no crisis is ever fully resolved, the individual must at least address the crisis of each stage sufficiently to deal with demands made during the next stage of development. Unlike Freud, who regarded development as relatively complete by adolescence, Erikson suggested that growth and change continue throughout the life span (de St. Aubin & McAdams, 2004).

ASSESSING THE PSYCHODYNAMIC PERSPECTIVE Freud's insight that uncon scious influences affect behavior was a monumental accomplishment, and the fact that it seems at all reasonable to us shows how extensively the idea of the unconscious has pervaded thinking in Western cultures. In fact, work by contemporary researchers studying memory and learning suggests that we unconsciously carry with us memo ries that have a significant impact on our behavior.

However, many of the most basic principles of Freud's psychoanalytic theory have been questioned because they have not been validated by research. In particu lar, the notion that childhood stages determine adult personalities has little research support. In addition, because much of Freud's theory was based on a limited popula tion of upper-middle-class Austrians living during a strict, puritanical era, its appli cation to broad, multicultural populations is questionable. Finally, because Freud's theory focuses primarily on male development, it has been criticized as sexist and interpreted as devaluing women (Gillham, Law, & Hickey, 2010; O'Neil & Denke, 2016; Balsam, 2018).

Erikson's view that development continues throughout the life span is highly important-and has received considerable support. However, the theory also has its drawbacks. Like Freud's theory, it focuses more on men than women. Further, its vagueness makes it difficult to test rigorously. And, as with psychodynamic theories in general, it is difficult to make definitive predictions about a given individual's behav- ior using the theory (de St. Aubin & McAdams, 2004; Balsam, 2013). Erik Erikson

14 Chapter 1

behavioral perspective the approach that suggests that the keys to understanding development are observable behavior and outside stimuli in the environment

classical conditioning a type of learning in which an organ ism responds in a particular way to a neutral stimulus that normally does not bring about that type o f response

operant conditioning a form of learning in which a vol untary response is strengthened or weakened by its association with positive or negative consequences

John B. Watson

The Behavioral Perspective: Focusing on Observable Behavior

LO 1 .8 Describe the fundamentals of the behavioral perspective.

When Elissa Sheehan was 3, a large brown dog bit her, and she needed dozens of stitches and several operations. From the time she was bitten, she broke into a sweat whenever she saw a dog, and in fact never enjoyed being around any pet.

To a lifespan development specialist using the behavioral perspective, the expla nation for Elissa's behavior is straightforward: She has a learned fear of dogs. Rather than looking inside the organism at unconscious processes, the behavioral perspective suggests that the keys to understanding development are observable behavior and environmental stimuli. If we know the stimuli, we can predict the behavior. In this respect, the behavioral perspective reflects the view that nurture is more important to development than nature.

Behavioral theories reject the notion that people universally pass through a series of stages. Instead, people are affected by the environmental stimuli to which they hap pen to be exposed. Developmental patterns, then, are personal, reflecting a particu lar set of environmental stimuli, and behavior is the result of continuing exposure to specific factors in the environment. Furthermore, developmental change is viewed in quantitative, rather than qualitative, terms. For instance, behavioral theories hold that advances in problem-solving capabilities as children age are largely a result of greater mental capacities, rather than changes in the kind of thinking that children can bring to bear on a problem.

CLASSICAL CONDITIONING: STIMULUS SUBSTITUTION

G ive me a dozen healthy infants, well-formed, and my own specified worl d to bring them up i n and I ' l l guarantee to take any one at random and train him to become any type of speci alist I might sel ect- doctor, lawyer, artist, merchant-chief, and yes, even beggar-man and thief, regardless of his talents, penchants, tendencies, abil ities. (Watson, 1 925)

With these words, John B. Watson, one of the first American psychologists to advocate a behavioral approach, summed up the behavioral perspective. Watson, who lived from 1878 to 1958, believed strongly that we could gain a full understanding of devel opment by carefully studying the stimuli that composed the environment. In fact, he argued that by effectively controlling-or conditioning-a person's environment, it was possible to produce virtually any behavior.

Classical conditioning occurs when an organism learns to respond in a particular way to a neutral stimulus. For instance, if the sound of a bell is paired with the ar rival of meat, a dog will learn to react to the bell alone in the same way it reacts to the meat-by salivating and wagging its tail. The behavior is a result of conditioning, a form of learning in which the response associated with one stimulus (food) comes to be connected to another-in this case, the bell.

The same process of classical conditioning explains how we learn emotional re sponses. In the case of dog-bite victim Elissa Sheehan, for instance, Watson would say that one stimulus has been substituted for another: Elissa's unpleasant experience with a par ticular dog (the initial stimulus) has been transferred to other dogs and to pets in general.

OPERANT CONDITIONING In addition to classical conditioning, the behavioral perspective accounts for other types of learning, especially what behavioralists call operant conditioning. Operant conditioning is a form of learning in which a voluntary response is strengthened or weakened by its association with positive or negative con sequences. It differs from classical conditioning in that the response being conditioned is voluntary and purposeful rather than automatic (such as salivating). In operant con ditioning, formulated and championed by psychologist B. F. Skinner (1904-1990), in dividuals learn to operate on their environments to bring about desired consequences (Skinner, 1975).

Whether or not children and adults will seek to repeat a behavior depends on whether it is followed by reinforcement. Reinforcement is the process by which a be havior is followed by a stimulus that increases the probability that the behavior will be repeated. Hence, a student is apt to work harder if he or she receives good grades;

workers are likely to labor harder if their efforts are tied to pay increases; and people are more apt to buy lottery tickets if they are reinforced by winning occasionally. In addition, punishment, the introduction of an unpleasant or painful stimulus or the re moval of a desirable stimulus, will decrease the probability that a preceding behavior will occur in the future.

Behavior that is reinforced, then, is more likely to be repeated, whereas behavior that receives no reinforcement or is punished is likely to be extinguished, in the lan guage of operant conditioning. Principles of operant conditioning are used in behavior modification, a formal technique for promoting the frequency of desirable behaviors and decreasing the incidence of unwanted ones. Behavior modification has been used in situations ranging from teaching people with severe intellectual disabilities basic language to helping people with self-control problems stick to diets (Wupperman et al., 2012; Wirth, Wabitsch, & Hauner, 2014; Miltenberger, 2016). SOCIAL-COGNITIVE LEARNING THEORY: LEARNING THROUGH IMITATION A 5-year-old boy seriously injures his 22-month-old cousin while imitating a violent wrestling move he has seen on television. Although the baby sustained spinal cord in juries, he improved and was discharged 5 weeks after his hospital admission (Reuters Health eLine, 2002; Ray & Heyes, 2011).

Cause and effect? We can't know for sure, but it certainly seems possible, espe cially to social-cognitive learning theorists. According to developmental psycholo gist Albert Bandura and colleagues, a significant amount of learning is explained by social-cognitive learning theory, an approach that emphasizes learning by observing the behavior of another person, called a model (Bandura, 2002; 2018).

From a social worker's perspective: How do the concepts of social learning and modeling relate to the mass media, and how might exposure to mass media influence a child's family life?

According to social-cognitive learning theory, behavior is learned primarily through observation and not through trial and error, as it is with operant condition ing. We don't need to experience the consequences of a behavior ourselves to learn it. Social-cognitive learning theory holds that when we see the behavior of a model being rewarded, we are likely to imitate that behavior. For instance, in one classic experiment, children who were afraid of dogs were exposed to a model, nicknamed the "Fearless Peer," who was seen playing happily with a dog (Bandura, Grusec, & Menlove, 1967). After exposure, the children who previously had been afraid were more likely to approach a strange dog than children who had not seen the model.

ASSESSING THE BEHAVIORAL PERSPECTIVE Research using the behavioral per spective has made significant contributions, ranging from employee training tech niques to the development of procedures for curbing aggression in children with severe developmental disabilities. At the same time, the perspective has experienced internal disagreements. For example, although part of the same behavioral perspective, classi cal and operant conditioning and social learning theory disagree in some basic ways. Classical and operant conditioning consider learning in terms of external stimuli and responses, in which the only important factors are the observable features of the envi ronment. People and other organisms are like inanimate "black boxes"; nothing that occurs inside the box is understood-nor much cared about, for that matter.

To social learning theorists, such an analysis is an oversimplification. They argue that what makes people different from rats and pigeons is the mental activity, in the form of thoughts and expectations. We cannot derive a full understanding of people's development without moving beyond external stimuli and responses.

In many ways, social learning theory has come to predominate in recent decades over classical and operant conditioning theories. In fact, another perspective that fo cuses explicitly on internal mental activity-the cognitive perspective-has become enormously influential.

Introduction 15

behavior modification a formal technique for promoting the frequency of desirable behaviors and decreasing the incidence of un wanted ones

social-cognitive learning theory learning by observing the behavior of another person, called a model

16 Chapter 1

cognitive perspective the approach that focuses on the processes that allow people to know, understand, and think about the world

On the reality show Survivor, contes

tants often must learn new survival

skills to be successful. What form of

learning is prevalent?

The Cognitive Perspective: Examining the Roots of Understanding

LO 1 .9 Describe the fundamentals of the cognitive perspective.

When 3-year-old Jake is asked why it sometimes rains, he answers "so the flowers can grow. " When his 11-year-old sister Lila is asked the same question, she responds "because of evaporation from the surface of the earth." And when their cousin Ajima, who is studying meteorology in graduate school, considers the same question, her extended answer includes a discussion of cumulonimbus clouds, the Coriolis Effect, and synoptic charts.

To a developmental theorist using the cognitive perspective, the difference in the sophistication of the answers is evidence of a different degree of knowledge and un derstanding, or cognition. The cognitive perspective focuses on the processes that allow people to know, understand, and think about the world.

The cognitive perspective emphasizes how people internally represent and think about the world. By using this perspective, developmental researchers hope to under stand how children and adults process information and how their ways of thinking and understanding affect their behavior. They also seek to learn how cognitive abili ties change as people develop, the degree to which cognitive development represents quantitative and qualitative growth in intellectual abilities, and how different cogni tive abilities are related to one another.

PIAGET'S THEORY OF COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT No one has had a greater impact on the study of cognitive development than Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget (1896-1980). Piaget proposed that all people pass through a fixed sequence of uni versal stages of cognitive development-and not only does the quantity of informa tion increase in each stage, but the quality of knowledge and understanding also changes. His focus was on the change in cognition that occurs as children move from one stage to the next (Piaget, 1952, 1962, 1983). Broadly speaking, Piaget suggested that human thinking is arranged into schemes, organized mental patterns that rep resent behaviors and actions. In infants, schemes represent concrete behavior-a scheme for sucking, for reaching, and for each separate behavior. In older children, the schemes become more sophisticated and abstract, such as the skills involved in riding a bike or playing an interactive video game. Schemes are like intellectual com puter software programs that direct and determine how data from the world are looked at and handled (Oura, 2014).

Piaget suggested that the growth in children's understanding of the world could be explained by two basic principles: assimilation and accommodation. Assimilation is the process in which people understand a new experience in terms of their cur rent stage of cognitive development and existing ways of thinking. In contrast, accommodation refers to changes in existing ways of thinking in response to encoun ters with new stimuli or events. Assimilation and accommodation work in tandem to bring about cognitive development.

ASSESSING PIAGET'S THEORY Piaget has profoundly influenced our under standing of cognitive development and is one of the towering figures in lifespan development. He provided masterly descriptions of intellectual growth during childhood-descriptions that have stood the test of literally thousands of investiga tions. Broadly, then, Piaget's view of cognitive development is accurate.

However, the specifics of the theory have been questioned. For instance, some cognitive skills clearly emerge earlier than Piaget suggested. Furthermore, the univer sality of Piaget's stages has been disputed. Growing evidence suggests that particular cognitive skills emerge on a different timetable in non-Western cultures. And in every culture, some people never seem to reach Piaget's highest level of cognitive sophistica tion: formal, logical thought (De Jesus-Zayas, Buigas, & Denney, 2012; Muller, Burman, & Hutchison, 2013; Siegler, 2016).

Ultimately, the greatest criticism is that cognitive development is not neces sarily as discontinuous as Piaget's stage theory suggests. Many developmental

researchers argue that growth is considerably more continuous. These critics have suggested an alternative perspective, known as the information processing approach, that focuses on the processes that underlie learning, memory, and thinking through out the life span.

INFORMATION PROCESSING APPROACHES Information processing approaches have become an important alternative to Piagetian approaches. Information processing approaches to cognitive development seek to identify the ways individuals take in, use, and store information.

Information processing approaches grew out of developments in computers. They assume that even complex behavior such as learning, remembering, categorizing, and thinking can be broken down into a series of individual, specific steps.

Like computers, children are assumed by information processing approaches to have limited capacity for processing information. As they develop, though, they em ploy increasingly sophisticated strategies that allow them to process information more efficiently.

In stark contrast to Piaget's view, information processing approaches assume that development is marked more by quantitative advances than qualitative ones. Our capacity to handle information changes with age, as does our processing speed and efficiency. Furthermore, information processing approaches suggest that as we age, we are better able to control the nature of processing and the strategies we choose to process information.

An information processing approach that builds on Piaget's research is known as neo-Piagetian theory. In contrast to Piaget's original work, which viewed cognition as a single system of increasingly sophisticated general cognitive abilities, neo-Piagetian theory considers cognition as made up of different types of individual skills. Using the terminology of information processing approaches, neo-Piagetian theory suggests that cognitive development proceeds quickly in certain areas and more slowly in others. For example, reading ability and the skills needed to recall stories may progress sooner than the abstract computational abilities used in algebra or trigonometry. Furthermore, neo-Piagetian theorists believe that experience plays a greater role in advancing cogni tive development than traditional Piagetian approaches claim (Loewen, 2006; Lefevre, 2016; Bisagno & Morra, 2018).

ASSESSING INFORMATION PROCESSING APPROACHES As we'll see in future chapters, information processing approaches have become a central part of our under standing of development. At the same time, they do not offer a complete explanation of behavior. For example, they have paid little attention to behavior such as creativity, in which the most profound ideas often are developed in a seemingly nonlogical, non linear manner. In addition, they do not take into account the social context in which development takes place-and theories that do this have become increasingly popular.

COGNITIVE NEUROSCIENCE APPROACHES One of the most recent additions to the array of approaches are cognitive neuroscience approaches, which look at cogni tive development at the level of brain processes. Like other cognitive perspectives, cognitive neuroscience approaches consider internal mental processes, but they focus specifically on the neurological activity that underlies thinking, problem solving, and other cognitive behavior.

Cognitive neuroscientists seek to identify actual locations and functions within the brain that are related to different types of cognitive activities. For example, using sophisticated brain-scanning techniques, cognitive neuroscientists have demonstrated that thinking about the meaning of a word activates different areas of the brain than thinking about how the word sounds when spoken.

Cognitive neuroscientists are also providing clues to the cause of autism spectrum disorder, a major developmental disability that can produce profound language defi cits and self-injurious behavior in young children. For example, neuroscientists have found that the brains of children with the disorder show explosive, dramatic growth in the first year of life, making their heads significantly larger than those of children

Introduction 1 7

information processing approaches the model that seeks to identify the ways individuals take in, use, and store information

cognitive neuroscience approaches approaches that examine cognitive development through the lens of brain processes

18 Chapter 1

Figure 1 - 1 The Brain and Autis m Spectrum Disorder Researchers have found abnormalities i n the temporal lobe of the brain i n some children diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder. On the left is a brain scan of a child with autism spectrum d isorder. At right is a brain scan of a child without it.

SOURCE: Boddaert, N. et al. [2009].

without the disorder (see Figure 1-1). By identifying children with the disorder early in their lives, health-care practitioners can provide crucial early intervention (Bal et al., 2010; Howard et al., 2014; Grant, 2017).

Cognitive neuroscience approaches are also on the forefront of cutting-edge research that has identified genes associated with disorders ranging from physical problems such as breast cancer to psychological disorders such as schizophrenia. Identifying the genes that make one vulnerable to such disorders is the first step in genetic engineering in which gene therapy can reduce the effects of a disorder or even prevent one from oc curring (Strobel et al., 2007; Ranganath, Minzenberg, & Ragland, 2008; Rodnitzky, 2012). ASSESSING COGNITIVE NEUROSCIENCE APPROACHES Cognitive neuroscience approaches represent a new frontier in child and adolescent development. Using sophis ticated measurement techniques that many of them developed only in the past few years, cognitive neuroscientists are able to peer into the inner functioning of the brain. Advances in our understanding of genetics also have opened a new window into both normal and abnormal development and have suggested a variety of treatments for abnormalities.

Critics of the cognitive neuroscience approach have suggested that it sometimes provides a better description than explanation of developmental phenomena. For instance, the finding that children with autism have larger brains than those without the disorder does not explain why their brains became larger-that's a question that remains to be answered. Still, such work not only offers important clues to appropriate treatments but ultimately can also lead to a full understanding of a range of developmental phenomena.

The Humanistic, Contextual, and Evolutionary Perspectives We now turn to the humanistic, contextual, and evolutionary perspectives to examine their main characteristics and how each one explains lifespan development.

The Humanistic Perspective: Concentrating on Uniquely Human Qualities

LO 1 . 10 Describe the fundamentals of the humanistic perspective.

The unique qualities of humans are the central focus of the humanistic perspective, the fourth of the major theories used by lifespan developmentalists. Rejecting the notion that behavior is largely determined by unconscious processes, the environment, or

cognitive processing, the humanistic perspective contends that people have a natural capacity to make decisions about their lives and to control their behavior. According to this approach, each individual has the ability and motivation to reach more advanced levels of maturity, and people naturally seek to reach their full potential.

The humanistic perspective emphasizes free will, the ability of humans to make choices and come to decisions about their lives. Instead of relying on societal stan dards, then, people are assumed to be motivated to make their own decisions about what they do with their lives.

Carl Rogers, one of the major proponents of the humanistic perspective, suggests that people need positive regard, which results from an underlying wish to be loved and respected. Because positive regard comes from other people, we become dependent on them. Consequently, our view of ourselves and our self-worth is a reflection of how we think others view us (Rogers, 1971; Malchiodi, 2012; Kanat-Maymon et al., 2018).

Rogers, along with another key figure in the humanistic perspective, Abraham Maslow, suggests that self-actualization is a primary goal in life. Self-actualization is a state of self-fulfillment in which people achieve their highest potential in their own unique way (Maslow, 1970; Sheldon, Joiner, & Pettit, 2003; Malchiodi, 2012).

ASSESSING THE HUMANISTIC PERSPECTIVE Despite its emphasis on important and unique human qualities, the humanistic perspective has not had a major impact on the field of lifespan development. This is primarily because of its inability to iden tify any sort of broad developmental change that is the result of increasing age or ex perience. Still, some of the concepts drawn from the humanistic perspective, such as self-actualization, have helped describe important aspects of human behavior and are widely discussed in areas ranging from health care to business (Elkins, 2009; Beitel et al., 2014; Hale et al., 2018).

The Contextual Perspective: Taking a Broad Approach to Development

LO 1 . 1 1 Describe the fundamentals of the contextual perspective.

Although lifespan developmentalists often consider physical, cognitive, personality, and social factors separately, such a categorization has one serious drawback: In the real world, none of these broad influences occurs in isolation from any other. Instead, there is a constant, ongoing interaction between the different types of influence.

The contextual perspective considers the relationship between individuals and their physical, cognitive, personality, and social worlds. It suggests that a person's unique devel opment cannot be properly viewed without seeing how that person is enmeshed within a rich social and cultural context. We'll consider two major theories that fall under this cat egory, Bronfenbrenner's bioecological approach and Vygotsky's sociocultural theory.

THE BIOECOLOGICAL APPROACH TO DEVELOPMENT In acknowledging the problem with traditional approaches to lifespan development, psychologist Urie Bronfenbrenner (2000; 2002) has proposed an alternative perspective, the bioecological approach. The bioecological approach suggests that there are five levels of the envi ronment that simultaneously influence individuals. Bronfenbrenner suggests that we cannot fully understand development without considering how a person is influenced by each of these levels.

• The microsystem is the everyday, immediate environment of children's daily lives. Homes, caregivers, friends, and teachers all are influences, but the child is not just a passive recipient. Instead, children actively help construct the microsystem, shaping their immediate world. The microsystem is the level to which most tradi tional work in child development has been directed.

• The mesosystem connects the various aspects of the microsystem. The mesosystem binds children to parents, students to teachers, employees to bosses, and friends to friends. It acknowledges the direct and indirect influences that bind us to one another, such as those that affect a mother who has a bad day at the office and then is short-tempered with her son or daughter at home.

Introduction 19

humanistic perspective the theory that contends that people have a natural capacity to make deci sions about their lives and control their behavior

contextual perspective the theory that considers the rela tionship between individuals and their physical, cognitive, personality, and social worlds

bioecological approach the perspective suggesting that levels of the environment simultaneously influence individuals

20 Chapter 1

sociocultural theory the approach that emphasizes how cognitive development proceeds as a result of social interactions between members of a culture

• The exosystem represents broader influences: societal institutions such as local government, the community, schools, places of worship, and the local media. Each of these institutions can have an immediate and major impact on personal de velopment, and each affects how the microsystem and mesosystem operate. For example, the quality of a school will affect a child's cognitive development and potentially can have long-term consequences.

• The macrosystem represents the larger cultural influences on an individual, includ ing society in general, types of governments, religious and political value systems, and other broad, encompassing factors. For example, the value a culture places on education affects the values of the people who live in that culture. Children are part of both a broader culture (such as Western culture) and members of one or more subcultures (for instance, Mexican American subculture).

• Finally, the chronosystem underlies each of the previous systems. It involves the way the passage of time-including historical events (such as the terrorist attacks in September 2001) and more gradual historical changes (such as changes in the number of women who work outside the home)-affects children's development.

The bioecological approach emphasizes the interconnectedness of the influences on development. Because the various levels are related to one another, a change in one part of the system affects other parts. For instance, a parent's loss of a job (involving the mesosystem) has an impact on a child's microsystem.

Conversely, changes on one environmental level may make little difference if other levels are not also changed. For instance, improving the school environment may have a negligible effect on academic performance if children receive little support for aca demic success at home. Similarly, the influences among family members are multidi rectional. Parents don't just influence their child's behavior; the child also influences the parents' behavior.

Finally, the bioecological approach stresses the importance of broad cultural fac tors that affect development. Consider, for instance, whether you agree that children should be taught that their classmates' assistance is essential to getting good grades in school, that they should plan to continue their fathers' businesses, or that they should take their parents' advice in choosing a career. If you have been raised in the most wide spread North American culture, you would likely disagree with all three statements be cause they violate the premises of individualism, the dominant Western philosophy that emphasizes personal identity, uniqueness, freedom, and the worth of the individual.

By contrast, if you were raised in a traditional Asian culture, your agreement with the three statements is considerably more likely because the statements reflect the value orientation known as collectivism. Collectivism is the notion that the well-being of the group is more important than that of the individual. People raised in collectivis tic cultures sometimes emphasize the welfare of the group at the expense of their own personal well-being.

The individualism-collectivism spectrum is one of several dimensions along which cultures differ. Similarly, the roles played by men and women also vary across cultures in significant ways. Such broad cultural values play an important role in shap ing the ways people view the world and behave (Yu & Stiffman, 2007; Cheung et al., 2016; Sparrow, 2016).

ASSESSING THE BIOECOLOGICAL APPROACH Although Bronfenbrenner regards biological influences as an important component of the bioecological approach, ecological influences are central to the theory. In fact, some critics argue that the perspective pays insuf ficient attention to biological factors. Still, the bioecological approach is important because

it suggests the multiple levels at which the environment affects children's development.

VYGOTSKY'S SOCIOCULTURAL THEORY To Russian developmentalist Lev Semenovich Vygotsky, a full understanding of development is impossible without tak ing into account the culture in which people develop. Vygotsky's sociocultural theory emphasizes how cognitive development proceeds as a result of social interactions be tween members of a culture (Vygotsky, 1926/ 1997; Fleer, Gonzalez, & Veresov, 2017; Newman, 2018).

Vygotsky, who lived a brief life from 1896 to 1934, argued that children's understanding of the world is ac quired through their problem-solving interactions with adults and other children. As children play and cooperate with others, they learn what is important in their society and, at the same time, advance cognitively. Consequently, to understand development, we must consider what is meaningful to members of a given culture.

Introduction 21

More than most other theories, sociocultural theory emphasizes that development is a reciprocal transaction be tween the people in a child's environment and the child. Vygotsky believed that people and settings influence the child, who in turn influences the people and settings. This pattern continues in an endless loop, with children being both recipients of socialization influences and sources of influence. For example, a child raised with his or her ex tended family nearby will grow up with a different sense of family life than a child whose relatives live far away. Those relatives, too, are affected by that situation and that child, depending on how close and frequent their contact is with the child.

According to Vygotsky, children can develop cognitively in their

understanding of the world and learn what is important in society

through play and cooperation with others.

Theorists who built on Vygotsky's work have used the example of "scaffolds," the temporary platforms used by construction workers when building a structure, to de scribe how children learn. Scaffolding is the temporary support that teachers, parents, and others provide children as they are learning a task. As children become increasingly competent and master a task, the scaffolding can be withdrawn, allowing children to carry out the task on their own (Lowe et al., 2013; Peralta et al., 2013; Dahl et al., 2017).

ASSESSING VYGOTSKY'S THEORY Sociocultural theory has become increasingly influential, despite Vygotsky's death almost eight decades ago. The reason is the grow ing acknowledgment of the central importance of cultural factors in development. Children do not develop in a cultural vacuum. Instead, their attention is directed by society to certain areas, and as a consequence, they develop particular kinds of skills. Vygotsky was one of the first developmentalists to recognize and acknowledge the importance of the cultural environment; sociocultural theory helps us to understand the rich and varied influences that shape development (Rogan, 2007; Frie, 2014; van der Veer & Yasnitsky, 2016).

Sociocultural theory is not without its critics, however. Some suggest that Vygotsky's strong emphasis on the role of culture and social experience led him to ignore the effects of biological factors on development. In addition, his perspective seems to minimize the role that individuals play in shaping their environment.

Evolutionary Perspectives: Our Ancestors' Contributions to Behavior

LO 1 . 1 2 Describe the fundamentals of the evolutionary perspective.

One increasingly influential approach is the evolutionary perspective, the sixth and final developmental perspective that we will consider. The evolutionary perspective seeks to identify behavior that is the result of our genetic inheritance from our ancestors (Goetz & Shackelford, 2006; Tomasello, 2011; Aristegui, Castro Solano, & Buunk, 2018).

Evolutionary approaches grow out of the groundbreaking work of Charles Darwin. In 1859, Darwin argued in On the Origin of Species that a process of natural se lection creates traits in a species that are adaptive to its environment. Using Darwin's arguments, evolutionary approaches contend that our genetic inheritance not only de termines such physical traits as skin and eye color, but also certain personality traits and social behaviors. For instance, some evolutionary developmentalists suggest that behaviors such as shyness and jealousy are produced in part by genetic causes, pre sumably because they helped in increasing survival rates of humans' ancient relatives (Buss, 2012; Easton, Schipper, & Shackelford, 2007; Geary & Berch, 2016).

evolutionary perspective the theory that seeks to identify be havior that is a result of our genetic inheritance from our ancestors

22 Chapter 1

The evolutionary perspective draws heavily on the field of ethology, which examines the ways in which our biological makeup influences our behavior. A primary proponent of ethology was Konrad Lorenz (1903-1989), who discovered that newborn geese are genetically preprogrammed to become attached to the first moving object they see after birth. His work, which demonstrated the importance of biological determinants in influ encing behavior patterns, led developmentalists to consider the ways in which human behavior might reflect inborn genetic patterns.

Konrad Lorenz, seen here with geese who from their birth have followed him,

considered the ways in which behavior reflects inborn genetic patterns.

The evolutionary perspective encompasses one of the fastest-growing areas within the field of lifespan development: behavioral genetics. Behavioral genetics studies the effects of heredity on behavior. Behavioral geneticists seek to un derstand how we might inherit certain behav ioral traits and how the environment influences

whether we actually display those traits. It also considers how genetic factors may produce psychological disorders such as schizophrenia (Rembis, 2009; Plomin et al., 2016; Mitra, Kavoor, & Mahintamani, 2018).

ASSESSING THE EVOLUTIONARY PERSPECTIVE There is little argument among lifespan developmentalists that Darwin's evolutionary theory provides an accurate description of basic genetic processes, and the evolutionary perspective is increasingly visible in the field of lifespan development. However, applications of the evolutionary perspective have been subjected to considerable criticism.

Some developmentalists are concerned that because of its focus on genetic and biological aspects of behavior, the evolutionary perspective pays insufficient attention to the environmental and social factors involved in producing children's and adults' behavior. Other critics argue that there is no good way to experimentally test theo ries derived from this approach because humans evolved so long ago. For example, it is one thing to say that jealousy helped individuals to survive more effectively and another thing to prove it. Still, the evolutionary approach has stimulated research on how our biological inheritance influences at least partially our traits and behaviors (Bjorklund, 2006; Baptista et al., 2008; Del Giudice, 2015).

Why "Which Approach Is Right?" Is the Wrong Question

LO 1 . 13 Explain the value of using multiple perspectives to describe human development.

We have considered the six major perspectives on development-psychodynamic, behavioral, cognitive, humanistic, contextual, and evolutionary-summarized in Table 1-3 and applied to a specific case. It would be natural to wonder which of the six provides the most accurate account of human development.

For several reasons, this is not an appropriate question. For one thing, each per spective emphasizes different aspects of development. For instance, the psychody namic approach emphasizes unconscious determinants of behavior, whereas behavioral perspectives emphasize overt behavior. The cognitive and humanistic perspectives look more at what people think than at what they do. The contextual perspective examines social and cultural influences on development, and the evolutionary perspective focuses on how inherited biological factors underlie development.

Consider, for example, how a theorist from each of the major perspectives would study the Ruiz family described at the very beginning of this chapter. A psychodynamic theorist might focus on the ways in which early childhood experiences play out in the fam ily members' adulthood, and even on the ways that the same psychological dysfunctions appear across different generations. In contrast, a behavioral theorist might concentrate on the ways in which patterns of behavior are learned and displayed in family members.

Table 1 - 3 Major Perspectives on Lifespan Development

Key Ideas About Human Behavior and Perspective Development Major Proponents Example

Introduction 23

Psychodynamic Behavior throughout life is motivated by inner, uncon- Sigmund Freud , Erik scious forces, stemming from childhood, over which Erikson we have little control.

This view might suggest that a young adult who is overweight has a fixation in the oral stage of

development.

Behavioral Development can be understood through studying John B. Watson, B. observable behavior and environmental stimuli. F. Skinner, Albert

Bandura

Cognitive Emphasis on how changes or growth in the ways Jean Piaget people know, understand, and think about the world

Humanistic

Contextual

Evolutionary

affect behavior.

Behavior is chosen through free will and motivated by Carl Rogers, Abraham our natural capacity to strive to reach our full potential. Maslow

Development should be viewed in terms of the interrelationsh ip of a person 's physical, cognitive, personality, and social worlds.

Behavior is the result of genetic inheritance from our ancestors; traits and behaviors that are adaptive for promoting the survival of our species have been inherited through natural selection.

Urie Bronfenbrenner,

Lev Vygotsky

I nfluenced by early work of Charles Darwin, Konrad Lorenz

In this perspective, a young adult who is overweight might be seen as not being rewarded for good nutritional and exercise habits.

Thi s view might suggest that a young adult who is overweight hasn't learned effective ways to stay

at a healthy weight and doesn't value good nutrition.

In this view , a young adult who is overweight may eventually choose to seek an optimal weight as part of an overall pattern of individual growth.

In this perspective , being overweight is caused by a

number of interrelated factors in that person's physical, cognitive, personality, and social worlds.

This view might suggest that a young adult might have a genetic tendency toward obesity because extra fat helped his or her ancestors to survive in times of famine.

Taking a different perspective, a cognitive theorist might look at the common thinking patterns shown by family members, while a humanistic theorist might focus on the life goals that individuals in the family share in common. Finally, a contextual theorist might be particularly interested in the ways in which the social and cultural environment in which they are living affects family members, while an evolutionary theorist might consider how genetic disorders have been passed through the family members' genes.

In short, each perspective focuses on different aspects of development and is based on its own premises. Consequently, the same developmental phenomenon can be looked at from a number of perspectives simultaneously. And in fact, some lifespan developmentalists use an eclectic approach, drawing on several perspectives simultaneously.

In the same way, the various theoretical perspectives provide different ways of looking at development. Considering them together paints a fuller portrait of the myr iad ways human beings change and grow over the course of their lives.

Of course, the theories and explanations derived from the various perspectives in some cases provide alternate explanations for the same behavior. How do we choose among competing explanations? The answer can be found through research, which we consider in the final part of this chapter.

Review, C h eck, and Apply Review

LO 1 . 7 Describe the fundamentals of the psychodynamic perspective.

The psychodynarnic perspective suggests that behavior is motivated by inner forces, memories, and conflicts that are generally beyond people's awareness and control. It focuses on unconscious determinants of behavior. According to Freud's psychoanalytic theory, personality has three aspects: id, ego, and superego. In contrast, Erikson's psychosocial approach emphasizes our social interaction with others. He suggests that society and culture both challenge and shape us.

LO 1 .8 Describe the fundamentals of the behavioral perspective.

The behavioral perspective suggests that the keys to un derstanding development are observable behavior and environmental stimuli. If we know the stimuli, we can pre dict the behavior. Behavioral theories reject the notion that people universally pass through a series of stages. Instead, people are affected by the environmental stimuli to which they happen to be exposed.

24 Chapter 1

LO 1 .9 Describe the fundamentals of the cognitive perspective.

Piaget proposed that all people pass through a fixed se quence of universal stages of cognitive development-and not only does the quantity of information increase in each stage, but also the quality of knowledge and understanding changes. His focus was on the change in cognition that oc curs as children move from one stage to the next. Broadly speaking, Piaget suggested that human thinking is ar ranged into schemes, which are organized mental patterns that represent behaviors and actions.

LO 1 . 1 0 Describe the fundamentals of the humanistic perspective.

Despite its emphasis on important and unique human qualities, the humanistic perspective has not had a major impact on the field of lifespan development. This is pri marily because of its inability to identify any sort of broad developmental change that is the result of increasing age or experience. Still, some of the concepts drawn from the humanistic perspective, such as self-actualization, have helped describe important aspects of human behavior and are widely discussed in areas ranging from health care to business.

LO 1 . 1 1 Describe the fundamentals of the contextual perspective.

Check Yourself

1. are organized explanations and predic- tions concerning phenomena of interest and provide frameworks for understanding the relationships across variables.

a. Evaluations b. Constitutions c. Intuitions d. Theories

2. The perspective suggests that the key to un- derstanding one's actions involves observation of those actions and the outside stimuli in the environment.

a. psychodynamic b. cognitive c. behavioral d. operant conditioning

Applying Lifespan Development

cultural context. Two major theories that fall under this category are Bronfenbrenner's bioecological approach and Vygotsky' s sociocultural theory.

LO 1 . 1 2 Describe the fundamentals of the evolutionary perspective.

Charles Darwin argued that a process of natural selection creates traits in a species that are adaptive to its environ ment. Using Darwin's arguments, evolutionary approaches contend that our genetic inheritance not only determines such physical traits as skin and eye color, but also certain personality traits and social behaviors. For instance, some evolutionary developmentalists suggest that behaviors such as shyness and jealousy are produced in part by ge netic causes, presumably because they helped in increasing survival rates of humans' ancient relatives.

LO 1 . 1 3 Explain the value of using multiple perspectives to describe human development.

Each perspective emphasizes different aspects of devel opment. For instance, the psychodynamic approach em phasizes unconscious determinants of behavior, whereas behavioral perspectives emphasize overt behavior. The cognitive and humanistic perspectives look more at what people think than at what they do. The contextual perspec tive examines social and cultural influences on develop ment, and the evolutionary perspective focuses on how inherited biological factors underlie development. Clearly, each perspective is based on its own premises and focuses on different aspects of development. Furthermore, the same developmental phenomenon can be looked at from a number of perspectives simultaneously.

3. Bronfenbrenner's bioecological approach and Vygotsky's sociocultural theory fall under the category of the perspective.

a. humanistic b. ethnological c. contextual d. evolutionary

4. The researcher most closely associated with the evolu- tionary perspective is ___ _

a. Konrad Lorenz b. Jean Piaget c. Carl Rogers d. B. F. Skinner

What examples of human behavior have you seen that seem to have been inherited from our ancestors because they helped individuals survive and adapt more effectively? Why do you think they are inherited?

M o d u l e 1 . 3 Research Methods

The Greek historian Herodotus wrote of an experiment conducted by

Psamtik, the king of Egypt in the seventh century a.c. Psamtik was

eager to prove the cherished Egyptian belief that his people were the

oldest race on earth. To test this notion, he developed a hypothesis:

If a child was never exposed to the language of his elders, he would instinctively adopt the primal language of humanity, the original

language of the first people. Psamtik was certain this would be

Egyptian.

For his experiment, Psamtik entrusted two Egyp tian infants to

the care of a herdsman in an isolated area. Th ey were to be well

looked after but not allowed to leave their cottage. And they were

never to hear anyone speak a single word.

Introduction 25

One day, when the children were 2 years old, they greeted the herdsman with the word "Becos!" The herdsman didn 't know this word,

but when the children continued to use it, he contacted Psamtik. The king sent for the children, who repeated the strange word to him. Psamtik did some research. Becos, it evolved, was "brea.d" in Phrygian. Because it was

the first word the children spoke, Psamtik had to conclude the Phrygians had preceded the Egyptians.

With the perspective of several thousand years, we can easily see the

shortcomings - both scientific and ethical - i n Psamti k's approach

(Hunt , 1 993). Yet his procedure represents an improvement over

mere speculation, and as such is sometimes looked on as the first

developmental experiment in recorded history.

Theories, Hypotheses, and Correla tional Studies In the sections that follow, we examine how theories and hypotheses impact the study of development. We also consider the types of studies and methods that are used in research.

Theories and Hypotheses: Posing Developmental Questions

LO 1 . 1 4 Explain the role theories and hypotheses play in the study of development.

Questions such as those raised by Psamtik drive the study of development. In fact, developmentalists are still studying how children learn language. Others are working on such questions as: What are the effects of malnutrition on intellectual performance? How do infants form relationships with their parents, and does day care disrupt such relationships? Why are adolescents particularly susceptible to peer pressure? Can scientific method mentally challenging activities reduce the declines in intellectual abilities related to aging? Do any mental faculties improve with age?

To answer such questions, developmentalists, like all psychologists and other sci entists, rely on the scientific method. The scientific method is the process of posing and answering questions using careful, controlled techniques that include systematic,

the process of posing and answering questions using careful, controlled techniques that include systematic, orderly observation and the collec tion of data

orderly observation and the collection of data. The scientific method involves three hypothesis major steps: (1) identifying questions of interest, (2) formulating an explanation, and a prediction stated in a way that per (3) carrying out research that either lends support to the explanation or refutes it, as mits it to be tested summarized in Figure 1-2.

The scientific method involves the formulation of Figure 1 - 2 The Scientific Method theories, broad explanations and predictions about phe nomena of interest that scientists create. For instance, many people theorize that a crucial bonding period between par ent and child takes place immediately after birth and is a necessary ingredient in forming a lasting parent-child re lationship. Without such a bonding period, they assume, the parent-child relationship will be forever compromised (Furnham & Weir, 1996).

Developmental researchers use theories to form hy potheses. A hypothesis is a prediction stated in a way that permits it to be tested. For instance, someone who sub scribes to the general theory that bonding is crucial might derive the hypothesis that effective bonding occurs only if it lasts for a certain length of time.

A cornerstone of research, the scientific method is used by psychologists as well as researchers from all other scientific d isciplines.

2 Formulate an explanation

Specify a theory t

Develop a hypothesis

3 Carry out research

Operationalize hypothesis

t Select a research

method t

Collect the data t

Analyze the data

26 Chapter 1

correlational research research that seeks to identify whether an association or relation ship between two factors exists

experimental research research designed to discover causal relationships between various factors

Choosing a Research Strategy: Answering Questions

LO 1 . 15 Contrast correlational and experimental research.

Once researchers have formed a hypothesis, they must develop a research strategy to test its validity. There are two major categories of research: correlational research and experimental research. Correlational research seeks to identify whether an association or relationship between two factors exists. As we'll see, correlational research cannot determine whether one factor causes changes in the other. For instance, correlational research could tell us if there is an association between the number of minutes a mother and her newborn child are together immediately after birth and the quality of the mother-child relationship when the child reaches age 2. Such correlational research in dicates whether the two factors are associated or related to one another, but not whether the initial contact caused the relationship to develop in a particular way (Schutt, 2001).

In contrast, experimental research is designed to discover causal relationships be tween various factors. In experimental research, researchers deliberately introduce a change in a carefully structured situation to see the consequences of that change. For instance, a researcher conducting an experiment might vary the number of minutes that mothers and children interact immediately following birth, in an attempt to see whether the bonding time affects the mother-child relationship.

Because experimental research is able to answer questions of causality, it is fun damental to finding answers to various developmental hypotheses. However, some research questions cannot be answered through experiments, for either technical or ethical reasons (e.g., it would be unethical to design an experiment in which a group of infants was offered no chance to bond with a caregiver at all). In fact, a great deal of pi oneering developmental research-such as that conducted by Piaget and Vygotsky employed correlational techniques. Consequently, correlational research remains an important tool for developmental researchers.

Correlational Studies

LO 1 . 16 Explain the types of studies and methods used in correlational research.

As we've noted, correlational research examines the relationship between two vari ables to determine whether they are associated, or correlated. For instance, researchers interested in the relationship between televised aggression and subsequent behavior have found that children who watch a good deal of aggression on television-murders, crimes, shootings, and the like-tend to be more aggressive than those who watch only a little. In other words, viewing aggression and actual aggression are strongly associated, or correlated (Feshbach & Tangney, 2008; Qian, Zhang, & Wang, 2013; Coyne, 2016).

But can we conclude that the viewing of televised aggression causes the more ag gressive behavior? Not at all. Consider some of the other possibilities: It might be that being aggressive in the first place makes children more likely to choose to watch vio lent programs. In this case, the aggressive tendency causes the viewing behavior, not the other way around.

Or consider that there may be a third factor operating on both the viewing and the aggression. Suppose, for example, that children of lower socioeconomic status are more likely to behave aggressively and to watch higher levels of aggressive television than those raised in more affluent settings. In this case, the third variable-socioeconomic status-causes both the aggressive behavior and the television viewing. (The various possibilities are illustrated in Figure 1-3.)

In short, finding that two variables are correlated proves nothing about causality. Although the variables may be linked causally, this is not necessarily the case.

Correlational studies do provide important information, however. For instance, as we'll see in later chapters, we know from correlational studies that the closer the genetic link between two people, the more highly associated is their intelligence. We have learned that the more parents speak to their young children, the more extensive are the children's vocabularies. And we know from correlational studies that the better the nutrition that infants receive, the fewer the cognitive and social problems they experience later (Colom, Lluis-Font, & Andres-Pueyo, 2005; Robb, Richert, & Wartella, 2009; Deoni et al., 2018).

Figure 1 - 3 Fi nding a Correl ation Finding a correlation between two factors does not imply that one factor causes the other factor to vary. For i nstance, suppose a study found that viewing television shows with high levels of aggression is correlated with actual aggression in children. The correlation may reflect at least three possibi lities: (a) watching television programs containing high levels of aggression causes aggression in viewers; (b) children who behave aggressively choose to watch TV programs with high levels of aggression; or (c) some third factor, such as a chi ld's socioeconomic status, leads both to high viewer aggression and to choosing to watch television programs with high aggression. What other factors, besides socioeconomic status, might be plausible third factors?

Possible Cause

Choosing to watch television programs

with high aggressive content

H i g h viewer aggression

Low socioeconomic

status

. . . . .

. . . .....

. . ·

. . . . . . . . . · · �

Potential Result

High viewer aggression

Choosing to watch television programs

with high aggressive content

High viewer aggression

Choosing to watch television programs

with high aggressive content

THE CORRELATION COEFFICIENT The strength and direction of a relationship between two factors is represented by a mathematical score, called a correlation coeffi cient, that ranges from + 1 . 0 to -1.0. A positive correlation indicates that as the value of one factor increases, it can be predicted that the value of the other will also increase. For instance, if we administer a job satisfaction survey and find that the more money people make in their first job, the higher their job satisfaction, and the less money they make, the lower their job satisfaction, we have found a positive correlation. The correlation coefficient would be indicated by a positive number, and the stron ger the association between salary and job satisfaction, the closer the number would be to +1.0.

In contrast, a correlation coefficient with a negative value informs us that as the value of one factor increases, the value of the other factor declines. For example, sup pose we found that the more time adolescents spend using instant messaging on their computers, the worse their academic performance is. This would produce a negative correlation, a number between 0 and -1.0. More instant messaging would be associ ated with lower performance, and less instant messaging with higher performance. The stronger the association between instant messaging and school performance, the closer the correlation coefficient will be to -1.0.

Finally, it may be that two factors are unrelated to one another. For example, it is unlikely that we would find a correlation between school performance and shoe size. In this case, the lack of a relationship would be indicated by a correlation coefficient close to 0.

Introduction 27

28 Chapter 1

naturalistic observation a type of correlational study in which some naturally occurring behavior is observed without intervention in the situation

case studies studies that involve extensive, in depth interviews with a particular in dividual or small group of individuals

survey research a type of study where a group o f people chosen to represent some larger population are asked ques tions about their attitudes, behavior, or thinking on a given topic

It is important to repeat that, even if a correlation coefficient is strong, there is no way we can know whether one factor causes the other factor to vary. It simply means that the two factors are associated with one another in a predictable way.

TYPES OF CORRELATIONAL STUDIES There are several types of correlational studies. Naturalistic observation is the observation of a naturally occurring behavior without intervention. For instance, an investigator who wishes to learn how often pre school children share toys might observe a classroom over a 3-week period, recording how often the preschoolers spontaneously share with one another. The key point is that the investigator observes without interfering (Mortensen & Cialdini, 2010; Fanger, Frankel, & Hazen, 2012; Graham et al., 2014).

Though naturalistic observation has the advantage of identifying what children do in their "natural habitat," there is an important drawback to the method: Researchers are unable to exert control over factors of interest. For instance, in some cases research ers might find so few naturally occurring instances of the behavior of interest that they are unable to draw any conclusions at all.

ETHNOGRAPHY AND QUALITATIVE RESEARCH Increasingly, naturalistic obser vation employs ethnography, a method that borrows from anthropology and is used to investigate cultural questions. In ethnography, the goal is to understand a culture's values and attitudes through careful, extended examination. Typically, researchers act as participant observers, living for a period of weeks, months, or even years in another culture. By carefully observing everyday life and conducting in-depth interviews, re searchers can obtain a deep understanding of life within another culture. Ethnographic studies may also be used to examine behavior in different subcultural and demo graphic groups or across generations. For example, a researcher might consider eat ing behavior across different generations to understand obesity patterns (Dyson, 2003; Visser, Hutter, & Haisma, 2016).

Ethnographic studies are an example of a broader category of research known as qualitative research. In qualitative research, researchers choose particular settings of in terest and seek to carefully describe, in narrative fashion, what is occurring, and why. Qualitative research can be used to generate hypotheses that can later be tested using more objective, quantitative methods.

Although ethnographic and qualitative studies provide a fine-grained view of be havior in particular settings, they suffer from several drawbacks. As mentioned, the presence of a participant observer may influence the behavior of the individuals being studied. Furthermore, because only a small number of individuals are studied, it may be hard to generalize the findings to other settings.

Finally, ethnographers carrying out cross-cultural research may misinterpret and misconceive what they are observing, particularly in cultures that are different from their own. For example, it may be difficult for an ethnographic researcher to understand completely the underlying meaning of a coming-of-age ritual in a given culture, such as the quinceanera, a celebration that occurs in many Hispanic cultures when a girl reaches the age of 15 (Polkinghorne, 2005; Hallett & Barber, 2014; Montemurro, 2014).

Case studies involve extensive, in-depth interviews with a particular individual or small group of individuals. They often are used not just to learn about the indi vidual being interviewed, but also to derive broader principles or draw tentative con clusions that might apply to others. For example, case studies have been conducted on children who display unusual genius and on children who have spent their early years in the wild, apparently without human contact. These case studies have provided im portant information to researchers and have suggested hypotheses for future investi gation (Wilson, 2003; Ng & Nicholas, 2010; Halkier, 2013).

Using diaries, participants are asked to keep a record of their behavior on a regu lar basis. For example, a group of adolescents may be asked to record each time they interact with friends for more than 5 minutes, thereby providing a way to track their social behavior.

Surveys represent another sort of correlational research. In survey research, a group of people chosen to represent some larger population are asked questions about their attitudes, behavior, or thinking on a given topic. For instance, surveys have been

conducted about parents' use of punishment on their children and on attitudes toward breastfeeding. From the responses, inferences are drawn regarding the larger popula tion represented by the individuals being surveyed.

PSYCHOPHYSIOLOGICAL METHODS Some developmental researchers, particu larly those using a cognitive neuroscience approach, make use of psychophysiological methods. Psychophysiological methods focus on the relationship between physiologi cal processes and behavior. For instance, a researcher might examine the relationship between blood flow in the brain and problem-solving ability. Similarly, some studies use infants' heart rate as a measure of their interest in stimuli to which they are exposed (Field, Diego, & Hernandez-Reif, 2009; Mazoyer et al., 2009; Jones & Mize, 2016).

Among the most frequently used psychophysiological measures are:

• Electroencephalogram (EEG). The EEG uses electrodes placed on the skull to record electrical activity in the brain. The brain activity is transformed into a picto rial representation of brain wave patterns, permitting the diagnosis of disorders such as epilepsy and learning disabilities.

• Computed tomography (CT) scan. In a CT scan, a computer constructs an image of the brain by combining thousands of individual X-rays taken at slightly different angles. Although it does not show brain activity, it does illuminate the structure of the brain.

• Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) scan. An fMRI provides a de tailed, three-dimensional computer-generated image of brain activity by aiming a powerful magnetic field at the brain. It offers one of the best ways of learning about the operation of the brain, down to the level of individual nerves.

Experiments: Determining Cause and Effect Correlational research allows scientists to determine how two factors are associated with one another, but it tells us nothing about cause and effect. To determine whether changes in one factor cause changes in another factor, we need to conduct experiments.

The Basics of Experiments

LO 1 . 1 7 Analyze how experiments can be used to determine cause and effect.

In an experiment, an investigator or experimenter typically devises two different con ditions (or treatments) and then compares how the behavior of the participants exposed to each condition is affected. One group, the treatment or experimental group, is exposed to the treatment variable being studied; the other, the control group, is not.

For instance, suppose you want to see if exposure to movie violence makes view ers more aggressive. You might show a group of adolescents a series of movies with a great deal of violent imagery. You would then measure their subsequent aggression. This group would constitute the treatment group. For the control group you might show a second group of adolescents movies that contain no violent imagery, and mea sure their subsequent aggression. By comparing the amount of aggression displayed by members of the treatment and control groups, you would be able to determine if exposure to violent imagery produces aggression in viewers. In fact, this describes an experiment conducted at the University of Louvain in Belgium. Psychologist Jacques Philippe Leyens and colleagues found that the level of aggression rose significantly for the adolescents who had seen the movies containing violence (Leyens et al., 1975).

The central feature of this experiment-and all experiments-is the comparison of the consequences of different treatments. The use of both treatment and control groups allows researchers to rule out the possibility that something other than the experi mental manipulation produced the results found in the experiment. For instance, if a control group was not used, experimenters could not be certain that some other fac tor, such as the time of day the movies were shown or even the mere passage of time, produced the observed changes. By using a control group, experimenters can draw accurate conclusions about causes and effects.

Introduction 29

This fMRI shows activity in different

regions of the brain.

psychophysiological methods research that focuses on the relation ship between physiological processes and behavior

experiment a process in which an investigator, called an experimenter, devises two different experiences for participants and then studies and compares the outcomes

30 Chapter 1

independent variable the variable that researchers manipulate in an experiment

dependent variable the variable that researchers mea sure to see if it changes as a result of the experimental manipulation

INDEPENDENT AND DEPENDENT VARIABLES The independent variable is the variable that researchers manipulate in the experiment (in our example, it is the type of movie participants saw-violent or nonviolent). In contrast, the dependent variable is the variable that researchers measure to see if it changes as a result of the experimental manipulation. In our example, the degree of aggressive behavior shown by the partici pants after viewing violent or nonviolent films is the dependent variable. (One way to remember the difference: A hypothesis predicts how a dependent variable depends on the manipulation of the independent variable. ) Every experiment has an independent and a dependent variable.

Experimenters must make sure their studies are not influenced by factors other than those they are manipulating. For this reason, they take great care to make sure that the participants in both the treatment and control groups are not aware of the purpose of the experiment (which could affect their responses or behavior) and that the experimenters do not influence who is chosen for the control and treatment groups. The procedure that is used for this is known as random assignment. In random assignment, participants are assigned to different experimental groups or "conditions" purely on the basis of chance. This way the laws of statistics ensure that personal characteristics that might affect the outcome of the experiment are divided proportionally among the participants in the dif ferent groups, making the groups equivalent. Equivalent groups achieved by random assignment allow an experimenter to draw conclusions with confidence.

Figure 1-4 illustrates the Belgian experiment on adolescents exposed to films con taining violent or nonviolent imagery, and the effects of such imagery on subsequent aggressive behavior. As you can see, it contains each of the elements of an experiment:

• An independent variable (the assignment to a violent or nonviolent film condition)

• A dependent variable (measurement of the adolescents' aggressive behavior)

Figure 1 - 4 Elements of an Experiment In this experiment, researchers randomly assigned a group of adolescents to one of two conditions: viewing a film that contai ned violent imagery or viewing a film that lacked violent imagery (manipulation of the independent variable). Then partici pants were observed later to determine how much aggression they showed (the dependent variable). Analysis of the find ings showed that adolescents exposed to aggressive imagery showed more aggression later. THINKING ABOUT THE DATA: In this experi ment and others like it, why is random assignment important?

SOURCE: Based on an experiment by Leyens et al., 1975.

(a) Identify participants (b) Randomly assign participants to a cond ition

· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · � :

·.

Group 1 : Treatment g r o u p

Group 2 : Control g r o u p

( c ) M a n i p u late t h e independent var ia b le

Observe fi l m wit h a g g ress ive imagery

Observe fi l m with no a g g ress ive imagery

(d) Measure the dependent variable (aggression displayed by participants)

· .

....

(e) Compare the results of the two groups

• Random assignment to condition (viewing a film with violent imagery versus a film with nonviolent imagery)

• A hypothesis that predicts the effect the independent variable will have on the dependent variable (that viewing a film with violent imagery will produce subse quent aggression)

Given the advantage of experiments-that they provide a means of deter mining causality-why aren't experiments always used? The answer is that there are some situations that a researcher, no matter how ingenious, simply cannot control. And there are some situations in which control would be unethical, even if it were possible. For instance, no researcher would be able to assign different groups of infants to parents of high and low socioeconomic status to learn the effects of such status on subsequent development. In situations in which experi ments are logistically or ethically impossible, developmentalists employ correla tional research.

Furthermore, keep in mind that a single experiment is insufficient to answer a research question definitively. Before complete confidence can be placed in a conclu sion, research must be replicated, or repeated, sometimes using other procedures and techniques, with other types of participants. For example, researchers might want to replicate a study conducted with participants from rural locations in the United States using, instead, participants drawn from urban Asian settings before drawing universal principles from results. The importance of replication has grown in recent years as researchers have struggled, in some cases, to replicate findings from classic studies (Chopik et al., 2018; Shrout & Rodgers, 2018).

In order to summarize multiple findings and gain clarity across different stud ies, developmentalists increasingly turn to a procedure called meta-analysis. Meta analysis is a statistical procedure that permits researchers to combine the results of many studies into one overall conclusion (Le et al., 2010; Krause, 2018; Kruschke & Liddell, 2018).

CHOOSING A RESEARCH SETTING Deciding where to conduct a study may be as important as determining what to do. In the Belgian experiment on the influence of exposure to media aggression, the researchers used a real-world setting-a group home for boys who had been convicted of juvenile delinquency. They chose this sample, the group of participants chosen for the experiment, because it was use ful to have adolescents whose normal level of aggression was relatively high, and because they could incorporate the films into the everyday life of the home with minimal disruption.

Using a real-world setting (as in the aggression experiment) is the hallmark of a field study. A field study is a research investigation carried out in a naturally occur ring setting. Field studies capture behavior in real-life settings, where research partici pants may behave more naturally than in a laboratory.

Field studies may be used in both correlational studies and experiments. They typically employ naturalistic observation, the technique in which research ers observe a naturally occurring behavior without intervening or changing the situation. A researcher might examine behavior in a child-care center, view the groupings of adolescents in high school corridors, or observe elderly adults in a senior center.

Because it is often difficult to control the situation and environment enough to run an experiment in a real-world setting, field studies are more typical of cor relational designs than are experimental designs. Most developmental research ex periments are conducted in laboratory settings. A laboratory study is a research investigation conducted in a controlled setting explicitly designed to hold events constant. The laboratory may be a room or building designed for research, as in a university psychology department. Their ability to control the settings in labora tory studies enables researchers to learn more clearly how their treatments affect participants.

Introduction 31

sample the group of participants chosen for the experiment

field study a research investigation carried out in a naturally occurring setting

laboratory study a research investigation conducted in a controlled setting explicitly de signed to hold events constant

32 Chapter 1

Theoretical and Applied Research: Complementary Approaches

theoretical research research designed specifically to test some developmental explanation and expand scientific knowledge

applied research research meant to provide practical solutions to immediate problems

LO 1 . 18 Explain how theoretical and applied research complement each other.

Developmental researchers typically focus on either theoretical research or applied research. Theoretical research is designed to test some developmental explanation and expand scientific knowledge, whereas applied research is meant to provide practical solutions to immediate problems. For instance, if we were interested in the processes of cognitive change during childhood, we might carry out a study of how many digits children of various ages can remember after one exposure to multidigit

Fro m Research to Pract ice

U s i n g Lifespan Developmental Research to I m prove Public Policy

Does the Head Start preschool program enhance children's

cognitive and social development?

How does the use of social media affect the se/f

esteem of adolescents?

How are soldiers and their families affected when

they return from war?

What are some effective ways to bolster schoolgirls '

confidence in their math and science aptitude?

Should children with developmental disabilities be

schooled in regular classrooms, or are they better off in

special classrooms with other children who are similarly

disabled?

How should society best address the opioid

epidemic affecting adolescents and adults in the United

States ?

Each of these questions represents a sign ificant pol icy issue that can be answered only by considering the results of relevant research studies. By conducting controlled stud ies, developmental researchers have made i m portant contri butions affect in g education, family life, and health on a national scale. Consider, for instance, the variety of ways that public pol icy issues have been informed by various types of research findings (Cramer, Song, & Drent, 201 6 ; Crupi & Brondolo, 201 7; Kennedy-Hendricks et al., 201 7):

• Research findings can provide policymakers a means of determining what questions to ask in the first place. For example, studies of chi ldren's caregivers (some of which we'll consider in Chapter 1 0) have led policymakers to question whether the benefits of infant day care are outweighed by possible deterioration in parent-c hild bonds. Research has also disconfirmed the widespread bel ief that childhood vaccinations are linked to autism spectrum disorder, contributing inval uable evidence to the controversy over the risks and benefits of mandatory ch ild i mmunization (Price et al., 201 0; Lester et al., 2 0 1 3 ; Young, Elliston, & Ruble, 2 0 1 6).

• Research findings and the testimony of researchers are often part of the process by which laws are drafted. A good deal of legislation has been passed

based on findings from developmental researchers. For example, research revealed that children w ith developmental disabil ities benefit from exposure to children without special needs, ultimately leading to the passage of national legislation mandating that children with disabi l ities be placed in regu lar school classes as often as possible. Research showing that children raised by same-sex couples fare just as well as children raised by a mother and father has undermi ned an often-used but baseless argument that same-sex marriage is harmful to children (Gartrell & Bos, 201 0 ; Bos et al., 2016).

• Policymakers and other professionals use research findings to determine how best to implement programs. Research has shaped programs designed to reduce the incidence of unsafe sex among teenagers, to increase the level of prenatal care for pregnant mothers, to encourage and support women in the pursuit of math and science studies, and to promote flu shots for older adu lts. The common thread among such programs is that many of the details of the programs are built on basic research findings.

• Research techniques are used to evaluate the effec tiveness of existing programs and policies. Once a publ ic po l i cy has been implemented, it is necessary to determine whether it has been effective and successful in accom plishing its goals. To d o this, researchers employ formal evaluation techniques, developed from basic research procedures. For instance, carefu l studies of DARE, a popu lar program meant to reduce children's use of drugs, began to find that it was ineffective. Using the research findings of developmentalists, DARE instigated new techniques, and preli m inary findings suggest that the revised program is more effective (Phillips, Gormley, & Anderson, 20 1 6 ; Barlett, Chamberli n, & Witkower, 201 7; Cline & Edwards, 201 7).

Sh ared Writing P ro m pt : Despite the existence of research data that might inform

policy about development, politicians rarely discuss such data

in their speeches. Why do you think that is the case?

numbers-a theoretical approach. Alternatively, we might focus on the more practi cal question of how teachers can help children to remember information more easily. Such a study would represent applied research because the findings are applied to a particular setting and problem.

There is not always a clear distinction between theoretical and applied research. For instance, is a study that examines the consequences of ear infections in infancy on later hearing loss theoretical or applied? Because such a study may help illumi nate the basic processes involved in hearing, it can be considered theoretical. But if it helps to prevent hearing loss, it may be considered applied (Lerner, Fisher, & Weinberg, 2000).

In fact, as we discuss in the accompanying From Research to Practice box, research of both a theoretical and an applied nature has played a significant role in shaping and resolving a variety of public policy questions.

Measuring Developmental Change

LO 1 . 1 9 Compare longitudinal research, cross-sectional research, and sequential research.

How people grow and change through the life span is central to the work of all de velopmental researchers. Consequently, one of the thorniest research issues they face concerns the measurement of change and differences over age and time. To solve this problem, researchers have developed three major research strategies: longitudinal re search, cross-sectional research, and sequential research.

LONGITUDINAL STUDIES: MEASURING INDIVIDUAL CHANGE If you were in terested in learning how a child develops morally between ages 3 and 5, the most di rect approach would be to take a group of 3-year-olds and follow them until they were 5, testing them periodically.

This strategy illustrates longitudinal research. In longitudinal research, the behav ior of one or more study participants is measured as they age. Longitudinal research measures change over time. By following many individuals over time, researchers can understand the general course of change across some period of life.

The granddaddy of longitudinal studies, which has become a classic, is a study of gifted children begun by Lewis Terman about 80 years ago. In the study-which has yet to be concluded-a group of 1,500 children with high IQs were tested about every 5 years. Now in their 80s, the participants-who call themselves "Termites"-have provided information on everything from intellectual accomplishment to personality and longevity (McCullough, Tsang, & Brion, 2003; Subotnik, 2006; Warne & Liu, 2017).

Longitudinal research has also provided insight into language development. For instance, by tracing how children's vocabularies increase on a day-by-day basis, re searchers have been able to understand the processes that underlie the human abil ity to become competent in using language (Fagan, 2009; Kelloway & Francis, 2013; Dwyer et al., 2018).

Longitudinal studies can provide a wealth of information about change over time, but they have drawbacks. For one thing, they require a tremendous investment of time because researchers must wait for participants to become older. Furthermore, participants often drop out over the course of the research. Participants may drop out of a study, move away, or become ill or even die as the research proceeds.

Finally, participants who are observed or tested repeatedly may become "test wise" and perform better each time they are assessed as they become more familiar with the procedure. Even if the observations of participants in a study are not ter ribly intrusive (such as simply recording, over a lengthy period of time, vocabulary increases in infants and preschoolers), experimental participants may be affected by the repeated presence of an experimenter or observer.

Consequently, despite the benefits of longitudinal research, particularly its ability

to look at change within individuals, developmental researchers often turn to other methods. The alternative they choose most often is the cross-sectional study.

Introduction 33

longitudinal research research in which the behavior of one or more participants in a study is measured as they age

34 Chapter 1

cross-sectional research research in which people of different ages are compared at the same point in time

sequential studies research in which researchers exam ine a number of different age groups over several points in time

CROSS-SECTIONAL STUDIES Suppose again that you want to consider how chil dren's moral development, their sense of right and wrong, changes from ages 3 to 5. Instead of following the same children over several years, we might look simultane ously at three groups of children: 3-year-olds, 4-year-olds, and 5-year-olds, perhaps presenting each group with the same problem and then seeing how they respond to it and explain their choices.

Such an approach typifies cross-sectional research. In cross-sectional research, people of different ages are compared at the same point in time. Cross-sectional studies provide information about differences in development between different age groups.

Cross-sectional research takes far less time than longitudinal research: Participants are tested at just one point in time. Terman's study might have been completed 75 years ago if Terman had simply looked at a group of gifted 15-year-olds, 20-year-olds, 25-year-olds, and so forth, up to 80-year-olds. Because the participants would not be periodically tested, there would be no chance that they would become test-wise, and problems of participant attrition would not occur. Why, then, would anyone choose to use a procedure other than cross-sectional research?

The answer is that cross-sectional research brings its own set of difficulties. Recall that every person belongs to a particular cohort, the group of people born at around the same time in the same place. If we find that people of different ages vary along some dimension, it may be because of differences in cohort membership, not age per se.

Consider a concrete example: If we find in a correlational study that people who are 25 perform better on a test of intelligence than those who are 75, there are sev eral possible explanations other than that intelligence declines in old age. Instead, the finding may be attributable to cohort differences. The 75-year-olds may have had less formal education than the 15-year-olds because members of the older cohort were less likely to finish high school and attend college than members of the younger one. Or perhaps the older group received less adequate nutrition as infants than the younger group. In short, we cannot rule out the possibility that age-related differences in cross sectional studies are actually cohort differences.

Cross-sectional studies may also suffer from selective dropout, in which participants in some age groups are more likely to stop participating than others. For example, sup pose a study of cognitive development in preschoolers includes a long test of cognitive abilities, which young preschoolers find more difficult than older preschoolers. If more young children quit than older preschoolers and if it is the least competent young pre schoolers who drop out, then the remaining sample of that age group will consist of the more competent young preschoolers-together with a broader and more represen tative sample of older preschoolers. The results of such a study would be questionable (Miller, 1998).

Finally, cross-sectional studies have an additional, and more basic, disadvantage: They are unable to inform us about changes in individuals or groups. If longitudinal studies are like videos taken of a person at various ages, cross-sectional studies are like snapshots of entirely different groups. Although we can establish differences related to age, we cannot fully determine whether such differences are related to change over time.

SEQUENTIAL STUDIES Because both longitudinal and cross-sectional studies have drawbacks, researchers have turned to some compromise techniques. Among the most frequently employed are sequential studies, which are essentially a combination of longitudinal and cross-sectional studies.

In sequential studies, researchers examine a number of different age groups at several points in time. For instance, an investigator interested in children's moral be havior might begin a sequential study by examining the behavior of three groups of children, who are either 3, 4, or 5 years old at the time the study begins.

The study continues for the next several years, with each participant tested annually. Thus, the 3-year-olds would be tested at ages 3, 4, and 5; the 4-year olds at ages 4, 5, and 6; and the 5-year-olds at ages 5, 6, and 7. By combining the advantages of longitudinal and cross-sectional research, this approach permits

developmental researchers to tease out the consequences of age change versus age difference. The major research techniques for studying development are sum marized in Figure 1-5.

Ethics and Research

LO 1 .20 Describe some ethical issues that affect psychological research.

In the "study" conducted by Egyptian King Psamtik, two children were removed from their mothers and held in isolation in an effort to learn about the roots of lan guage. If you found yourself thinking this was extraordinarily cruel, you are in good company. Clearly, such an experiment raises blatant ethical concerns, and nothing like it would ever be done today.

But sometimes ethical issues are more subtle. For instance, U.S. government researchers proposed a conference to examine possible genetic roots of aggression. Some researchers had begun to raise the possibility that genetic markers might be found that would identify particularly violence-prone children. If so, it might be pos sible to track these children and provide interventions to reduce the likelihood of later violence.

Critics objected strenuously, however, arguing that identification might lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy. Children labeled as violence-prone might be treated in a way that would actually cause them to be more aggressive. Ultimately, under intense political pressure, the conference was canceled (Wright, 1995).

To help researchers deal with ethical problems, the major organizations of de velopmentalists, including the Society for Research in Child Development and the American Psychological Association, have developed ethical guidelines for re searchers. Among the principles are those involving freedom from harm, informed consent, the use of deception, and maintenance of participants' privacy (American Psychological Association, 2002, 2017; Toporek, Kwan, & Williams, 2012; Joireman & Van Lange, 2015; see the Development in Your Life box):

• Researchers must protect participants from physical and psychological harm. Their welfare, interests, and rights come before those of researchers. In research, participants' rights always come first (Sieber, 2000; Fisher, 2004).

• Researchers must obtain informed consent from participants before their involvement in a study. If they are older than age 7, participants must volun tarily agree to be in a study. If participants are younger than age 18, parents or guardians must also provide consent.

Obtaining informed consent is a requirement that raises significant ethical is sues. Suppose, for instance, researchers want to study the psychological effects of abortion on adolescents. To obtain the consent of an adolescent minor who has had an abortion, the researchers would need to get her parents' permission as well. But if the adolescent hasn't told her parents about the abortion, the request for parental permis sion would violate her privacy-leading to a breach of ethics.

The importance of informed consent extends across a variety of populations. For example, young children may lack the cognitive abilities to provide truly informed consent, as well as participants with intellectual disabilities, psychological dysfunc tion, and those in late adulthood suffering cognitive declines. In addition, socioeco nomic and cultural factors may impact the ability to obtain informed consent (Neyro et al., 2018; Read & Spar, 2018).

• The use of deception in research must be justified and cause no harm. Although deception to disguise the true purpose of an experiment is permissible, any experi ment that uses deception must undergo careful scrutiny by an independent panel before it is conducted. Suppose, for example, we want to know the reaction of participants to success and failure. It is ethical to tell participants that they will be playing a game when the true purpose is actually to observe how they respond to doing well or poorly on the task. However, this is ethical only if it causes no harm to

Introduction 35

Figure 1 - 5 Research Tech n iques for Studyi ng Development I n a cross-sectional study, 3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds are compared at a similar poi nt i n time (i n 2020). I n longitudinal research, a set of participants who are 3 years old in 2020 are studied when they are 4 years old (in 2021) and when they are 5 years old (in 2022). Finally, a sequential study combines cross sectional and longitudinal techniques; here, a group of 3-year-olds would be compared initially in 2020 with 4- and 5-year-olds, but would also be studied 1 and 2 years later, when they themselves were 4 and 5 years old. Although the graph does not i l lustrate t his, researchers carrying out this sequenti al study might also choose to retest the children who were 4 and 5 in 2020 for the next 2 years. What advantages do the three kinds of studies offer?

n; � ... "' c � CIJ "' .§ .b Qj :J c. c x "' w c. o :g CIJ � Cl "' <( ...

2020 2021

Year Data Collected

D Cross-sectional D Longitudinal D + D + D Sequential

2022

36 Chapter 1

participants, has been approved by a review panel, and includes a full explanation for participants when the study is over (Underwood, 2005).

• Participants' privacy must be maintained. If participants are videotaped dur ing a study, for example, they must give their permission for the videotapes to be viewed. Furthermore, access to the tapes must be carefully restricted.

From the perspective of a health-care provider: Do you think there are some special circumstances involving adolescents, who are not legally adults, that would justify allowing them to participate in a study without obtaining their parents' permission? What might such circumstances involve?

Deve l o p m e n t i n Yo u r Life

Thinki n g Critically About "Expert" Advice

Spanking is one of the best ways to discipline your child.

Never hit your child.

If a marriage is unhappy, children are better off if

their parents divorce than if they stay together.

No matter how difficult a marriage is, parents should

avoid divorce for the sake of their children.

There is no lack of advice on the best way to raise a child or, more generally, to lead one's l ife. From self-help books to magazine and newspaper advice columns, to social media and biogs, each of us is exposed to tremendous amounts of information.

Yet not all advice is equally valid. The mere fact that something is in print, on television, or on the Internet does not make it legitimate or accurate. Fortunately, some gu ideli nes can help you d istinguish when recommendations and suggestions are reasonable and when they are not:

• Consider the source of the advice. Information from establ ished, respected organizations such as the Ameri can Medical Association, the American Psychological Association, and the American Academy of Pediatrics re flects years of study and is usually accurate. If you don't know the organization, investigate it further to find out more about its goals and philosophy.

• Evaluate the credentials of the person providing advice. Trustworthy i nformation tends to come from establ ished, acknowledged researchers and experts, not from people with obscure credentials. Consider where the author is employed and whether he or she has a par ticular political or personal agenda.

• Understand the difference between anecdotal evidence and scientific evidence. Anecdotal evi dence is based on one or two instances of a phenom enon, haphazardly d iscovered o r encountered; scientific

evidence is based on carefu l , systematic procedures. If an aunt tells you that all her chi ldren slept through the night by 2 months of age and therefore your child wil l too, that is quite different from read ing a report that 75 percent of children sleep through the night by 9 months. Of course, even with such a report, it would be a good idea to find out how l arge the study was or how this number was arrived at.

• If advice is based on research findings, there should be a clear, transparent description of the studies on which the advice is based. Who were the partici pants? What methods were used? What do the results show? Think critically about the way the findings were obtained before accepting them.

• Don't overlook the cultural context of the informa tion. An assertion may be valid in some contexts but not i n all. For exam ple, it i s typically assumed that pro viding infants the freedom to move about and exercise their limbs facil itates their muscular development and mobility. Yet i n some cultures, infants spend most of their time closely bound to their mothers-with no ap parent long-term damage (Kaplan & Dove, 1 987; Tronick, 1 995).

• Don't assume that because many people be lieve something, it is necessarily true. Scientific eval uation has often proved that some of the most basic presumptions about the effectiveness of various tech niques are invalid.

I n short, the key to evaluating information relating to human development is to maintain a healthy dose of skepticism. No source of information is invariably, unfailingly accurate. By keeping a critical eye on the statements you encounter, you'll be in a better position to determine the real contri butions made by developmentalists to understanding how humans develop over the course of the life span.

Review, C h eck, and Apply Review

LO 1 . 1 4 Explain the role theories and hypotheses play in the study of development.

Theories are systematically derived explanations of facts or phenomena. Theories suggest hypotheses, which are predic tions that can be tested.

LO 1 . 1 5 Contrast correlational and experimental research.

Correlational research seeks to identify an association or relationship between two factors. Experimental research is designed to discover causal relationships between vari ous factors. In experimental research, researchers deliber ately introduce a change in a carefully structured situation to see the consequences of that change.

LO 1 . 1 6 Explain the types of studies and methods used in correlational research.

Correlational studies examine the relationship, or correla tion, between two factors without demonstrating causal ity. Correlational methods include naturalistic observation, ethnography, case studies, survey research, and psycho physiological methods.

LO 1 . 1 7 Analyze how experiments can be used to deter mine cause and effect.

In an experiment, an investigator or experimenter typically devises two different conditions (or treatments) and then

Check Yourself

1. To make a prediction in such a way that permits it to be tested, one must make a(n) ____ _

a. theory b. hypothesis c. analysis d. judgment

2. A researcher stands near an intersection and writes down the time it takes for the lead driver to start up after the light turns green. The researcher records the gender and approximate age of the driver. This re- searcher is most likely engaged in ___ _

a. a case study b. naturalistic observation c. an ethnography d. survey research

Applying Lifespan Development

Introduction 37

compares how the behavior of the participants exposed to each condition is affected. One group, the treatment or experimental group, is exposed to the treatment variable being studied; the other, the control group, is not.

LO 1 .1 8 Explain how theoretical and applied research complement each other.

Theoretical research is designed to test some developmen tal explanation and expand scientific knowledge, whereas applied research is meant to provide practical solutions to immediate problems.

LO 1 .1 9 Compare longitudinal research, cross-sectional research, and sequential research.

To measure change across human ages, researchers use longitudinal studies of the same participants over time, cross-sectional studies of different-age participants con ducted at one time, and sequential studies of different-age participants at several points in time.

LO 1 .20 Describe some ethical issues that affect psycho- logical research.

Ethical issues that affect psychological research include the protection of participants from harm, informed consent of participants, limits on the use of deception, and the main tenance of privacy.

3. In a(n) , an investigator devises two con- ditions (treatment or control) and compares the out comes of the participants exposed to those two differ ent conditions to see how behavior is affected.

a. experiment b. correlational study c. interview d. naturalistic observation

4. In a research study, researchers are inter- ested in measuring change in a single group of sub jects over time.

a. correlational b. cross-sectional c. longitudinal d. sequential

Formulate a theory about one aspect of human development and a hypothesis that relates to it.

38 Chapter 1

C h apter 1 S u m m ary Putting It All Together: Introduction

MARCO RUIZ, watching the large, multigenerational reunion we encoun tered in the chapter opener, found himself pondering many of the questions

that developmentalists study formally. Putting himself into his grandpa's mind, he thought about how the traits for which his grandfather was noted might

show up-or not-in the members of the generations at the reunion. He consid

ered both inherited characteristics and personality traits and habits potentially

acquired from social and environmental interactions. Marco's "thought experi ment" on five generations of his grandfather's extended family gave him a lot

to ponder, given the size and diversity of his experimental "sample."

MODULE 1 . 1 BEGINNINGS

• Marco's consideration of his five generation household mirrors the work of developmentalists with a wide range of interests, including those who focus on genetic versus environmental influences, cogni tive changes across the life span, and social and personality devel opment. (pp. 4-10)

• The age range of Marco's family mirrors the full range that devel opmentalists cover, from before birth to old age. (p. 5)

• Each family member naturally experiences different cohort influ ences, which interact with their shared genetic heritage. (pp. 5-7)

• Key issues in development are reflected in Marco's thoughts, in cluding the nature-nurture issue and continuity versus discontinu ity. (pp. 7-10)

MODULE 1 .2 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON LIFESPAN DEVELOPMENT

• Developmentalists with differ ent perspectives might guide Marco's musings. Erik Erikson might help Marco interpret gen erational differences in his fam ily in terms of stages along the life span; Piaget might illumi nate little Alicia's developing thought processes; and Vygotsky might underscore the importance of social interactions in cognitive, social, and physical development. (pp. 12-22)

• Marco is likely to understand that it is best to avoid considering any par ticular theoretical perspective either all wrong or all right. (p. 22)

MODULE 1 .3 RESEARCH METHODS

• Marco reveals an instinctive knack for constructing theories about development and considering in formal hypotheses to test them. (pp. 25-33)

• Marco asks questions about the development of his family members and himself through a combination of a sort of "life ex periment" and naturalistic obser vation. (p. 28)

• In a sense, Marco's curiosity about development contains elements of the case study (i.e., observing his family's life), longitudinal re search (i.e., reflecting on and in terpreting generational traits in

his family), and the cross-sectional study (i.e., the family reunion) is a cross-section of development

across the life span. (p. 33)

What wou l d an

E D UCATOR do?

How could you prepare Terri

and Tony, Alicia's parents, for

the changes in educational

practice that may have oc curred since they were in

school? What might you tell

them to look for in gauging

young Alicia's cognitive,

physical, and social readiness

for school? What ideas could

you give them to help Alicia prepare for school? Do you

think Alicia's parents may

need to be cautioned against

taking Alicia's learning for

granted, given their extended

family's history of successful school experiences?

Mel Yates/Cultura/Getty Images

What would a

PARENT do?

Marco is a parent and

grandparent who is also

a son and grandson.

How would you suggest he balance his "upward"

responsibilities toward

his father and grand

father with his "down

ward" responsibilities

toward his children and

their children? Marco and Ellie's children them

selves represent a range

of developmental stages

and ages. How would

you help them deal dif

ferently with the needs and potential sources of

support that such a vari

ety of children offers?

Jim Esposito Photography L.L.C/

Photodisc/Getty Images

What wou l d a

H EALTH-CARE

PROV I D E R do?

How would you help Marco

and Ellie understand the

different stages of develop ment, with all their varying

states of physical, cogni

tive, and emotional health,

represented in their family?

How could you help them

accept their power and limitations in perceiving

and responding to their

family's varied physical

and emotional needs? How

could you help Marco and

Ellie prepare for a death in their family (e.g., grandpar

ent, parent, spouse, children,

grandchildren)?

Photodisc/Getty Images

Introduction 39

What would

YOU do?

How would you help

Marco understand his

varying roles as a fa

ther, son, grandson, and grandfather? What

things would you sug

gest that Marco's father

and grandfather could

help him with or advise

him about? Has the role

of father and grandfa ther changed too much for cross-generational

wisdom to be shared

helpfully?

Asia Images Group/Getty

Images

Chapter 2 The Start of Life

In every respect, Stephen Monaco seemed to be a healthy and normal 3-year-old. Yet one

day, he developed a stomach virus that led to severe brain damage and the terrible diagnosis

of a rare disease called isovaleric acidemia (/VA). /VA makes the body unable to metabolize

a common amino acid found in protein. Unbeknownst to them, Stephen's parents were car

riers of the disease, which struck Stephen without warning. Stephen became permanently

disabled.

The case was different when Jana became pregnant again. Her daughter, Caroline, received

prenatal testing before birth. Learning that she carried the mutation that led to Stephen 's

illness, doctors were able to give her medication the day she was born, and immediately

put her on a special diet. Although Stephen will never be able to talk, walk, or feed himself,

Caroline is an active, normal child. Genetic testing, says Jana, "gave Caroline the future that

Stephen didn't get to have." (Kalb, 2006, p. 52; Spinelli, 2015)

A hidden genetic disorder robbed Jana and Tom Monaco's first child of a normal, healthy life. Their second child was spared the same fate by advances in genetic test ing, which gave the Monacos a chance to intervene before the damage was done. They were able to stop Caroline's inherited disorder from doing the same damage by con trolling aspects of her environment.

In this chapter, we start our voyage through the life span at its logical beginning: conception. We discuss genetics and the ways in which genetic information is trans mitted from parents to child. We then introduce a topic that receives a great deal of attention from developmentalists: the comparative roles of heredity and environment (or nature versus nurture) in forming the individual.

Next, we proceed through the stages of the prenatal period, from fertilization to the fetal stage. We look at factors that can affect the health and development of the fetus before birth.

We finish the chapter with a discussion of the process of birth, including the ways women experience labor and the choices that parents have available for care before and during childbirth. We touch on some of the complications that can attend birth, in cluding infants born significantly before or after their due date. We end with a discus sion of the considerable abilities that newborns possess from the moment they enter the world.

Module 2.1 Prenatal Development

LO 2.1 Describe how genes and chromosomes provide our basic genetic endowment.

LO 2.2 Explain the mechanisms by which genes transmit information. LO 2.3 Describe the role of genetic counselors and differentiate between different

forms of prenatal testing. LO 2.4 Explain how the environment and genetics work together to determine

human characteristics. LO 2.5 Explain how genetics and the environment jointly influence physical traits,

intelligence, and personality. LO 2.6 Describe ways in which genes influence the environment.

Module 2.2 Prenatal Growth and Change

LO 2.7 Explain the process of fertilization and the three stages of development. LO 2.8 Describe some of the physical and ethical challenges that relate to pregnancy. LO 2.9 Describe the threats to the fetal environment and what can be done about

them.

Module 2.3 Birth and the Newborn Infant

LO 2. 1 0 Describe the normal process of labor and the events that occur in the first few hours of a newborn's life.

LO 2.1 1 Describe the major current approaches to childbirth. LO 2.12 Describe the causes of, consequences of, and treatments for preterm births

and the risks that postmature babies face. LO 2.13 Describe the process of cesarean delivery, and explain the reasons for its

increase in use. LO 2.14 Explain the factors that lead to stillbirth, infant mortality, and postpartum

depression. LO 2.15 Describe the physical capabilities of the newborn. LO 2.16 Describe the sensory capabilities of the newborn. LO 2.17 Describe the learning capabilities of the newborn. LO 2.18 Describe the social competencies of newborns.

The Start of Life 41

42 Chapter 2

M o d u l e 2 . 1 Prenatal Development

Difficult Decisions

Leah and John Howard's joy at learning Leah was pregnant turned

to anxiety when Leah's doctor discovered that her brother had died

from Ouchenne muscular dystrophy (OMO) at age 12. The disease,

the doctor explained, was an X-linked inherited disorder. There was

a chance Leah was a carrier. If so, there was a 50 percent chance

that the baby would inherit the disease if it were a boy. The doctor

advised them to have an ultrasound to determine the baby's sex. It

turned out to be a boy.

Four months pregnant at this point and tired of the worries and

tears, Leah and John decided to take their chances and look forward

to their baby's birth.

The Howards' decision to forego a fetal muscle biopsy did not

change the outcome. They did not wish to consider a late-term

abortion, and D M D has no cure.

But their case il lustrates the difficult decisions that parents

sometimes face because of advances in the identification of i n herited

disorders and our u nderstanding of genetics. The Howards faced new options. The doctor could take

a chorion villus sampling now or wait a month and per.form an

amniocentesis. Both carried a very low risk for miscarriage. Leah

chose amniocentesis, but the results were inconclusive. The doctor

then suggested a feta! muscle biopsy to confirm the presence or lack

of the muscle protein dystrophin. No dystrophin signaled OMO. The

risk of miscarriage, however, was not inconsiderable.

In this chapter, we'll examine what developmental researchers

and other scientists have learned about th e ways that hered ity and

the envi ronment work in tandem to create and shape human beings,

and how th at knowledge is bei ng used to im prove people's l ives.

We begi n with the basics of h ered ity, the genetic transmission of

characteristics from biological parents to their c hi ldren .

zygote the new cell formed by the process of fertilization

genes the basic unit of genetic information

DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) molecules the substance that genes are com posed of that determines the nature of every cell in the body and how it will function

chromosomes rod-shaped portions of DNA that are organized in 23 pairs

Earliest Development We humans begin the course of our lives simply.

Like individuals from tens of thousands of other species, we start as a single tiny cell weighing no more than one 20-millionth of an ounce. But from this humble begin ning, in a matter of a few months, a living, breathing individual infant is born. That first cell is created when a male reproductive cell, a sperm, pushes through the membrane of an ovum, a female reproductive cell. These gametes, as the male and female reproductive cells are also called, contain huge amounts of genetic information. About an hour or so after the sperm enters the ovum, the two gametes suddenly fuse, becoming one cell, a zygote. The resulting combination of their genetic instructions-more than 2 billion chemically coded messages-is sufficient to begin creating a whole person.

Genes and Chromosomes: The Code of Life

L0 2.1 Describe how genes and chromosomes provide our basic genetic endowment.

The blueprints for creating a person are stored and communicated in our genes, the basic units of genetic information. The roughly 25,000 human genes are the biologi cal equivalent of "software" that programs the future development of all parts of the body's "hardware."

All genes are composed of specific sequences of DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) molecules. The genes are arranged in specific locations and in a specific order along 46 chromosomes, rod-shaped portions of DNA that are organized in 23 pairs. Each of the sex cells-ovum and sperm-contains half this number, so that a child's mother and father each provide one of the two chromosomes in each of the 23 pairs. The 46 chromosomes (in 23 pairs) in the new zygote contain the genetic blueprint that will guide cell activity for the rest of the individual's life (see Figure 2-1). Through a pro cess called mitosis, which accounts for the replication of most types of cells, nearly all the cells of the body will contain the same 46 chromosomes as the zygote.

Genes determine the nature and function of every cell in the body. For instance, they determine which cells will become part of the heart and which will become part of the muscles of the leg. Genes also establish how different parts of the body will function: how rapidly the heart will beat, or how much strength a muscle will have.

If each parent provides just 23 chromosomes, where does the vast diversity of human beings come from? The answer resides primarily in the processes that underlie the cell divi sion of the gametes. When gametes-the sex cells, sperm and ova-are formed in the adult body in a process called meiosis, each gamete receives one of the two chromosomes that make up each of the 23 pairs. Because for each pair the chromosome that is chosen is largely a matter of chance, there are some 8 million different combinations possible. Furthermore, other processes, such as random transformations of particular genes, add to the variability of the genetic brew. The ultimate outcome: tens of trillions of possible genetic combinations.

With so many possible genetic mixtures, there is no likelihood that someday you'll bump into a genetic duplicate-with one exception: an identical twin.

MULTIPLE BIRTHS: TWO-OR MORE-FOR THE GENETIC PRICE OF ONE Although it is routine for dogs and cats to give birth to several offspring at one time, in humans mul tiple births are cause for comment. They should be: Less than 3 percent of all pregnancies produce twins, and the odds are even slimmer for triplets or higher-order multiples.

Why do multiple births occur? Some occur when a cluster of cells in the ovum splits off within the first 2 weeks after fertilization. The result is two genetically identi cal zygotes, which, because they come from the same original zygote, are called mono zygotic. Monozygotic twins are twins who are genetically identical. Any differences in their future development can be attributed only to environmental factors.

However, multiple births are more commonly the result of two separate sperm fertilizing different ova, producing what are called dizygotic twins. Dizygotic twins are produced when two separate ova are fertilized by two separate sperm at roughly the same time. Because they are the result of two separate ovum-sperm combinations, they are no more genetically similar than two siblings born at different times.

Of course, not all multiple births produce only two babies. Triplets, quadruplets, and even higher-order multiples are produced by either (or both) of the mechanisms that yield twins. Thus, triplets may be some combination of monozygotic, dizygotic, or trizygotic.

Although the chances of having a multiple birth are typically slim, the odds rise considerably when fertility drugs are used before conception. Older women, too, are more likely to have multiple births, and multiple births are also more common in some families than in others. The increased use of fertility drugs and the rising average age of mothers giving birth led to a dramatic increase in multiple births in the 1980s and 1990s. However, that trend is declining, particularly in terms of multiple births (see Figure 2-2) (Parazzini et al., 2016; Adashi & Gutman, 2018; Martin et al., 2018).

Figure 2 - 2 Multiple Changes The number and rate of multiple births rose considerably starti ng in the 1 980s, but it leveled off and began to decline starting at the turn of the 21 st century.

SOURCE: Martin, J. A., Hamilton , B. E., Osterman, M. J. K., Drisco ll , A. K, & Drake, P. (2018). National Center for Health Statistics National Vital Statistics System Births: Final Data for 2016. 1 . National Vital Stat istics Reports, 67(1 ).

-- - · Rate 250 8,000

7,000 "' 200 .r:. 6,000 t:

ii 0 0 1 50 5,000 0 0 4,000 0 .... 100 3,000 QJ Q. - - · Number QJ .... 2,000 "'

a: 50 Triplet and higher 1,000

0 0 0 N � ID 00 0 N "' ID 00 0 N g ID 00 0 N ;:!: 00 00 00 00 "' "' "' "' "' 0 0 0 0 .... .... "' "' "' "' "' "' "' "' "' "' 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... N N N N N N N N

z c: 3 CT � 0 - CT � ::J"" Ill

The Start of Life 43

Figure 2 - 1 The Contents of a Single H u man C el l At the moment of conception, humans receive about 25,000 genes, contained in 46 chromosomes in 23 pairs.

25,000 Genes

46 Chromosomes

23 Chromosome Pairs

One Human Cell

monozygotic twins twins who are genetically identical

dizygotic twins twins who are produced when two separate ova are fertilized by two separate sperm at roughly the same time

44 Chapter 2

' , i ( ' ,.. . . , ! 1 J t I • . . , .. • r I: • •. \ . � . ') ' . .-,,. i ' H j� , ,. ', � . e , , .. . a D . - ; � � . H H i\ • •

: r .. . H H " Q g ' . • 8 1 • u ! .I. i i

At the moment of conception, humans

receive 23 pairs of chromosomes, half from the mother and half from the father. These chromosomes contain

thousands of genes.

Figure 2 - 3 Determi n i n g Sex When an ovum and sperm meet at the moment of fertil ization, the ovum is certain to provide an X chromosome, whereas the sperm will provide either an X or a Y chromosome. If the sperm contributes its X chromosome, the child will have an XX pairing on the 23rd chromosome and wi l l be a girl. If the sperm contributes a Y chromosome, the result will be an XY pairing-a boy. Does this mean that girls are more likely to be conceived than boys?

Female

\ I \ I \ I \ I

Male

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\ / I

The123rd pair X The 23rd pair of chromosomes, 1of chromosomes

of the ovum ' \ of the sp�rm consists of ,' 1 consists of

chrofnosome!j' 9hromos�mes X & X / \ X & Yl I / \ I

A \� � � Baby girl Baby boy

There are also racial, ethnic, and national differences in the rate of multiple births, probably as a result of inherited differences in the likelihood that more than one ovum will be released at a time. For example, 1 out of 70 African American couples have di zygotic twin births, compared with 1 out of 86 white American couples. Furthermore, in some areas of central Africa, the rate of dizygotic twin births is among the highest in the world (Choi, 2017).

BOY OR GIRL? ESTABLISHING THE SEX OF THE CHILD In 22 of the 23 matched chromosome pairs, each chromosome is similar to the other member of its pair. The one exception is the 23rd pair-the one that determines the sex of the child. In females, the 23rd pair consists of two matching, relatively large X-shaped chromosomes, identi fied as XX. In males, by contrast, one member of the pair is an X-shaped chromosome, but the other is a shorter, smaller Y-shaped chromosome. This pair is identified as XY.

Because a female's 23rd pair of chromosomes are both X's, an ovum will always carry an X chromosome. A male's 23rd pair is XY, so each sperm could carry either an X or a Y chromosome. If the sperm contributes an X chromosome when it meets an ovum, the child will have an XX pairing on the 23rd chromosome-and will be a female. If the sperm con tributes a Y chromosome, the result will be an XY pairing-a male (see Figure 2-3).

Because the father's sperm determines the gender of the child, new techniques are being developed to help specify in advance the gender of the child. In one new tech nique, lasers measure the DNA in sperm. Discarding sperm that harbor the unwanted sex chromosome dramatically increases the chances of having a child of the desired sex (Hayden, 1998; Belkin, 1999; Van Balen, 2005; Rai et al., 2018).

Sex selection raises ethical and practical issues. For example, in cultures that value one gender over the other, might there be a kind of gender discrimination before birth? And could there ultimately be a shortage of children of the less-preferred sex? Many questions of this type will have to be addressed before sex selection can ever become routine (Sleeboom-Faulkner, 2010; Bhagat, Laskar, & Sharma, 2012).

The Basics of Genetics: The Mixing and Matching of Traits

L0 2.2 Explain the mechanisms by which genes transmit information.

What determined the color of your hair? Why are you tall or short? What made you susceptible to hay fever? And why do you have so many freckles? To answer these questions, we need to consider the basic mechanisms through which the genes we inherit from our parents transmit information.

We can start by examining the discoveries of an Austrian monk, Gregor Mendel, in the mid-1800s. In a series of simple yet convincing experiments, Mendel cross pollinated pea plants that always produced yellow seeds with pea plants that always produced green seeds. The result was not, as one might guess, a plant with a combina tion of yellow and green seeds. Instead, all of the resulting plants had yellow seeds. At first it appeared that the green-seeded plants had had no influence.

However, additional research on Mendel 's part proved this was not true. He bred together plants from the new, yellow-seeded generation that had resulted from his original crossbreeding of the green-seeded and yellow-seeded plants. The consistent result was a ratio of three-quarters yellow seeds to one-quarter green seeds.

It was Mendel 's genius to figure out why this ratio appeared so consistently. Based on his experiments with pea plants, he argued that when two competing traits, such as green or yellow coloring, were both present, only one could be expressed. The one that was expressed was called a dominant trait. Meanwhile, the other trait remained pres ent in the organism, although unexpressed (displayed). This was called a recessive trait. In the case of the pea plants, the offspring plants received genetic information from both the green-seeded and yellow-seeded parents. However, the yellow trait was dominant, and consequently the recessive green trait did not assert itself.

Keep in mind, though, that genetic material from both parent plants is present in the offspring, even if it is unexpressed. The genetic information is known as the organ ism's genotype. A genotype is the underlying combination of genetic material present (but outwardly invisible) in an organism. In contrast, a phenotype is the observable trait-the trait that is actually seen.

Although the offspring of the yellow-seeded and green-seeded pea plants all have yellow seeds (i.e., they have a yellow-seeded phenotype), the genotype consists of ge netic information relating to both parents.

And what is the nature of the information in the genotype? To answer that ques tion, let's turn from peas to people. In fact, the principles are the same not just for plants and humans, but for the majority of species.

Recall that parents transmit genetic information to their offspring via the chro mosomes they contribute through the gamete they provide during fertilization. Some of the genes form pairs called alleles, genes governing traits that may take al ternate forms, such as hair or eye color. For example, brown eye color is a dominant trait (B); blue eyes are recessive (b). A child's allele may contain similar or dissimi lar genes from each parent. If the child receives similar genes, he or she is said to be homozygous for the trait. In contrast, if the child receives different forms of the gene from its parents, he or she is said to be heterozygous for the trait. In the case of heterozygous alleles (Bb), the dominant characteristic (brown eyes) is expressed. However, if the child happens to receive a recessive allele from each of its parents, and therefore lacks a dominant characteristic (bb), he or she will display the recessive characteristic (in this case, blue eyes).

TRANSMISSION OF GENETIC INFORMATION One example of this process at work is the transmission of phenylketonuria (PKU), an inherited disorder in which a

child is unable to make use of phenylalanine, an essential amino acid present in pro teins found in milk and other foods. If untreated, PKU allows phenylalanine to build to toxic levels, causing brain damage and intellectual disabilities (McCabe & Shaw, 2010; Waisbren & Antshel, 2013).

PKU is produced by a single allele, or pair of genes. As shown in Figure 2-4, we can label each gene of the pair with a P if it carries a dominant gene, which causes the normal production of phenylalanine, or a p if it carries the recessive gene that pro duces PKU. In cases in which neither parent is a PKU carrier, both the mother 's and the father's pairs of genes are the dominant form, symbolized as PP, in which case the child's genes will be PP, and the child will not have PKU.

Consider what happens if one parent has the recessive p gene. In this case, sym bolized as Pp, the parent will not have PKU, because the normal P gene is dominant. But the recessive gene can be passed down to the child. This is not so bad: If the child has only one recessive gene, it will not suffer from PKU. But what if both parents carry a recessive p gene? In this case, although neither parent has the disorder, it is possible for the child to receive a recessive gene from both parents. The child will have the pp genotype for PKU and will have the disorder.

Remember, though, that even children whose parents both have the recessive gene for PKU have only a 25 percent chance of inheriting the disorder. As a result of the laws of probability, 25 percent of children with Pp parents will receive the dominant gene from each parent (these children's genotype would be PP), and 50 percent will receive the dominant gene from one parent and the recessive gene from the other (their genotypes would be either Pp or pP). Only the unlucky 25 percent who receive the recessive gene from each parent and end up with the genotype pp will suffer from PKU.

POLYGENIC TRAITS PKU illustrates the basic principles of genetic transmission, although PKU transmission is simpler than most cases. Relatively few traits are gov erned by a single pair of genes. Instead, most traits are the result of polygenic inheri tance. In polygenic inheritance, a combination of multiple gene pairs is responsible for the production of a particular trait.

Furthermore, some genes come in several alternate forms, and still others act to modify the way that particular genetic traits (produced by other alleles) are displayed. Genes also vary in terms of their reaction range, the potential degree of variability in the expression of a trait as a result of environmental conditions. And some traits, such as blood type, are produced by genes in which neither member of a pair of genes can be classified as purely dominant or recessive. Instead, the trait is expressed in terms of a combination of the two genes-such as type AB blood.

dominant trait

The Start of Life 45

the one trait that is expressed when two competing traits are present

recessive trait a trait within an organism that is present but is not expressed

genotype the underlying combination of ge netic material present (but not out wardly visible) in an organism

phenotype an observable trait; the trait that is actually seen

homozygous inheriting similar genes for a given trait from both parents

heterozygous inheriting different forms of a gene for a given trait from each parent

polygenic inheritance inheritance in which a combination of multiple gene pairs is responsible for the production o f a particular trait

46 Chapter 2

Figure 2 - 4 PKU Probabi lities Phenylketon u ria (PKU), a disease that causes brain damage and i ntellectual disabil ities, is produced by a singl e pair of genes inherited from one's mother and father. If neither parent carries a gene for the disease (a), a chil d cannot develop PKU. Even if one parent carries the recessive gene, but the other doesn't (b), the child cannot inherit the disease. However, if both parents carry the recessive gene (c), there is a one in four chance that the chi ld will have PKU.

Mother Father

_.__ Does not carry Does not carry

recessive recessive PKU gene PKU gene

Mother Father

Carries recessive Does not carry

PKU gene recessive PKU gene

Mother Father

_.__ Carries recessive Carries recessive

PKU gene PKU gene

Mother Father

contributes either contributes either

P or P P or P

�:�(::r,�� Normal Normal Normal Normal

Result: No child can inherit PKU

Mother Father

contributes either contributes either

Normal Normal Carrier Carrier

Result: No child will be affl icted with PKU,

although two i n four will carry the

recessive gene

Mother Father

contributes either contributes either

P or p P or p

�:�::�:[::'• Normal Carrier Carrier Afflicted

with PKU

Result: One in four children will inherit two

dominant genes and will not have PKU;

two in four will inherit one recessive gene

and not be afflicted with PKU but will

carry the recessive gene; and one in

four will have PKU

A number of recessive genes, called X-linked genes, are located only on the X chromosome. Recall that in females, the 23rd pair of chromosomes is an XX pair, whereas in males it is an XY pair. One re sult is that males have a higher risk for a variety of X-linked disorders-as the Howards' unborn son did in the story at the beginning of this module-because males lack a second X chromosome that can counter act the genetic information that produces the disor der. For example, males are significantly more apt to have red-green color blindness, a disorder produced by a set of genes on the X chromosome. Similarly, hemophilia, a blood disorder that is a recurrent prob lem in the royal families of Europe, is produced by X-linked genes.

THE HUMAN GENOME AND BEHAVIORAL GENETICS: CRACKING THE GENETIC CODE Mendel's trailblazing achievements mark only the be ginning of our understanding of genetics. The most recent milestone was reached in early 2001, when mo lecular geneticists succeeded in mapping the sequence of genes on each chromosome. This is one of the most important accomplishments in the history of genetics (International Human Genome Sequencing Consortium, 2001; Oksenberg & Hauser, 2010; Maxson, 2013).

Already, the mapping of the gene sequence has significantly advanced our understanding of genet ics. For instance, the number of human genes, long thought to be 100,000, has been revised downward to 25,000-not many more than organisms that are far less complex (see Figure 2-5). Furthermore, scien tists have discovered that 99.9 percent of the gene se quence is shared by all humans-meaning that many of the differences that seemingly separate people such as race-are, literally, only skin deep. Genome mapping will also help in the identification of dis orders to which a given individual is susceptible (Serretti & Fabbri, 2013; Goldman & Domschke, 2014; Diez-Fairen et al., 2018).

The mapping of the human gene sequence is sup porting the field of behavioral genetics. As the name implies, behavioral genetics studies the effects of he redity on behavior and psychological characteristics. Rather than simply examining stable, unchanging char acteristics such as hair or eye color, behavioral genetics takes a broader approach, considering how our person ality and behavioral habits are affected by genetic fac tors (McGue, 2010; Judge, Hies, & Zhang, 2012; Kruger, Korsten, & Hoffman, 2017).

behavioral genetics the study of the effects of heredity on behavior

Personality traits such as shyness or sociability, moodiness, and assertiveness are among the areas being studied. Other behavioral geneticists study psychological dis orders, such as depression, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, and schizophrenia, looking for possible genetic links (Wang et al., 2012; Plomin et al., 2016; Holl et al., 2018; see Table 2-1).

X-linked genes genes that are considered reces sive and located only on the X chromosome

INHERITED AND GENETIC DISORDERS: WHEN DEVELOPMENT DEVIATES FROM THE NORM As we saw with PKU, a recessive gene responsible for a disorder may be passed on unknowingly from one generation to the next, revealing itself only

Table 2 - 1 Current Understanding of the Genetic Basis of Selected Behavioral Disorders and Traits

Behavioral Trait Current Beliefs About Genetic Basis

Huntington's disease

Obsessive-compuls ive disorder (OCD)

Fragile X intellectual disability

Early onset (fam ilial) Alzheimer's disease

Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (AD HD)

Alcoholism

Schizophrenia spectrum disorder

Mutations in HTI gene

Several potentially relevant genes have been identified, but environment plays an important role

Mutations in the FMR gene

Three distinct genes have been identified; at least 1 1 mutations in the PSEN2 gene are related

Evidence in some studies has linked ADHD with dopamine-receptor D4 and 05 genes, but the complexity of the disease makes it difficult to identify a specific gene

Research suggests that genes affecting the activity of the neurotransmitters sero tonin and GABA likely are involved in risk for alcoholism

There is no agreement, but deletions or duplications are related to the disorder; links to chromosomes 1 , 5, 6, 1 0, 1 3, 1 5, and 22 have also been reported

SOURCE: Based on McGuffin, Riley, & Plomin, 2001 ; Genetics Home Reference, 201 7.

when, by chance, it is paired with another recessive gene. When this happens, the gene will express itself and the unsuspected genetic disorder will be inherited.

Another way that genes are a source of concern is that they may become physi cally damaged. Genes may break down because of wear and tear or chance events occurring during the cell division processes of meiosis and mitosis. Sometimes genes, for no known reason, spontaneously change their form, a process called spontaneous mutation. Also, certain environmental factors, such as X-rays or even highly polluted air, may produce a malformation of genetic material. When damaged genes are passed on to a child, the results can be disastrous for physical and cognitive development (Barnes & Jacobs, 2013; Tucker-Drab & Briley, 2014).

In addition to PKU, which occurs once in 10,000 to 20,000 births, other inherited and genetic disorders include the following:

• Down syndrome. Instead of 46 chromosomes in 23 pairs, individuals with Down syndrome have an extra chromosome on the 21st pair. Once referred to as mongol ism, Down syndrome is the most frequent cause of intellectual disabilities. It oc curs in about 1 out of 500 births, although the risk is much greater in mothers who are unusually young or old (Channell et al., 2014; Glasson et al., 2016).

• Fragile X syndrome. Fragile X syndrome occurs when a particular gene is in jured on the X chromosome. The result is mild to moderate intellectual disabilities (Cornish, Turk, & Hagerman, 2008; Hocking, Kogan, & Cornish, 2012; Shelton et al., 2017; Melancia & Trezza, 2018).

• Sickle-cell anemia. Around one-tenth of people of African descent carry genes that produce sickle-cell anemia, and 1 individual in 400 actually has the disease. Sickle-cell anemia is a blood disorder named for the shape of the red blood cells. Symptoms include poor appetite, stunted growth, swollen stomach, and yellow ish eyes. People afflicted with the most severe form rarely live beyond childhood. However, for those with less severe cases, medical advances have produced sig nificant increases in life expectancy (Ballas, 2010).

• Tay-Sachs disease. Occurring mainly in Jews of eastern European ancestry and in French-Canadians, Tay-Sachs disease usually causes death before its victims reach school age. There is no treatment for the disorder, which produces blindness and muscle degeneration before death.

• Klinefelter's syndrome. One male out of every 400 is born with Klinefelter's syndrome, the presence of an extra X chromosome. The resulting XXY comple ment produces underdeveloped genitals, extreme height, and enlarged breasts. Klinefelter's syndrome is one of a number of genetic abnormalities that result from receiving the improper number of sex chromosomes. For instance, there are

The Start of Life 4 7

Figure 2 - 5 Uniq uely Human? Humans have about 25,000 genes, making them not much more genetically complex than some primitive species.

SOURCE: Based on Macmillan Publishers Ltd . : "Internation al Human Genome Sequencing Consorti um, Initial Sequencing and Analysis of the Human Genome," Nature.

APPROXIMATE NUMBERS OF GENES

25,000

20,000 .. . . . . . � --

1 0,000 . . . . . . ... .

YEAST WORM FLY HUMAN

Estimated percentage of each creature's tota l genes found in humans are indicated by the dotted line.

Down syndrome a disorder produced by the presence of an extra chromosome on the 21st pair; once referred to as mongolism

fragile X syndrome a disorder produced by injury to a gene on the X chromosome, produc ing mild to moderate intellectual disability

sickle-cell anemia a blood disorder that gets its name from the shape of the red blood cells

Tay-Sachs disease a disorder that produces blindness and muscle degeneration before death; there is no treatment

Klinefelter's syndrome a disorder resulting from the pres ence of an extra X chromosome that produces underdeveloped genitals, extreme height, and enlarged breasts

48 Chapter 2

Sickle-cell anemia, named for the

presence of misshapen red blood

cells, is carried in the genes of 1 in 10 African Americans.

genetic counseling the discipline that focuses on help ing people deal with issues relating to inherited disorders

ultrasound sonography a process in which high-frequency sound waves scan the mother's womb to produce an image of the unborn baby, whose size and shape can then be assessed

chorionic villus sampling (CVS) a test used to find genetic defects that involves taking samples of hair like material that surrounds the embryo

amniocentesis the process of identifying genetic de fects by examining a small sample o f feta! cells drawn b y a needle inserted into the amniotic fluid surrounding the unborn fetus

disorders produced by an extra Y chromosome (XYY), a missing second chromo some (XO, called Turner's syndrome), and three X chromosomes (XXX). Such disor ders are typically characterized by problems relating to sexual characteristics and by intellectual deficits (Hong et al., 2014; Turriff et al., 2016).

It is important to keep in mind that the mere fact that a disorder has genetic roots does not mean that environmental factors do not also play a role. Consider sickle-cell anemia: Because the disease can be fatal in childhood, we'd expect that those who suf fer from it would be unlikely to live long enough to pass it on. And this does seem to be true in the United States: Compared with parts of West Africa, the incidence in the United States is much lower.

But why the difference between the United States and West Africa? Ultimately, scientists determined that carrying the sickle-cell gene raises immunity to malaria, a common disease in West Africa. This heightened immunity meant that people with the sickle-cell gene had a genetic advantage (in terms of resistance to malaria) that offset, to some degree, the disadvantage of being a carrier of the gene.

Genetic Counseling: Predicting the Future from the Genes of the Present

L0 2.3 Describe the role of genetic counselors and differentiate between different forms of prenatal testing.

If you knew that your mother and grandmother had died of Huntington's disease a devastating, always fatal inherited disorder marked by tremors and intellectual deterioration-how could you learn your own chances of getting the disease? The best way is a field that, just a few decades ago, was nonexistent: genetic counseling. Genetic counseling focuses on helping people deal with issues relating to inherited disorders.

Genetic counselors use a variety of data in their work. For instance, couples think ing about having a child may want to know the risks involved in a pregnancy. The counselor will take a thorough family history, looking for a familial incidence of birth defects that might indicate a pattern of recessive or X-linked genes. In addition, the counselor will take into account factors such as the age of the mother and father and any previous abnormalities in other children they may have already had (O'Doherty, 2014; Austin, 2016; Madlensky et al., 2017).

Typically, genetic counselors suggest a thorough physical examination to iden tify physical abnormalities that the potential parents may be unaware of. In addition, samples of blood, skin, and urine may be used to isolate and examine specific chromo somes. Possible genetic defects, such as the presence of an extra sex chromosome, can be identified by assembling a karyotype, a chart containing enlarged photos of each of the chromosomes.

PRENATAL TESTING If the woman is already pregnant, there are a variety of tech niques to assess the health of her unborn child (see Table 2-2 for a list of currently available tests). The earliest is a first-trimester screen, which combines a blood test and ultrasound sonography in the llth to 13th week of pregnancy and can identify chro mosomal abnormalities and other disorders, such as heart problems. In ultrasound sonography, high-frequency sound waves bombard the mother's womb, producing an image of the unborn baby, whose size and shape can then be assessed. Repeated use of ultrasound sonography can reveal developmental patterns.

A more invasive test, chorionic villus sampling (CVS), can be employed in the lOth to 13th week of the first trimester, if blood tests and ultrasound have identified a potential problem or if there is a family history of inherited disorders. CVS involves inserting a thin needle into the placenta and taking small samples of hairlike material that surrounds the embryo. The test can be done between the Sth and 11 th week of pregnancy. However, it produces a risk of miscarriage of 1 in 100 to 1 in 200. Because of the risk, its use is relatively infrequent.

In amniocentesis, a small sample of fetal cells is drawn by a tiny needle inserted into the amniotic fluid surrounding the unborn fetus. Carried out 15 to 20 weeks into the pregnancy, amniocentesis allows the analysis of the fetal cells that can identify a variety

Table 2-2 Fetal Development Monitoring Techniques

Technique Description

Amniocentesis

Chorionic villus sampling (CVS)

Embryoscopy

Fetal blood sampling (FBS)

Sonoembryology

Ultrasound (sonogram)

Done between the 1 5th and 20th weeks of pregnancy, this procedure examines a samp le of the amniotic fluid, which contains fetal cells. Recommended if either parent carries Tay-Sachs, spina bifida, sickle-cell, Down syndrome, muscular dystrophy, or Rh disease.

Done at 8 to 1 1 weeks, either transabdominally or transcervically, depending on where the placenta is located. Involves inserting a need le (abdominally) or a catheter (cervi cally) into the substance of the placenta but staying outside the amniotic sac and re moving 1 O to 1 5 milligrams of tissue . This tissue is manually cleaned of maternal uter ine tissue and then grown in culture, and a karyotype is made, as with amniocentesis.

Examines the embryo or fetus during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy by means of a fiber-optic endoscope inserted through the cervix. Can be performed as early as week 5. Access to the fetal circulation may be obtai ned through the instrument, and direct visualization of the embryo perm its the di agnosis of malformati ons.

Performed after 1 8 weeks of pregnancy by collecting a small amount of blood from

the umbilical cord for testing. Used to detect Down syndrome and most other chro mosome abnormaliti es in the fetuses of couples who are at increased risk of having an affected child . Many other diseases can be diagnosed using this techni que.

Used to detect abnormalities in the fi rst trimester of pregnancy. Involves high frequency transvagi nal probes and digital-image processing. I n combination with ultrasound , can detect more than 80 percent of all malformations during the second trimester.

Uses very-high-frequency sound waves to detect structural abnormalities or multiple pregnancies , measure fetal growth , judge gestational age, and evaluate uterine abnor malities. Also used as an adjunct to other proced ures such as amniocentesi s.

of genetic defects with nearly 100 percent accuracy. In addition, the sex of the child can be determined. Although there is always a danger to the fetus in an invasive procedure such as amniocentesis, it is generally safe, with the risk of miscarriage 1 in 200 to 1 in 400.

After the various tests are complete, the couple will meet with the genetic coun selor again. Typically, counselors avoid giving recommendations. Instead, they lay out the facts and present options for the parents, which typically range from doing noth ing to taking more drastic steps, such as an abortion.

SCREENING FOR FUTURE PROBLEMS The newest role of genetic counselors involves testing people to identify whether they themselves, rather than their chil dren, are susceptible to future disorders because of genetic abnormalities. For in stance, Huntington's disease typically does not manifest until people reach their 40s. However, genetic testing can identify much earlier the flawed gene that produces Huntington's. Presumably, knowing that they carry the gene can help people prepare for the future (Tibben, 2007; Sanchez-Castaneda et al., 2015; Holman et al., 2018).

In addition to Huntington's disease, more than a thousand disorders, ranging from cystic fibrosis to ovarian cancer, can be predicted on the basis of genetic testing. Negative results can bring welcome relief, but positive results may produce just the op posite effect. In fact, genetic testing raises difficult practical and ethical questions (Wilfond & Ross, 2009; Klitzman, 2012; Zhao et al., 2018).

The Start of Life 49

Suppose, for instance, a woman is tested in her 20s for Huntington's and finds that she does not carry the defective gene. Obviously, she would be relieved. But suppose she finds that she does carry the flawed gene and will therefore get the disease. In this case, she might well experience depression and remorse. In fact, some studies show that 10 percent of people who find they have the flawed gene that leads to

In amniocentesis, a sample of feta! cells is withdrawn from the amniotic

sac and used to identify a number of genetic defects.

50 Chapter 2

temperament patterns of arousal and emotionality that represent consistent and endur ing characteristics in an individual

Huntington's disease never recover fully on an emotional level (Myers, 2004; Wahlin, 2007; Richmond-Rakerd, 2013).

Genetic testing is a complicated issue. It rarely provides a simple yes/no answer, typically presenting a range of probabilities instead. In some cases, the likelihood of becoming ill depends on the stressors in a person's environment. Personal differences also affect susceptibility to a disorder (Lucassen, 2012; Crozier, Robertson, & Dale, 2015; Djurdjinovic & Peters, 2017).

Today, many researchers and medical practitioners have moved beyond testing and counseling to actually modifying flawed genes. For example, in germ line therapy, cells with defective genes are taken from an embryo, repaired, and replaced.

From the perspective of a health-care provider: What are some ethical and philosophical questions that surround the issue of genetic counseling? Might it sometimes be unwise to know ahead of time about possible disorders that might affect your child or yourself?

The Interaction of Heredity and Environment Like many other parents, Jared's mother, Leesha, and his father, Jamal, tried to figure out

which of them their new baby resembled more. He seemed to have Leesha's big, wide

eyes, and Jamal's generous smile. As Jared grew, they noticed that his hairline was just

like Leesha's, and his teeth made his smile resemble Jamal's. He also seemed to act like

his parents. For example, he was a charming little baby, always ready to smile at people

who visited the house-just like his friendly, jovial dad. He seemed to sleep like his morn,

which was lucky because Jamal was an extremely light sleeper who could do with as little

as 4 hours a night, whereas Leesha liked a regular 7 or 8 hours.

Were Jared's ready smile and regular sleeping habits something he just luckily inher ited from his parents? Or did Jamal and Leesha provide a happy and stable home that encouraged these welcome traits? What causes our behavior? Nature or nurture? Is behavior produced by genetic influences or factors in the environment?

The simple answer is: There is no simple answer.

The Role of the Environment in Determining the Expression of Genes: From Genotypes to Phenotypes

L0 2.4 Explain how the environment and genetics work together to determine human characteristics.

As developmental research accumulates, it is becoming increasingly clear that to view behavior as a result of either genetic or environmental factors is inappropriate because behavior is the product of some combination of the two.

For instance, consider temperament, patterns of arousal and emotionality that represent consistent and enduring characteristics in an individual. Suppose we found, as increasing evidence suggests, that a small percentage of children are born with an unusual degree of physiological reactivity-a tendency to shrink from anything un usual. Such infants react to novel stimuli with a rapid increase in heartbeat and un usual excitability of the limbic system of the brain. By age 4 or 5, children with height ened reactivity to stimuli are often considered shy by their parents and teachers. But not always: Some of them behave indistinguishably from their peers at the same age (De Pauw & Mervielde, 2011; Pickles et al., 2013; Smiley et al., 2016).

What makes the difference? The answer seems to be the children's environment. Children whose parents encourage them to be outgoing by arranging new opportuni ties for them may overcome their shyness. In contrast, children raised in a stressful environment marked by marital discord or a prolonged illness may be more likely to retain their shyness later in life (Kagan, 2010; Casalin et al., 2012; Merwin et al., 2017). Jared, described previously, may have been born with an easy temperament, which was easily reinforced by his caring parents.

INTERACTION OF FACTORS Such findings illustrate that many traits reflect mul tifactorial transmission, meaning that they are determined by a combination of both genetic and environmental factors. In multifactorial transmission, a genotype provides a range within which a phenotype may be expressed. For instance, people with a geno type that permits them to gain weight easily may vary in their actual body weight. They may be relatively slim, given their genetic heritage, but never able to get beyond a certain degree of thinness. In many cases, then, the environment determines how a particular genotype will be expressed as a phenotype (Plomin et al., 2016).

By contrast, certain genotypes are relatively unaffected by environmental factors. For instance, pregnant women who were severely malnourished during famines caused by World War II had children who were, on average, unaffected physically or intellectually as adults (Stein et al., 1975). Similarly, people will never grow beyond certain genetically imposed limitations in height, no matter how well or how much they eat. And the environment had little to do with Jared's hairline.

Although we can't attribute specific behaviors exclusively to nature or nurture, we can ask how much of a behavior is caused by genetic factors and how much by environmental factors. We'll turn to this question next.

STUDYING DEVELOPMENT: HOW MUCH IS NATURE? HOW MUCH IS NURTURE? Developmental researchers use several strategies to study the relative influence of ge netic and environmental factors on traits, characteristics, and behavior. Their studies involve both nonhuman species and humans.

Nonhuman Animal Studies: Controlling Both Genetics and Environment It is rela tively simple to develop breeds of animals with genetically similar traits. The Butterball people do it all the time, producing Thanksgiving turkeys that grow especially rapidly so that they can be brought to market inexpensively. Similarly, strains of laboratory animals can be bred to share similar genetic backgrounds.

By observing genetically similar animals in different environments, scientists can determine, with reasonable precision, the effects of specific kinds of environmental stimulation. For example, to examine the effects of different environmental settings, researchers can raise some of the genetically similar animals in unusually stimulating environments, with lots of items to climb over or through, and others in relatively bar ren environments. Conversely, by exposing groups of genetically dissimilar animals to identical environments, researchers can examine in a different way the role that genetic background plays.

Animal research offers substantial opportunities, but the drawback is that we can't be sure how well our findings can be generalized to people. (Also see From Research to Practice.)

Fro m Research to P ract i c e

When N u rture Becomes Nature

The Start of Life 51

multifactorial transmission the determination of traits by a com bination of both genetic and environ mental factors in which a genotype provides a range within which a phe notype may be expressed

A fundamental assumption about genetic i n heritance has long been that environmental alterations of an organ ism's health cannot be passed down to future generations; if we cut off a mouse's tail, we do not expect its offspring to be tailless. Only genetic mutations-not l ifestyle choices such as poor diet, nor environmental insults such as exposure to toxin s - were thought to be heritable. But recent research finds that an individual 's l ife experiences can be passed down to children, grandchi ldren, and subsequent generations.

Not every gene i s active everywhere in the body; the DNA that is responsible for making insulin, for example, is only "switched on" in certain cells of the pancreas. When an event such as malnourishment or drug use affects the DNA "switches" in sperm or eggs, the alterations can be passed on to future generations (Daxinger & Wh itelaw, 201 2 ; Babenko, Kovaklchuk, & Metz, 201 5; Nestler, 2016; Goldberg & Gould, 201 8).

It's a phenomenon called transgenerational epigenetic inheritance, and it works a bit differently from usual i n heritance. Instead of changing the genetic code itself, life experiences change the parts of DNA that switch individual genes on or off.

In one study, healthy male rats were fed a high-fat diet that caused them to put on weight and develop symptoms consistent with type 2 diabetes, such as insulin resistance. Although these rats did not have a preexisting genetic tendency to be diabetic, their daughters also developed symptoms of type 2 diabetes as adults- even though they ate normal diets.

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Some researchers think that transgenerational epigenetic The i m pl ications of this research are asto u n d i n g - i t inheritance could partly explain t h e epidemic o f childhood may well be the case that the poor l ife choices we make i n obesity: O u r high-fat diets may not on ly put us a t risk, but our youth have consequences for our progeny as well as perhaps our chi ldren as well (Skinner, 20 1 0; Crews et al., 201 2). ourselves (Arai, L i , Hartley, & Feig, 2009; Nestler, 2 0 1 1 ; Heard

Happily, it's not just harmful effects that can be passed & Martienssen, 2014). on this way. One study showed that mice developed better memory after bein g exposed to an enriched and stimulating environment, as previous research showed would be the case, and that the mice's offspring also showed the beneficial memory effect even though they didn't experience the same

Shared Writ i n g Prompt: Why would the poor l ife choices we make i n our youth, rather than those we might make later in l ife, have possible

enriched environment. consequences for our children?

Contrasting Relatedness and Behavior: Adoption, Twin, and Family Studies Clearly, researchers can't control either the genetic backgrounds or the environments of hu mans as they can with nonhumans. However, nature conveniently has provided ideal subjects for carrying out various kinds of "natural experiments" -twins.

Recall that monozygotic twins are genetically identical. Because their inherited backgrounds are precisely the same, any variations in their behavior must be entirely a result of environmental factors.

Theoretically, identical twins would make great subjects for experiments about the roles of nature and nurture. For instance, by separating identical twins at birth and placing them in totally different environments, researchers could assess the impact of environment unambiguously. Of course, ethical considerations make this impossible.

What researchers can-and do-study, however, are cases in which identical twins have been put up for adoption at birth and are raised in substantially differ ent environments. Such instances allow us to draw fairly confident conclusions about the relative contributions of genetics and environment (Nikolas, Klump, & Burt, 2012; Strachan et al., 2017).

The data from such studies of identical twins raised in different environments are not always without bias. Adoption agencies typically take the characteristics (and wishes) of birth mothers into account when they place babies in adoptive homes. For instance, children tend to be placed with families of the same race and religion. Consequently, even when monozygotic twins are placed in different adoptive homes, there are often similarities between the two home environments. As a result, research ers can't always be certain that differences in behavior are the result of differences in the environment.

Studies of dizygotic twins also pres ent opportunities to learn about nature and nurture. Recall that dizygotic twins are ge netically no more similar than siblings in a family born at different times. By compar ing the behavior of dizygotic twins with that of monozygotic twins (who are geneti cally identical) researchers can determine whether monozygotic twins tend to be more similar on a particular trait than dizygotic twins. If so, they can assume that genetics plays an important role in determining the expression of that trait.

Monozygotic and dizygotic twins present opportunities to learn about the relative

contributions of heredity and situational factors. What can psychologists learn from

studying twins?

Still another approach is to study people who are totally unrelated and therefore have dissimilar genetic backgrounds, but who share an environmental background. For in stance, a family that adopts, at the same time, two young unrelated children probably will provide them with similar environments. In this case, similarities in the children's

characteristics and behavior can be attributed with some confidence to environmental influences (Segal, 2000).

Finally, developmental researchers have examined groups of people in light of their degree of genetic similarity. For instance, on the one hand, if we find a high association on a particular trait between biological parents and their children but a weaker association between adoptive parents and their children, we have evi dence for the importance of genetics in determining the expression of that trait. On the other hand, if there is a stronger association on a trait between adoptive parents and their children than between biological parents and their children, we have evidence for the importance of the environment in determining that trait. If a particular trait tends to occur at similar levels among genetically similar indi viduals, but at different levels among genetically distant individuals, genetics prob ably plays a major role in the development of that trait.

Developmental researchers using all these approaches, and more, for decades have come to a general conclusion: Virtually all traits, characteristics, and behaviors result from the combination and interaction of nature and nurture (Waterland & Jirtle, 2004; Jaworski & Accardo, 2010; Mathiesen, Sanson, & Karevold, 2018).

Genetics and the Environment: Working Together

L0 2.5 Explain how genetics and the environment jointly influence physical traits, intelligence, and personality.

Let's look at ways in which genetics and the environment influence our physical traits, intelligence, and personality.

PHYSICAL TRAITS: FAMILY RESEMBLANCES When patients entered the examin ing room of Dr. Cyril Marcus, they didn't realize that sometimes they were actually being treated by his identical twin brother, Dr. Stewart Marcus. So similar in appear ance and manner were the twins that even long-time patients were fooled by this admittedly unethical behavior, which occurred in a bizarre case made famous in the film Dead Ringers.

Monozygotic twins are merely the most extreme example of the fact that the more genetically similar two people are, the more likely they are to share physical charac teristics. Tall parents tend to have tall children, and short parents tend to have short children. Obesity also has a strong genetic component. For example, in one study, pairs of identical twins were put on diets that contained an extra 1,000 calories a day and ordered not to exercise. Over a 3-month period, the twins gained almost identi cal amounts of weight. Moreover, different pairs of twins varied substantially in how much weight they gained, with some pairs gaining almost three times as much weight as other pairs (Bouchard et al., 1990).

Other, less obvious physical characteristics also show strong genetic influences. For instance, blood pressure, respiration rates, and even the age at which life ends are more similar in closely related individuals than in those who are less genetically alike (Melzer, Hurst, & Frayling, 2007; Wu, Treiber, & Snieder, 2013).

INTELLIGENCE: MORE RESEARCH, MORE CONTROVERSY No other nature- nurture issue has generated more research than intelligence. The reason is that intel ligence, generally measured as an IQ score, is a central characteristic that differentiates humans from other species. In addition, intelligence is strongly related to scholastic success and, somewhat less strongly, to other types of achievement.

Genetics plays a significant role in intelligence. In studies of both overall or gen eral intelligence and of specific subcomponents of intelligence (such as spatial skills, verbal skills, and memory), as can be seen in Figure 2-6, the closer the genetic link between two individuals, the greater the correspondence of their overall IQ scores.

Not only is genetics an important influence on intelligence, but the impact also in creases with age. For instance, as fraternal (i.e., dizygotic) twins move from infancy to adolescence, their IQ scores become less similar. Not so with identical (monozygotic) twins, who become increasingly similar as they age (Silventoinen et al., 2012; Madison et al., 2016).

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Figure 2 - 6 Genetics and IQ The closer the genetic link between two individuals, the greater the correspondence between their IQ scores. THINKING ABOUT THE DATA: Why is there a difference in the median correlation of IQs between children reared together and si blings reared together? Alternatively, why is there a difference in the median correlation of IQs between c h ildren reared together and si blings reared apart? How would you characterize the influence of genetics and environment on IQ?

SOURCE: Based on Bouchard & McGue, 1 981 .

Median Correlation

0.8

0.7

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Although it is clear that heredity plays an important role in intelligence, investigators are much more divided on the question of the degree to which it is inherited. Perhaps the most extreme view is held by psychologist Arthur Jensen (2003), who argued that as much as 80 percent of intelligence is a result of heredity. Others have suggested more modest figures, ranging from 50 to 70 percent. It is critical to recall that such figures are averages across large groups of people, and any particular individual degree of inheri tance cannot be predicted from these averages (Brouwer et al., 2014; Schmiedek, 2017).

It is important to keep in mind that, whatever role heredity plays, environmental factors such as exposure to books, good educational experiences, and intelligent peers are profoundly influential. Consequently, in terms of public policy, we need to focus on the environmental influences that are geared toward maximizing the intellectual development of each individual.

From an educator's perspective: Some people have used the proven genetic basis of intelligence to argue against strenuous educational efforts on behalf of individuals with below-average IQs. Does this viewpoint make sense based on what you have learned about heredity and environment? Why or why not?

GENETIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES ON PERSONALITY: DO WE INHERIT OUR PERSONALITY? We do, at least in part. Evidence suggests that some of our most basic personality traits have genetic roots. For example, two of the "Big Five" personality traits, neuroticism and extroversion, have been linked to genetic fac tors. Neuroticism, as used by personality researchers, is the degree of emotional sta bility an individual characteristically displays. Extroversion is the degree to which a person seeks to be with others, to behave in an outgoing manner, and generally to be sociable. For instance, Jared, the baby described previously, may have inherited an outgoing personality from his extroverted father, Jamal (Horwitz, Luong, & Charles, 2008; Zyphur et al., 2013; Briley & Tucker-Drob, 2017).

How do we know which personality traits reflect genetics? Some evidence comes from direct examination of genes themselves. For instance, it appears that a specific

gene is influential in determining risk-taking behavior. This novelty-seeking gene affects the production of the brain chemical dopamine, making some people more prone than others to seek out novel situations and to take risks (Ray et al., 2009; Veselka et al., 2012; Muda et al., 2018).

The Start of Life 55

Other evidence comes from studies of twins. In one major study, researchers looked at the personality traits of hundreds of pairs of twins. Because a good number of the twins were ge netically identical but had been raised apart, it was possible to determine with some confidence the influence of genetic fac tors (Tellegen et al., 1988). The researchers found that certain traits reflected the contribution of genetics considerably more than others. As you can see in Figure 2-7, social potency (the tendency to be a masterful, forceful leader who enjoys being the center of attention) and traditionalism (strict endorsement of rules and authority) are strongly associated with genetic factors (Harris, Vernon, & Jang, 2007; South et al., 2015).

Are some children born to be outgoing and extroverted? The answer

seems to be "yes."

Even less basic personality traits are linked to genetics. For example, political atti tudes, religious interests and values, and even attitudes toward human sexuality have genetic components (Koenig et al., 2005; Bradshaw & Ellison, 2008; Kandler, Bleidom, & Riemann, 2012).

Clearly, genetic factors play a role in determining personality-but so does the en vironment in which a child is raised. For example, some parents encourage high activ ity levels as a manifestation of independence and intelligence. Other parents may en courage lower levels of activity, feeling that more passive children will get along better in society. In part, these parental attitudes are culturally determined: U.S. parents may encourage higher activity levels, whereas parents in Asian cultures may encourage

Figure 2 - 7 I n heriti ng Traits These traits are among the personality factors that are related most closely to genetic factors . The higher the percentage, the greater the degree to which the trait reflects the infl uence of heredity. Do these figures mean that "leaders are born, not made"? Why or why not?

SOURCE: Based on Tellegen, A., Lykken, D. T., Bouchard, T. J., Jr., Wil-cox, K. J., Segal, N. L., & Rich, S. (1 988). Personal-ity sim ilarity in twins reared apart and together. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 54, 1 031-1039.

I Social potency 61 % I A person high in this trait is masterful, a forceful leader who likes to be the center of attention.

I Traditionalism 60% I Follows rules and authority, endorses high moral standards a n d strict discipline.

I Stress reaction 55% I Feels vulnerable and sensitive and is given to worries a n d is easily upset.

I Absorption 55% I Has a vivid imagination readily captured by rich experience; relinquishes sense of reality.

I Alienation 55% I Feels mistreated and used, that "the world is out to get me."

I Well-being 54% I Has a cheerful disposition, feels confident and optimistic.

I Harm avoidance 50% I Shuns the excitement of risk and danger, prefers the safe route even if it is tedious.

I Aggression 48%1 Is physically aggressive and vind ictive, has taste for violence and is "out to get the world."

I Achievement 46% I Works hard, strives for mastery, and puts work and accomplishment ahead of other things.

I control 43% I Is cautious a n d plodding, rational and sensible, likes carefully planned events.

I Social closeness 33%1 Prefers emotional intimacy and close ties, turns to others for comfort and help.

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greater passivity. In both cases, children's personalities will be shaped in part by their parents' attitudes (Cauce, 2008; Luo et al., 2017).

Because both genetic and environmental factors have consequences for a child's personality, personality development is a perfect example of the interplay between nature and nurture. Furthermore, it is not only individuals who reflect the inter action of nature and nurture, but even entire cultures, as we see in the Cultural Dimensions box.

C u lt u ral D i m e n s i o n s

Cultural Differences i n Physical Aro usa l: M i g ht a C u lture's P h i losophical Outlook Be Determ ined by Genetics?

The Buddh ist phi losophy of many Asian cultures em phasizes harmony and peace. In contrast, many Western philosophies accentuate the control of anxiety, fear, and guilt, which are assumed to be basic parts of the human cond ition.

Could such phi losophical approaches reflect, i n part, genetic factors? That is the controversial suggestion made by developmental psychologist Jerome Kagan and his colleagues. They speculate that the underlying temperament of a given society, determ ined genetically, may predispose people in that society toward a particular philosophy (Kagan, 2003, 201 0).

Kagan bases his admittedly speculative suggestion on well-confirmed findings that show clear differences in tem perament between Caucasian and Asian children. For instance, one study that com pared 4-month-old infants i n China, Ireland, and t h e U n ited States found several relevant differences. In comparison to the Caucasian American babies and the Irish babies, the Chinese babies had significantly lower motor activity, irritability, and vocalization.

Kagan suggests that the C h inese, who enter the world temperamentally calmer, may find Buddhist notions of serenity more in tune with their nature. In contrast, Weste rners, who are emotionally more volatile, tense, and prone to guilt, may be attracted to philosophies that focus on the control of unp leasant feelings, which are usual features of everyday experience (Kagan, 2003, 201 0).

Of course, neither phi losophical approach is better or worse than the other; that's a matter of personal values. Also, any individual within a culture can be more or Jess temperamentally volatile, and the range of temperaments

even within a si ngle culture is vast. Finally, environmental conditions can have a significant effect on the portion of a person's temperament that is not genetically determi ned. But what this speculation does reflect is the complex interaction between culture and temperament. Relig ion may help mold temperament; temperament may make certain religious ideals more attractive.

To validate this intriguing notion would require additional research to determine just how the unique interaction of heredity and environment within a given culture may produce a framework for viewing and understand ing the world.

The Buddhist philosophy emphasizes harmony and peaceful

ness. Could this decidedly non-Western philosophy be a reflec

tion, in part, of genetic causes?

PSYCHOLOGICAL DISORDERS: THE ROLE OF GENETICS AND ENVIRONMENT

When E lani Dimitrios turned 1 3, her cat, Mefisto, began to give her orders. At first the orders were harmless: "Wear two different socks to school" or " Eat out of a bowl on the floor." Her parents dism issed these events as signs of a vivid imagination, but when Elani approached her little brother with a hammer, her mother intervened forcibly. Elani later re called, "I heard the order very clearly: Kill h i m , kill h i m . It was as if I was possessed."

In a sense, she was possessed: possessed with schizophrenia spectrum disorder, one of the most severe types of psychological disorders (typically referred to more simply as schizophrenia). Normal and happy through childhood, Elani increasingly lost her hold

Figure 2 - 8 The Genetics of Schizophren ia The psychological disorder of schizophrenia has clear genetic components. The closer the genetic links between someone with schizophrenia and another family member, the more l ikely it is that the other person will also develop schizophrenia.

SOURCE: Based on Gottesman, 1991 .

Lifetime Risk of Developing Schizophrenia

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on reality as she entered adolescence. For the next two decades, she would be in and out of institutions, struggling to ward off the ravages of the disorder.

What was the cause of Elani's mental disorder? Evidence suggests that schizophrenia is brought about by genetic factors and runs in families. Moreover, the closer the genetic links between family members, the more likely it is that if one person develops schizophre nia, the other will too. For instance, a monozygotic twin has close to a 50 percent risk of developing schizophrenia when the other twin develops the disorder (see Figure 2-8). By contrast, a niece or nephew of a person with schizophrenia has less than a 5 percent chance of developing the disorder (van Haren et al., 2012; Kliining et al., 2016; So et al., 2018).

These data also illustrate that genetics alone does not influence the development of the disorder. If genetics were the sole cause, the risk for an identical twin would be 100 percent. Consequently, other factors account for the disorder, ranging from struc tural abnormalities in the brain to a biochemical imbalance (Hietala, Cannon, & van Erp, 2003; Howes & Kapur, 2009; Wada et al., 2012).

It also seems that even if individuals harbor a genetic predisposition toward schizophrenia, they are not destined to develop the disorder. Instead, they may in herit an unusual sensitivity to stress in the environment. If stress is low, schizophrenia will not occur. But if stress is sufficiently strong, schizophrenia will result. However, for someone with a strong genetic predisposition toward the disorder, even relatively weak environmental stressors may lead to schizophrenia (Francis et al., 2013; Walder et al., 2014; Smulevich et al., 2018).

Several other psychological disorders have been shown to be related, at least in part, to genetic factors. For instance, major depression, alcoholism, autism spectrum disorder, and attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder have significant inherited com ponents (Monastra, 2008; Burbach & van der Zwaag, 2009; Cho et al., 2017).

The example of schizophrenia spectrum disorder and other genetically related psychological disorders also illustrates a fundamental principle regarding the relation ship between heredity and environment, a principle that underlies much of our previ ous discussion. Specifically, the role of genetics is often to produce a tendency toward

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a future course of development. When and whether a certain behavioral characteristic will actually be displayed depends on the nature of the environment. Thus, although a predisposition for schizophrenia may be present at birth, typically people do not show the disorder until adolescence-if at all.

Similarly, certain other kinds of traits are more likely to be displayed as the influ ence of parents and other socializing factors declines. For example, adopted children may, early in their lives, display traits that are relatively similar to their adoptive parents' traits, given the overwhelming influence of the environment on young children. As they get older and their parents' day-to-day influence declines, genetically influenced traits may begin to manifest themselves as unseen genetic factors begin to play a greater role (Arsenault et al., 2003; Poulton & Caspi, 2005; Tucker-Drob & Briley, 2014).

Can Genes Influence the Environment?

LO 2.6 Describe ways in which genes influence the environment.

The genetic endowment provided to children by their parents not only determines their genetic characteristics but also actively influences their environment. There are at least three ways a child's genetic predisposition might influence his or her environ ment (Scarr, 1998; Barker et al., 2018).

First, children tend to focus on aspects of their environment that are most in tune with their genetic abilities. For example, an active, aggressive child may gravitate to ward sports, whereas a reserved child may be more engaged by academics or solitary pursuits such as computer games or drawing. Or one girl reading the school bulletin board may notice the upcoming tryouts for Little League baseball, whereas her less coordinated but more musically endowed friend might spot a poster recruiting stu dents for an after-school chorus. In these examples the children are attending to those aspects of the environment in which their genetically determined abilities can flourish.

Second, the gene-environment influence may be more passive and less direct. For example, a particularly sports-oriented parent, who has genes that promote good physical coordination, may provide many opportunities for a child to play sports.

Finally, the genetically driven temperament of a child may evoke certain environ mental influences. For instance, an infant's demanding behavior may cause parents to be more attentive to the infant's needs than they would be otherwise. Or a child who is genetically well coordinated may play ball with anything in the house so often that her parents notice and decide to give her some sports equipment.

In sum, determining whether behavior is primarily attributable to nature or nur ture is like shooting at a moving target. Not only are behaviors and traits a joint out come of genetic and environmental factors, but the relative influence of genes and environment for specific characteristics shifts over the life span. Although the genes we inherit at birth set the stage for our future development, the constantly shifting scenery and the other characters in our lives determine just how our development eventually plays out. The environment both influences our experiences and is molded by the choices we are temperamentally inclined to make.

Review, C h eck, and Apply Review

LO 2.1 Describe how genes and chromosomes provide our basic genetic endowment.

A child receives 23 chromosomes from each parent. These 46 chromosomes provide the genetic blueprint that will guide cell activity for the rest of the individual's life.

LO 2.2 Explain the mechanisms by which genes transmit information.

A genotype is the underlying combination of ge netic material present in an organism but invisible;

a phenotype is the visible trait, the expression of the genotype. For example, PKU, a disease that causes brain damage and intellectual disabilities, is produced by a single pair of genes inherited from one's mother and fa ther. If neither parent carries a gene for the disease, a child cannot develop PKU. Even if one parent carries the recessive gene, but the other doesn't, the child can not inherit the disease. However, if both parents carry the recessive gene, there is a one in four chance that the child will have PKU.

LO 2.3 Describe the role of genetic counselors and differentiate between different forms of prenatal testing.

Genetic counselors use a variety of data and techniques to advise future parents of possible genetic risks to their unborn children. A variety of techniques can be used to assess the health of an unborn child if a woman is already pregnant, including ultrasound, CVS, and amniocentesis.

LO 2.4 Explain how the environment and genetics work together to determine human characteristics.

Behavioral characteristics are often determined by a com bination of genetics and environment. Genetically based traits represent a potential, called the genotype, which may be affected by the environment and is ultimately expressed in the phenotype.

Check Yourself

1. Sex cells (the ova and the sperm) are different from other cells because they:

a. have twice the 46 chromosomes necessary, so that when the cells combine and material is "spilled," the appropriate number of chromosomes will still be there.

b. have half of the 46 chromosomes so that when they combine, the new zygote will have all the genetic information necessary.

c. are younger than all other cells in the developing human body.

d. are the only cells with chromosomal information.

2. According to Gregor Mendel, when competing traits are both present, only one trait, also known as the ____ trait, can be expressed.

a. homozygous c. polygenic b. recessive d. dominant

Applying Lifespan Development

The Start of Life 59

LO 2.5 Explain how genetics and the environment j ointly influence physical traits, intelligence, and personality.

Virtually all human traits, characteristics, and behaviors are the result of the combination and interaction of nature and nurture. For example, intelligence contains a strong genetic component but can be significantly influenced by environ mental factors. Some personality traits, including neuroticism and extroversion, have been linked to genetic factors, and even attitudes, values, and interests have a genetic component.

LO 2.6 Describe ways in which genes influence the environment.

Children may influence their environment through genetic traits that cause them to construct-or influence their par ents to construct-an environment that matches their in herited dispositions and preferences.

3. Most behavioral traits are a product of genetic influ ence and environmental factors. This is also known as

a. systematic desensitization b. creative orientation c. genetic predetermination

d. multifactorial transmission

4. According to psychologist Jerome Kagan, differences in temperament between Chinese and American chil dren suggest a culture's philosophical outlook may be related to factors.

a. environmental b. genetic

c. cultural d. social

How might an environment different from the one you experienced have affected the development of personality charac teristics that you believe you inherited from one or both of your parents?

M o d u l e 2 . 2 Prenatal Growth and Change

Jill and Casey Adams own a small New York advertising firm . From the moment o f conception , development proceeds relentlessly. When Jill found out she was pregnant, the couple knew they'd Much of it is guided by the complex set of genetic guidelines i nherited

need to make radical changes in their lifestyle. Donut breakfasts from the parents, but much is also influenced from the start by

and fast-food lunches would have to give way to healthier meals environmental factors (Leavitt & Goldson, 1 996) . And both pare nts , with lots o f protein and veggies. Gone too were late night parties like Jill and Casey Adams, will have the chance to provide a good

and clubbing with clients. "No alcohol, " their midwife stressed. prenatal environment.

They would also need to give up smoking. Near her due date now, In this module, we trace the first stirrings of life , when the father's

Jill says the changes were tough but good. "And we use our new sperm meets the mother's egg . We consider the stages of prenatal lifestyle to connect with health-conscious companies. Instead of development, as the fertilized egg rapidly grows and differentiates

clubbing until dawn with clients, we now go jogging a t dawn with into th e vast variety of cel ls that make u p the human body. We also

them." look at how pregnancy can go awry and conclude with a discussion

of the factors that present threats to normal development.

60 Chapter 2

fertilization the process by which a sperm and an ovum-the male and female gametes, respectively-join to form a single new cell

The Prenatal Period When most of us think about the facts of life, we tend to focus on the events that cause a male's sperm cells to begin their journey toward a female's ovum. Yet the act of sex that brings about the potential for conception is both the consequence and the start of a long string of events that precede and follow conception.

The Moment of Conception and the Onset of Development

LO 2.7 Explain the process of fertilization and the three stages of development.

Fertilization, or conception, is the joining of sperm and ovum to create the single celled zygote from which all of us began our lives. Both the male's sperm and the fe male's ovum come with a history of their own. Females are born with around 400,000 ova located in the two ovaries (see Figure 2-9 for the basic anatomy of the female re productive organs).

However, the ova do not mature until the female reaches puberty. From that point until she reaches menopause, the female will ovulate about every 28 days. During ovulation, an egg is released from one of the ovaries and pushed by minute hair cells through the fallopian tube toward the uterus. If the ovum meets a sperm in the fallo pian tube, fertilization takes place.

Sperm, which look a little like microscopic tadpoles, have a shorter life span. They are created by the testicles at a rapid rate: An adult male typically produces several hundred million sperm a day. Consequently, the sperm ejaculated during sexual in tercourse are of considerably more recent origin than the ovum to which they are heading.

When sperm enter the vagina, they begin a winding journey through the cervix the opening into the uterus-and into the fallopian tube, where fertilization may take place. However, only a tiny fraction of the 300 million sperm that are typically ejacu lated during sexual intercourse ultimately survive the arduous journey. That's usually okay, though: It takes only one sperm to fertilize an ovum, and each sperm and ovum contains all the genetic data necessary to produce a new human.

At that point, the onset of development occurs. The prenatal period consists of three phases: the germinal, embryonic, and feta! stages.

Figure 2 - 9 Anatomy of t h e Female Reproductive Organs The basic anatomy of the female reproductive organs is i llustrated in this cutaway view.

SOURCE: Based on Moore & Persaud, 2003.

�---- Fertilization

Zygote

Cell duplication

Maturing ova

�--- Blastocyst

Implantation

--- Fallopian tube

Ovary

�-------- Cervix �------- Vagina

The Start of Life 61

(a) Germinal stage: fertil ization to 2 weeks (b) Embryonic stage: 2 weeks to 8 weeks (c) Fetal stage: 8 weeks to birth

THE GERMINAL STAGE: FERTILIZATION TO 2 WEEKS During the germinal stage, the first-and shortest-stage of the prenatal period, the zygote begins to divide and grow in complexity. The fertilized egg (now called a blastocyst) travels toward the uterus, where it becomes implanted in the uterus's wall, which is rich in nutrients. The germinal stage is characterized by methodical cell division, which gets off to a quick start: Three days after fertilization, the organism consists of some 32 cells, and by the next day the number doubles. Within a week, it comprises 100 to 150 cells, and the number rises with increasing rapidity.

In addition to increasing in number, the cells of the organism become increas ingly specialized. For instance, some cells form a protective layer around the mass of cells, while others begin to establish the rudiments of a placenta and umbilical cord. When fully developed, the placenta serves as a conduit between the mother and fetus, providing nourishment and oxygen via the u mbilical cord, which also removes waste materials from the developing child. The placenta also plays a role in fetal brain devel opment (Kalb, 2012).

THE EMBRYONIC STAGE: 2 TO 8 WEEKS By the end of the germinal period-just 2 weeks after conception-the organism is firmly secured to the wall of the mother 's uterus. At this point, the child is called an embryo. The embryonic stage is the period from 2 to 8 weeks following fertilization. One of the highlights of this stage is the de velopment of the major organs and basic anatomy.

At the beginning of this stage, the developing child has three distinct layers, each of which will form a different set of structures that eventually make up every part of the body. The outer layer of the embryo, the ectoderm, will form skin, hair, teeth, sense organs, and the brain and spinal cord. The endoderm, the inner layer, produces the digestive system, liver, pancreas, and respiratory system. Sandwiched between the ectoderm and endoderm is the mesoderm, from which the muscles, bones, blood, and circulatory system are forged.

If you were looking at an embryo at the end of the embryonic stage, you might be hard-pressed to identify it as human. Only an inch long, an 8-week-old embryo has what appear to be gills and a tail-like structure. However, a closer look reveals several familiar features. Rudimentary eyes, nose, lips, and even teeth can be recognized, and the embryo has stubby bulges that will form arms and legs.

The head and brain undergo rapid growth during the embryonic period. The head begins to represent a significant proportion of the embryo's size, encompassing about 50 percent of its total length. The growth of nerve cells, called neurons, is astonishing: During pregnancy, an average of 250,000 neurons are produced every minute! The nervous system begins to function around the 5th week, emitting weak brain waves (Nelson & Bosquet, 2000; Stiles & Jernigan, 2010).

THE FETAL STAGE: 8 WEEKS TO BIRTH It is not until the final period of prenatal development, the fetal stage, that the developing child becomes easily recognizable. The fetal stage starts about 8 weeks after conception and continues until birth. The fetal stage formally starts when the major organs have differentiated.

Now called a fetus, the developing child undergoes astoundingly rapid change. It increases in length some 20 times, and its proportions change dramatically. At 2 months, around half the fetus is what will ultimately be its head; by 5 months, the head accounts for just over a quarter of its total size (see Figure 2-10). The fetus also

germinal stage the first-and shortest-stage of the prenatal period, which takes place during the first 2 weeks following conception

placenta a conduit between the mother and fetus, providing nourishment and oxygen via the umbilical cord

embryonic stage the period from 2 to 8 weeks follow ing fertilization during which sig nificant growth occurs in the major organs and body systems

fetal stage the stage that begins at about 8 weeks after conception and contin ues until birth

fetus a developing child, from 8 weeks after conception until birth

62 Chapter 2

Figure 2 - 1 0 Body Proportions substantially increases in weight. At 4 months, the fetus weighs an av

Duri ng the fetal period , the proportions of the body erage of about 4 ounces; at 7 months, it weighs about 3 pounds; and at the time of birth, the average child weighs slightly more than 7 pounds.

change dramatically. At 2 months, the head represents about half the fetus, but by the time of birth, it is one-

At the same time, the developing child is rapidly becoming more complex. Organs become more differentiated and start to work. By 3 months, for example, the fetus swallows and urinates. In addition, the interconnections between the different parts of the body become more complex and integrated. For example, arms develop hands; hands de velop fingers; fingers develop nails.

quarter of its total size.

1/2 3/8

2 months 5 months after after

conception conception

infertility the inability to conceive after 12 to 18 months of trying to become pregnant

1/4

Newborn

As this is happening, the fetus makes itself known to the outside world. By 4 months, a mother can feel the movement of her child, and several months later others can feel the baby's kicks through the moth er's skin. In addition, the fetus can turn, do somersaults, cry, hiccup, clench its fist, open and close its eyes, and suck its thumb.

The brain, too, becomes increasingly sophisticated. The symmetri cal left and right halves of the brain, known as hemispheres, grow rap idly, and the interconnections between neurons become more complex. The neurons become coated with an insulating material called myelin, which helps speed the transmission of messages from the brain to the rest of the body.

By the end of the fetal period, brain waves indicate that the fetus passes through different stages of sleep and wakefulness. The fetus is able to hear (and feel the vibrations of) sounds to which it is exposed. Researchers Anthony DeCasper and Melanie Spence (1986) asked a

group of pregnant mothers to read aloud the Dr. Seuss story The Cat in the Hat two times a day during the latter months of pregnancy. Three days after the babies were born, they appeared to recognize the story, responding more to it than to another story with a different rhythm.

In weeks 8 to 24 following conception, hormones are released that lead to the in creasing differentiation of male and female fetuses. For example, high levels of andro gen are produced in males that affect the size of brain cells and the growth of neural connections. Some scientists speculate that this may ultimately lead to differences in male and female brain structure and even to later variations in gender-related behav ior (Burton et al., 2009; Jordan-Young, 2012; Adhya et al., 2018).

Just as no two adults are alike, no two fetuses are the same. Some fetuses are exceedingly active (a trait that will probably remain with them after birth), whereas others are more sedentary. Some have relatively quick heart rates, and others have slower rates. Such differences are in part a result of genetic characteristics inherited at the moment of fertilization. Other differences, though, are caused by the nature of the environment in which the child spends its first 9 months. The prenatal environment can affect infants' development in many ways-for good or ill (Tongsong et al., 2005; Monk, Georgieff, & Osterholm, 2013; Haabrekke et al., 2018).

Pregnancy Problems

LO 2.8 Describe some of the physical and ethical challenges that relate to pregnancy.

For some couples, conception presents challenges-both physical and ethical-that relate to pregnancy.

INFERTILITY Some 15 percent of couples suffer from infertility, the inability to con ceive after 12 to 18 months of trying. Infertility is correlated with age: The older the parents, the more likely infertility will occur (see Figure 2-11). Regardless of when it occurs in the life span, the inability to conceive is a difficult problem for couples, who may feel a combination of sadness, frustration, and even guilt, particularly on the part of the individual who is infertile (Sexton, Byrd, & von Kluge, 2010; Gremigni et al., 2018; Casu et al., 2018).

In men, infertility most often results from producing too few sperm. Use of illicit drugs or cigarettes and previous bouts of sexually transmitted infections (STis) also

Figure 2 - 1 1 O l d er Women and Risks of Pregnancy Not only does the rate of infertility increase as women get older, but the risk of chromosomal abnormality also increases.

SOURCE: Based on Reproductive Medicine Associates of New Jersey(2002), Age and rate of infertility in women.

Pregnancy

50 45 40

Cll 35 "' 30 <( 25 20 1 5

0 1 0 1 5 20 25 Odds each month

(percent)

Miscarriage

45-50

40-44

Cll 35-39 "' <( 30-34

25-29

20-24

0 20 40 60 Risk (percent)

45+ 40-44 35-39

� 30-34 <(

25-29 20-24

12-19 0

45 ;

.<:: 40 0 35 � 0 30 � 25

<( 20

Ectopic pregnancy

2 3 Risk (percent)

Chromosomal abnormality

2 3 Fetal risk (percent)

4 5

increase infertility. For women, the most common cause is failure to release an egg through ovulation. This may occur because of a hormone imbalance, a damaged fal lopian tube or uterus, stress, or abuse of alcohol or drugs (Kelly-Weeder & Cox, 2007; Wilkes et al., 2009; Galst, 2018).

Several treatments for infertility exist. Some difficulties can be corrected through the use of drugs or surgery. Another option may be artificial insemination, a proce dure in which a man's sperm is placed directly into a woman's reproductive tract by a physician. In some situations, the woman's husband provides the sperm, and in oth ers, the source is an anonymous donor from a sperm bank.

In other cases, fertilization takes place outside the mother 's body. In vitro fertilization (IVF) is a procedure in which a woman's ova are removed from her ova ries, and a man's sperm is used to fertilize the ova in a laboratory. The fertilized egg is then implanted in the uterus. Similarly, gamete intrafallopian transfer (GIFT) and zygote intrafallopian transfer (ZIFT) are procedures involving the implantation of an egg and sperm or a fertilized egg in a woman's fallopian tubes. In IVF, GIFT, and ZIFT, implan tation is usually done in the woman who provided the donor eggs. More rarely, a sur rogate mother is used. The surrogate mother is artificially inseminated by the biological father or some other male, brings the baby to term, and gives up rights to it (Aydiner, Yetkin, & Seli, 2010; Hertz & Nelson, 2015).

IVF is increasingly successful, with pregnancy rates as high as 48 percent for women younger than age 35 (but with lower rates for older women). (Actual live birth rates are lower because not all pregnancies ultimately result in birth.) It is also becom ing more commonplace. Worldwide, more than 8 million babies have been created through IVF (Neiderberger et al., 2018).

Furthermore, reproductive technologies are becoming increasingly sophisti cated, permitting parents to choose the sex of their baby. One technique is to sepa rate sperm carrying the X and Y chromosome and implant the desired type into a woman's uterus. In another technique, eggs are removed from a woman and fertilized with sperm through IVF. Three days after fertilization, the embryos are tested to deter mine their sex. If they are the desired gender, they are then implanted into the mother (Duenwald, 2004; Kalb, 2004; Whittaker, 2015).

The Start of Life 63

artificial insemination a process of fertilization in which a man's sperm is placed directly into a woman's reproductive tract by a physician

in vitro fertilization (!VF) a procedure in which a woman's ova are removed from her ovaries, and a man's sperm are used to fertilize the ova in a laboratory

64 Chapter 2

The use of surrogate mothers, IVF, and sex selection techniques presents a web of ethical and legal issues, as well as many emotional concerns. In some instances, surrogate mothers have refused to give up the child after its birth, and in others, the surrogate mother has sought to have a role in the child's life. In such cases, the rights of the mother, the father, the surrogate mother, and ultimately the baby are in conflict. Even more troubling are concerns raised by sex selection techniques.

Although these ethical and legal questions are difficult to resolve, we can answer one question: How do children conceived through emerging reproductive technolo gies such as IVF fare?

Research shows that they do quite well. In fact, some studies find that the quality of life for the children of families who have used such techniques may be superior to that of children in families who used natural conception. Furthermore, the later psy chological adjustment of children conceived through IVF and artificial insemination is no different from that of children conceived through natural techniques (Hjelmstedt, Widstrom, & Collins, 2006; Siegel, Dittrich, & Vollmann, 2008; Anderson et al., 2015).

However, the increasing use of IVF techniques by older individuals (who might be well into late adulthood when their children reach adolescence) may change these positive findings. Because the use of IVF has only recently become widespread, we don't yet know what outcomes will be most common in families with aging parents (Colpin & Soenen, 2004).

MISCARRIAGE AND ABORTION A miscarriage-medically known as a spontane ous abortion-occurs when pregnancy ends before the developing child is able to sur vive outside the mother 's womb. The embryo detaches from the wall of the uterus and is expelled.

Some 15 to 20 percent of all pregnancies end in miscarriage, usually in the first several months of pregnancy. Many occur so early that the mother is not even aware she was pregnant and may not even know she has suffered a miscarriage. Typically, miscarriages are attributable to some sort of genetic abnormality. Whatever the cause, women who suffer miscarriage frequently experience anxiety, depression, and grief. Even after subsequently having a healthy child, women who have had a miscarriage in the past still have a higher risk for depression and may have difficulty caring for their healthy child (Murphy, Lipp, & Powles, 2012; Sawicka, 2016; Mutiso, Murage, & Mukaindo, 2018).

Each year, over 56 million pregnancies worldwide end in abortion, in which a mother voluntarily chooses to terminate pregnancy. Women in developing countries are more likely to have abortions than women in more developed countries, and the number of abortions in developed countries has declined significantly over the past several decades (Guttrnacher Institute, 2017).

Involving a complex set of physical, psychological, legal, and ethical issues, abor tion is a difficult choice for every woman. A task force of the American Psychological Association, which looked at the aftereffects of abortion, found that, following an abor tion, most women experienced a combination of relief over terminating an unwanted pregnancy and regret and guilt. However, in most cases, the negative psychological af tereffects did not last, except for a small proportion of women who already had serious emotional problems (APA Reproductive Choice Working Group, 2000; Sedgh et al., 2012).

Other research finds that abortion may be associated with an increased risk of future psychological problems; however, the findings are mixed, and there are signifi cant individual differences in how women respond to the experience of abortion. What is clear is that in all cases, abortion is a difficult decision (Cockrill & Gould, 2012; van Ditzhuijzen et al., 2013; Guttrnacher Institute, 2017).

The Prenatal Environment: Threats to Development

LO 2.9 Describe the threats to the feta! environment and what can be done about them.

According to the Siriono people of South America, a pregnant woman who eats the meat of certain animals risks having a child who acts and looks like those animals. In other cultures, mothers should avoid stepping over ropes, because doing so might

lead to the umbilical cord wrapping around the child's neck. Other cultures advise pregnant mothers to avoid cutting their hair while pregnant in order to prevent vision problems in their infant (Cole, 1992; Rogers, 2018).

Although these views are the stuff of folklore, there is some evidence that a moth er's feelings and emotions may have an effect on her fetus. For example, a mother 's anxiety during pregnancy may affect the sleeping patterns of the fetus before birth. There are even aspects of a mother's and father's behavior, both before and after conception, that can produce lifelong consequences for the child. Some effects show up immediately, but others don't appear until years later (Couzin, 2002; Tiesler & Heinrich, 2014).

Among the most profound negative effects are those caused by teratogenic agents. A teratogen is an environmental agent such as a drug, chemical, virus, or other factor that produces a birth defect. Although the placenta is responsible for keeping terato gens from the fetus, it is not 100 percent successful, and probably every fetus is ex posed to some teratogens.

The timing and quantity of exposure to a teratogen are crucial. At some phases of prenatal development, a certain teratogen may have only a minimal impact, and at others, the consequences may be significant. Generally, teratogens have their largest effects during periods of especially rapid prenatal development. Sensitivity to spe cific teratogens is also related to racial and cultural background. For example, Native American fetuses are more susceptible to the effects of alcohol than European American fetuses (Kinney et al., 2003; Winger & Woods, 2004; Rentner, Dixon, & Lengel, 2012; Winiarski et al., 2018).

Furthermore, different organ systems are vulnerable to teratogens at differ ent times. For example, the brain is most susceptible 15 to 25 days after conception, whereas the heart is most vulnerable 20 to 40 days after conception (Pajkrt et al., 2004; see Figure 2-12).

MOTHER'S DIET A mother 's diet clearly plays an important role in fetal develop ment. A mother who eats a varied diet high in nutrients is apt to have fewer com plications during pregnancy, an easier labor, and a generally healthier baby than a mother whose diet is restricted in nutrients (Guerrini, Thomson, & Curling, 2007; Marques et al., 2014).

With 800 million hungry people in the world, the problem of diet is of immense global concern. Even worse, the number of people vulnerable to hunger is close to 1 billion. Clearly, restrictions in diet that bring about hunger on such a massive scale affect millions of children born to women living in those conditions (World Food Programme, 2016).

Fortunately, there are ways to counteract maternal malnutrition. Dietary sup plements for mothers can reverse some of the problems produced by a poor diet. Furthermore, research shows that babies who were malnourished as fetuses, but who are subsequently raised in enriched environments, can overcome some of the effects of early malnutrition. However, the reality is that few of the world's children whose mothers were malnourished before their birth are apt to find themselves in enriched environments after birth (Kramer et al., 2008; Olness, 2003).

MOTHER'S AGE More women are giving birth later in life than was true just 2 or 3 decades ago. This change is largely a result of transformations in society as more women seek advanced degrees and defer childrearing until they have started careers.

Women older than age 30 who give birth are at greater risk for a variety of preg nancy and birth complications than younger women. They are more apt to give birth prematurely and to have children with low birthweights. This occurs in part because of a decline in the condition of a woman's eggs. By the time women reach age 42, 90 percent of their eggs are no longer normal (Gibbs, 2002; Moore & de Costa, 2006).

Older mothers are also considerably more likely to give birth to children with Down syndrome, a form of intellectual disability. About 1 in 100 babies born to mothers older than age 40 has Down syndrome; for mothers older than age 50, the incidence increases to 1 in 4. However, some research shows that older mothers are not automatically at risk. For instance, one study found that when women in their 40s who have not experienced

teratogen

The Start of Life 65

a factor that produces a birth defect

66 Chapter 2

Figure 2 - 1 2 Teratogen Sensitivity Depend ing on their state of development, some parts of the body vary in their sensitivity to teratogens.

SOURCE: Moore, 1974.

Most common site of birth defect

• Heart • Central nervous system • Eye • Arm • Leg

• Ear • Teeth • Palate • External genitalia • Brain

health difficulties are considered, they are no more likely to have prenatal problems than those in their 20s (Gaulden, 1992; Kirchengast & Hartmann, 2003; Carson et al., 2016).

The risks involved in pregnancy are greater not only for older mothers, but for atypically young women as well. Women who become pregnant during adolescence are more likely to have premature deliveries. Furthermore, the mortality rate of in fants born to adolescent mothers is double that for mothers in their 20s (Kirchengast & Hartmann, 2003; Sedgh et al., 2015).

Keep in mind that the higher mortality rate for babies of adolescent mothers re flects more than just physiological problems related to the mothers' young age. Young mothers often face adverse social and economic factors that can affect infant health. Many teenage mothers do not have adequate financial or social support, a situation that prevents them from getting good prenatal care and parenting support after the baby is born. Poverty or social circumstances, such as a lack of parental involvement or supervision, may even have set the stage for the adolescent to become pregnant in the first place (Langille, 2007; Meade, Kershaw, & Ickovics, 2008). MOTHER'S HEALTH Mothers who eat the right foods, maintain an appropriate weight, and exercise appropriately maximize the chances of having a healthy baby. Furthermore, they can reduce the lifetime risk of obesity, high blood pressure, and

heart disease in their children by maintaining a healthy lifestyle (Walker & Humphries, 2005, 2007).

Depending on when it strikes, an illness in a pregnant woman can have devastat ing consequences. For instance, the onset of rubella (German measles) before the 11th week of pregnancy can cause blindness, deafness, heart defects, or brain damage in the baby. In later stages of a pregnancy, however, rubella has less serious effects.

Several other diseases may affect a developing fetus, depending on when they are contracted. For instance, chicken pox may produce birth defects, and mumps may increase the risk of miscarriage.

Some STis such as syphilis can be transmitted directly to the fetus, who will be born with the disease. Other STis such as gonorrhea are transmitted to the child as it passes through the birth canal at birth.

AIDS (acquired immune deficiency syndrome) is the newest of the diseases to af fect a newborn. Mothers who have the disease or who merely are carriers of the virus may pass it on to their fetuses through the blood that reaches the placenta. However, if mothers with AIDS are treated with antiviral drugs such as AZT during pregnancy, less than 5 percent of infants are born with the disease. Those infants who are born with AIDS must remain on antiviral drugs their entire lives (Nesheim et al., 2004).

A mother 's mental health status can also affect her children. For example, if the mother suffers from clinical depression while she is pregnant, the development of her children may be negatively affected.

MOTHER'S DRUG USE The use of many kinds of drugs-both legal and illegal poses serious risks to the unborn child. Even over-the-counter remedies for common ailments can have surprisingly injurious consequences. For instance, aspirin taken for a headache can lead to fetal bleeding and growth impairments.

Some drugs taken by mothers cause problems for their children decades after they are taken. As recently as the 1970s, the artificial hormone DES (diethylstilbestrol) was frequently prescribed to prevent miscarriage. Only later was it found that the daugh ters of mothers who took DES stood a much higher than normal chance of developing a rare form of vaginal or cervical cancer and had more difficulties during and after their pregnancies. Sons of the mothers who had taken DES had their own problems, including a higher than average rate of reproductive difficulties (Schecter, Finkelstein, & Koren, 2005; Verdoux et al., 2017).

Birth control or fertility pills taken by pregnant women before they are aware of their pregnancy can also cause fetal damage. Such medicines contain sex hormones that, when produced naturally, are related to sexual differentiation in the fetus and gender differences after birth. These medicines can cause significant damage to devel oping brain structures (Brown, Hines, & Fane, 2002).

Illicit drugs may pose equally great, and sometimes even greater, risks for the en vironments of prenatal children. For one thing, the purity of drugs purchased illegally varies significantly, so drug users can never be quite sure what specifically they are ingesting. Furthermore, the effects of some commonly used illicit drugs can be particu larly devastating.

Consider, for instance, the use of marijuana. Marijuana is one of the most com monly used drugs; millions of people in the United States have admitted trying it, and its use is now legal in many jurisdictions. However, marijuana used during preg nancy can restrict the oxygen that reaches the fetus. Its use can lead to infants who are irritable, nervous, and easily disturbed. Children exposed to marijuana prenatally show learning and memory deficits at the age of 10 (Goldschmidt et al., 2008; Willford, Richardson, & Day, 2012; Richardson, Hester, & McLemore, 2016; Massey et al., 2018).

The most recent drug problem involving pregnant mothers is the opioid epidemic in the United States. Opioids are highly addictive, and some are relatively inexpensive to obtain. Many pregnant women who are addicted to opioids such as heroin or oxy codone face barriers when they seek treatment, because the kinds of drug treatments that would normally be used to help recovery may be dangerous to the unborn child. In fact, some drug treatment facilities turn pregnant mothers away. It is a health crisis of growing proportions (Ockerman, 2017).

The Start of Life 67

68 Chapter 2

Pregnant women who drink alcohol

place their unborn children at signifi

cant risk.

fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASO) a disorder caused by the pregnant mother consuming substantial quan tities o f alcohol during pregnancy, potentially resulting in intellectual disability and delayed growth in the child

fetal alcohol effects (FAE) a condition in which children display some, but not all, of the problems of FAS as a result of the mother's consumption of alcohol during pregnancy

MOTHER'S USE OF ALCOHOL AND TOBACCO A pregnant woman who reasons that having a drink every once in a while or smoking an occasional cigarette has no appreciable effect on her unborn child is kidding herself; increasing evidence sug gests that even small amounts of alcohol and nicotine can disrupt the development of the fetus.

Mothers' use of alcohol can have profound consequences for the unborn child. The children of alcoholics who consume substantial quantities of alcohol during preg nancy, are at the greatest risk. Approximately 1 out of every 750 infants is born with fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASO), a disorder that may include below-average intelligence and sometimes intellectual disability, delayed growth, and facial deformi ties. FASD is now the primary preventable cause of intellectual disability (Calhoun & Warren, 2007; Bakoyiannis et al., 2014; Wilhoit, Scott & Simecka, 2017).

Even mothers who use smaller amounts of alcohol during pregnancy place their children at risk. Fetal alcohol effects (FAE) is a condition in which children display some, although not all, of the problems of FASD due to their mother 's consumption of alcohol during pregnancy (Baer, Sampson, & Barr, 2003; Molina et al., 2007).

Children who do not have FAE may still be affected by their mothers' use of alcohol. Studies have found that maternal consumption of an average of just two al coholic drinks a day during pregnancy is associated with lower intelligence in their offspring at age 7. Other research concurs, suggesting that relatively small quanti ties of alcohol taken during pregnancy can have future adverse effects on children's behavior and psychological functioning. Furthermore, the consequences of alcohol ingestion during pregnancy are long lasting. For example, one study found that the success of 14-year-olds on a test involving spatial and visual reasoning was related to their mothers' alcohol consumption during pregnancy. The more the mothers reported drinking, the less accurately their children responded (Streissguth, 2007; Chiodo et al., 2012; Domeij, 2018).

Because of these risks, physicians today counsel pregnant women and women who are trying to become pregnant to stop drinking alcohol entirely. They also caution against another practice proven to have an adverse effect on an unborn child: smoking.

Like alcohol consumption, smoking has many consequences, none of which are good. For starters, it reduces the oxygen content and increases the carbon monoxide of the mother's blood, which quickly restricts the oxygen available to the fetus. In ad dition, the nicotine and other toxins in cigarettes slow the respiration rate of the fetus and speed up its heart rate.

The ultimate result is an increased possibility of miscarriage and a higher like lihood of death during infancy. In fact, estimates suggest that smoking by preg nant women leads to more than 100,000 miscarriages and the deaths of 5,600 ba bies in the United States alone each year (Triche & Hossain, 2007; Geller, Nelson, & Bonacquisti, 2013).

Smokers are two times as likely as nonsmokers to have babies with an abnormally low birthweight, and smokers' babies are shorter, on average, than those of nonsmok ers. Furthermore, women who smoke during pregnancy are 50 percent more likely to have children with intellectual disabilities. Finally, mothers who smoke are more likely to have children who exhibit disruptive behavior during childhood (McCowan et al., 2009; Alshaarawy & Anthony, 2014).

DO FATHERS AFFECT THE PRENATAL ENVIRONMENT? It would be easy to be lieve that fathers, having done their part to cause conception, have no further effect on the prenatal environment of the fetus, but it turns out that a father's behavior may well have an influence. In fact, health practitioners are applying new research to suggest ways fathers can support healthy prenatal development (Martin et al., 2007; Vreeswijk et al., 2013).

For instance, fathers-to-be should avoid smoking. Secondhand smoke may affect the health of the mother and her unborn child. The more the father smokes, the lower the birthweight of his children (Khader et al., 2011).

Similarly, alcohol and drug use by a father can have significant effects on the fetus. Alcohol and drugs impair sperm and may lead to chromosomal damage, which may affect the fetus at conception. Alcohol and drug use may also create stress in the mother

The Start of Life 69

and generally produce an unhealthy environment. In addition, workplace toxins such as lead or mercury may bind to sperm and cause birth defects (Choy et al., 2002; Dare et al., 2002; Guttmannova et al., 2016).

Finally, fathers who are physically or emotionally abusive to their pregnant wives can harm their unborn children by increasing maternal stress or causing actual physi cal damage. In fact, around 5 percent of women face physical abuse during pregnancy (Bacchus, Mezey, & Bewley, 2006; Martin et al., 2006; Kingston et al., 2016).

Deve l o p m ent i n You r Life

Optimizing the Prenatal Environment

If you are contempl ati ng ever having a child, you may be overwhelmed, at this po int in the chapter, by the number of things that can go wrong. Don't be. Although both genetics and the environment pose their share of risks, in the vast majority of cases, pregnancy and birth proceed without mishap. Moreover, there are several things that women can do- both before and during pregnancy-to optimize the probability that pregnancy will progress smoothly (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 201 7).

• For women who are planning to become pregnant, several precautions are in order. First, schedule any nec essary nonemergency X-rays only during the first 2 weeks after your menstrual periods. Second, be sure you are vaccinated against rubella (German measles) at least 3 months-preferably 6 months- before getting pregnant. Fi nally, discontinue birth control pills, which disrupt hormone production , at least 3 months before trying to conceive.

• Eat well before and during pregnancy. As the saying goes, pregnant mothers are eati ng for two. It is more essential than ever to eat regular, well-balanced meals . I n addition, take prenatal vitamins, including folic ac id, which can decrease the l i kelihood of birth defects (Amitai et al., 2004; Stephenson et al., 201 8) .

• Don't use alcohol or other drugs. The evidence is clear that many drugs pass d i rectly to the fetus

and may cause birth defects. It is also clear that the more one drinks, the g reater the risk to the fetus. The best advice: Don't use any drug u n l ess d irected by a physic ia n . If you are planning to get pregnant, encourage your partner to avo id u s i n g alcohol or other drugs too (O'Connor & Whaley, 2006; Coleman Cowger et a l . , 2 0 1 8).

• Monitor caffeine intake. Although it is not clear that caffeine produces birth defects, it is known that the caffeine i n coffee, tea, and chocolate can pass to the fetus, acting as a stimulant. Because of this, you prob ably shouldn't d r i n k more than a few cups of coffee a day (Diego et a l . , 2007; Galera et al., 2 0 1 6 ; Hvolgaard M i kkelsen et al., 2 0 1 7).

• Whether you are pregnant or not, don't smoke. This holds true for mothers, fathers, and anyone else i n the vi cinity of the pregnant mother because research suggests that smoke in the fetal environment can affect bi rth weight. Smoking is the single most preventable cause of illness and death among infants and their mothers.

• Exercise regularly. In most cases, pregnant women can continue with low-impact exercise but should avoid extreme exercise, especially on very hot or cold days. (Evenson, 201 1 ; DiNallo, Downs, & Le-Masurier, 201 2 ; Centers f o r Disease Control and Prevention, 201 7).

From the perspective of a health-care provider: In addition to avoiding smoking, what other sorts of things might fathers-to-be do to help their unborn children develop normally in the womb?

Review, C h eck, and Apply Review

LO 2.7 Explain the process of fertilization and the three stages of development.

When sperm enter the vagina, they begin a journey that takes them through the cervix, the opening into the uterus, and into the fallopian tube, where fertilization may take

place. Fertilization takes place when the sperm and ovum join to start prenatal development. The germinal stage (fer tilization to 2 weeks) is marked by rapid cell division and specialization, and the attachment of the zygote to the wall of the uterus. During the embryonic stage (2 to 8 weeks),

70 Chapter 2

the ectoderm, the mesoderm, and the endoderm begin to grow and specialize. The fetal stage (8 weeks to birth) is characterized by a rapid increase in complexity and differ entiation of the organs. The fetus becomes active, and most of its systems become operational.

LO 2.8 Describe some of the physical and ethical chal- lenges that relate to pregnancy.

Some couples need medical aid to help them conceive. Among the alternate routes to conception are artificial in semination and in vitro fertilization (IVF). Some women may also experience miscarriage or opt for an abortion.

Check Yourself

1. The fertility treatment in which fertilization is induced inside the mother 's body is known as ___ _

a. artificial insemination b. intracervical insemination c. intrauterine insemination d. in vitro fertilization

2. Fertilization that occurs outside the mother 's body is called ___ _

a. artificial insemination b. infertility c. in vitro fertilization (IVF) d. intracervical insemination

3. Match the following descriptions of prenatal develop ment to their appropriate labels: germinal, embryonic, and fetal.

Applying Lifespan Development

LO 2.9 Describe the threats to the fetal environment and what can be done about them.

A teratogen is an environmental agent such as a drug, chemical, virus, or other factor that produces a birth de fect. Factors in the mother that may affect the unborn child include diet, age, illnesses, and drug, alcohol, and tobacco use. The behaviors of fathers and others in the environ ment may also affect the health and development of the unborn child.

a. This stage lasts from 8 weeks until birth and involves the differentiation of major organs. ___ _

b. From 2 to 8 weeks following fertilization, when the major organs and basic anatomy begin developing.

c. The first and shortest stage, where the zygote begins to divide and grow in complexity during the first 2 weeks following conception. ___ _

4. A is an environmental agent such as a drug, chemical, virus, or other factor that produces a birth defect.

a. terminal button b. teratogen c. terrapin d. chromosome

Studies show that "crack babies" (babies born to mothers who used cocaine during pregnancy) who are starting school have significant difficulty dealing with multiple stimuli and forming close attachments. How might both genetic and envi ronmental influences have combined to produce these results?

M o d u l e 2 . 3 Birth and the Newborn Infant

Tania and Lou Kerry hadn't planned to have a second child so soon,

but 3 months after their son Caleb was born, Tania became pregnant

again. Tania 's midwife referred her to an obstetrician for the second

birth. The reason? Women who become pregnant within months of

giving birth are more likely to deliver prematurely. The midwife wanted

a doctor on board in case Tania went into tabor early.

Despite help from both her mother and Lou, Tania was exhausted

most of the pregnancy and worried the new baby would come too

soon. "Take it one day at a time," her doctor advised. "Every day that

baby stays in the womb, its chances of survival increase."

Tania was almost in the home stretch at 35 weeks when her

water broke. Because the baby was early, she came very fast.

Tania gave birth in the ambulance on the way to the hospital, but

the medics kn ew what to do for her daughter, who weighed less

The Start of Life 71

than 5 pounds. After a month in an incubator, Gemma Kerry is

home with her family. "We were lucky," Tania says. "Not every

preemie survives."

Infants were not meant to be born as early as Gemma. Yet, for a variety

of reasons , more than 1 0 percent of all babies today are born early,

and the odds of their leading a normal life are im proving dramatically.

All births, even those that reach full term, are a comb ination of

excitement and anxiety. I n the vast majority of cases delivery goes

smoothly, and it is an amazing and joyous moment when a new being

enters the world. The excitement of birth is soon replaced by wonder

at the extraordinary nature of newborns themselves . Babies enter the

world with a surp rising array of abilities, ready from the first moments

of life outside the womb to respond to the world and the people in it.

In this module we'll examine the events that lead to the delivery and birth of a child, and take an initial look at the newborn. We first consider labor and delivery, exploring how the process usually proceeds, as well as several alternative approaches.

We next examine some of the possible complications of birth. Problems that can occur range from premature births to infant mortality. Finally, we consider the extraor dinary range of capabilities of newborns. We'll look not only at their physical and per ceptual abilities, but at the way they enter the world with the ability to learn and with skills that help form the foundations of their future relationships with others.

Birth I wasn't completely naive. I mean, I knew that it was only in movies that babies come out

of the womb all pink, dry, and beautiful. But still, I was initially taken aback by my son's

appearance. Because of his passage through the birth canal, his head was cone-shaped, a

bit like a wet, partly deflated football. The nurse must have noticed my reaction because

she hastened to assure me that this would change in a matter of days. She then moved

quickly to wipe off the whitish sticky substance all over his body, informing me as she did

so that the fuzzy hair on his ears was only temporary. I leaned in and put my finger into

my boy's hand. He rewarded me by closing his hand around it. I interrupted the nurse's

assurances. "Don't worry," I stammered, tears suddenly filling my eyes. "He's absolutely the most beautiful thing I've ever seen."

For those of us accustomed to thinking of newborns in the images of baby food com- mercials, this portrait of a typical newborn may be surprising. Yet most neonates-the neonates term used for newborns-resemble this one. Make no mistake, however: Babies are a the term used for newborns

welcome sight to their parents from the moment of birth. The neonate's outward appearance is caused by a variety of factors during its

journey from the uterus, down the birth canal, and into the world. We can trace this journey, beginning with the release of the chemicals that initiate labor.

From Labor to Delivery

LO 2. 1 0 Describe the normal process of labor and the events that occur in the first few hours of a newborn's life.

About 266 days after conception, a protein called corticotropin-releasing hormone (CRH) triggers the release of various hormones, and the process that leads to birth begins. One critical hormone is oxytocin, from the mother 's pituitary gland. When the con centration of oxytocin becomes high enough, the uterus begins periodic contractions (Terzidou, 2007; Tattersall et al., 2012; Gordon et al., 2017).

LABOR: THE PROCESS OF BIRTH BEGINS During the prenatal period, the uterus, which is composed of muscle tissue, slowly expands as the fetus grows. For most of the pregnancy it is inactive, but after the fourth month it occasionally contracts to ready it self for the delivery. These Braxton-Hicks contractions are sometimes called "false labor" because they can fool eager and anxious parents.

When birth is imminent, the uterus begins to contract intermittently. The increas ingly intense contractions force the head of the fetus against the cervix, the neck of the uterus that separates it from the vagina. Eventually, the contractions become strong enough to propel the fetus slowly down the birth canal until it enters the world

72 Chapter 2

Figure 2 - 1 3 The Three Stages of Labor

Stage 1 Stage 2 Stage 3

Umbilical cord

Placenta Uterine contractions initially occur every 8 to 10 minutes and last 30 seconds. Toward the end of labor, contractions may occur every 2 min utes and last as long as 2 minutes. As the contractions increase, the cervix, which separates the uterus from the vagina, becomes wider, eventually expanding to allow the baby's head to pass through.

The baby's head starts to move through the cervix and birth canal. Typically lasting around 90 minutes, the second stage ends when the baby has completely left the mother's body.

The child's umbilical cord (still attached to the neonate) and the placenta are expelled from the mother. This stage is the qu ickest and easiest, taking just a few minutes.

episiotomy an incision sometimes made to in crease the size of the opening of the vagina to allow the baby to pass

(Mittendorf et al., 1990). This exertion and the narrow birth passageway often give newborns a battered, conehead appearance.

Labor proceeds in three stages (see Figure 2-13). In the first stage of Labor, the uter ine contractions initially occur around every 8 to 10 minutes and last about 30 seconds. As labor proceeds, the contractions occur more frequently and last longer. Toward the end of labor, the contractions may occur every 2 minutes and last almost 2 minutes. As the first stage of labor ends, the contractions reach their greatest intensity, a period known as transition. The mother 's cervix fully opens, eventually expanding enough (usually to around 10 centimeters) to allow the baby's head to pass through.

During the second stage of Labor, which typically lasts around 90 minutes, the baby's head proceeds further with each contraction, increasing the size of the vaginal open ing. Because the area between the vagina and rectum must stretch, an incision called an episiotomy is sometimes made to increase the size of the opening of the vagina. However, this practice is now seen as potentially harmful, and the number of episi otomies has fallen drastically in the past decade (Manzanares et al., 2013; Ballesteros Meseguer et al., 2016; Gebuza et al., 2018).

The second stage of labor ends when the baby has completely left the mother 's body. Finally, in the third stage of labor the child's umbilical cord (still attached to the neonate) and the placenta are expelled from the mother. This stage is the quickest and easiest, taking just a few minutes.

The nature of a woman's reactions to labor reflects, in part, cultural factors. Although there is no evidence that the physiological aspects of labor differ among women of different cultures, expectations about labor and interpretations of its pain do vary significantly from one culture to another (Callister et al., 2003; Fisher, Hauck, & Fenwick, 2006; Steel et al., 2014). For instance, there is a kernel of truth to popular stories of women in some societies putting down their tools, giving birth, and imme diately returning to work with their neonates on their backs. Accounts of the !Kung people in Africa describe women giving birth without much ado-or assistance-and quickly recovering. In contrast, many societies regard childbirth as dangerous or even as essentially an illness.

BIRTH: FROM FETUS TO NEONATE Birth occurs when the fetus emerges fully from its mother 's body. In most cases, babies automatically make the transition for their oxygen needs from the placenta to their lungs. Consequently, most newborns sponta neously cry, which helps them clear their lungs and breathe on their own.

Table 2-3 Apgar Scale

A score is given for each sign at 1 m i nute and 5 m inutes after the birth. If there are problems with the baby , an additional score is given at 1 0 mi nutes. A score of 7-1 0 is considered normal, whereas 4-7 might require some resuscitative measures, and a baby with an Apgar score less than 4 requ ires immediate resuscitati on. SOURCE: Apgar, 1953; Rozance & Rosenberg, 2012.

p G

Sign 0 Points 1 Point 2 Points

Appearance (skin color) Blue-gray, pale all over Normal, except for Normal over entire extrem ities body

Pulse Absent Below 1 00 bpm Above 1 00 bpm

Grimace (reflex irritability) No response Grimace Sneezes, coughs, pulls away

Activity (muscle tone) Absent Arms and legs flexed Active movement

Respiration Absent Slow, irregular Good, crying

What happens next varies from situation to situation and from culture to culture. In Western cultures, health-care workers are almost always on hand to assist with the birth. In the United States, 99 percent of births are attended by professional health-care workers, but in many less-developed countries less than half of births have profes sional health-care workers in attendance (United Nations Statistics Division, 2012).

The Apgar Scale In most cases, the newborn undergoes a quick visual inspection. While parents lovingly count fingers and toes, health-care workers use the Apgar scale, a standard measurement system that looks for a variety of indications of good health (see Table 2-3). Developed by physician Virginia Apgar, the scale directs atten tion to five basic qualities, recalled most easily by using Apgar's name as a guide: appearance (color), pulse (heart rate), grimace (reflex irritability), activity (muscle tone), and respiration (respiratory effort).

The newborn receives a score ranging from 0 to 2 on each of the five qualities, for an overall score between 0 and 10. Most score 7 or above; the 10 percent who score less than 7 require help to start breathing. Newborns who score 4 or less need immediate, lifesaving intervention.

In addition to problems or defects already present in the fetus, the process of birth itself may sometimes cause difficulties. Oxygen deprivation is one of the most pro found. At times during labor, the umbilical cord may get wrapped around the neck or pinched during a prolonged contraction, thereby cutting off the supply of oxygen. Lack of oxygen for a few seconds is not harmful, but if it lasts longer it may cause seri ous harm. A restriction of oxygen, or anoxia, lasting a few minutes can produce cogni tive deficits such as language delays and even intellectual disabilities due to brain cell death (Hynes, Fish, & Manly, 2014; Tazopoulou et al., 2016). Newborn Medical Screening Just after birth, newborns typically are tested for a vari ety of diseases and genetic conditions. The American College of Medical Genetics rec ommends that all newborns be screened for 29 disorders, ranging from hearing diffi culties and sickle-cell anemia to extremely rare conditions such as isovaleric acidemia (IVA), a disorder that interferes with the normal metabolism of leucine, an important amino acid. IVA and other disorders can be detected from a tiny quantity of blood drawn from an infant's heel (American College of Medical Genetics, 2006).

The advantage of newborn screening is that it permits early treatment of prob lems that might go undetected for years. In some cases, devastating conditions can be prevented through early treatment of the disorder, such as the implementation of a particular kind of diet (Kayton, 2007; Timmermans & Buchbinder, 2012; Rentmeester, Pringle, & Hogue, 2017).

The exact number of tests that a newborn experiences varies drastically from state to state. In some states, only three tests are mandated, and in others more than 30 are required. In jurisdictions with only a few tests, many disorders go undiagnosed. In fact, each year around 1,000 infants in the United States suffer from disorders that could

Apgar scale

The Start of Life 73

a standard measurement system that looks for a variety of indications of good health in newborns

anoxia a restriction o f oxygen to the baby, lasting a few minutes during the birth process, which can produce cognitive defects

74 Chapter 2

bonding close physical and emotional contact between parent and child during the period immediately following birth

have been detected at birth if appropriate screening had been conducted (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2008; Sudia-Robinson, 2011; McClain & Cokley, 2017).

As advances in medical science give rise to newer and better screening proce dures, the question of how many and which diseases to screen for in newborn infants will continue to be a matter for debate. Clearly, more research is needed in order to determine the need for early testing (Hertzberg et al., 2011).

Physical Appearance and Initial Encou nters After assessing the newborn's health, health-care workers deal with the remnants of the child's passage through the birth canal. They clean away the vernix, the thick, greasy substance (like cottage cheese) that covers the newborn and smooths the passage through the birth canal. The fine, dark fuzz known as lanugo that covers the newborn's body soon disappears. The newborn's eyelids may be puffy from fluids that accumulated during labor, and blood or other fluids may remain on parts of his or her body.

The clean newborn is then handed to the parent or parents for their first, miracu lous encounter with their child. The importance of this initial encounter has become a matter of controversy. Some psychologists and physicians have argued that bonding, the close physical and emotional contact between parent and child during the period immediately following birth, is crucial for lasting parent-child relationships. More re cent research suggests otherwise, however. Although it does appear that mothers who have early physical contact with their babies are more responsive to them than those who don't have such contact, the difference lasts only a few days (Miles et al., 2006; Bigelow & Power, 2012; Stikes & Barbier, 2013; Ropars et al., 2018).

Although immediate mother-child bonding does not seem critical to the relation ship between mother and child, it is important for newborns to be gently touched and massaged soon after birth. The physical stimulation they receive leads to the pro duction of chemicals in the brain that instigate growth. Ultimately, infant massage is related to weight gain, better sleep-waking patterns, better neuromotor develop ment, and reduced rates of infant mortality (Kulkarni et al., 2011; van Reenen & van Rensburg, 2013; Alvarez, et al., 2017).

Approaches to Childbirth: Where Medicine and Attitudes Meet

LO 2.1 1 Describe the major current approaches to childbirth.

Carrie Blackstone had her first baby under the supervision of medical doctors and found the experience i m personal and artificial. So for her second baby, she and her husband, Sarn i McClough, decided on an African method of birthing that she had read about.

"The African way is more natural. You sit on a birthing stool, which has a hole i n the middle. The baby comes through the hole, no fuss, no muss. And no doctors unless they're needed."

Carrie and Sarni found a nurse-midwife program at Manhattan's Maternity Center that would permit her to use the stool. When the time came, Carrie and Sarni were together through the whole process. With the first contractions, Sarni h el ped her to stand up and they began rocking, "like a slow, comfortable dance," she says. "The rocking helped me through the worst contractions.

"Then I sat o n the stool and when the midwife said 'Push!' out came my Dara's head." The midwife placed Dara on Carrie's breast and examined her then and there.

Parents in the Western world have developed a variety of strategies-and some strong opinions-to help them deal with something as natural as giving birth, which occurs apparently without much thought throughout the nonhuman animal world. Today parents need to decide: Should the birth take place in a hospital or in the home? Should a physician, a nurse, or a midwife assist? Is the father 's presence desirable? Should sib lings and other family members be on hand to participate in the birth?

Most of these questions, of course, are matters not of fact but of values and opinions. No single approach will be effective for everyone, and no conclusive research indicates that one procedure is significantly more effective than another. And not only are personal preferences involved, but culture also plays a role in the choice of birthing procedures.

The abundance of choices is largely a result of a reaction to traditional medical practices that had been common in the United States until the early 1970s. Before that time, the typical birth went something like this: A woman in labor was placed in a room with many other women, all of whom were in various stages of childbirth, and some of whom were screaming in pain. Fathers and other family members were not allowed to be present. Just before delivery, the woman was rolled into a delivery room, where the birth took place. Often she was so drugged that she was not aware of the birth at all.

ALTERNATIVE BIRTHING PROCEDURES Now not all mothers give birth in hospitals, and not all births follow the traditional course. Among the alternatives:

• Lamaze Method. Based on the writings of Dr. Fernand Lamaze, this method uses breathing techniques and relaxation training (Lamaze, 1970). Typically, mothers-to-be attend weekly training sessions to learn to relax various parts of the body on command. A "coach," usually the father, is trained at the same time. Through the training, women learn how to deal positively with pain and to relax at the onset of a contrac tion. Part of the method is to build self-confidence in parents-to-be, demystifying the process of birth, and providing mothers with a num ber of coping techniques to increase their self-confidence.

The Start of Life 75

!l f I �

;;;;..... ___ ....;.:___, § Does it work? Most mothers, as well as fathers, report that a Lamaze birth is a positive experience. However, we can't be sure that parents who choose the Lamaze method aren't already more highly motivated about the experience of childbirth than parents who do not choose the tech nique. Furthermore, there is a lack of definitive research on the benefits of Lamaze techniques. Still, Lamaze remains one of the most popular child birth methods in the United States (Larsen et al., 2001; Zwelling, 2006).

Although observation of nonhuman animals high

lights the importance of contact between mother and

offspring following birth, research on humans sug

gests that immediate physical contact is less critical.

• Bradley Method. The Bradley Method, which is sometimes known as "husband coached childbirth," is based on the principle that childbirth should be natural, without medication or medical interventions. To prepare for childbirth, mothers to-be are taught muscle relaxation, breathing techniques, techniques for "trusting their bodies," and practices to promote good nutrition and exercise. Parents are urged to take responsibility for childbirth, and the use of physicians is viewed as unnecessary and sometimes even dangerous. As you might expect, the discour agement of traditional medical interventions is highly controversial (Reed, 2005).

• Hypnobirthing. Hypnobirthing is a relatively new technique involving a form of self-hypnosis during delivery that produces a sense of peace and calm, thereby reducing pain. The basic concept is to produce a state of fo cused concentration in which a mother relaxes her body while focusing in ward. Increasing research evidence shows the technique can be effective in reducing pain (White, 2007; Alexander, Turnball, & Cyna, 2009; Wright, & Geraghty, 2017).

• Water Birthing. Still relatively uncommon in the United States, water birthing is a practice in which a woman enters a pool of warm water to give birth. The theory is that the warmth and buoyancy of the water is soothing, easing the length and pain of labor and childbirth, and the entry into the world is soothed for the infant, who moves from the wa tery environment of the womb to the birthing pool. Although there is some evidence that water birth ing reduces pain and the length of labor, there is a risk of infection from the unsterile water (Thoni, Mussner, & Ploner, 2010; Jones et al., 2012; Lathrop, Bonsack, & Haas, 2018). With water birthing, the woman enters a pool of warm water to give birth.

76 Chapter 2

CHILDBIRTH ATTENDANTS: WHO DELIVERS? Traditionally, obstetricians, physicians who specialize in delivering babies, have been the childbirth attendants of choice. In the past few decades, more mothers have instead chosen to use a midwife, a childbirth atten dant who stays with the mother throughout labor and delivery. Midwives-most often nurses specializing in childbirth-are used primarily for pregnancies in which no compli cations are expected. The use of midwives has increased steadily in the United States there are now 7,000 of them-and they are employed in 10 percent of births. Midwives help deliver some 80 percent of babies in other parts of the world, often at home. Home birth is common in countries at all levels of economic development. For instance, a third of all births in the Netherlands occur at home (Ayoub, 2005; Klein, 2012; Sandall, 2014).

The newest trend is also one of the oldest: the doula (pronounced doo-lah). A doula provides emotional, psychological, and educational support during birth. A doula does not replace an obstetrician or midwife and does not do medical examinations. Instead, doulas provide the mother with support and suggest consideration of birth ing alternatives. This represents a return to a centuries-old tradition in which sup portive, experienced older women serve as birthing assistants and guides. A growing body of research indicates that the presence of a doula is beneficial to the birth process, speeding deliveries and reducing reliance on drugs. Yet concerns remain about their use. Unlike certified midwives, who are nurses and receive an additional year or two of training, doulas do not need to be certified or have any particular level of education (Humphries & Korfmacher, 2012; Simkin, 2014; Darwin et al., 2017).

From the perspective of a health-care provider: Although 99 percent of U.S. births are attended by professional medical workers or birthing attendants, this is the case in only about half of births worldwide. What do you think are some reasons for this, and what are the implications of this statistic?

USE OF ANESTHESIA AND PAIN-REDUCING DRUGS Certainly the ongoing dis covery of pain-reducing drugs is one of the greatest advances of modern medicine, but the use of medication during childbirth has both benefits and pitfalls. About half of women who give birth receive epidural anesthesia, which produces numbness from the waist down. Traditional epidurals immobilize women and can prevent them from helping to push the baby. A newer form-a walking epidural or dual spinal-epidural uses smaller needles and administers doses continuously. This permits women to move more freely and has fewer side effects (Simmons et al., 2007; Osterman & Martin, 2011).

It is important to remember that pain reduction comes at a cost. Drugs reach not just the mother but the fetus as well, and the stronger the drug, the greater its effects on the fetus and neonate. For example, anesthetics may temporarily depress the flow of oxygen to the fetus and slow labor. In addition, newborns whose mothers have been anesthetized are less physiologically responsive, show poorer motor control during the first days after birth, cry more, and may have more difficulty breastfeeding. Further, because of the size difference, doses that might have a minimal effect on the mother can have a magnified effect on the fetus (Ransjo-Arvidson et al., 2001; Torvaldsen et al., 2006; Irland, 2010).

However, most research suggests that drugs as currently used produce only mini mal risks. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) suggests that a woman's request for pain relief at any stage of labor should be honored, and that the proper use of minimal amounts of drugs for pain relief is reasonable and has no significant effect on a child's later well-being (Alberts, Elkind, & Ginsberg, 2007; Costa Martins et al., 2014; American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, 2017). (See the Development in Your Life box.)

POSTDELIVERY HOSPITAL STAY: DELIVER, THEN DEPART? When Diane Mensch was sent home from the hospital just a day after the birth of her third child, she still felt exhausted. But her insurance company insisted that 24 hours was sufficient time to recover, and it refused to pay for more. Three days later, her newborn was back in the hospital with jaundice. Mensch is convinced the problem would have been discovered and treated sooner had she and her newborn been allowed to remain in the hospital longer (Begley, 2018).

Deve l o p m e n t i n You r Life

Dea ling with Labor

Every woman who is soon to give birth has some fear of labor. Most have heard gripping tales of extended, 48-hour labors. Still, few mothers would deny that the rewards of giving birth are worth the effort.

There is no right or wrong way to deal with labor. However, several strategies can help make the process as positive as possi ble:

• Be flexible. Although you may have carefully planned your labor, don't feel obliged to follow through exact ly. If one strategy is ineffective, try another.

• Communicate with your health-care providers. Let them know what you are experiencing and ask for h el p and i nformation. They shou ld be able to give you an indi cation of how much longer you will be in labor, which may help you feel you can handle it.

The Start of Life 77

• Remember that labor is ... laborious. Expect to become fatigued , but real ize that toward the end you may well get a second wind.

• Accept your partner's support. If a spouse or other partner is present, allow that person to make you com fortable and provide support. Research has shown that women who are supported by a spouse or partner have a more comfortable birth experience (Kennell, 2002).

• Be realistic and honest about your reactions to pain. Even if you had planned an unmedicated delivery, realize that you may find the pain hard to bear. At that poi nt, con sider drugs. Asking for pain medication is not a sign of failure.

• Focus on the big picture. Keep in mind that labor is part of a process that leads to an event unmatched i n t h e joy it can bring.

Mensch's experience is not unusual. In the 1970s the average hospital stay for a normal birth was 3.9 days. By the 1990s, it was 2 days. The change was prompted in large part by medical insurance companies focused on reducing costs.

Medical providers acknowledge that there are definite risks involved, both for moth ers and their newborns, for too fast a departure from hospitals. For instance, mothers may experience bleeding from tissues tom during childbirth, and newborns may require the intensive medical care that hospitals uniquely provide. Furthermore, mothers are better rested and more satisfied with their care when they stay longer (Campbell et al., 2016).

In accordance with these views, the U.S. Congress has passed legislation mandating a minimum insurance coverage of 48 hours for childbirth. Furthermore, the American Academy of Pediatrics has issued comprehensive guidelines detailing how long women (and their infants) should stay in the hospital based on various health criteria relating to the infant and mother (Bentz, 2015).

Birth Complications

When Ivy Brown's son was born dead, a nurse told her that sad as it was, she was not alone: A surprisingly high number of births in her city, Washington, D.C., ended with the death of the chi ld . That fact spurred Brown to become a grief counselor, specializing in infant mortality. She formed a committee of physicians and city officials to study the capital's high infant mortality rate and find solutions to lower it. "If I can spare one mother this ter rible grief, my loss will not be in vain," Brown says.

,__.,!!lllli:JI•• i The overall infant mortality rate in Washington, D.C., the capital of the richest country in the world, is 7.1 per 1,000 live births in 2016-a number that has actually declined from a high of 13.1 in 2007. For non-Hispanic black mothers, the number is far worse, registering at 11.5 per 1,000 live births (Lloyd, 2018).

Mothers who spend more time in the hospital following the birth of a child

do better than those discharged after a shorter period.

� (/2 gi f �

78 Chapter 2

preterm infants infants who are born prior to 38 weeks after conception (also known as premature infants)

Figure 2 - 1 4 International Infant Mortality Infant mortality rates in selected countries. Although the U n ited States has greatly reduced its infant mortality rate i n the past 25 years, it still ranks behind numerous other i ndustrial ized countries. What are some of the reasons for this?

SOURCE: World Factbook, 2018.

Japan

Singapore

Norway

Finland

Sweden

Czechia

Hong Kong

France

Spain

Italy

Belgium

Germany

Israel

Ireland

Denmark

Portugal

United Kingdom

Australia

New Zealand

Poland

Cuba

Canada

Greece

Hungary

Slovakia

Un ited States

Russia

Kuwait

Costa Rica

Romania

0.5

Overall, more than 50 countries have better infant mortality rates than the United States, which has 5.8 deaths for every 1,000 live births. This rate is worse than coun tries such as Hungary, Cuba, and Slovenia (World Factbook, 2018; see Figure 2-14).

Why do infants have less chance of survival in the United States than in other, less-developed countries? To answer this question, we need to consider the problems that can occur during labor and delivery.

Preterm Infants and Postmature Babies

LO 2.12 Describe the causes of, consequences of, and treatments for preterm births and the risks that postmature babies face.

Around 1 out of 10 infants are born earlier than normal. Preterm infants, or premature infants, are born before 38 weeks after conception. Because they have not had time to develop fully as fetuses, preterm infants are at high risk for illness and death.

The extent of danger faced by preterm babies largely depends on the child's weight at birth, which has great significance as an indicator of the extent of the baby's development. Although the average newborn weighs around 3,400 grams (about 7.5 pounds), low-birthweight infants weigh less than 2,500 grams (around 5.5 pounds). Only 7 percent of U.S. newborns are in the low-birthweight category, but they account for most newborn deaths (De Vader et al., 2007).

Although most low-birthweight infants are preterm, some are small-for gestational-age babies. Small-for-gestational-age infants are infants who, because of delayed fetal growth, weigh 90 percent (or less) of the average weight of infants of the same gestational age. Small-for-gestational-age infants are sometimes also preterm but may not be. The syndrome may be caused by inadequate nutrition during pregnancy (Bergmann, Bergmann, & Dudenhausen, 2008; Karagianni et al., 2010).

If the baby is not very premature and the weight at birth is not extremely low, the threat is relatively minor. In such cases, the best treatment may be to keep the baby in the hospital to gain weight. Additional weight is critical because fat layers help pre vent chilling in neonates, who are not efficient at regulating body temperature.

Research also shows that preterm infants who receive more responsive, stimulat ing, and organized care are apt to show more positive outcomes than those children whose care is not as good. Some of these interventions are quite simple. For example, "kangaroo care," in which infants are held skin-to-skin against their parents' chests, appears to be effective in helping preterm infants develop. Massaging preterm infants several times a day triggers the release of hormones that promote weight gain, muscle development, and abilities to cope with stress (Kaffashi et al., 2013; Athanasopoulou & Fox, 2014; Nobre et al., 2017).

Newborns who are born more prematurely and who have birthweights signifi cantly below average face a tougher road. They are highly vulnerable to infection, and because their lungs are not fully developed, they have problems taking in oxygen. As a consequence, they may experience respiratory distress syndrome (RDS), with potentially fatal consequences.

To deal with RDS, low-birthweight infants are often placed in incubators, enclosures in which temperature and oxygen content are carefully monitored. Too low a concentra tion of oxygen will not provide relief, and too high a concentration can damage the deli cate retinas of the eyes, leading to permanent blindness.

Preterm neonates are unusually sensitive to the sights, sounds, and sensations they experience, and their breathing may be interrupted or their heart rates may slow. They are often unable to move smoothly, with uncoordinated arm and leg movements that can be disconcerting to parents (Miles et al., 2006; Valeri et al., 2015).

Despite the difficulties they experience at birth, the majority of preterm infants eventually develop normally in the long run. However, the tempo of development often proceeds more slowly for preterm children compared to children born at full term, and subtler problems sometimes emerge later. For example, by the end of their first year, only 10 percent of prematurely born infants display significant problems, and only 5 percent are seriously disabled. By age 6, however, approximately 38 per cent have mild problems that call for special educa tional interventions. For instance, some preterm chil dren show learning disabilities, behavior disorders, or lower-than-average IQ scores. They may also be at greater risk for mental illness. Others have difficulties with physical coordination. Still, around 60 percent of preterm infants are free of even minor problems (Hall et al., 2008; Nosarti et al., 2012; El Ayoubi et al., 2016).

VERY-LOW-BIRTHWEIGHT INFANTS: THE

The Start of Life 79

low-birthweight infants infants who weigh less than 2,500 grams (around 5.5 pounds) at birth

small-for-gestational-age infants infants who, because of delayed feta! growth, weigh 90 percent (or less) of the average weight of infants of the same gestational age

very-low-birthweight infants infants who weigh less than 1,250 grams (around 2.25 pounds) or, re gardless of weight, have been in the womb less than 30 weeks

SMALLEST OF THE SMALL The story is less posi tive for the most extreme cases of prematurity. Very low-birthweight infants weigh less than 1,250 grams (around 2.25 pounds) or, regardless of weight, have been in the womb less than 30 weeks.

Preterm infants stand a much greater chance of survival today than they

did even a decade ago.

80 Chapter 2

Very-low-birthweight infants not only are tiny-some fitting easily in the palm of the hand at birth-they hardly seem to belong to the same species as full-term new borns. Their eyes may be fused shut, and their earlobes may look like flaps of skin on the sides of their heads. Their skin is a darkened red color, whatever their race.

Very-low-birthweight babies are in grave danger from the moment they are born because their organ systems are immature. Before the mid-1980s, these babies would not have survived; recent medical advances have pushed the age of viability, the point at which an infant can survive prematurely, to about 22 weeks-some 4 months earlier than the normal term. Of course, the longer the baby develops after conception, the higher the chance of survival. A baby born earlier than 25 weeks has less than a 50-50 chance of survival (see Figure 2-15) (Seaton et al., 2012).

If a very-low-birthweight preterm infant survives, the medical costs can be astonishing-between 3 and 50 times higher than the medical costs for a full-term child during the first 3 years of life. This fact has engendered ethical debates about the expenditure of substantial financial and human resources in cases in which a positive outcome may be unlikely (Prince, 2000; Doyle, 2004a; Petrou, 2006; Cavallo et al., 2015).

Still, emerging evidence suggests that high-quality care can provide protection from some of the risks of prematurity, and that by the time they reach adulthood, pre mature babies may be little different from other adults. Still, the costs of caring for preterm infants are enormous: Estimates put the cost of caring for premature infants at $6 billion a year (Grosse et al., 2017).

WHAT CAUSES PRETERM AND LOW-BIRTHWEIGHT DELIVERIES? About half of preterm and low-birthweight births are unexplained, but several known causes ac count for the remainder. In some cases, the cause arises from difficulties in the moth er's reproductive system. For instance, twins place unusual stress on their mothers, which can lead to early labor. In fact, most multiple births are preterm to some degree (Tan et al., 2004; Luke & Brown, 2008).

In other cases, preterm and low-birthweight babies are a result of the immaturity of the mother's reproductive system. Young mothers-younger than age 15--are more prone to deliver prematurely than older ones. In addition, a woman who becomes pregnant within 6 months of her previous delivery is more likely to have a preterm or low-birthweight infant than a woman whose reproductive system has had a chance to recover. The father's age matters, too: Pregnant women with older male partners are more likely to have preterm deliveries (Branum, 2006; Blumenshine et al., 2011; Teoli, Zullig, & Hendryx, 2015).

Finally, factors that affect the general health of the mother, such as nutrition, level of medical care, amount of stress in the environment, and economic support, are all related to prematurity and low birthweight. Rates of preterm births differ between

Figure 2 - 1 5 S u rvival and Gestational Age Chances of a fetus surviving greatly im prove after 28 to 32 weeks. Rates shown are the number per 1 ,000 babies born in the U nited States after specified lengths of gestation who do not survive the first year of life.

SOURCE: Based on MacDorman, M. F., & Matthews, T. J. (2009). Behind international rankings of infant mortality: How the United States compares with Europe. NCHS Data Brief, # 2 .

United Austria Denmark England Finland Northern Norway Poland Scotland Sweden States and Wales2 Ireland

22-23 707.7 888.9 947.4 880.5 900.0 1 ,000.0 555.6 92 1 . 1 1,000.0 5 1 5.2 weeks 1 24-27 236.9 3 1 9 . 6 301 .2 298.2 3 1 5.8 268.3 220.2 530.6 377.0 1 9 7.7 weeks 28-31 45.0 43.8 42.2 52.2 58.5 54.5 56.4 147.7 60.8 4 1 . 3 weeks

32-36 8.6 5.8 1 0.3 1 0. 6 9 . 7 1 3 . 1 7.2 23. 1 8 . 8 1 2 .8 weeks

37 weeks or more 2.4 1 . 5 2.3 1 .8 1 .4 1 . 6 1 . 5 2.3 1 .7 1 .5

1 Infant morta lity rates at 22-23 weeks of gestation may be unreliable due to reporting differences. 2 Engl and and Wales provided 2005 data.

Table 2-4 Risk Factors for Low- Birthweight Preterm Infants

• Women who have delivered preterm before, or who have experienced preterm labor

• Being pregnant with twins, triplets , or higher-order multiples

• The use of assisted reproductive technolog ies

• Certain medical conditions, including :

• Urinary tract infections

• Sexually transmitted infections

• Certain vaginal infections

• High blood pressu re

• Bleeding from the vagina

• Certain developmental abnormalities in the fetus

• Being underweight or obese before pregnancy

• Short time period between pregnancies (less than 6 months between a birth and the begi nning of the next pregnancy)

• Placenta previa, a condition in which the placenta grows in the lowest part of the uterus and covers all or part of the opening to the cervix

• Being at ris k for rupture of the uterus

• Diabetes

• Blood clotting problems

Other factors that may increase risk for preterm labor and premature birth include:

• Ethnicity-preterm labor and birth occur more often among certain racial and ethnic groups

• Age of the mother-younger than 1 8 and older than 35

• Certain lifestyle and environ mental factors , includ i ng:

• Late or no health care during pregnancy

• Smoking

• Drinking alcohol

• Using il legal drugs

• Domestic violence, including physical, sexual, or emotional abuse

• Lack of social support

• Stress

• Long working hours with long periods of standing

• Exposure to certain environmental pollutants

SOURCE: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Institutes of Health, Eunice Kennedy Shriver Institute of Child Health and Human Development, 2 0 1 7.

racial groups, not because of race per se, but because members of racial minorities have disproportionately lower incomes and higher stress as a result. For instance, the percentage of low-birthweight infants born to African American mothers is double that for Caucasian American mothers. (A summary of the factors associated with in creased risk of low birthweight is shown in Table 2-4; Field et al., 2008; Butler, Wilson, & Johnson, 2012; Teoli, Zullig, & Hendryx, 2015.)

POSTMATURE BABIES: LATER, LARGER One might imagine that a baby who spends extra time in the womb might have some advantages, given the opportunity to continue growth undisturbed by the outside world. Yet postmature infants-those still unborn 2 weeks after the mother 's due date-face several risks.

For example, the blood supply from the placenta may become insufficient to nourish the still-growing fetus. A decrease in blood to the brain may lead to brain damage. Similarly, labor is riskier (for both mother and child) if a fetus nearly the size of a 1-month-old infant has to make its way through the birth canal (Fok & Tsang, 2006).

Postmature infants are less of a problem than preterm babies because medical practitioners can induce labor artificially through drugs or a cesarean delivery.

The Start of Life 81

postmature infants infants still unborn 2 weeks after the mother's due date

82 Chapter 2

cesarean delivery a birth in which the baby is surgically removed from the uterus, rather than traveling through the birth canal

fetal monitor a device that measures the baby's heartbeat during labor

Cesarean Delivery: Intervening in the Process of Birth

LO 2.13 Describe the process of cesarean delivery, and explain the reasons for its increase in use.

As Elena entered her 1 8th hour of labor, her obstetric ian began to look concerned. She told Elena and her husband, Pablo, that the fetus 's heart rate had begun to fall after each contraction. After trying some sim p le remed ies, such as repositioning Elena on her side, the obstetrician came to the conclusion that the fetus was in distress. She told them that the baby should be del ivered i m mediately by cesarean delivery.

Elena became one of the more than 1 million mothers in the United States who have a cesarean delivery each year. In a cesarean delivery (sometimes known as a c-section), the baby is surgically removed from the uterus, rather than traveling through the birth canal.

Cesarean deliveries occur most frequently when the fetus shows distress of some sort. For instance, if the fetus appears to be in danger, as indicated by a sudden rise in its heart rate, or if blood is seen coming from the mother 's vagina during labor, a cesarean may be performed. In addition, mothers older than 40 are more likely to have cesarean deliveries than younger mothers. Overall, cesarean deliveries in the United States now make up 32 percent of all deliveries (Tang et al., 2006; Romero, Coulson, & Galvin, 2012; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2017).

Cesarean deliveries are sometimes used when the baby is in breech position, feet first in the birth canal. Breech position births, which occur in about 1 of 25 births, place the baby at risk because the umbilical cord is more likely to be compressed, depriv ing the baby of oxygen. Cesarean deliveries are also more likely in transverse position births, in which the baby lies crosswise in the uterus, or when the baby's head is so large it has trouble moving through the birth canal.

The routine use of fetal monitors, which measure the baby's heartbeat during labor, has contributed to a soaring rate of cesarean deliveries. Some 25 percent of chil dren in the United States are born in this way, up about 500 percent from the early 1970s (Hamilton, Martin, & Ventura, 2011; Paterno et al., 2016).

Are cesareans an effective medical intervention? Other countries have substan tially lower rates of cesarean deliveries (see Figure 2-16), and there is no association between successful birth consequences and the rate of cesarean deliveries. In addition, cesarean deliveries are major surgeries that carry dangers. The mother's recovery can be relatively lengthy, particularly when compared to a normal delivery. Further, the risk of maternal infection is higher with cesarean deliveries (Miesnik & Reale, 2007; Ryding et al., 2015; Salahuddin et al., 2018).

Finally, a cesarean delivery presents some risks for the baby. Because cesarean ba bies are spared the stresses of passing through the birth canal, their relatively easy pas sage into the world may deter the normal release of certain stress-related hormones, such

as catecholamines, into the newborn's bloodstream. These hormones help prepare the neonate to deal with the stress of the world outside the womb, and their ab sence may be detrimental to the newborn child. In fact, research indicates that babies born by cesarean deliv ery who have not experienced labor are more likely to experience breathing problems upon birth than those who experience at least some labor before being born via a cesarean delivery. Finally, mothers who deliver by cesarean are less satisfied with the birth experience, al though their dissatisfaction does not influence the qual ity of mother-child interactions (Janevic et al., 2014; Xie et al., 2015; Kjerulff & Brubaker, 2017).

The use of feta! monitors has contributed to a sharp increase of cesarean

deliveries in spite of evidence showing few benefits from the procedure.

Because the increase in cesarean deliveries is, as we have said, connected to the use of fetal monitors, medical authorities now recommend that they not be used routinely. There is evidence that outcomes are no better for newborns who have been monitored

Figure 2 - 1 6 Cesarean Deliveries

The Start of Life 83

The rate at which cesarean deliveries are performed varies substantially from one country to another. Why do you think the U n ited States has such a high rate?

SOURCE: Based on Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). (2015). OECD Health Statistics 2015. Downloaded from http://dx.doi.org/1 0.1 787/health-data-en.

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Cesarean deliveries

than for those who have not been monitored. In addition, monitors tend to indicate fetal distress when there is none-false alarms-with disquieting regularity. Monitors do, however, play a critical role in high-risk pregnancies and in cases of preterm and postmature babies (Freeman, 2007).

Stillbirth, Infant Mortality, and Postpartum Depression

LO 2. 1 4 Explain the factors that lead to stillbirth, infant mortality, and postpartum depression.

There are many problems associated with the end of pregnancy. Among the most dif ficult to deal with are the death of a child and depression following the birth of a child. We'll consider them next.

STILLBIRTH AND INFANT MORTALITY: THE TRAGEDY OF PREMATURE DEATH Sometimes a child does not live to pass through the birth canal. Stillbirth, the delivery of a child who is not alive, occurs in less than 1 delivery out of 100. If the death is detected before labor begins, labor is typically induced, or physicians may perform a cesarean to remove the body as soon as possible. In other cases of stillbirth, the baby dies during its journey through the birth canal.

The overall rate of infant mortality (defined as death within the first year of life) in the United States is 5.8 deaths per 1,000 live births. Infant mortality generally has been declining since the 1960s, and declined 12 percent from 2005 to 2011 (Loggins & Andrade, 2014; Prince et al., 2016; World Factbook, 2018).

Whether the death is a stillbirth or occurs after the child is born, the loss of a baby is tragic, and the impact on parents is enormous. The loss and grief parents feel, and their passage through it, is similar to that experienced when an older loved one dies (discussed in Chapter 10). In fact, the juxtaposition of the first dawning of life and an unnaturally early death may make the death particularly difficult to accept and deal with. Depression is common, and it is often intensified because of a lack of support. Some parents even experience posttraumatic stress disorder (Badenhorst et al., 2006; Cacciatore & Bushfield, 2007; Turton, Evans, & Hughes, 2009).

stillbirth the delivery of a child who is not alive, occurring in fewer than 1 deliv ery in 100

infant mortality death within the first year of life

84 Chapter 2

There are also differences related to race, socioeconomic status, and culture in in fant mortality, as we discuss in the Cultural Dimensions box.

C u lt u ral D i m e n s i o n s

Overcoming Racial and C u ltural Differences in I nfant M o rta l ity Even though the overall U.S. infant mortality rate has declined over the past decades, African American babies are more than twice as likely to die before age 1 than white babies. This difference is largely socioeconomic: African American women are more likely to be living in poverty than Caucasian women, and are l i kely to receive less prenatal care. As a result, they are more l i kely to have low-birthweight babies-the factor most closely l i n ked to infant mortality-than mothers of other raci al groups (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000; Byrd et al., 2007; Rice et a l . , 201 7 ; see Figure 2-17).

But members of particular racial groups i n the United States are not alone i n experiencing poor mortality rates. The overall rate in the U n ited States is higher than i n many other countries. For example, the U.S. mortality rate is almost double that of Japan.

In the Un ited States, the U.S. Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) requires most employers to give new parents up to 1 2 weeks of unpaid leave followi ng the birth (or adoption or foster care pl acement) of a child. However, because it is unpaid leave, the lack of pay is an enormous barrier for low income workers, who rarely are able to take advantage of the opportunity to stay home with their chi ld.

I n the United States, the story is different. The lack of national health -care insurance or a national health policy means that prenatal care is often haphazardly provided to the poor. About one out of every six pregnant women has insufficient prenatal care. Some 20 percent of white women and close to 40 percent of African American women receive no prenatal care early i n their pregnancies. Five percent of white

Why? One answer i s that the U n ited States has a higher rate of low-b irthweight and preterm del iveries than many other countries. In fact, when U.S. infants are com pared to i nfants of the same weight who are born i n other countries, the mortal ity rate differences disappear (MacDorman

Figure 2 - 1 7 Race and I nfant Mortal ity

et a l . , 2005; Davis & Hofferth, 2012). Another reason relates to economic diversity.

Compared to many other countries, the United States has a higher proportion of people living in poverty, who are less likely to have adequate

Although i nfant mortality has dropped for mem bers of underrepresented groups, the death rate is still more than twice as high for African American chi ldren as for white children. These figures show the number of deaths in the fi rst year of life for every 1 ,000 live bi rths.

SOURCE: Chil d Health USA, 2009.

medical care and to be healthy. This has an impact 16 -+------------------------- on the overall mortality rate (Bremner & Fogel, 2004; MacDorman et al., 2005; Close et al., 201 3).

Also, many countries do a much better job i n providing prenatal care. For instance, low cost and even free care, both before and after del ivery, is often avai lable. Paid maternity leave is frequently provided, lasting in some cases as long as 51 weeks. The opportunity to take an extended maternity leave can lead to better mental health for mothers and h igher-qual ity interactions with their infants (Waldfogel, 2001 ; Ayoola et al., 201 O; Mandal , 201 8).

Better health care is only part of the story. In certain European countries, pregnant women

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receive many additional privileges, such as 0 +-��.---1·;-,�� transportation benefits for medical visits. In Norway, pregnant women may be given living expenses for up to 1 0 days so they can be close to a hospital when it is time to give birth. And when their babies are born, new mothers receive, for just a small payment, the assistance of trained home hel pers (DeVries, 2005).

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The Start of Life 85

mothers and 1 1 percent of African American mothers do not see a health-care provi der until the last 3 months of pregnancy; some never see a health-care provider at all (Hueston, Geesey, & Diaz, 2008; Friedman, Heneghan, & Rosenthal, 2009; Cogan et al., 2012).

U ltimately, the lack of prenatal services results i n a higher mortality rate. Yet this situation can be changed if greater s upport is provided. A start would be to ensure that all economical ly disadvantaged pregnant women have access to free or inexpensive h igh-qual ity medical care from the

beginning of pregnancy. Furthermore, barriers that prevent poor women from receiving such care should be reduced. For instance, programs can be developed that help pay for transportation to a health facility or for the care of older c hi ldren while the mother i s making a health-care visit. The cost of these programs is likely to be offset by the savings they make possi ble : Healthy babi es cost l ess than infants who have chronic probl ems as a result of poor nutrition and prenatal care (Edgerley et al . , 2007; Barber & Gertler, 2009; Hanson, 201 2).

From an educator's perspective: Why do you think the United States has for so long lacked national educational and health-care policies that could reduce infant mortality rates overall and particularly among poorer people? What argu ments would you make to change this situation?

POSTPARTUM DEPRESSION: MOVING FROM THE HEIGHTS OF JOY TO THE DEPTHS OF DESPAIR Consider this situation:

Renata was overjoyed when she found out that she was pregnant and spent the months of her pregnancy happily preparing for her baby's arrival. The birth was routine, the baby a healthy, pin k-cheeked boy. But a few days after her son's birth, she sank into the depths of depression. Constantly crying, confused, feeling incapable of caring for her child, she was experiencing unshakable despair.

The diagnosis: postpartum depression. Postpartum depression, a period of deep de pression following the birth of a child, affects some 10 percent of new mothers. The deep sadness that is its main symptom may last for months or even years. Mothers experiencing postpartum depression may withdraw from their family and friends, ex perience overwhelming fatigue or loss of energy, or feel intense irritability and anger. Furthermore, mothers may feel stigmatized by others (Mickelson et al., 2017).

In about 1 in 500 cases, the symptoms evolve into a total break with reality. In ex tremely rare instances, postpartum depression may turn deadly. For example, Andrea Yates, a mother in Texas who was charged with drowning all five of her children in a bathtub, said that postpartum depression led to her actions (Yardley, 2001; Oretti, Harris, & Lazarus, 2003; Misri, 2007).

The onset of depression usually comes as a complete surprise. Certain mothers seem more likely to become depressed, such as those who have been clinically de pressed at some point in the past or who have depressed family members. Furthermore, women who are unprepared for the range of emotions that follow birth-some posi tive, some negative-may be more prone to depression (LaCoursiere, Hirst, & Barrett Connor, 2012; Pawluski, Lonstein, & Fleming, 2017).

Postpartum depression may be triggered by the pronounced swings in hormone production that occur after birth. During pregnancy, the production of estrogen and progesterone increases significantly. However, 24 hours after birth they plunge to nor mal levels. This rapid change may result in depression (Yim et al., 2009; Engineer et al., 2013; Glynn & Sandman, 2014).

The Highly Competent Newborn Relatives gather around the infant car seat and its occupant, Kaita Castro, born just 2 days ago. This is Kaita's first day home from the hospital. Kaita's nearest cousin, 4-year old Tabor, seems uni nterested in the new arrival. "Babi es can't do anything fun. They can't even do anything at all," he says.

86 Chapter 2

reflexes unlearned, organized involuntary re sponses that occur automatically in the presence of certain stimuli

Kaita's cousin, Tabor, is partly right. There are many things babies cannot do. Neonates arrive in the world quite incapable of successfully caring for themselves, for example. Why are human infants born so dependent, whereas members of other species seem to arrive much better equipped for their lives?

One reason is that, in a sense, humans are born too soon. The brain of the average newborn is just one-quarter what it will be at adulthood. In comparison, the brain of the macaque monkey, which is born after just 24 weeks of gestation, is 65 percent of its adult size. Because of the relative puniness of the infant human brain, some have sug gested that we emerge from the womb 6 to 12 months early.

In reality, evolution knew what it was doing: If we stayed inside our mothers' bodies an additional half-year to a year, our heads would be so large that we'd never manage to get through the birth canal.

The relatively underdeveloped brain of the human newborn helps explain the in fant's apparent helplessness. But developmental researchers are coming to realize that in fants enter this world with an astounding array of capabilities. In fact, in many ways, they are highly competent across all domains of development: physical, cognitive, and social.

Physical Competence: Meeting the Demands of a New Environment

LO 2.15 Describe the physical capabilities of the newborn.

The world the neonate faces is markedly different from the "womb world." Consider, for instance, the significant changes that Kaita encountered as she began the first mo ments of life in her new environment.

Kaita's first task was to bring air into her body. Inside her mother, the umbili cal cord delivered air and removed carbon dioxide. The outside world was differ ent: Once the umbilical cord was cut, Kaita's respiratory system had to start its lifetime's work.

For Kaita, the task was automatic. Most newborn babies begin to breathe on their own as soon as they are exposed to air. The ability to breathe immediately indicates that the respiratory system is reasonably well developed, despite its lack of rehearsal in the womb.

Neonates emerge from the uterus more practiced in other types of physical ac tivities. For example, newborns such as Kaita have reflexes-unlearned, organized in voluntary responses that occur automatically in the presence of certain stimuli. Some reflexes have been rehearsed for several months before birth. The sucking reflex and the swallowing reflex permit Kaita to ingest food right away. The rooting reflex, which involves turning in the direction of a stimulus (such as a light touch) near the mouth, is also related to eating. It guides Kaita toward nearby sources of food, such as a moth er's nipple.

Other reflexes that present themselves at birth-such as coughing, sneezing, and blinking-help the infant avoid stimuli that are potentially bothersome or hazardous. Kaita's sucking and swallowing reflexes, which help her to consume her mother's milk, are coupled with the newfound ability to digest nutriments. The newborn's di gestive system initially produces feces in the form of meconium, a greenish-black mate rial that is a remnant of the neonate's days as a fetus.

Because the liver, a critical component of the digestive system, does not always work effectively at first, almost half of newborns develop a yellowish tinge to their bodies and eyes. This neonatal jaundice is most prevalent in preterm and low-weight neonates and is typically not dangerous. Treatment involves placing the baby under fluorescent lights or administering medicine.

Sensory Capabilities: Experiencing the World

LO 2.16 Describe the sensory capabilities of the newborn.

Just after Kaita was born, her father was certain that she looked directly at him. Did she, in fact, see him?

This is a hard question to answer. When sensory experts talk of "seeing," they mean both a sensory reaction to stimulation and an interpretation of that stimulation (the distinction between sensa tion and perception). Furthermore, it is tricky to pinpoint the spe cific sensory skills of newborns who can't explain what they are experiencing.

Still, it is clear that neonates such as Kaita can see to some extent. Although their visual acuity is not fully developed, they actively pay attention to certain types of information in their environment.

For instance, newborns attend to high-information elements in their field of vision, such as objects that sharply contrast with the rest of the environment. Furthermore, they can discriminate levels of brightness. There is even evidence that they may have a sense of size constancy-the awareness that objects stay the same size even though the size of the image on the retina varies with distance (Chien et al., 2006; Frankenhuis, Barrett, & Johnson, 2013; Wilkinson et al., 2014).

In addition, not only can newborn babies distinguish different colors, but they also seem to prefer particular ones. For example, they can distinguish among red, green, yellow, and blue, and they take more time staring at blue and green objects (Dobson, 2000; Alexander & Hines, 2002; Zemach, Chang, & Teller, 2007).

The Start of Life 87

Newborns can also hear. They react to certain sounds, showing startle reactions to loud, sudden noises, for instance. They also rec ognize sounds. For example, a crying newborn, hearing other new borns crying, will continue to cry. But on hearing a recording of its own crying, the newborn is more likely to stop crying, as if recogniz ing a familiar sound (Dondi, Simion, & Caltran, 1999; Fernald, 2001).

Starting a t birth, infants are able to distinguish colors

and even show preferences for particular ones.

The auditory system is not completely developed, however, and auditory acuity is not as great as it will be. Moreover, amniotic fluid, which is ini tially trapped in the middle ear, must drain before the newborn can fully hear.

In addition to sight and hearing, the other senses also function quite adequately in the newborn. It is obvious that newborns are sensitive to touch. For instance, they respond to stimuli such as the hairs of a brush, and they are aware of puffs of air so weak that adults cannot notice them.

The senses of smell and taste are also well developed. Newborns suck and in crease other physical activity when the odor of peppermint is placed near the nose. They also pucker their lips when a sour taste is placed on them, and respond with suitable facial expressions to other tastes as well. Such findings clearly indicate that the senses of touch, smell, and taste are not only present at birth, but are reasonably sophisticated (Cohen & Cashon, 2003; Armstrong et al., 2007).

In one sense, the sophistication of the sensory systems of newborns such as Kaita is not surprising. After all, the typical neonate has had 9 months to prepare for his or her encounter with the outside world. Human sensory systems begin their develop ment well before birth. Furthermore, the passage through the birth canal may place babies in a state of heightened sensory awareness, preparing them for the world that they are about to encounter for the first time.

CIRCUMCISION OF NEWBORN MALE INFANTS Circumcision is the surgical re moval of part or all of the foreskin from the penis. It is most commonly performed shortly after birth. An estimated 58 percent of newborn males in the United States are circumcised, and worldwide the prevalence is around 33 percent. For overall preva lence across all age groups, 81 percent of males in the United States are circumcised (Owings, Uddin, & Williams, 2013; Morris, Bailis, & Wiswell, 2014).

Parents usually choose circumcision for a combination of health, religious, cul tural, and traditional reasons. But although it is one of the most common surgical procedures in the United States, a number of medical associations have, in the past,

88 Chapter 2

classical conditioning a type of learning in which an organ ism responds in a particular way to a neutral stimulus that normally does not bring about that type o f response

argued that it was medically unnecessary (American Academy of Pediatrics, 1999; American Academy of Family Physicians, 2002).

However, new research has added a twist: We now know that circumcision pro vides protection against sexually transmitted diseases. Furthermore, the risk of uri nary tract infections is reduced in circumcised males, especially during the first year of life, and the risk of penile cancer is about three times higher in uncircumcised men than in men who were circumcised at birth. Consequently, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has released policy recommendations affirming male circumcision as an important public health measure. This recommendation is consis tent with the newest policy statement of the American Academy of Pediatrics, which suggests that the health benefits of male circumcision outweigh the risks, although that the benefits are not so great to recommend circumcision for all newborn males (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2012); Morris, Krieger, & Klausner, 2017; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018).

In any case, circumcision is a surgical procedure that is not without complications. The most common are bleeding and infection, both of which are easily treated. The proce dure is also painful and stressful to the infant because it is typically done without general anesthesia. Further, some experts believe that circumcision reduces sensation and sexual pleasure later in life, while others argue that it is unethical to remove a healthy body part without a person's consent when there is no medical need to do so. One thing is clear: Circumcision is highly controversial and evokes strong emotions. The decision ultimately comes down to the parents' personal preferences and values (Goldman, 2004).

Early Learning Capabilities

LO 2.17 Describe the learning capabilities of the newborn.

One-month-old Michael Samed i was on a car ride with his family when a violent thunder storm suddenly began. Flashes of l ightni ng were quickly followed by loud thunderclaps. Michael, clearly disturbed, began to cry. With each new thu nderclap, the fervor of his cry ing i ncreased , although he calmed when h i s mother soothingly held h i m closely and sang softly to him. Still, i n the months that followed, M i chael reacted with great anxiety in thun derstorms. Before long it wasn't just the thunder that would upset him; the lightning alone was enough to make him cry out. In fact, even as an adult, Michael feels his chest tighten and his stomach churn at the mere sight of l ightning.

CLASSICAL CONDITIONING The source of Michael 's fear is classical conditioning, a type of learning first identified by Ivan Pavlov, a Russian scientist. In classical con ditioning, an organism learns to respond in a particular way to a neutral stimulus that normally does not bring about that type of response. Classical conditioning is one of several theories that explain learning.

Pavlov discovered that by repeatedly pairing two stimuli, such as the sound of a bell and the arrival of meat, he could make hungry dogs learn to respond (in this case by salivating) not only when the meat was presented, but also even when the bell was sounded without the meat (Pavlov, 1927).

The key feature of classical conditioning is stimulus substitution, in which a stim ulus that doesn't naturally bring about a particular response is paired with a stimulus that does evoke that response. Repeatedly presenting the two stimuli together results in the second stimulus taking on the properties of the first. In effect, the second stimu lus is substituted for the first. Thus, in the earlier example with the infant Michael, the lightning and thunder provoked similar responses-fear-and ultimately lightning alone evoked a fear response.

One of the earliest examples of classical conditioning shaping human emotions was the case of 11-month-old "Little Albert" (Watson & Rayner, 1920; Fridlund et al., 2012). Although he initially adored furry animals and showed no fear of rats, Little Albert learned to fear them when, during a laboratory demonstration, a loud noise was sounded every time he played with a cute and harmless white rat. In fact, the fear generalized to other furry objects, including rabbits and even a Santa Claus mask. (By the way, this dem onstration would be considered unethical today and would never be conducted.)

Clearly, classical conditioning is in operation from the time of birth. One- and 2-day-old newborns who are stroked on the head just before receiving a drop of sweet-tasting liquid soon learn to turn their heads and suck at the head-stroking alone (Herbert et al., 2004; Welch, 2016).

OPERANT CONDITIONING Infants also respond to operant conditioning, another learning theory. Operant conditioning is a form of learning in which a volun tary re sponse is strengthened or weakened, depending on its association with positive or neg ative consequences. In operant conditioning, infants learn to act deliberately on their environments to bring about a desired consequence. An infant who learns that crying in a certain way attracts her parents' attention is displaying operant conditioning.

Like classical conditioning, operant conditioning functions from the earliest days of life. For instance, researchers have found that even newborns readily learn through operant conditioning to keep sucking on a nipple when it permits them to continue hearing their mothers read a story or to listen to music. Similarly, in the vignette ear lier about baby Michael, who grew frightened in thunderstorms, operant conditioning explains how Michael may have learned that his mother's comforting presence could reduce his anxiety (DeCasper & Fifer, 1980; Lipsitt, 1986; Welch, & Ludwig, 2017).

HABITUATION Probably the most primitive form of learning is habituation. Habituation is the decrease in the response to a stimulus that occurs after repeated presentations of the same stimulus.

Habituation in infants relies on the fact that when newborns are presented with a new stimulus, they produce an orienting response, in which they become quiet and attentive and experience a slowed heart rate as they take in the novel stimulus. When the novelty wears off, the infant no longer reacts. If a new and different stimulus is presented, the infant once again reacts with an orienting response. When this happens, we can say that the infant recognizes the original stimulus and can distinguish it from others.

Habituation occurs in every sensory system, and researchers have studied it in several ways. One is to examine changes in sucking, which stops temporarily when a new stimulus is presented. This reaction is not unlike that of adults who temporarily put down their knife and fork when a dinner companion makes an interesting state ment to which they wish to pay particular attention. Other measures of habituation include changes in heart rate, respiration rate, and the length of time an infant looks at a particular stimulus (Macchi et al., 2012; Rosburg, Weigl, & Soros, 2014; Dumont et al., 2017).

The development of habituation is linked to physical and cognitive maturation. It is present at birth and becomes more pronounced over the first 12 weeks of infancy. Difficulties involving habituation may be a sign of developmental problems such as intellectual disabilities (Moon, 2002).

The three basic processes of learning that we've considered--classical condition ing, operant conditioning, and habituation-are summarized in Table 2-5.

Table 2 - 5 Three Basic Processes of Learning

Type Description Example

Class ical conditioning A situation in which an organism learns to re spond in a particular way to a neutral stimulus that normally does not bring about that type of response

Operant conditioning A form of learning in which a voluntary re sponse is strengthened or weakened, depend ing on its positive or negative consequences

Habituation The decrease in the response to a stimulus that occurs after repeated presentations of the same stimulus

A hungry baby stops crying when her mother picks her up because she has learned to associate being picked up with subsequent feeding.

An infant who learns that smil ing at his or her parents brings positive attention may smile more often.

A baby who showed interest and surprise at first seeing a novel toy may show no interest after seeing the same toy several times.

The Start of Life 89

operant conditioning a form o f learning in which a vol untary response is strengthened or weakened, depending on its as sociation with positive or negative consequences

habituation the decrease in the response to a stimulus that occurs after repeated presentations of the same stimulus

90 Chapter 2

states of arousal different degrees of sleep and wake fulness through which newborns cycle, ranging from deep sleep to great agitation

Social Competence: Responding to Others

LO 2.18 Describe the social competencies of newborns.

Soon after Kaita was born, her older brother looked into her crib and opened his mouth wide, pretending to be surprised. Kaita's mother was amazed when Kaita imitated his expression, opening her mouth as if she were surprised.

Researchers registered surprise of their own when they found that newborns could apparently imitate others' behavior. Although infants have all the facial muscles needed to express basic emotions, the appearance of such expressions was assumed to be random.

However, research beginning in the late 1970s began to suggest a different conclu sion. For instance, developmental researchers found that, when exposed to an adult modeling a behavior that the infant already performed spontaneously, such as open ing the mouth or sticking out the tongue, the newborn appeared to imitate the behav ior (Meltzoff & Moore, 1977, 2002; Nagy, 2006).

Even more exciting were findings from studies conducted by developmental psy chologist Tiffany Field and her colleagues. They first showed that infants could dis criminate between such basic facial expressions as happiness, sadness, and surprise. They then exposed newborns to an adult model with a happy, sad, or surprised facial expression. The results suggested that newborns produced a reasonably accurate imi tation of the adult's expression (Field et al., 2010).

This result was questioned, however, when subsequent research found consistent evidence for only one movement: sticking out the tongue. And even that seemed to disappear around the age of 2 months. Because it seems unlikely that imitation would be limited to a single gesture of only a few months' duration, researchers began to question the previous findings. In fact, some researchers suggested that sticking out the tongue was not imitation but merely an exploratory behavior Gones, 2006, 2007; Tissaw, 2007; Huang, 2012).

The jury is still out on exactly when true imitation begins, although it seems clear that some forms of imitation begin early. Imitative skills are important because effec tive social interactions rely in part on the ability to react to other people in an appro priate way and to understand the meaning of others' emotional states. Consequently, newborns' ability to imitate provides them with an important foundation for social interaction later in life (Zeedyk & Heimann, 2006; Legerstee & Markova, 2008; Beisert et al., 2012).

Several other aspects of newborns' behavior also act as forerunners for more formal types of social interaction that develop later. As shown in Table 2-6, certain characteristics of neonates mesh with parental behavior to help produce a social re lationship between child and parent, as well as relationships with others (Eckerman & Oehler, 1992).

For example, newborns cycle through various states of arousal, different degrees of sleep and wakefulness, that range from deep sleep to great agitation. Caregivers become involved in easing the baby through transitions from one state to another. For instance, a father who rhythmically rocks his crying daughter to

Table 2-6 What Encourages Social Interaction Between Newborns and Their Parents?

' Full-Term Newborns Parents Show a preference for certain stimuli Offer preferred stimu li more than others

Begin to show a pred ictable cycle of arousal states Build on their cycles to achieve more regulated states

Show some consistency in time patterns Conform to and shape the newborn's patterns

Show awareness of parent's actions Help newborn grasp what meaning the actions have

React and adapt to actions of parent Act in predictable, consistent ways

Show evidence of a desire to communicate Work to understand their newbom's comm unicative efforts

SOURCE: Based on Eckerman & Oehler, 1 992; LeMoine, Mayoral, & Dean, 2015.

The Start of Life 91

calm her is engaged with her in a joint activity that is a prelude to future social interactions of different sorts. Similarly, newborns pay particular attention to their mothers' voices, in part because they have become familiar with them after months in the womb. In turn, parents and others modify their speech when talking to infants to gain their attention and encourage interaction, using a different pitch and tempo than they use with older children and adults (Smith & Trainor, 2008; Waters et al., 2017).

The ultimate outcome of the social interactive capabilities of the newborn infant, and the responses from parents, is a paved path for future social interactions. In sum, then, neonates display remarkable physical, perceptual, and social capabilities.

From a child-care worker's perspective: Developmental researchers no longer view the neonate as a helpless, incompe tent creature, but rather as a remarkably competent, developing human being. What do you think are some implications of this change in viewpoint for methods of childrearing and child care? This infant is imitating the happy expressions of the

adult. Why is this important?

Review, C h eck, and Apply

Review

LO 2. 1 0 Describe the normal process of labor and the events that occur in the first few hours of a new born's life.

In the first stage of labor, contractions occur about every 8 to 10 minutes, increasing in frequency, duration, and inten sity until the mother 's cervix expands. In the second stage of labor, which lasts about 90 minutes, the baby begins to move through the cervix and birth canal and ultimately leaves the mother 's body. In the third stage of labor, which lasts only a few minutes, the umbilical cord and placenta are expelled from the mother. After it emerges, the new born, or neonate, is usually inspected for irregularities, cleaned, and returned to its mother and father. It also un dergoes newborn screening tests.

LO 2.1 1 Describe the major current approaches to childbirth.

Parents-to-be have a variety of choices regarding the set ting for the birth, medical attendants, and whether to use pain-reducing medication. Sometimes, medical interven tion, such as cesarean birth, becomes necessary.

LO 2.12 Describe the causes of, consequences of, and treatments for preterm births and the risks that postmature babies face.

Preterm, or premature, infants, born less than 38 weeks following conception, generally have low birthweight, which can cause chilling, vulnerability to infection,

respiratory distress syndrome, and hypersensitivity to environmental stimuli. They may even show adverse ef fects later in life, including slowed development, learn ing disabilities, behavior disorders, below-average IQ scores, and problems with physical coordination. Very low-birthweight infants are in special danger because of the immaturity of their organ systems. However, medical advances have pushed the age of viability of the infant back to about 24 weeks following conception. Postmature babies, who spend extra time in their mothers' wombs, are also at risk.

LO 2.13 Describe the process of cesarean delivery, and explain the reasons for its increase in use.

Cesarean deliveries are performed when the fetus is in dis tress, in the wrong position, or unable to progress through the birth canal. The routine use of a fetal monitor has con tributed to a soaring rate of cesarean deliveries.

LO 2.14 Explain the factors that lead to stillbirth, infant mortality, and postpartum depression.

The infant mortality rate in the United States is higher than the rate in many other countries, and is higher for low-income families than for higher-income families. Postpartum depression, an enduring, deep feeling of sad ness, affects about 10 percent of new mothers. In severe cases, its effects can be harmful to the mother and the child, and aggressive treatment may be employed.

92 Chapter 2

LO 2.15 Describe the physical capabilities of the newborn. Human newborns quickly master breathing through the lungs, and they are equipped with reflexes to help them eat, swallow, find food, and avoid unpleasant stimuli.

LO 2.16 Describe the sensory capabilities of the newborn. Newborns' sensory competence includes the ability to dis tinguish objects in the visual field and to see color differ ences, the ability to hear and to discern familiar sounds, and sensitivity to touch, odors, and tastes.

Check Yourself

1. Labor proceeds in three stages. The longest stage of labor is ___ _

a. the first stage b. the second stage c. the third stage d. hard to determine

2. The scale measures infant health by assess- ing appearance (color), pulse (heart rate), grimace (re flex irritability), activity (muscle tone), and respiration (respiratory effort).

a. Bronfenbrenner b. Brazelton c. Anoxia d. Apgar

Applying Lifespan Development

LO 2. 1 7 Describe the learning capabilities of the newborn.

From birth, infants learn through habituation, classical conditioning, and operant conditioning.

LO 2.18 Describe the social competencies of newborns. Infants develop the foundations of social competence early in life. Newborns are able to imitate the behavior of others, a capability that helps them form social relationships and facilitates the development of social competence.

3. Which of the following factors influence a woman's delivery?

a. Her preparation for childbirth b. The support she has before and during delivery c. Her culture's view of pregnancy and delivery d. All of the above

4. To survive the first few minutes or even days, infants are born with or unlearned, organized, involuntary responses that occur automatically in the presence of certain stimuli.

a. sensory capabilities b. acute hearing c. narrow vision

d. reflexes

Can you think of examples of the use of classical conditioning on adults in everyday life, in such areas as entertainment, advertising, or politics?

C h apter 2 S u m m ary Putting It All Together: The Start of Life

JANA AND TOM MONACO, the parents we met in the chapter opener, averted tragedy because of the availability of genetic testing. After their

first child was diagnosed with a rare disease, they used prenatal genetic

testing to determine if their next child carried the mutation that pro

duced the disease. When the testing revealed their daughter carried the mutation, they were able to provide treatment to prevent the onset of the

disease, and she would go on to lead a normal life.

MODULE 2.1 MODU L E 2.2 MODULE 2.3

The Start of Life 93

PRENATAL DEVELOPMENT PRENATAL GROWTH AND CHANGE BIRTH AND THE NEWBORN INFANT

• Like all parents, Jana and Tom contributed 23 chromosomes to each child at conception. Their ba bies' sex was determined from the particular mix of one pair of chro mosomes. (pp. 42-43)

• Even before their babies' birth, Jana and Tom had a range of op tions for checking for gender, possible genetic defects, and feta! growth. Measures available to them included procedures such as ultrasound sonography, amnio centesis, and feta! blood sampling. (pp. 48-49)

• Many of their daughter's char acteristics will have a strong ge netic component, but virtually all will represent some combina tion of genetics and environment. (pp. 50-58)

What wou l d a

PAR E N T do?

• In the prenatal period, Jana's ba bies showed a multistage pattern of development, starting with the germinal stage, progressing to the embryonic stage, and completing the prenatal period in the feta! stage. (pp. 60-62)

• Jana was comparatively young, watched her diet, exercised regu larly, and relied on her husband Tom's strong support. Consequently, aside from the genetic mutation she carried, there were few other poten tial threats to her babies' health and development. (pp. 64--69)

• Because Jana ate a nutritious diet, exercised, and abstained from al cohol during the pregnancy, she had relatively few worries about teratogenic agents harming the fe tuses. (pp. 64-69)

What would an

EDUCATO R do?

• Jana's labor for both her births was relatively easy, but women experience labor in different ways because of individual and cultural differences. (pp. 71-74)

• Jana chose to use a midwife, one of several alternative birthing methods. (pp. 74-77)

• Like the vast majority of births, Jana's was completely normal and successful. (p. 77)

• Although the infants seemed ut terly helpless and dependent when born, they actually pos sessed from birth an array of useful capabilities and skills. (pp. 85-91 )

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Chapter 3 Infancy

Although they welcomed their adopted daughter Jenna to their family when she was 4 months

old, she was still an infant and, to new parents Malia and Tom Turin, a complete mystery. They

had by then read what they felt was every baby book ever published, listened inten tly to tons

of advice from experienced friends, and attended a series of training sessions designed, it

seemed, to bewilder rather than clarify.

They felt like total amateurs as they drove Jenna home from the airport. Every movement

or sound she made was greeted with a diaper change and a bottle in the mouth. Although

weary after the long drive home, they barely slept that night because they were listening for

sounds from her crib, which might signal distress.

But they soon understood that Jenna was a healthy, cheerful baby. They learned when she

needed feeding and changing, and they responded to her nighttime crying by rocking and

soothing her until she quieted. They learned to talk to and play with her and to be comfortable

around her. They learned, in short, to be parents.

It took a while, but they had arrived. Still, they knew not to be too relaxed, for theirs would be a long journey of many uncertain steps.

All infants, whether they have basically good dispositions like Jenna or are fussy and demanding, are engaging, energetic, and challenging. And they are constantly chang ing as they develop physically, cognitively, socially, and in terms of developing their own unique personality.

In this chapter, we examine infancy, the period of the life span that starts at birth and continues through the first 2 years of life. We'll first discuss the ways in which infants grow physically, examining their remarkably rapid progress from largely in stinctual beings to individuals with a range of complex physical abilities.

Turning to infants' cognitive development, we'll discuss the notion of stages of development, as well as some alternative views. We'll consider the amazing growth in learning, memory, and language that infants experience-and adults witness with awe.

Finally, we will examine social and personality development. We will look at personality and temperament and observe how gender differences are a matter of both genes and environment. We'll see how infants begin to develop as social beings, moving from interactions with their parents to relations with other adults and children.

Above all, we'll marvel at the rate of infants' progress, and we will get a preview of the ways in which characteristics that date from infancy continue to influence the individual into adulthood. As we proceed, keep in mind how the seeds of our futures appear in our earliest beginnings.

Module 3.1 Physical Development in Infancy

LO 3.1 Describe how the human body develops in the first 2 years of life, including the four principles that govern its growth.

LO 3.2 Describe how the nervous system and brain develop in the first 2 years of life, and explain how the environment affects such development.

LO 3.3 Explain the body rhythms and states that govern an infant's behavior. LO 3.4 Explain how the reflexes that infants are born with both protect them and

help them adapt to their surroundings. LO 3.5 Identify the milestones of gross motor and fine motor skill development in

infancy. LO 3.6 Summarize the role of nutrition in the physical development of infants,

including the benefits of breastfeeding. LO 3.7 Describe the sensory capabilities of infants. LO 3.8 Summarize the multimodal approach to perception.

Module 3.2 Cognitive Development in Infancy

LO 3.9 Summarize the fundamental features of Piaget's theory of cognitive development, and describe the sensorimotor stage.

LO 3.1 O Summarize the arguments both in support of and critical of Piaget' s theory of cognitive development.

LO 3.1 1 Describe how information processing approaches explain cognitive development in infants, and summarize the memory capabilities of infants in the first 2 years of life.

LO 3.12 Explain how infant intelligence is measured using information processing approaches.

LO 3.13 Outline the processes by which children learn to use language. LO 3.14 Differentiate the major theories of language development, and describe how

children influence adults' language.

Module 3.3 Social and Personality Development in Infancy

LO 3.15 Discuss how children express and experience emotions in the first 2 years of life, and summarize the development of social referencing.

LO 3.16 Describe the sense of self that children possess in the first 2 years of life, including the development of a theory of mind.

LO 3.17 Explain attachment in infancy, how it affects a person's future social competence, and the roles that caregivers play in infants' social development.

LO 3.18 Discuss the development of peer relationships in infancy. LO 3.19 Describe individual differences that distinguish an infant's personality and

the roles that temperament and gender play. LO 3.20 Describe 21st-century families and their consequences for children, including

the impact of nonparental child care on infants.

Infancy 95

96 Chapter 3

M o d u l e 3 . 1 Physical Development in Infancy

Dreaming of Sleep

L iz and Seth Kaufman are so exhausted they

have a hard time staying awake through dinner.

The problem? Their 3-month-old son, Evan, who

showed no signs of adopting normal patterns of

eating and sleeping any time soon. "/ thought

babies were these big sleep fanatics, but Evan

takes little cat naps of an hour throughout the

night, and then stays awake all day," L iz says.

"I'm running out of ways to entertain him because

all I want to do is sleep."

Evan's feed ing schedule is hard on L iz, too.

consider the nature of the astonishing

physical development that occurs during

infancy, a period that starts at birth and

contin ues until the second birthday. We begin

by discussing the pace of growth during

infancy, noting obvious changes in height and

weight as well as less apparent changes in

the nervous system. We also consider how

infants quickly develop increasingly stable

patterns in such basic activities as sleeping,

eating , and attending to the world.

Our discussion then turns to infants'

gi thrill ing gains in motor development as skills [ emerge that eventually will allow an infant € to roll over, take the first step, and pick up � a cookie crumb from the floor-skills that l:l ultimately form the basis of later, even more � ll! complex behaviors. We start with basic,

"He wants to nurse evel}' hour for 5 hours in a row,

which makes it hard to keep up my milk supply.

Then he goes another 5 hours not wanting to nurse,

and I'm positively, painfully engorged." Seth tries to

help out, walking at night with Evan when he won 't

sleep, offering him a bottle of Liz's expressed milk at

3 a.m. "But sometimes he just refuses the bottle,"

Seth say.s. "Only Mammy will do." L-------------='-----' 03 genetical ly determined reflexes and consider The pediatrician has assured the Kaufmans that their son is

healthy and blossoming. "We 're pretty sure Evan will come out of this

just fine," L iz says. "It's us we 're wondering about."

how even these may be modified through experience . We also discuss

the nature and timing of the develop ment of particu lar physical skills,

look at whether their emergence can be sped up, and consider the

importance of early nutrition to their development. Evan's parents can relax. Thei r son will settle down. Modern parents

frequently scrutinize their children's behavior, worryin g over what

they see as potential abnormalities (for the record , the range of ages

at which developmentally healthy children sleep through the night is

sizeable) and celebrating important milestones . I n this module, we

Finally, we explore how infants ' senses devel op. We investigate

how sensory systems like hearing and vision operate, and how infants

sort through the raw data from their sense organs and transform it

into meaningful information.

Figure 3 - 1 Heig ht and Weight Growth Although the greatest i ncrease i n height and wei ght occurs duri ng the first year of l ife, chi ldren continue to grow throughout i nfancy and toddlerhood.

SOURCE: Based on Cratty, B. (1979). Perceptual and motor development in infants and children (2nd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hal l.

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Growth and Stability The average newborn weighs slightly more than 7 pounds, which is less than the weight of the average Thanksgiving turkey. Its length is about 20 inches, shorter than a loaf of French bread. It is helpless; if left to fend for itself, it could not survive.

Yet after just a few years, the story is different. Babies grow much larger, they become mobile, and they become increasingly independent. How does this growth happen? We can answer this question first by describing the changes in weight and height that occur over the first 2 years of life, and then by examining some of the prin ciples that underlie and direct that growth.

Physical Growth : The Rapid Advances of Infancy

LO 3.1 Describe how the human body develops in the first 2 years of life, including the four principles that govern its growth.

Infants grow at a rapid pace over the first 2 years of their lives (see Figure 3-1). By the age of 5 months, the average infant's birthweight has doubled to around 15 pounds . By the first birthday, the baby's weight has tripled to about 22 pounds. Although the pace of weight gain slows during the second year, it still continues to increase. By the end of his or her second year, the average child weighs around four times as much as he or she did at birth. Of course, there is a good deal of variation among infants. Height and weight measurements, which are taken regularly during physical exami nations in a baby's first year, provide a way to spot problems in development.

Infancy 97

The weight gains of infancy are matched by increased length. By the end of the first year, the typical baby grows almost a foot and is about 30 inches tall. By their second birthdays, children av erage a height of 3 feet.

Figure 3 - 2 Decreasing Proportions At bi rth, the head represents one-quarter of the neonate's body. By adulthood, the head is only one-eighth the size of the body. Why is the neonate's head so large?

Not all parts of an infant's body grow at the same rate. For instance, at birth the head accounts for one-quarter of the newborn's entire body size. During the first 2 years of life, the rest of the body begins to catch up. By age 2, the baby's head is only one-fifth of its body length, and by adult hood it is only one-eighth (see Figure 3-2).

There also are gender and ethnic differences in weight and length. Girls generally are slightly shorter and weigh slightly less than boys, and these differences remain throughout childhood (and, as we will see later in the book, the dispari ties become considerably greater during adoles cence). Furthermore, Asian infants tend to be slightly smaller than North American Caucasian infants, and African American infants tend to be slightly bigger than North American Caucasian infants.

1/4

Newborn

1/5

2 Years

The disproportionately large size of infants' heads at birth is an example of one of four major principles (summarized in Table 3-1) that govern growth.

• The cephalocaudal principle states that growth follows a direction and pattern that begins with the head and upper body parts and then proceeds to the rest of the body. The cephalocaudal growth principle means that we develop visual abili ties (located in the head) well before we master the ability to walk (closer to the end of the body).

• The proximodistal principle states that development proceeds from the cen ter of the body outward. The proximodistal principle means that the trunk of the body grows before the extremities of the arms and legs. Furthermore, the development of the ability to use various parts of the body also follows the prox imodistal principle. For instance, effective use of the arms precedes the ability to use the hands.

• The principle of hierarchical integration states that simple skills typically de velop separately and independently, but that these simple skills are integrated into more complex ones. Thus, the relatively complex skill of grasping some thing in the hand cannot be mastered until the developing infant learns how to control-and integrate-the movements of the individual fingers.

• Finally, the principle of the independence of systems suggests that different body systems grow at different rates. For instance, the patterns of growth for body size, the nervous system, and sexual maturation are quite different.

Table 3 - 1 The Major Principles Governing Growth

Principle of Principle of the Cephalocaudal Proximodistal Hierarchical Independence of Principle Principle Integration Systems

Growth follows a pat tern that begins with the head and upper body parts and then proceeds to the rest of the body. Based on Greek and Latin roots meani ng "head-to-tail .''

Development proceeds from the center of the body outward . Based on the Latin words for "near" and "far."

Simple skills typically develop separately and independently. Later

they are integrated into more complex skills.

Different body systems grow at different rates.

1/6 1/7 1/8

6 Years Age

12 Years 25 Years

cephalocaudal principle the principle that growth follows a pattern that begins with the head and upper body parts and then pro ceeds down to the rest of the body

proximodistal principle the principle that development proceeds from the center o f the body outward

principle of hierarchical integration the principle that simple skills typically develop separately and independently but are later inte grated into more complex skills

principle of the independence of systems the principle that different body systems grow at different rates

98 Chapter 3

Figure 3 - 3 The Neuron The basic element of the nervous system, the neuron has a number of components.

SOURCE: Based on Van der Graaff, J . , Branje, S., D e Wied, M ., Hawk, S . , Van Lier, P. , & Meeus, W. (2014). Perspective taking and empathic concern in adolescence: Gender differences in developmental changes. Developmental Psychology, 50, 881 -888.

neuron

Movement of\ electrical impulse\

the basic nerve cell o f the nervous system

synapse the gap at the connection between neurons, through which neurons chemically communicate with one another

The Nervous System and Brain: The Foundations of Development

L0 3.2 Describe how the nervous system and brain develop in the first 2 years of life, and explain how the environment affects such development.

When Rina was born, she was the first baby among her parents' circle of friends. These young adu lts marveled at the infant, oohing and aahing at every sneeze and smile and whimper, trying to guess at their meaning.

Whatever feelings, movements, and thoughts Rina was experiencing, they were all brought about by the same complex network: the infant's nervous system. The nervous system comprises the brain and the nerves that extend throughout the body.

Neurons are the basic cells of the nervous system. Figure 3-3 shows the structure of an adult neuron. Like all cells in the body, neurons have a cell body containing a nucleus. But unlike other cells, neurons have a distinctive ability: They can communi cate with other cells, using a cluster of fibers called dendrites at one end. Dendrites re ceive messages from other cells. At their opposite end, neurons have a long extension called an axon-the part of the neuron that carries messages destined for other neurons. Neurons do not actually touch one another. Rather, they communicate with other neu rons by means of chemical messengers, neurotransmitters, that travel across the small gaps, known as synapses, between neurons.

Although estimates vary, infants are born with between 100 billion and 200 billion neurons. To reach this number, neurons multiply at an amazing rate before birth. In fact, at some points in prenatal development, cell division creates some 250,000 addi tional neurons every minute.

At birth, most neurons in an infant's brain have relatively few connections to other neurons. During the first 2 years of life, however, a baby's brain will estab lish billions of new connections between neurons. Furthermore, the network of neurons becomes increasingly complex, as illustrated in Figure 3-4. The intricacy of neural connections continues to increase throughout life. In fact, in adulthood a single neuron is likely to have a minimum of 5,000 connections to other neurons or other body parts.

SYNAPTIC PRUNING Babies are actually born with many more neurons than they need. In addition, although synapses are formed throughout life, based on our

Figure 3 - 4 Neuron Networks Over the first 2 years of life, networks of neurons become increasi ngly complex and i nterconnected. Why are these connections i m portant?

SOURCE: Based on Canel, J. L. (1 939, 1 975). The postnatal development of the human cerebral cortex (Vo ls. I-VIII). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

At birth 1 month 3 months 1 5 months 24 months

changing experiences, the billions of new synapses infants form during the first 2 years are more numerous than necessary. What happens to the extra neurons and synaptic connections?

Like a farmer who, to strengthen the vitality of a fruit tree, prunes away unneces sary branches, brain development enhances certain capabilities in part by a "pruning down" of unnecessary neurons. As infants' experience of the world increases, neu rons that do not become interconnected with other neurons become unnecessary. They eventually die out, increasing the efficiency of the nervous system.

As unnecessary neurons are being reduced, connections between remaining neurons are expanded or eliminated as a result of their use or disuse during the baby's experiences. If a baby's experiences do not stimulate certain nerve con nections, these, like unused neurons, are eliminated-a process called synaptic pruning. The result of synaptic pruning is to allow established neurons to build more elaborate communication networks with other neurons. Unlike most other aspects of growth, then, the development of the nervous system proceeds most effectively through the loss of cells (Schafer & Stevens, 2013; Zong et al., 2015; Athanasiu et al., 2017).

After birth, neurons continue to increase in size. In addition to growth in den drites, the axons of neurons become coated with myelin, a fatty substance that, like the insulation on an electric wire, provides protection and speeds the transmission of nerve impulses. So, even though many neurons are lost, the increasing size and com plexity of the remaining ones contribute to impressive brain growth. A baby's brain triples its weight during his or her first 2 years of life, and it reaches more than three quarters of its adult weight and size by age 2.

As the neurons grow, they also reposition themselves, becoming arranged by function. Some move into the cerebral cortex, the upper layer of the brain, whereas others move to subcortical levels, which are below the cerebral cortex. The subcortical levels, which regulate such fundamental activities as breathing and heart rate, are the most fully developed at birth. As time passes, however, the cells in the cerebral cortex, which are responsible for higher-order processes such as thinking and reasoning, be come more developed and interconnected.

Although the brain is protected by the bones of the skull, it is highly sensitive to some forms of injury. One particularly devastating injury comes from a form of child abuse called shaken baby syndrome, in which an infant is shaken by a caretaker, usually out of frustration or anger because of a baby's crying. Shaking can lead the brain to ro tate within the skull, causing blood vessels to tear and destroying the intricate connec tions between neurons, producing severe medical problems, long-term physical and learning disabilities, and often death.

Estimates of the incidence of shaken baby syndrome range from 1,000 to 3,000 cases a year in the United States. One-quarter of babies who are shaken ultimately die, and 80 percent of survivors have permanent brain damage (Narang & Clarke, 2014; Grinkeviciute et al., 2016; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2017a; also see Figure 3-5).

ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES ON BRAIN DEVELOPMENT Brain development, much of which unfolds automatically because of genetically predetermined patterns, is also strongly susceptible to environmental influences. In fact, the brain's plasticity, the degree to which a developing structure or behavior is modifiable as a result of ex perience, is relatively great.

The brain's plasticity is greatest during the first several years of life. Because many areas of the brain are not yet devoted to specific tasks, if one area is injured, other areas can take over for the injured area. For example, preterm infants who suffer damage due to bleeding in the brain can recover almost entirely by age 2. In addition, even when particular parts of infants' brains are injured due to accidents, other parts of the brain can compensate, aiding in recovery (Guzzetta et al., 2013; Rocha-Ferreira & Hristova, 2016).

Similarly, infants who suffer mild to moderate brain injuries typically are less af fected and recover more fully than adults who have experienced similar types of brain

Infancy 99

synaptic pruning the elimination of neurons as the re sult of non use or lack of stimulation

myelin protective insulation that surrounds parts of neurons-which speeds the transmission of electrical impulses along brain cells

cerebral cortex the upper layer of the brain

plasticity the degree to which a developing structure or behavior is modifiable as a result of experience

Figure 3 - 5 Shaken Baby This computed tomography (Cl) scan shows severe brai n injury in an infant suspected of being abused by caretaker shaking.

SOURCE: Matlung et al. , 201 1 .

1 00 Chapter 3

sensitive period a point in development when organisms are particularly suscep tible to certain kinds o f stimuli in their environments, but the absence of those stimuli does not always produce irreversible consequences

rhythms repetitive, cyclical patterns of behavior

injuries. Infants' brains thus show a high degree of plasticity (Stiles, 2012; Inguaggiato, Sgandurra, & Cionci, 2017; Damashek et al., 2018).

Infants' sensory experiences affect both the size of individual neurons and the structure of their interconnections. Consequently, compared with those brought up in more enriched environments, infants raised in severely restricted settings are likely to show differences in brain structure and weight (Cirulli, Berry, & Alleva, 2003; Couperus & Nelson, 2006; Glaser, 2012).

Furthermore, researchers have found that there are certain sensitive periods during the course of development. A sensitive period is a specific but limited time, usually early in children's lives, during which they are particularly susceptible to environmental influences or stimulation. A sensitive period may be associated with a behavior-such as the development of vision-or with the development of a structure of the body, such as the configuration of the brain (Uylings, 2006; Hartley & Lee, 2015).

The existence of sensitive periods raises several important issues. For one thing, it suggests that unless an infant receives a certain level of early environmental stimulation during a sensitive period, the infant may suffer damage or fail to develop capabilities that can never be fully remedied. If this is true, providing successful later intervention for such children may prove to be particularly challenging (Zeanah, 2009; Steele et al., 2013).

The opposite question also arises: Does an unusually high level of stimulation

during sensitive periods produce developmental gains beyond what a more common place level of stimulation would provide?

Such questions have no simple answers. Determining how unusually impover ished or enriched environments affect later development is one of the major questions addressed by developmental researchers as they try to find ways to maximize oppor tunities for developing children.

In the meantime, developmentalists suggest that there are many simple ways parents and caregivers can provide a stimulating environment that will encourage healthy brain growth. Cuddling, talking and singing to, and playing with babies all help enrich their environment (Garlick, 2003).

From a social worker's perspective: What are some cultural or subcultural influences that might affect parents' childrearing practices?

Integrating the Bodily Systems: The Life Cycles of Infancy

L0 3.3 Explain the body rhythms and states that govern an infant's behavior.

If you happen to overhear new parents discuss their newborns, chances are one or several bodily functions will be the subject. In the first days of life, infants' body rhythms-waking, eating, sleeping, and eliminating waste-govern infants' behavior, often at seemingly random times.

These most basic activities are controlled by a variety of bodily systems. Although each of these individual behavioral patterns probably is functioning quite effectively, it takes some time and effort for infants to integrate the separate behav iors. In fact, one of the neonate's major missions is to make its individual behaviors work in harmony, helping it, for example, to sleep through the night (Waterhouse & DeCoursey, 2004). RHYTHMS AND STATES One of the most important ways that behavior becomes in tegrated is through the development of various rhythms, which are repetitive, cyclical patterns of behavior. Some rhythms are immediately obvious, such as the change from wakefulness to sleep. Others are subtler, but still easily noticeable, such as breathing and sucking patterns. Still other rhythms may require careful observation to be no ticed. For instance, newborns may go through periods in which they jerk their legs in a regular pattern every minute or so. Although some of these rhythms are apparent

Table 3 - 2 Primary Behavioral States

Percentage of Time When

States Characteristics Alone in State

Awake States Alert

Nonalert waking

Fuss

Cry

Attentive or scanni ng, i nfants ' eyes are open , bright, and shining.

Eyes are usually open , but dull and unfocused . Varied , but typically high motor activity.

Fussing is continuous or intermittent, at low levels.

Intense vocalizations occurring singly or in succession.

Transition States Between Sleep and Waking Drowse

Daze

Sleep-wake transition

Sleep States Active sleep

Quiet sleep

Infant 's eyes are heavy lidded, but opening and closing slowly. Low level of motor activity.

Open, but glassy and immobile eyes. State occurs between epi sodes of alert and drowse. Low level of activity.

Behaviors of both wakefulness and sleep are evident. Generalized motor activity; eyes may be closed , or they open and close rapid ly. State occurs when baby is awakening.

Eyes closed ; uneven resp iration; intermittent rapid eye movements . Other behaviors: smiles, frown s, grimaces, mouthing, sucking , sighs, and sigh sobs.

Eyes are closed, and respiration is slow and regular. Motor activity lim ited to occasional startles, sighs, sobs, or rhythmic mouthing.

Transitional Sleep States Active-q uiet transition sleep

During this state, which occurs between periods of active sleep and

quiet sleep, the eyes are closed, and there is little motor activity. Infant shows mixed behavioral signs of active sleep and quiet sleep .

SOURCE: Based on Thoman & Whitney, 1990.

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just after birth, others emerge slowly over the first year as the neurons of the nervous system become increasingly integrated (Thelen & Bates, 2003).

One of the major body rhythms is that of an infant's state, the degree of aware ness he or she displays to both internal and external stimulation. As can be seen in Table 3-2, such states include various levels of wakeful behaviors, such as alertness, fussing, and crying, as well as different levels of sleep. Each change in state brings about an alteration in the amount of stimulation required to get infants' attention (Diambra & Menna-Barreto, 2004; Anzman-Frasca et al., 2013).

SLEEP: PERCHANCE TO DREAM? At the beginning of infancy, the major state that occupies a baby's time is sleep-much to the relief of exhausted parents, who often regard sleep as a welcome respite from caregiving responsibilities. On average, newborn infants sleep some 16 to 1 7 hours a day. However, there are wide variations. Some sleep more than 20 hours, and others sleep as little as 10 hours a day (Tikotzky & Sadeh, 2009; de Graag et al., 2012; Korotchikov et al., 2016; Hanafin, 2018).

Infancy 101

state the degree of awareness an infant displays to both internal and exter nal stimulation

Infants sleep a lot, but you shouldn't wish to "sleep like a baby. " The sleep of infants comes in fits and starts. Rather than covering one long stretch, sleep initially comes in spurts of around 2 hours, followed by periods of wakefulness. Because of this, infants and their sleep-deprived parents-are "out of sync" with the rest of the world, for whom sleep comes at night and wakefulness during the day (Burnham et al., 2002; Blomqvist et al., 2017).

Infants sleep in spurts, often making them out of sync with the rest of

the world.

1 02 Chapter 3

rapid eye movement (REM) sleep the period of sleep that is found in older children and adults and is associated with dreaming

Most babies do not sleep through the night for several months. Parents' sleep is interrupted, sometimes several times a night, by infants' cries for food and physical contact.

Luckily for their parents, infants gradually settle into a more adultlike pattern. After a week, babies sleep a bit more at night and are awake for slightly longer peri ods during the day. Typically, by the age of 16 weeks, infants begin to sleep as much as 6 continuous hours at night, and daytime sleep falls into regular naplike patterns. Most infants sleep through the night by the end of the first year, and the total amount of sleep they need each day is down to about 15 hours (Mao et al., 2004; Magee, Gordon, & Caputi, 2014).

Hidden beneath the supposedly tranquil sleep of infants is another cyclic pat tern. During periods of sleep, infants' heart rates increase and become irregular, their blood pressure rises, and they begin to breathe more rapidly. Sometimes, al though not always, their closed eyes begin to move in a back-and-forth pattern, as if they were viewing an action-packed scene. This period of active sleep is similar, although not identical, to the rapid eye movement (REM) sleep that is found in older children and adults and is associated with dreaming (Blumberg et al., 2013; Spiess et al., 2018).

At first, this active, REM-like sleep takes up around one-half of an infant's sleep, compared with just 20 percent of an adult's sleep (see Figure 3-6). However, the quantity of active sleep quickly declines, and by the age of 6 months, amounts to just one-third of total sleep time (Burnham et al., 2002; Staunton, 2005; Ferri, Novelli, & Bruni, 2017).

The appearance of active sleep periods that are similar to REM sleep in adults raises the intriguing question of whether infants dream during those periods. No one knows the answer, although it seems unlikely. First of all, young infants do not have much to dream about, given their relatively limited experiences. Furthermore, the brain waves of sleep ing infants appear to be qualitatively different from those of adults who are dreaming. It is not until the baby reaches 3 or 4 months of age that the wave patterns become similar to those of dreaming adults, suggesting that young infants are not dreaming during active sleep-or at least are not doing so in the same way as adults do (Zampi et al., 2002).

Figure 3 - 6 REM Sleep Through the Life Span As we age, the proportion of REM sleep i ncreases as the proportion of non-REM sleep declines. In addition, the total amount of sleep falls as we get older.

SOURCE: Based on Roffwarg, Muzio, & Dement , 1 966.

1 6 .... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... _ _ _ _ _ - - - ,

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Then what is the function of REM sleep in infants? Although we don't know for certain, some researchers think it provides a means for the brain to stimulate itself-a process called autostimulation (Roffwarg, Muzio, & Dement, 1966). Stimulation of the nervous system would be particularly important in infants, who spend so much time sleeping and relatively little in alert states.

Infants' sleep cycles seem largely preprogrammed by genetic factors, but envi ronmental influences also play a part. For instance, cultural practices affect infants' sleep patterns. For example, among the Kipsigis of Africa, infants sleep with their mothers at night, a practice known as co-sleeping that is typical in most non-Western cultures (Super & Harkness, 1982). Infants are allowed to nurse whenever they wake. In the daytime, they accompany their mothers during daily chores, often nap ping while strapped to their mothers' backs. Because they are often out and on the go, Kipsigis infants do not sleep through the night until much later than babies in Western societies, and for the first 8 months of life, they seldom sleep longer than 3 hours at a stretch.

In comparison, 8-month-old infants in the United States may sleep as long as 8 hours at a time. One reason for these cultural differences may relate to the use of artificial light and shades used to manage natural light that varies across cultures. (Gerard, Harris, & Thach, 2002; Sundnes & Andenaes, 2016; Sauvet et al., 2018).

Wherever their infants sleep, one fact is clear: Across a variety of cultures, moth ers report experiencing a variety of sleep disturbances. Clearly, caring for an infant may be inconsistent with getting a good night's rest (Mindell et al., 2013; Mindell, Leichman, & Walters, 2017).

Where infants sleep has been a source of controversy. While earlier views held that it was better for infants to sleep in a room separate from their parents, at least in Western cultures, the American Academy of Pediatrics issued new guidelines in 2016 stating that children should sleep in the same room-but not the same bed-as their parents for the first 6 months of their lives, and preferably for a full year. As we consider next, these guidelines were designed to decrease the number of infants who experience SIDS, sudden infant death syndrome (Moon, 2016).

SIDS: THE UNANTICIPATED KILLER For a tiny percentage of infants, the rhythm of sleep is interrupted by a deadly affliction: sudden infant death syndrome, or SIDS. Sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) is a disorder in which seemingly healthy infants die in their sleep. Put to bed for a nap or for the night, an infant simply never wakes up.

SIDS strikes about 2,500 infants in the United States each year. Although it seems to occur when the normal patterns of breathing during sleep are interrupted, scientists have been unable to discover why that might happen. It is clear that infants don't smother or choke; they die a peaceful death, simply ceasing to breathe.

Although no reliable means for preventing the syndrome has been found, the American Academy of Pediatrics now suggests that babies sleep on their backs rather than on their sides or stomachs-called the back-to-sleep guideline. In ad dition, they suggest that parents consider giving their babies a pacifier during naps and bedtime. Also, as we discussed earlier, they suggest that infants should sleep in their parents' room for at least the first 6 months after birth (Task Force on Sudden Infant Death Syndrome, 2011; Ball & Volpe, 2013; Jonas, 2016; Moon, 2016).

The number of deaths from SIDS has decreased significantly since these guide lines were developed (see Figure 3-7). Still, SIDS is the leading cause of death in chil dren under the age of 1 year (Daley, 2004; Blair et al., 2006).

Many hypotheses have been suggested to explain why infants die from SIDS. These include problems such as undiagnosed sleep disorders, suffocation, nutri tional deficiencies, problems with reflexes, brainstem abnormalities, and undiag nosed illness. Still, the actual cause of SIDS remains elusive (Mitchell, 2009; Duncan et al., 2010; Lavezzi, Corna, & Matturri, 2013; Freyne et al., 2014; Macchione et al., 2018).

Infancy 103

sudden infant death syndrome {SIDS) the unexplained death of a seem ingly healthy baby

1 04 Chapter 3

reflexes unlearned, organized involuntary re sponses that occur automatically in the presence of certain stimuli

Figure 3 - 7 Decl in i n g Rates of S I DS In the United States, SIDS rates have dropped dramatical ly as parents have become more informed and put babies to sleep on their backs instead of their stomachs.

SOURCE: American SIDS Institute, based on data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the National Center for Health Statistics, 2019, National Vita l Statistics System, Compressed Mortality File.

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Motor Development Suppose you were hired by a genetic engineering firm to redesign newborns and were charged with replacing the current version with a new, more mobile one. The first change you'd probably consider in carrying out this (luckily fictitious) job would be in the conformation and composition of the baby's body.

The shape and proportions of newborn babies are simply not conducive to easy mobility. Their heads are so large and heavy that young infants lack the strength to raise them. Because their limbs are short in relation to the rest of the body, their move ments are further impeded. Furthermore, their bodies are mainly fat, with a limited amount of muscle; the result is that they lack strength.

Fortunately, it doesn't take too long before infants begin to develop a remarkable amount of mobility. In fact, even at birth they have an extensive repertoire of behav ioral possibilities brought about by innate reflexes, and their range of motor skills grows rapidly during the first 2 years of life.

Reflexes: Our Inborn Physical Skills

L0 3.4 Explain how the reflexes that infants are born with both protect them and help them adapt to their surroundings.

When her father pressed 3-day-old Christina's palm with his finger, she responded by tightly winding her small fist around his finger and graspi ng it. When he moved his finger upward, she held on so tightly that it seemed he might be able to lift her completely off her crib floor.

THE BASIC REFLEXES In fact, her father was right: Christina probably could have been lifted in this way. The reason for her resolute grip was activation of one of the dozens of reflexes with which infants are born. Reflexes are unlearned, organized, involuntary responses that occur automatically in the presence of certain stimuli. Newborns enter the world with a collection of reflexive behavioral patterns that help them adapt to their new surroundings and serve to protect them.

As we can see from the list of reflexes in Table 3-3, many reflexes clearly represent behavior that has survival value, helping to ensure the well-being of infants. For in stance, the swimming reflex makes a baby who is lying face down in a body of water

Table 3-3 Some Basic Reflexes in Infants

Approximate Age Reflex of Disappearance Description Possible Function

Rooting reflex 3 weeks

Stepping reflex 2 months

Swimming reflex 4-6 months

Moro reflex 6 months

Babinski reflex 8- 1 2 months

Startle reflex Remains in different form

Eye-blink reflex Remains

Sucking reflex Remains

Gag reflex Remains

Neonate's tendency to turn its head toward th ings that touch its cheek.

Movement of legs when held up right with feet touching the floor.

Infant's tendency to paddle and kick in a sort of swimming motion when lying face down in a body of water.

Activated when support for the neck and head is suddenly re moved . The arms of the infant are thrust outward and then appear to grasp onto something.

An infant fans out its toes in re sponse to a stroke on the outside of its foot.

An infant, in response to a sudden noise, flings out its arms, arches its back, and spreads its fingers.

Rapid shutting and opening of eye on exposure to direct light.

Infant's tendency to suck at things that touch its lips.

An infant's reflex to clear its throat.

Food intake

Prepares infants for independent locomotion

Avoidance of danger

Similar to primate's protection from falling

Unknown

Protection

Protection of eye frorn direct light

Food intake

Prevents choking

paddle and kick in a sort of swimming motion. The obvious consequence of such be havior is to help the baby move from danger and survive until a caregiver can come to its rescue. Similarly, the eye-blink reflex seems designed to protect the eye from too much direct light, which might damage the retina.

Given the protective value of many reflexes, it might seem beneficial for them to remain with us for our entire lives. In fact, some do: The eye-blink reflex remains functional throughout the full life span. In contrast, quite a few reflexes, such as the swimming reflex, disappear after a few months. Why should this be the case?

Researchers who focus on evolutionary explanations of development attribute the gradual disappearance of reflexes to the increase in voluntary control over be havior that occurs as infants become more able to control their muscles. In addition, it may be that reflexes form the foundation for future, more complex behaviors. As these more intricate behaviors become well learned, they encompass the previous reflexes. Finally, it is possible that reflexes stimulate parts of the brain responsible for

more complex behaviors, helping them develop (Lipsitt, 2003).

ETHNIC AND CULTURAL DIFFERENCES AND SIMILARITIES IN REFLEXES Although reflexes are, by definition, genetically determined and universal throughout all infants, there are actually some cultural variations in the ways they are displayed. For instance, consider the Moro reflex that is activated when support for the neck and head is suddenly removed. The Moro reflex consists of an infant's arms thrusting out ward and then appearing to seek to grasp onto something. Most scientists feel that the Moro reflex represents a leftover response that we humans have inherited from our nonhuman ancestors. The Moro reflex is an extremely useful behavior for monkey ba bies, who travel about by clinging to their mothers' backs. If they lose their grip, they fall down unless they are able to grasp quickly onto their mother's fur-using a Moro like reflex (Zafeiriou, 2004; Rousseau et al., 2017).

The Moro reflex is found in all humans, but it appears with significantly differ ent vigor in different children. Some differences reflect cultural and ethnic variations (Freedman, 1979). For instance, Caucasian infants show a pronounced response to situations that produce the Moro reflex. Not only do they fling out their arms, but

Infancy 105

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reflex, (b) the startle reflex, and (c) the

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they also cry and respond in a generally agitated manner. In contrast, Navajo babies react to the same situation much more calmly. Their arms do not flail out as much, and they cry only rarely.

Motor Development in Infancy: Landmarks of Physical Achievement

L0 3.5 Identify the milestones of gross motor and fine motor skill development in infancy.

Probably no physical changes are more obvious-and more eagerly anticipated-than the increasing array of motor skills that babies acquire during infancy. Most parents can remember their child's first steps with a sense of pride and awe at how quickly she or he changed from a helpless infant, unable even to roll over, into a person who could navigate quite effectively in the world.

GROSS MOTOR SKILLS Even though the motor skills of newborn infants are not terri bly sophisticated, at least compared with attainments that will soon appear, young infants still are able to accomplish some kinds of movement. For instance, when placed on their stomachs, they wiggle their arms and legs and may try to lift their heavy heads. As their strength increases, they are able to push hard enough against the surface on which they are resting to propel their bodies in different directions. They often end up moving back ward rather than forward, but by the age of 6 months they become rather accomplished at moving themselves in particular directions. These initial efforts are the forerunners of crawling, in which babies coordinate the motions of their arms and legs and propel themselves forward. Crawling appears typically between 8 and 10 months. (Figure 3-8 provides a summary of some of the milestones of normal motor development.)

Walking comes later. At around the age of 9 months, most infants are able to walk by supporting themselves on furniture, and half of all infants can walk well by the end of their first year of life.

Figure 3 - 8 M ilestones of Motor Development Fifty percent of children are able to perform each skill at the month indicated in the figure. However, the specific timing at which each skill appears varies widely. For example, one-quarter of children are able to wal k well at 1 1 . 1 months; by 1 4.9 months, 90 percent of children are wal king wel l . Is knowledge of such average benchmarks helpfu l or harmful to parents?

SOURCE: Based on Frankenburg, W. K., Dodds, J., Archer, P. , Shapiro, H . , & Bresnick, B. (1 992). The Denver II: A major revision and restandardization of the Denver Developmental Screening Test. Pediatrics, 89, 9 1 -97.

3.2 months: rolling over

1 1 .5 months: standing alone well

3.3 months: grasping rattle

12.3 months: walking well

5.9 months: sitting without support

14.8 months:

7.2 months: standing while holding on

16.6 months: walking up steps

8.2 months: grasping with thumb and finger

23.8 months: jumping in place

Table 3-4 Mi lestones of Fine Motor Development

Age (months) Skill

3 Opens hand

3 Holds rattle

8 Grasps with thumb and finger

1 1 Holds crayon

1 4 Builds a tower with two square objects

1 6 Places pegs into a board

24 Imitates lines on a piece of paper

33 I mitates a circle

At the same time infants are learning to move around, they are perfecting the ability to remain in a stationary sitting position. At first, babies cannot remain seated upright without support. But they quickly master this ability, and most are able to sit without support by the age of 6 months.

FINE MOTOR SKILLS As infants are perfecting their gross motor skills, such as sit ting upright and walking, they are also making advances in their fine motor skills (see Table 3-4). For instance, by the age of 3 months, infants show some ability to coordi nate the movements of their limbs.

Furthermore, although infants are born with a rudimentary ability to reach to ward an object, this ability is neither sophisticated nor accurate, and it disappears around the age of 4 weeks. A different, more precise, form of reaching reappears at 4 months. It takes some time for infants to coordinate successful grasping after they reach out, but in fairly short order they are able to reach out and hold onto an object of interest (Foroud & Whishaw, 2012; Libertus, Joh, & Needham, 2016; Karl et al., 2018).

The sophistication of fine motor skills continues to grow. By the age of 11 months, infants are able to pick up off the ground objects as small as marbles-something care givers need to be concerned about because the next place such objects often go is in the mouth. By the time they are 2 years old, children can carefully hold a cup, bring it to their lips, and take a drink without spilling a drop.

Grasping, like other motor advances, follows a sequential developmental pattern in which simple skills are combined into more sophisticated ones. For example, infants first begin picking things up with their whole hand. As they get older, they use a pincer grasp, where thumb and index finger meet to form a circle. The pincer grasp allows for considerably more precise motor control (Thoermer et al., 2013; Dionisio et al., 2015; Senna et al., 2017).

DEVELOPMENTAL NORMS: COMPARING THE INDIVIDUAL TO THE GROUP Keep in mind that the timing of the milestones in motor development that we have been discussing is based on norms. Norms represent the average performance of a large sample of children of a given age. They permit comparisons between a particular child's performance on a particular behavior and the average performance of the chil dren in the norm sample.

For instance, one of the most widely used techniques to determine infants' nor mative standing is the Brazelton Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale (NBAS), a measure designed to determine infants' neurological and behavioral responses to their environment.

The NBAS provides a supplement to the traditional Apgar test that is given imme diately following birth. Taking about 30 minutes to administer, the NBAS includes 27 separate categories of responses that constitute four general aspects of infants' behav ior: interactions with others (such as alertness and cuddliness), motor behavior, physi ological control (such as the ability to be soothed after being upset), and responses to stress (Canals et al., 2003; Ohta & Ohgi, 2013).

Although the norms provided by scales such as the NBAS are useful in making broad generalizations about the timing of various behaviors and skills, they must be

Infancy 107

norms the average performance of a large sample of children of a given age

Brazelton Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale (NBAS) a measure designed to determine infants' neurological and behavioral responses to their environment

108 Chapter 3

interpreted with caution. Because norms are averages, they mask substantial individ ual differences in the times when children attain various achievements.

Norms are useful only to the extent that they are based on data from a large, het erogeneous, culturally diverse sample of children. Unfortunately, many of the norms on which developmental researchers have traditionally relied have been based on groups of infants who are predominantly Caucasian and from the middle and upper socioeconomic strata (e.g., Gesell, 1946). The reason: Much of the research was con ducted on college campuses, using the children of graduate students and faculty.

This limitation would not be critical if no differences existed in the timing of development in children from different cultural, racial, and social groups. But they do. For example, as a group, African American babies show more rapid motor develop ment than Caucasian babies throughout infancy. Moreover, there are significant varia tions related to cultural factors, as we discuss in the Cultural Dimensions box (de Onis et al., 2007; Wu et al., 2008; Mendorn;:a, Sargent, & Fetters, 2016).

Nutrition in Infancy: Fueling Motor Development

L0 3.6 Summarize the role of nutrition in the physical development of infants, including the benefits of breastfeeding.

Rosa sighed as she sat down to nurse the baby-again. She had fed 4-week-old Juan about every hour today, and he still seemed hungry. Some days, it seemed like all she did was breastfeed her baby. "Well, he must be going through a growth spurt," she decided, as she settled into her favorite rocking chai r and put the baby to her nipple.

The rapid physical growth that occurs during infancy is fueled by the nutrients that infants receive. Without proper nutrition, infants cannot reach their physical potential, and they may suffer cognitive and social consequences as well.

Although there are vast individual differences in what constitutes appropriate nutrition-infants differ in terms of growth rates, body composition, metabolism, and activity levels-some broad guidelines do hold. In general, infants should consume about 50 calories per day for each pound they weigh-an allotment that is twice the suggested caloric intake for adults (Skinner et al., 2004).

Typically, though, it's not necessary to count calories for infants. Most infants reg ulate their caloric intake quite effectively on their own. If they are allowed to consume as much as they seem to want, and are not pressured to eat more, they will do fine.

MALNUTRITION Malnutrition, the condition of having an improper amount and balance of nutrients, produces several results, none of which are good. For instance, malnutrition is more common among children living in many developing countries than among children who live in more industrialized, affluent countries. Malnourished children in these countries begin to show a slower growth rate by the age of 6 months. By the time they reach the age of 2 years, their height and weight are only 95 percent the height and weight of children in more industrialized countries.

Children who have been chronically malnourished during infancy later score lower on IQ tests and tend to do less well in school. These effects may linger even after the children's diet has improved substantially (Ratanachu-Ek, 2003; Waber et al., 2014).

The problem of malnutrition is greatest in underdeveloped countries, where over all 10 percent of infants are severely malnourished. Undernutrition is a problem across the globe, and is particularly widespread in Asia and Africa. In some countries the problem is especially severe. For example, 25 percent of North Korean children are stunted from chronic malnutrition, and 4 percent are acutely malnourished (United Nations Children's Fund, World Health Organization, & World Bank Group, 2018).

Problems of malnourishment are not restricted to developing countries, however. In the United States, around 20 percent of children live in poverty, which puts them at risk for malnutrition. Overall, some 26 percent of families who have children 3 years old and younger live in poverty, and 6 percent of Americans live in extreme poverty, meaning their income is $10,000 a year or less. The poverty rates are even higher for black, Hispanic, and American Indian families (National Center for Children in Poverty, 2013; Koball & Jiang, 2018).

C u l t u ral D i m en s i o n s

Motor Development Across C u ltures

Among the Ache people, who live in the rain forest of South

America, infants face an early life of physical restriction.

Because the Ache lead a nomadic existence, living in a series

of tiny camps in the rain forest, open space is at a premium.

Consequently, for the first few years of life, infants spend nearly

all their time in direct physical contact with their mothers. Even

when they are not physically touching their mothers, they are

permitted to venture no more than a few feet away.

Infants among the Kipsigis people, who live in a more

open environment in rural Kenya, Africa, lead quite a different

existence. Their lives are filled with activity and exercise.

Parents seek to teach their children to sit up, stand, and walk

from the earliest days of infancy. For example, young infants are

placed in shallow holes in the ground designed to keep them

in an upright position. Parents begin to teach their children to

walk starting at the Bth week of life. Infants are held with their

feet touching the ground, and they are pushed forward.

Clearly, infants in these two societies lead different lives (Super, 1 976; Kapl an & Dove, 1 987). But do the relative lack of early motor stimulation for Ache infants and the efforts of the Ki psigis to encourage motor development really make a difference?

The answer is both yes and no. It's yes, in that Ache infants tend to show delayed motor development, relative both to Kipsig is infants and to children raised in Western societies. Although their social abi lities are no different, Ache children tend to begin walking at around 23 months, about a year later than the typical child in the Un ited States. I n contrast, Kipsi gis children, who are encou raged i n their motor development, learn to sit up and walk several weeks earlier, on average, than U.S. children.

I n the long run, however, the d ifferences between Ache, Kipsigis, and Western children d isappear. By late childhood, about age 6 , there i s no evidence of differences in general , overall motor skills among Ache, Kipsig is, and Western ch ildren.

Infancy 109

As we see with the Ache and Kipsigis babies, variations in the timi ng of motor skills seem to depend in part on parental expectations of what is the "appropriate" schedule for the emergence of specific skills. For instance, one study examined the motor skills of infants who lived in a sing le city in England, but whose mothers varied in ethnic origin. In the research, English, Jamaican, and Indian mothers' expectations were first assessed regarding several markers of their infants' motor skills. The Jamaican mothers expected their infants to sit and walk sign ificantly earlier than d i d the English and Indian mothers, and the actual emergence of these activities was in line with their expectations. The source of the Jamaican infants' earlier mastery seemed to lie in the treatment of the children by their parents. For instance, Jamaican mothers gave their children practice in stepping quite early in infancy (Hopkins & Westra, 1 990; Bornstein , 2012).

I n sum, cultural factors help determine the time at which specific motor ski lls appear. Activities that are an intri nsic part of a culture are more apt to be purposely taught to infants i n that culture, leading t o t h e potential o f their earlier emergence.

� 0

��!!!!�� 1 Cultural influences affect the rate of the development of motor skills.

Severe malnutrition during infancy may lead to several disorders. Malnutrition during the first year can produce marasmus, a disease in which infants stop grow ing. Marasmus, attributable to a severe deficiency in proteins and calories, causes the body to waste away and ultimately results in death. Older children are susceptible to kwashiorkor, a disease in which a child's stomach, limbs, and face swell with water. To a casual observer, it appears that a child with kwashiorkor is actually chubby. However, this is an illusion: The child's body is in fact struggling to make use of the few nutri ents that are available (Douglass & McGadney-Douglass, 2008; Galler et al., 2010).

From an educator's perspective: Think of reasons why malnourishment, which slows physical growth, also harms IQ scores and school performance. How might malnourishment affect education in developing countries?

In some cases, infants who receive sufficient nutrition act as though they have been deprived of food. Looking as though they suffer from marasmus, they are underdevel oped, listless, and apathetic. The real cause, though, is emotional: They lack sufficient love

1 1 0 Chapter 3

nonorganic failure to thrive a disorder in which infants stop growing due to a Jack of stimulation and attention as the result of inad equate parenting

and emotional support. In such cases, known as nonorganic failure to thrive, children stop growing not for biological reasons but because of a lack of stimulation and atten tion from their parents. Usually occurring by the age of 18 months, nonorganic failure to thrive can be reversed through intensive parent training or by placing children in a foster home where they can receive emotional support.

OBESITY It is clear that malnourishment during infancy has potentially disastrous consequences for an infant. Less clear, however, are the effects of infant obesity, defined as weight greater than 20 percent above the average for infants of a particular length. Although there is no clear association between obesity during infancy and obesity at age 16, some research suggests that overfeeding during infancy may lead to the creation of an excess of fat cells, which remain in the body throughout life and may predispose a person to be overweight. In fact, weight gains during infancy are associated with weight at age 6. Other research shows an association between obesity after age 6 and adult obesity, suggesting that obesity in babies ultimately may be found to be as sociated with adult weight problems. A clear link between overweight babies and over weight adults, however, has not yet been found (Murasko, 2015; Mallan et al., 2016; Munthali et al., 2017).

Although the evidence linking infant obesity to adult obesity is inconclusive, it's plain that the societal view that "a fat baby is a healthy baby" is not necessarily correct. Indeed, cultural myths about food clearly lead to overfeeding. But other factors are re lated to obesity in infants. For example, infants delivered via cesarean section are twice as likely to become obese as are infants born vaginally (Huh et al., 2011).

Parents should concentrate, then, on providing appropriate nutrition. But just what constitutes proper nutrition? Probably the biggest question revolves around whether infants should be breastfed or given a formula of commercially processed cow's milk with vitamin additives, as we consider next.

BREAST OR BOTTLE? Fifty years ago, if a mother asked her pediatrician whether breastfeeding or bottlefeeding was better, she would have received a simple and clear-cut answer: Bottle-feeding was the preferred method. Starting around the 1940s, the general belief among child-care experts was that breastfeeding was an obsolete method that put children unnecessarily at risk.

With bottle-feeding, the argument went, parents could keep track of the amount of milk their baby was receiving and could thereby ensure that the child was taking in sufficient nutrients. In contrast, mothers who breastfed their babies could never be cer tain just how much milk their infants were getting. Use of the bottle was also supposed to help mothers keep their feedings to a rigid schedule of one bottle every 4 hours, the recommended procedure at that time.

Today, however, a mother would get a different answer to the same question. Child-care authorities agree: For the first 12 months of life, there is no better food for an infant than breast milk. Breast milk not only contains all the nutrients necessary for growth, but it also seems to offer some degree of immunity to a variety of childhood diseases, such as respiratory illnesses, ear infections, diarrhea, and allergies. Breast milk is more easily digested than cow's milk or formula, and it is sterile, warm, and convenient for the mother to dispense. There is even some evidence that breast milk may enhance cognitive growth, leading to high adult intelligence (Duijts et al., 2010; Julvez et al., 2014; Rogers & Blissett, 2017).

Breastfeeding is not a cure-all for infant nutrition and health, and the millions of mothers who must use formula (either because they are physically unable to produce milk or because of social factors such as work schedules) should not be concerned that their children are suffering significant harm. (In fact, recent research suggests that in fants fed enriched formula show better cognitive development than those using tradi tional formula.) But it does continue to be clear that the popular slogan used by groups advocating the use of breastfeeding is right on target: "Breast Is Best" (Sloan, Stewart, & Dunne, 2010; Ludlow et al., 2012; Luby et al., 2016). INTRODUCING SOLID FOODS: WHEN AND WHAT? Although pediatricians agree that breast milk is the ideal initial food, at some point infants require more

nutrients than breast milk alone can provide. Although the American Academy of Pediatrics and the American Academy of Family Physicians recommends exclusive breastfeeding for about 6 months, followed by continued breastfeeding for 1 year or longer, solid foods can begin to be introduced after 6 months (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2013).

Solid foods are introduced into an infant's diet gradually, one at a time, so the parent can become aware of preferences and allergies. Most often cereal comes first, followed by strained fruits. Vegetables and other foods typically are introduced next, although the order varies significantly from one infant to another.

The timing of weaning, the gradual cessation of breast- or bottle-feeding, varies greatly. In developed countries such as the United States, weaning frequently occurs as early as 3 or 4 months. However, some mothers continue breastfeeding for 2 or 3 years or beyond. The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends that infants be fed breast milk for the first 12 months, and longer if mutually desired by mother and infant (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2013; Lee, 2017).

The Development of the Senses William James, one of the founding fathers of psychology, believed the world of in fants is a "blooming, buzzing confusion" (James, 1890/ 1950). Was he right?

In this case, James's wisdom failed him. The newbom's sensory world does lack the clarity and stability that we can distinguish as adults, but day by day the world grows increasingly comprehensible as an infant's ability to sense and perceive the en vironment develops. In fact, babies appear to thrive in an environment enriched by pleasing sensations.

The processes that underlie infants' understanding of the world around them are sensation and perception. Sensation is the physical stimulation of the sense organs, and perception is the mental process of sorting out, interpreting, analyzing, and inte grating stimuli from the sense organs and brain.

The study of infants' capabilities in the realm of sensation and perception chal lenges the ingenuity of investigators. As we'll see, researchers have developed a num ber of procedures for understanding sensation and perception in different realms.

Experiencing the World: The Sensory Capabilities of Infants

L0 3.7 Describe the sensory capabilities of infants.

I From the time of Lee Eng's birth, everyone who met h i m felt that he gazed at them intently. His eyes seemed to meet those of visitors. They seemed to bore deeply and knowingly into the faces of people who looked at him. How good, in fact, was Lee's vision, and what, precisely, could he make out of his environment? Quite a bit, at least up close. And sight is just one of the senses through which Lee experienced the world in his first days after birth. As we'll see, newborns also have the ability to perceive sounds, smells, and tastes, and are sensitive to pain and touch.

VISUAL PERCEPTION According to some estimates, a newborn's distance vision ranges from 20/200 to 20/600, which means that an infant can only see with accu racy visual material up to 20 feet that an adult with normal vision is able to see with similar accuracy from a distance of between 200 and 600 feet (Leat, Yadav, & Irving, 2009).

These figures indicate that an infant's distance vision is one-tenth to one-third that of the average adult's. This isn't so bad, actually: The vision of newborns pro vides the same degree of distance acuity as the uncorrected vision of many adults who wear eyeglasses or contact lenses. Furthermore, infants' distance vision grows increas ingly acute. By 6 months of age, the average infant's vision is already 20/ 20-in other words, identical to that of adults (Cavallini et al., 2002; Corrow et al., 2012; Braun & Kavsek, 2018).

Infancy 1 1 1

sensation the physical stimulation o f the sense organs

perception the sorting out, interpretation, analy sis, and integration of stimuli involv ing the sense organs and brain

le I ( � !'!

------------ � Although an infant's distant vision

is 10 to 30 times poorer than the

average adult's, the vision of

newborns provides the same degree

of distance acuity as the uncorrected

vision of many adults who wear

eyeglasses or contact lenses.

1 1 2 Chapter 3

Figure 3 - 9 Visual Cl iff Depth perception is a particularly useful ability,

The "visual cliff" experiment exam ines the depth perception of infants. helping babies acknowledge heights and avoid falls. In a classic study, developmental psychologists Eleanor Gibson and Richard Walk (1960) placed infants on a sheet of heavy glass. A checkered pattern appeared under one half of the glass sheet, making it seem that the infant was on a stable floor. However, in the middle of the glass sheet, the pattern dropped down several feet, forming an apparent "visual cliff." The question Gibson and Walk asked was whether infants would willingly crawl across the cliff when called by their mothers (see Figure 3-9).

Most infants in the age range of 6 to 14 months cannot be coaxed to cross the cliff, apparently respond ing to the fact that the patterned area drops several feet.

Figure 3 - 1 0 Preferring Complexity I n a classic experiment, researcher Robert Fantz found that 2- and 3-month-old infants preferred to look at more complex stimuli than simple ones.

SOURCE: Based on Fantz, 1961 .

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::I .... s. "cl .... !!!..

C) "TI ;;· Ill .... c;· ::I -I

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The results were clear: Most of the infants in the study, who ranged in age from 6 to 14 months, could not be coaxed over the apparent cliff. Clearly most of them had already developed the ability to perceive depth by that age (Campos, Langer, & Krowitz, 1970; Kretch & Adolph, 2013; Adolph, Kretch, & LoBue, 2014).

Infants also show clear visual preferences preferences that are present from birth. Given a choice, infants reliably prefer to look at stimuli that include pat terns than to look at simpler stimuli (see Figure 3-10). How do we know? Developmental psychologist

Robert Fantz (1963) created a classic test. He built a chamber in which babies could lie on their backs and see pairs of visual stimuli above them. Fantz could determine which of the stimuli the infants were looking at by observing the reflections of the stimuli in their eyes.

Fantz's work was the impetus for a great deal of research on the preferences of infants, most of which points to a critical conclusion: Infants are genetically prepro grammed to prefer particular kinds of stimuli. For instance, just minutes after birth they show preferences for certain colors, shapes, and configurations of various stimuli. They prefer curved over straight lines, three-dimensional figures to two-dimensional ones, and human faces to nonfaces. Such capabilities may be a reflection of the exis tence of highly specialized cells in the brain that react to stimuli of a particular pat tern, orientation, shape, and direction of movement (Hubel & Wiesel, 2004; Gliga et al., 2009; Soska, Adolph, & Johnson, 2010).

However, genetics is not the sole determinant of infant visual preferences. Just a few hours after birth, infants have already learned to prefer their own mother 's face to other faces. Similarly, between the ages of 6 and 9 months, infants become more adept at distinguishing between the faces of humans, while they become less able to distinguish faces of members of other species. They also distinguish between male and female faces. Such findings provide another clear piece of evidence of how heredity and environmental experiences are woven together to determine an infant's capabili ties (Quinn et al., 2008; Otsuka et al., 2012; Bahrick et al., 2016).

AUDITORY PERCEPTION: THE WORLD OF SOUND What is it about a mother's lullaby that helps soothe crying babies, like Jenna, whom we discussed in the chapter opener? Some clues emerge when we look at the capabilities of infants in the realm of auditory sensation and perception.

Infants hear from the time of birth-and even before, as the ability to hear begins prenatally. Even in the womb, the fetus responds to sounds outside of its mother. Furthermore, infants are born with preferences for particular sound combinations (Trehub, 2003; Pundir et al., 2012; Missana, Altvater-Mackensen, & Grossmann, 2017).

Because they have had some practice in hearing before birth, it is not surprising that infants have reasonably good auditory perception after they are born. In fact, in fants actually are more sensitive to certain very high and very low frequencies than adults-a sensitivity that seems to increase during the first 2 years of life. In contrast, infants are initially less sensitive than adults to middle-range frequencies . Eventually,

however, their capabilities within the middle range improve (Fernald, 2001; Lee & Kisilevsky, 2014; Zhang et al., 2017).

In addition to the ability to detect sound, infants need several other abilities to hear effectively. For instance, sound localization permits us to pinpoint the direc tion from which a sound is emanating. Compared to adults, infants have a slight handicap in this task because effective sound localization requires the use of the slight difference in the times at which a sound reaches our two ears. Sound that we hear first in the right ear tells us that the source of the sound is to our right. Because infants' heads are smaller than those of adults, the difference in timing of the arrival of sound at the two ears is less than it is in adults, so they have difficulty determining from which direction sound is coming (Winkler et al., 2016; Thomas et al., 2018).

Despite the potential limitation brought about by their smaller heads, infants' sound localization abilities are actually fairly good even at birth, and they reach adult levels of success by the age of 1 year. Furthermore, young infants are capable of making the fine discriminations that their future understanding of language will require (van Heugten, & Johnson, 2010; Purdy et al., 2013; Slugocki & Trainor,

Infancy 1 1 3

2014). By the age of 4 months, infants

SMELL AND TASTE What do infants do when they smell a rotten egg? Pretty much what adults do-crinkle their noses and generally look unhappy. In contrast, the scents of bananas and butter produce a pleasant reaction on the part of infants (Pomares, Schirrer, & Abadie, 2002; Godard et al., 2016).

The sense of smell is so well developed, even among young infants, that at least some 12- to 18-day-old babies can distinguish their mothers on the basis of smell alone. For instance, in one experiment infants were exposed to the smell of gauze pads worn under the arms of adults the previous evening. Infants who were being breastfed were able to distinguish their mothers' scent from those of other adults. However, not all infants could do this: Those who were being bottle-fed were unable to make the distinction. Moreover, both breastfed and bottle-fed infants were unable to distinguish their fathers on the basis of odor (Allam, Marlier, & Schaal, 2006; Lipsitt & Rovee-Collier, 2012).

Infants seem to have an innate sweet tooth (even before they have teeth!), and they show facial expressions of disgust when they taste something bitter. Very young infants smile when a sweet-tasting liquid is placed on their tongues. They also suck harder at a bottle if it is sweetened. Because breast milk has a sweet taste, it is possible that this preference may be part of our evolutionary heritage, retained because it of fered a survival advantage (Blass & Camp, 2015). SENSITIVITY TO PAIN Infants are born with the capacity to experience pain. Obviously, no one can be sure if the experience of pain in children is identical to that in adults, any more than we can tell if an adult friend who complains of a headache is experiencing pain that is more or less severe than our own pain when we have a headache.

What we do know is that pain produces distress in infants. Their heartbeat in creases, and they sweat, show facial expressions of discomfort, and change the inten sity and tone of crying when they are hurt (Kohut & Riddell, 2009; Rodkey & Riddell, 2013; Polkki et al., 2015).

There appears to be a developmental progression in reactions to pain. For ex ample, a newborn infant who has her heel pricked for a blood test responds with distress, but it takes her several seconds to show the response. In contrast, only a few months later, the same procedure brings a much more immediate response. It is possible that the delayed reaction in infants is produced by the relatively slower transmission of information within the newborn's less-developed nervous system (Puchalski & Hummel, 2002). RESPONDING TO TOUCH Touch is one of the most highly developed sensory systems in a newborn. It is also one of the first to develop; there is evidence that

are able to discriminate their own

names from other, similar sounding

words. How do you think infants

are able to develop this capability?

Infants' sense of smell is so well

developed that they can distinguish

their mothers on the basis of smell

alone.

1 1 4 Chapter 3

by 32 weeks after conception, the entire body is sensitive to touch. Furthermore, several of the basic reflexes present at birth, such as the rooting reflex, require touch sensitivity to operate: An infant must sense a touch near the mouth to automatically seek a nipple to suck (Field, 2014).

Touch is one of the most highly developed sensory

Infants' abilities in the realm of touch are particularly helpful in their efforts to explore the world. Several theorists have suggested that one of the ways children gain information about the world is through touching. As mentioned previously, at the age of 6 months, infants are apt to place almost any object in their mouths, apparently taking in data about its configuration from their sensory responses to the feel of it in their mouths (Ruff, 1989).

Touch also plays an important role in an organism's future develop- systems in a newborn.

multimodal approach to perception the approach that considers how in formation that is collected by various individual sensory systems is inte grated and coordinated

ment because it triggers a complex chemical reaction that assists infants in their efforts to survive. For example, gentle massage stimulates the production of cer tain chemicals in an infant's brain that instigate growth (Gordon et al., 2013; Ludwig & Field, 2014; Guzzetta & Cion, 2016).

Multimodal Perception: Combining Individual Sensory Inputs

L0 3.8 Summarize the multimodal approach to perception.

I When Eric Pettigrew was 7 months old, his grand parents presented him with a squeaky rubber doll. As soon as he saw it, he reached out for it, grasped it in his hand, and listened as it squeaked. H e seemed delighted with the gift. One way of considering Eric's sensory reaction to the doll is to focus on each of the senses individually: what the doll looked like to Eric, how it felt in his hand, and what it sounded like. In fact, this approach has dominated the study of sensation and per ception in infancy.

However, let's consider another approach: We might examine how the various sensory responses are integrated with one another. Instead of looking at each indi vidual sensory response, we could consider how the responses work together and are combined to produce Eric's ultimate reaction. The multimodal approach to perception considers how information that is collected by various individual sensory systems is integrated and coordinated (Farzin, Charles, & Rivera, 2009).

From a health-care worker's perspective: People who are born without the use of one sense often develop unusual abilities in one or more other senses. What can health-care professionals do to help infants who are lacking in a par ticular sense?

Although the multimodal approach is a relatively recent innovation in the study of how infants understand their sensory world, it raises some fundamental issues about the development of sensation and perception. For instance, some researchers argue that sensations are initially integrated with one another in infants, whereas oth ers maintain that infants' sensory systems are initially separate and that brain devel opment leads to increasing integration (Lickliter & Bahrick, 2000; Lewkowicz, 2002; Flom & Bahrick, 2007).

We do not know yet which view is correct. However, it does appear that by an early age, infants are able to relate what they have learned about an object through one sensory channel to what they have learned about it through another. For instance, even 1-month-old infants are able to recognize by sight objects that they have previously held in their mouths but never seen (Meltzoff, 1981; Steri & Spelke, 1988). Clearly, some cross-talk between various sensory channels is already possible a month after birth.

Infants' abilities in multimodal perception showcase their sophisticated per ceptual abilities, which continue to grow throughout the period of infancy. Such

Infancy 1 1 5

perceptual growth is aided by infants' discovery of affordances, the options that a given situation or stimulus provides. For example, infants learn that they might poten tially fall when walking down a steep ramp-that is, the ramp affords the possibility of falling. Such knowledge is crucial as infants make the transition from crawling to walking. Similarly, infants learn that an object shaped in a certain way can slip out of their hands if not grasped correctly. For example, Eric is learning that his toy has several affordances: He can grab it and squeeze it, listen to it squeak, and even chew comfortably on it if he is teething (Huang, 2012; Walker-Andrews et al., 2013; Oudeyer & Smith, 2016; also see the Development in Your Life box).

affordances the action possibilities that a given situation or stimulus provides

Deve l o p m e n t i n You r Life

Exercising Yo u r I nfant's Body and Senses

Recall how cultural expectations and environments affect the age at which various physical milestones, such as the first step, occur. Although most experts feel attempts to accelerate physical and sensory-perceptual development yield little advantage, parents should ensure that their infants receive sufficient physical and sensory stim ulation. There are several specific ways to accomplish this goal:

• Carry a baby in different positions- switchi ng among a backpack, a frontpack, or a football hold with the infant's head in the pal m of your hand and its feet lying on your arm lets infants view the world from several perspectives.

• Let infants explore their envi ronment. Don't contain them too long in a barren environment. Let them crawl

Rev i ew, C h eck, and Apply Review

LO 3.1 Describe how the human body develops in the first 2 years of life, including the four principles that govern its growth.

Human babies grow rapidly in height and weight, espe cially during the first 2 years of life. Major principles that govern human growth include the cephalocaudal princi ple, the proximodistal principle, the principle of hierarchi cal integration, and the principle of the independence of systems.

LO 3.2 Describe how the nervous system and brain de velop in the first 2 years of life, and explain how the environment affects such development.

The nervous system contains a huge number of neurons, more than will be needed as an adult. "Extra" connections and neurons that are not used are eliminated as an infant develops. Brain development, largely predetermined genet ically, also contains a strong element of plasticity-a suscep tibility to environmental influences. Many aspects of devel opment occur during sensitive periods when the organism is particularly susceptible to environmental influences.

or wander arou n d - after first making the environment "child proof" by removing dangerous objects.

• Engage in "rough-and-tumble" play. Wrestl ing, dancing, and rolling around o n the floor- if not vio lent- are ac tivities that are fun and that stimulate older infants' motor and sensory systems.

• Let babies touch their food and even play with it. Infancy is too early to start teaching tabl e manners.

• Provide toys that stimul ate the senses. Provide toys that can stimu late more than one sense at a time. For example, brightly colored, textured toys with mov able parts are enjoyabl e and help sharpen i nfants ' senses.

LO 3.3 Explain the body rhythms and states that govern an infant's behavior.

One of the primary tasks of infants is the development of rhythms-cyclical patterns that integrate individual be haviors. An important rhythm pertains to infants' state the degree of awareness of stimulation it displays.

LO 3.4 Explain how the reflexes that infants are born with both protect them and help them adapt to their surroundings.

Reflexes are unlearned, automatic responses to stimuli that help newborns survive and protect themselves. Some re flexes also have value as the foundation for future, more conscious behaviors.

LO 3.5 Identify the milestones of gross motor and fine motor skill development in infancy.

The development of gross motor and fine motor skills pro ceeds along a generally consistent timetable in normal chil dren, with substantial individual and cultural variations. In the first year, advances in gross motor skills allow children

1 1 6 Chapter 3

to roll over, sit upright without support, stand while hold ing onto something, and then stand alone. A child who grasps an object with thumb and finger at 8 months may hold a crayon adaptively at 11 months, and imitate strokes on paper by age 2.

LO 3.6 Summarize the role of nutrition in the physical development of infants, including the benefits of breastfeeding.

Adequate nutrition is essential for physical development. Malnutrition and undernutrition affect physical aspects of growth and may also affect IQ and school performance. Breastfeeding has distinct advantages over bottle-feeding, including the nutritional completeness of breast milk, its provision of a degree of immunity to certain childhood dis eases, and its easy digestibility. In addition, breastfeeding

Check Yourself

1. The process that allows established neurons to build stronger networks and reduces unnecessary neurons during the first 2 years of life is called ____ _

a. hierarchical integration b. independent plasticity c. cephalocaudal modification d. synaptic pruning

2. Behavior becomes integrated through the develop- ment of which are repetitive, cyclical pat- terns of behavior.

a. states b. rhythms c. REM sleep d. reflexes

Applying Lifespan Development

offers significant physical and emotional benefits to both child and mother.

LO 3. 7 Describe the sensory capabilities of infants. Very early on, infants can see depth and motion, distin guish colors and patterns, show clear visual preferences, localize and discriminate sounds, and recognize the sound and smell of their mothers. Infants are also sensitive to pain and touch, the latter of which plays an important role in the child's future development.

LO 3.8 Summarize the multimodal approach to perception.

The multimodal approach to perception considers how in formation that is collected by various individual sensory systems is integrated and coordinated.

3. Which of the following is not one of the consequences of malnutrition during infancy?

a. Malnourished children are more likely to become obese in adolescence and develop diabetes.

b. Malnourished children show a slower growth rate by the age of 6 months.

c. Malnourished children score lower on IQ tests later in life.

d. Malnourished children have a lower height and weight by age 2 than nonmalnourished children.

4. is the physical stimulation of the sense organs.

a. Perception b. Crying c. Crawling d. Sensation

If you were selecting a mobile as a gift for a young infant, what features would you look for to make the mobile as interest ing as possible to the baby?

M o d u l e 3 . 2 Cognitive Development in Infancy

Making Things Happen

Nine-month-old Raisa Novak has just begun to crawl. "I've had to

baby-proof everything," her mother Bela says. One of the first things

Raisa discovered as she began moving about the living room was

the radio/CD player. At first, she pushed all the buttons in random

order. But after just 1 week, she knows the red button makes the

radio come on. "She has a/ways loved music," Bela says. "She is

clearly thrilled that she can make it happen whenever she wants."

Raisa now crawls around the house looking for buttons to push,

and cries when she gets to the dishwasher or the DVD player or the

television because she can't reach their buttons-yet. "/ will really

have my hands full when she begins to walk," Bela says.

Infancy 1 1 7

How much of the world do infants understand? How do they begin

to make meani ng of it al l? Does intellectual stimulation accelerate

an i nfant's cognitive development? We address these questions in

this mod ule as we consider cogn itive development durin g the first

years of life , focusing on how infants develop their knowledg e and

understanding of the world. We first discuss the work of Swiss

psychologist Jean Piaget , whose theory of developmental stages

served as a highly influential impetus for a considerable amount of

work on cognitive development.

We then cover more contemporary views of cognitive

development, examining information processing approaches that

seek to explain how cognitive growth occurs . We also examine

memory in infants and address individual differences in intelligence.

Finally, we consider language, the cognitive skill that permits

infants to communicate with others. We look at the roots of language

in prelingu istic speech and trace the milestones indicatin g the

development of language skills i n the p rogression from the baby's

first words to phrases and sentences.

Piaget's Approach to Cognitive Development

Olivia's dad is wiping up the mess around the base of her high chair-for the third time today! It seems to him that 1 4-month-old Olivia takes great delight i n dropping food from the high chair. She also drops toys, spoons - anything, it seems-just to watch how they hit the floor. She almost appears to be experimenting to see what kind of noise or what size of sp latter is created by each different thing she drops.

Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget (1896-1980) probably would have said that Olivia's dad is right in theorizing that Olivia is conducting her own series of experiments to learn more about the workings of her world. Piaget's views of the ways infants learn could be summed in a simple equation: Action = Knowledge.

Piaget argued that infants do not acquire knowledge from facts communicated by others, nor through sensation and perception. Instead, Piaget suggested that knowl edge is the product of direct motor behavior. Although many of his basic explanations and propositions have been challenged by subsequent research, as we'll discuss later, the view that in significant ways infants learn by doing remains unquestioned (Piaget, 1962, 1983; Zuccarini et al., 2016).

Key Elements of Piaget' s Theory

L0 3.9 Summarize the fundamental features of Piaget's theory of cognitive development, and describe the sensorimotor stage.

As we first noted in Chapter 1, Piaget's theory is based on a stage approach to devel opment. He assumed that all children pass through a series of four universal stages in a fixed order from birth through adolescence: sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational, and formal operational. He also suggested that movement from one stage to the next occurs when a child reaches an appropriate level of physical maturation and is exposed to relevant experiences. Without such experience, children are assumed to be incapable of reaching their cognitive potential. Some approaches to cognition focus on changes in the content of children's knowledge about the world, but Piaget argued that it was critical to also consider the changes in the quality of children's knowledge and understanding as they move from one stage to another.

For instance, as they develop cognitively, infants experience changes in their under standing about what can and cannot occur in the world. Consider a baby who participates in an experiment during which she is exposed to three identical versions of her mother all at the same time, thanks to some well-placed mirrors. A 3-month-old infant will interact happily with each of these images of her mother. However, by 5 months of age, the child becomes quite agitated at the sight of multiple mothers. Apparently, by this time the child has figured out that he or she has but one mother, and viewing three at a time is thoroughly alarming (Bower, 1977). To Piaget, such reactions indicate that a baby is beginning to mas ter principles regarding the way the world operates, indicating that he or she has begun to construct a mental sense of the world that he or she didn't have 2 months previously.

Piaget believed that the basic building blocks of the way we understand the world are mental structures called schema, organized patterns of functioning that adapt and change with mental development. At first, schema are related to physical, or senso rimotor, activity, such as picking up or reaching for toys. As children develop, their schema move to a mental level, reflecting thought. Schema are similar to computer

schema organized patterns of functioning that adapt and change with mental functioning

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Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget.

assimilation the process in which people under stand an experience in terms of their current stage of cognitive develop ment and way of thinking

accommodation changes in existing ways of thinking that occur in response to encounters with new stimuli or events

sensorimotor stage (of cognitive development) Piaget's initial major stage of cogni tive development, which can be bro ken down into six substages

software: They direct and determine how data from the world, such as new events or objects, are considered and dealt with (Rakison & Oakes, 2003; Rakison & Krogh, 2012; Di Paolo, Buhrmann, & Barandiaran, 2017).

If you give a baby a new cloth book, for example, he or she will touch it, mouth it, perhaps try to tear it or bang it on the floor. To Piaget, each of these actions repre sents a schema, and they are the infants' way of gaining knowledge and understand ing of this new object.

Piaget suggested that two principles underlie the growth in children's schema: assimilation and accommodation. Assimilation is the process by which people under stand an experience in terms of their current stage of cognitive development and way of thinking. Assimilation occurs, then, when a stimulus or event is acted upon, per ceived, and understood in accordance with existing patterns of thought. For example, an infant who tries to suck on any toy in the same way is assimilating the objects to her existing sucking schema. Similarly, a child who encounters a flying squirrel at a zoo and calls it a "bird" is assimilating the squirrel to his or her existing schema of bird.

In contrast, when we change our existing ways of thinking, understanding, or be having in response to encounters with new stimuli or events, accommodation takes place. For instance, when a child sees a flying squirrel and calls it "a bird with a tail," he or she is beginning to accommodate new knowledge, modifying his or her schema of bird.

Piaget believed that the earliest schema are primarily limited to the reflexes with which we are all born, such as sucking and rooting. Infants start to modify these simple early schema almost immediately, through the processes of assimilation and accom modation, in response to their exploration of the environment. Schema quickly become more sophisticated as infants become more advanced in their motor capabilities-to Piaget, a signal of the potential for more advanced cognitive development. Because Piaget's sensorimotor stage of development begins at birth and continues until the child is about 2 years old, we consider it here in detail.

Piaget suggests that the sensorimotor stage, the initial major stage of cognitive de velopment, can be broken down into six substages. These are summarized in Table 3-5. It is important to keep in mind that although the specific substages of the sensorimo tor period may at first appear to unfold with great regularity, as though infants reach a particular age and smoothly proceed into the next substage, the reality of cognitive development is somewhat different. First, the ages at which infants actually reach a particular stage vary a good deal among different children. The exact timing of a stage reflects an interaction between infants' level of physical maturation and the nature of the social environment in which they are being raised. Consequently, although Piaget contended that the order of the substages does not change from one child to the next, he admitted that the timing can and does vary to some degree.

Piaget viewed development as a more gradual process than the notion of different stages might seem to imply. Infants do not go to sleep one night in one substage and wake up the next morning in the next one. Instead, there is a rather steady shifting of behavior as a child moves toward the next stage of cognitive development. Infants also pass through periods of transition, in which some aspects of their behavior reflect the next higher stage, and other aspects indicate their current stage (see Figure 3-11).

SUBSTAGE 1: SIMPLE REFLEXES The first substage of the sensorimotor period is Substage 1 : Simple reflexes, encompassing the first month of life. During this time, the various inborn reflexes, described in Module 3.1, are at the center of a baby's physical and cognitive life, determining the nature of his or her interactions with the world. At the same time, some of the reflexes begin to accommodate the infant's experience with the nature of the world. For instance, an infant who is being breastfed but who also receives supplemental bottles may start to change the way he or she sucks, depending on whether a nipple is on a breast or a bottle.

SUBSTAGE 2: FIRST HABITS AND PRIMARY CIRCULAR REACTIONS Substage 2: First habits and primary circular reactions, the second substage of the sensorimotor period, occurs from 1 to 4 months of age. In this period, infants begin to coordinate what were separate actions into single, integrated activities. For instance, an infant might combine grasping an object with sucking on it, or staring at something while touching it.

Table 3 - 5 Piaget's Six Su bstages of the Sensorimotor Stage

Substage Age Description Example

Substage 1 : First month During this period, the various The sucking reftex causes in- Simple reflexes of life reflexes that determine infants' fants to suck at anything placed

interactions with the world are at in his or her lips. the center of its cognitive life.

Substage 2: From 1 to 4 At this age infants begin to An infant might combine grasp- First habits and months coordinate what were separate ing an object with sucking on primary circular actions into single, integrated it, or staring at something with reactions activities. touching it.

Substage 3: From 4 to 8 During this period, infants take A child who repeatedly picks up Secondary circular months major strides in shifting their a rattle in her crib and shakes it reactions cognitive horizons beyond in different ways to see how the

themselves and begin to act on sound changes is demonstrating the outside world . her abi lity to modify her cognitive

schema about shaking rattles.

Substage 4: From 8 to In this stage infants begin to use An infant will push one toy out Coordination of 1 2 months more calcu lated approaches to of the way to reach another toy secondary c ircular producing events, coordinating that is lying, partially exposed , reactions several schema to generate a under it.

single act. They achieve object permanence during this stage.

Substage 5: From 1 2 to At this age, infants develop what A child will drop a toy repeat- Tertiary circular 1 8 months Piaget regards as the deliberate edly, varying the position from reactions variation of actions that bri ng which he drops it, careful ly ob-

desirable consequences. Rather serving each time to see where than just repeating enjoyable it falls.

activities, infants appear to carry out m iniatu re experi ments to ob- serve the consequences.

Substage 6: From 1 8 The major achievement of Children can even plot in their Beginnings of months to 2 Substage 6 is the capacity for heads unseen trajectories of thought years mental representation or sym- objects, so that if a ball rolls

bolic thought. Piaget argued under a piece of furniture , they that only at this stage can in- can figure out where it is likely to fants imagine where objects that emerge on the other side. they cannot see might be.

Figure 3 - 1 1 Transitions Infants do not suddenly shift from one stage of cognitive development to the next. I nstead, Pi aget argues that there is a peri od of transition in which some behavior reflects one stage, while other behavior reflects the more advanced stage. Does this gradualism argue against Piaget's interpretation of stages?

., c Cl> E Stage 1 a. 0 Qi > Cl> 0 Cl> > Stage 2 :-e c °' 0 u .... 0 "' Stage 3 Cl> °' "' ., "' ., c Cl> :;; .... .... Stage 4 0

Age

� Transition period between stages • Fully in stage

Infancy 1 1 9

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object permanence the realization that people and ob jects exist even when they cannot be seen

If an activity engages a baby's interests, he or she may repeat it over and over, simply for the sake of continuing to experience it. This repetition of a chance motor event helps the baby start building cognitive schema through a process known as a circular reaction. Pri111£1ry circular reactions are schema reflecting an infant's repetition of interesting or enjoy able actions, just for the enjoyment of doing them, which focus on an infant's own body.

SUBSTAGE 3: SECONDARY CIRCULAR REACTIONS Substage 3: Secondary circular reactions are more purposeful. According to Piaget, this third stage of cognitive devel opment in infancy occurs from 4 to 8 months of age. During this period, a child begins to act on the outside world. For instance, infants now seek to repeat enjoyable events in their environments if they happen to produce them through chance activities. A child who repeatedly picks up a rattle in her crib and shakes it in different ways to see how the sound changes is demonstrating her ability to modify her cognitive schema about shaking rattles. She is engaging in what Piaget calls secondary circular reactions, which are schema regarding repeated actions that bring about a desirable consequence.

SUBSTAGE 4: COORDINATION OF SECONDARY CIRCULAR REACTIONS Some major leaps forward occur in Substage 4: Coordination of secondary circular reactions, which lasts from 8 months to 12 months. In Substage 4, infants begin to employ goal directed behavior, in which several schema are combined and coordinated to generate a single act to solve a problem. For instance, infants will push one toy out of the way to reach another toy that is lying, partially exposed, under it.

Infants' newfound purposefulness, their ability to use means to attain particular ends, and their skill in anticipating future circumstances owe their appearance in part to the developmental achievement of object permanence that emerges in Substage 4. Object permanence is the realization that people and objects exist even when they cannot be seen. It is a simple principle, but its mastery has profound consequences.

Consider, for instance, 7-month-old Chu, who has yet to learn the idea of object permanence. Chu's mother shakes a rattle in front of him, then takes the rattle and places it under a blanket. To Chu, who has not mastered the concept of object perma nence, the rattle no longer exists. He will make no effort to look for it.

Several months later, when he reaches Substage 4, the story is quite different (see Figure 3-12). This time, as soon as his mother places the rattle under the blanket, Chu tries to toss the cover aside, eagerly searching for the rattle. Chu clearly has learned

Figure 3 - 1 2 Object Permanence Before infants understand the idea of object permanence, they will not search for an object that has been hidden right before their eyes. But several months later, they will search for it, ill ustrating that they have attained obj ect permanence. Why is the concept of object permanence i mportant?

Before Object Permanence

After Object Permanence

that the object continues to exist even when it cannot be seen. For infants who achieve an understanding of object permanence, then, out of sight is decidedly not out of mind.

The attainment of object permanence extends not only to inanimate objects, but to people, too. It gives Chu the security that his father and mother still exist even when they have left the room.

SUBSTAGE 5: TERTIARY CIRCULAR REACTIONS Substage 5: Tertiary circular reactions is reached at around the age of 12 months and extends to 18 months. As the name of the stage indicates, during this period infants develop these reactions, which are schema regarding the deliberate variation of actions that bring desirable consequences. Rather than just repeating enjoyable activities, as they do with secondary circular reactions, infants appear to carry out miniature experiments to observe the consequences.

For example, Piaget observed his son Laurent dropping a toy swan repeatedly, varying the position from which he dropped it, carefully observing each time to see where it fell. Instead of just repeating the action each time, Laurent made modifica tions in the situation to learn about their consequences. As you may recall from our discussion of research methods in Chapter 1 , this behavior represents the essence of the scientific method: An experimenter varies a situation in a laboratory to learn the effects of the variation. To infants in Substage 5, the world is their laboratory, and they spend their days leisurely carrying out one miniature experiment after another.

SUBSTAGE 6: BEGINNINGS OF THOUGHT The final stage of the sensorimotor pe riod is Substage 6: Beginnings of thought, which lasts from 18 months to 2 years. The major achievement of Substage 6 is the capacity for mental representation, or symbolic thought. A mental representation is an internal image of a past event or object. Piaget ar gued that by this stage infants can imagine where objects might be that they cannot see. They can even plot in their heads unseen trajectories of objects, so if a ball rolls under a piece of furniture, they can figure out where it is likely to emerge on the other side.

From a caregiver's perspective: What are some implications for childrear ing practices of Piaget's observations about the ways children gain an under standing of the world? Would you use the same approaches in childrearing for a child growing up in a non-Western culture?

Appraising Piaget: Support and Challenges

LO 3. 1 0 Summarize the arguments both in support of and critical o f Piaget's theory of cognitive development.

Most developmental researchers would probably agree that in many significant ways, Piaget's descriptions of how cognitive development proceeds during infancy are quite accurate. Yet, there is substantial disagreement over the validity of the theory and many of its specific predictions. (Muller, Ten Eycke, & Baker, 2015; Barrouillet, 2015; Bjorklund, 2018).

Let's start with what is clearly accurate about the Piagetian approach. Piaget was a masterful reporter of children's behavior, and his descriptions of growth during infancy remain a monument to his powers of observa tion. Furthermore, literally thousands of studies have supported Piaget's view that children learn much about the world by acting on objects in their environment. Finally, the broad outlines sketched out by Piaget of the sequence of cognitive development and the increasing cognitive accom plishments that occur during infancy are generally accurate (Muller et al., 2013; Muller, Ten Eycke, & Baker, 2015; Fowler, 2017).

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However, specific aspects of the theory have come under increas ing scrutiny-and criticism-in the decades since Piaget carried out his pioneering work. For example, some researchers question the stage conception that forms the basis of Piaget's theory. Although, as we noted previously, even Piaget acknowledged that children's transitions between

Piaget's theory suggests that infants develop

schemas that represent their understanding of

cause-and-effect, as when a child pushes a key on a

keyboard and sees the image on the screen change.

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c: :!Ji � ��Z'!!L ........ -Lm _ _..

Research on babies in non-Western

cultures suggests that Piaget's stages

are not universal but are to some

degree culturally derived.

stages are gradual, critics contend that development proceeds in a much more con tinuous fashion. Rather than showing major leaps of competence at the end of one stage and the beginning of the next, improvement comes in more gradual increments, growing step-by-step in a skill-by-skill manner.

For instance, developmental researcher Robert Siegler suggests that cognitive de velopment proceeds not in stages but in "waves." According to Siegler, children don't one day drop a mode of thinking and the next take up a new form. Instead, there is an ebb and flow of cognitive approaches that children use to understand the world (Siegler, 2012; Siegler & Lortie-Forgues, 2014; Siegler, 2016; Lemaire, 2018).

Other critics dispute Piaget's notion that cognitive development is grounded in motor activities. They charge that Piaget overlooked the importance of the sensory and perceptual systems that are present from a very early age in infancy-systems about which Piaget knew little.

To bolster their views, Piaget's critics also point to more recent studies that cast doubt on Piaget's view that infants are incapable of mastering the concept of object permanence until they are close to a year old. For instance, some work suggests that younger infants did not appear to understand object permanence because the tech niques used to test their abilities were not sensitive enough to their true capabilities (Bremner, Slater, & Johnson, 2015; Baillargeon & Dejong, 2017).

It may be that a 4-month-old doesn't search for a rattle hidden under a blanket because she hasn't learned the motor skills necessary to do the searching-not because she doesn't understand that the rattle still exists. Similarly, the apparent inability of young infants to comprehend object permanence may reflect more about their mem ory deficits than their lack of understanding of the concept: The memories of young infants may be poor enough that they simply do not recall the previous concealment of the toy. In fact, when more age-appropriate tasks are employed, some researchers have found indications of object permanence in children as young as 3112 months (Scott & Baillargeon, 2013; Baillargeon et al., 2015; Sim & Zu, 2017).

Piaget's work also seems to describe children from developed Western countries better than those in non-Western cultures. For instance, some evidence suggests that cognitive skills emerge on a different timetable for children in non-Western cultures than for children living in Europe and the United States. Infants raised in the Ivory Coast of Africa, for example, reach the various substages of the sensorimotor period at an earlier age than infants reared in France (Dasen et al., 1978; Mistry & Saraswathi, 2003; Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2012).

However, even Piaget's most passionate critics concede that he has provided us with a masterful description of the broad outlines of cognitive development during infancy. His failings seem to be in underestimating the capabilities of younger infants and in his claims that sensorimotor skills develop in a consistent, fixed pattern. Still, his influence has been enormous and, although the focus of many contemporary de velopmental researchers has shifted to newer information processing approaches that we discuss next, Piaget remains a towering and pioneering figure in the field of devel opment (Kail, 2004; Maynard, 2008; Fowler, 2017).

Information Processing Approaches to Cognitive Development

Amber Nordstrom, 3 months old, breaks into a smi le as her brother Marcus stands over her crib, picks up a dol l , and makes a whistling noise through his teeth. In fact, Amber never seems to tire of Marcus's efforts at making her smile, and, soon, whenever Marcus appears and sim ply picks up the doll, her lips begin to curl into a smile.

Clearly, Amber remembers Marcus and his humorous ways. But how does she remem ber him? And how much else can Amber remember?

To answer questions such as these, we need to diverge from the road that Piaget laid out for us. Rather than seeking to identify the universal, broad milestones in cog nitive development through which all infants pass, as Piaget tried to do, we must

consider the specific processes by which individual babies acquire and use the informa tion to which they are exposed. We need, then, to focus less on the qualitative changes in infants' mental lives and consider more closely their quantitative capabilities.

Information processing approaches to cognitive development seek to identify the way that individuals take in, use, and store information. According to this approach, the quantitative changes in infants' abilities to organize and manipulate information represent the hallmarks of cognitive development.

Taking this perspective, cognitive growth is characterized by increasing sophistica tion, speed, and capacity in information processing. Previously, we compared Piaget's idea of schema to computer software, which directs the computer in how to deal with data from the world. We might compare the information processing perspective on cognitive growth to the improvements that come from the use of more efficient programs that lead to increased speed and sophistication in the processing of information. Information pro cessing approaches, then, focus on the types of "mental programs" that people use when they seek to solve problems (Hugdahl & Westerhausen, 2010; Fagan & Ployhart, 2015).

The Foundations of Information Processing: Encoding, Storage, and Retrieval

LO 3. 1 1 Describe how information processing approaches explain cognitive development in infants, and summarize the memory capabilities of infants in the first 2 years of life.

Information processing has three basic aspects: encoding, storage, and retrieval (see Figure 3-13). Encoding is the process by which information is initially recorded in a form usable to memory. Infants and children-indeed, all people-are exposed to a massive amount of information; if they tried to process it all, they would be over whelmed. Consequently, they encode selectively, picking and choosing the informa tion to which they will pay attention.

Even if someone has been exposed to the information initially and has encoded it in an appropriate way, there is still no guarantee that he or she will be able to use it in the future. Information must also have been stored in memory adequately. Storage refers to the placement of material into memory. Finally, success in using the material in the future depends on retrieval processes. Retrieval is the process by which material in memory storage is located, brought into awareness, and used.

We can use our comparison to computers again here. Information processing ap proaches suggest that the processes of encoding, storage, and retrieval are analogous to different parts of a computer. Encoding can be thought of as a computer's keyboard, through which one inputs information; storage is the computer's hard drive, where information is stored; and retrieval is analogous to software that accesses the informa tion for display on the screen. Only when all three processes are operating-encoding, storage, and retrieval-can information be processed.

AUTOMATIZATION In some cases, encoding, storage, and retrieval are relatively automatic, and in other cases they are deliberate. Automatization is the degree to which an activity requires attention. Processes that require relatively little attention are auto matic; processes that require relatively large amounts of attention are controlled. For example, some activities such as walking, eating with a fork, or reading may be auto matic for you, but at first they required your full attention.

Figure 3 - 1 3 Information Process ing The process by which information is encoded, stored, and retrieved.

Encoding {initial recording of information)

I n\

Storage {information saved for future use)

Retrieval {recovery of stored information)

•

Infancy 123

information processing approaches the model that seeks to identify the way that individuals take in, use, and store information

1 24 Chapter 3

memory the process by which information is initially recorded, stored, and retrieved

Automatic mental processes help children in their initial encounters with the world by enabling them to easily and "automatically" process information in par ticular ways. For instance, by age 5, children automatically encode information in terms of frequency. Without a lot of attention to counting or tallying, they become aware, for example, of how often they have encountered various people, permitting them to differentiate familiar from unfamiliar people (Homae et al., 2012; Seyfarth & Cheney, 2013).

Some of the things we learn automatically are unexpectedly complex. For exam ple, infants have the ability to learn subtle statistical patterns and relationships. The existence of basic mathematical skills in infants has been supported by findings that nonhumans are born with some basic numeric proficiency. Even newly hatched chicks show some counting abilities. And it is not too long into infancy that children demon strate an understanding of such basic physics as movement trajectories and gravity (Gopnik, 2010; van Marle & Wynn, 2011; Hespos & van Marle, 2012; Christodoulou, Lac, & Moore, 2017).

The result of this growing body of research suggests that infants have an innate grasp of certain basic mathematical functions and statistical patterns. This inborn proficiency is likely to form the basis for learning more complex mathematics and statistical relationships later in life (McCrink & Wynn, 2009; Posid & Cordes, 2015; Edwards et al., 2015).

MEMORY CAPABILITIES IN INFANCY

Arif Terzic was born during the war in Bosn ia. He spent his first 2 years hiding in a base ment with his mother. The only light he saw came from a kerosene lamp. The only sounds he heard were his mother's hushed lullabies and the explosion of shells. Someone he never saw left food for them. There was a tap, but sometimes the water was too filthy to drink. At one point, his mother suffered a kind of breakdown. She fed him when she re membered. But she didn't speak. Or sing.

Arif was lucky. His family emigrated to the U n ited States when he was 2 . H is father found work. They rented a l ittle house. Arif went to preschool and then kindergarten. Today, he has friends, toys, a dog, and loves soccer. "He doesn 't remember Bosnia," his mother says. "It's like it never happened."

How likely is it that Arif truly remembers nothing of his infancy? And if he ever does recall his first 2 years of life, how accurate will his memories be? To answer these ques tions, we need to consider the qualities of memory that exist during infancy.

Certainly, infants have memory capabilities, defined as the process by which in formation is initially recorded, stored, and retrieved. As we've seen, infants can dis tinguish new stimuli from old, and this implies that some memory of the old must be present. Unless infants have some memory of an original stimulus, it would be impos sible for them to recognize that a new stimulus differed from the previous one.

Infants' capability to recognize new stimuli from old tells us little about how age brings about changes in the capacities of memory and in its fundamental nature. Do infants' memory capabilities increase as they get older? The answer is clearly affirma tive. In one study, infants were taught that they could move a mobile hanging over the crib by kicking their legs. It took only a few days for 2-month-old infants to forget their training, but 6-month-old infants still remembered for as long as 3 weeks (Rovee Collier, 1999; Haley et al., 2010).

Furthermore, infants who were later prompted to recall the association between kicking and moving the mobile showed evidence that the memory continued to exist even longer. Infants who had received just two training sessions lasting 9 minutes each still recalled about a week later, as illustrated by the fact that they began to kick when placed in the crib with the mobile. Two weeks later, however, they made no effort to kick, suggesting that they had forgotten entirely.

But they hadn't forgotten: When the babies saw a reminder-a moving mobile their memories were apparently reactivated. In fact, infants could remember the as sociation, following prompting, for as long as an additional month. Other evidence confirms these results, suggesting that hints can reactivate memories that at first seem

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lost, and that the older the infant, the more effective such prompting is (Defrancisco & Rovee-Collier, 2008; Brito & Barr, 2014; Fisher-Thompson, 2017). The Duration of Memories Although the processes that underlie memory retention and recall seem similar throughout the life span, the quantity of information stored and recalled does differ markedly as infants develop. Older infants can retrieve infor mation more rapidly and they can remember it longer. But just how long? Can memo ries from infancy be recalled, for example, after babies grow up?

Researchers disagree on the age from which memories can be retrieved. Although early research supported the notion of infantile amnesia, the lack of memory for ex periences occurring before 3 years of age, more recent research shows that infants do retain memories. For example, in one study, 6-month-old infants were shown a series of unusual events, such as intermittent periods of light and dark and strange sounds. When the children were later tested at the age of l1h years or 21h years, they demon strated that they recalled the experience. Other research indicates that infants show memory for behavior and situations that they have seen only once (Callaghan, Li, & Richardson, 2014; Madsen & Kim, 2016; Bucci & Stanton, 2017).

Still, although it is at least theoretically possible for memories to remain intact from a very young age-if subsequent experiences do not interfere with their recollection in most cases memories of personal experiences in infancy do not last into adulthood. Memories of personal experience seem not to become accurate before age 18 to 24 months (Howe, 2003; Howe, Courage, & Edison, 2004; Bauer, 2007). The Cognitive Neuroscience of Memory Some of the most exciting research on the development of memory is coming from studies of the neurological basis of mem ory. Advances in brain scan technology, as well as studies of adults with brain dam age, suggest that there are two separate systems involved with long-term memory. These two systems, called explicit memory and implicit memory, retain different sorts of information.

Explicit memory is memory that is conscious and that can be recalled intention ally. When we try to recall a name or phone number, we're using explicit memory. In comparison, implicit memory consists of memories of which we are not consciously aware, but that affect performance and behavior. Implicit memory consists of motor skills, habits, and activities that can be remembered without conscious cognitive effort, such as how to ride a bike or climb a stairway.

Explicit and implicit memories emerge at different rates and involve different parts of the brain. The earliest memories seem to be implicit, and they involve the cere bellum and brain stem. The forerunner of explicit memory involves the hippocampus, but true explicit memory doesn't emerge until the second half of the first year. When explicit memory does emerge, it involves an increasing number of areas of the cortex of the brain (Bauer, 2007; Low & Perner, 2012).

Individual Differences in Intelligence: Is One Infant Smarter Than Another?

LO 3. 1 2 Explain how infant intelligence is measured using information processing approaches.

Maddy Rodriguez is a bundle of curiosity and energy. At 6 months of age, she cries heartily if she can't reach a toy, and when she sees a re flection of herself in a mirror, she gurgles and seems, in general, to find the situation quite amusing.

Jared Lynch, at 6 months, is a good deal more in h ibited than Maddy. He doesn't seem to care much when a ball rolls out of his reach, losing interest i n it rapid ly. And, unlike Maddy, when he sees himself i n a mirror, he pretty much ignores the reflection.

infantile amnesia the lack of memory for experiences that occurred before 3 years o f age

As anyone who has spent any time at all observing more than one baby can tell you, not all infants are alike. Some are full of energy and life, apparently displaying a natural-born curiosity, whereas

Infant intelligence is difficult to define and measure. Is

this child displaying intelligent behavior?

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developmental quotient an overall developmental score that relates to performance in four domains: motor skills, lan guage use, adaptive behavior, and personal-social

Bayley Scales of Infant Development a measure that evaluates an infant's development from 2 to 42 months

Table 3-6 Approaches Used to Detect Differences in Intel ligence During Infancy

Developmental quotient

Bayley Scales of Infant Development

Visual-recognition memory measurement

Formulated by Arnold Gesell, the developmental quotient is an overall development score that relates to performance in four domains: motor skills (balance and sitting), language use, adaptive behavior (alertness and exploration), and personal-social behavior.

Developed by Nancy Bayley, the Bayley Scales of I nfant Development evaluate an infant's development from 2 to 42 months. The Bayley Scales focus on two areas: mental (senses, perception, memory, learning, problem solving, and language) and motor abilities (fine and gross motor skills).

Measures of visual-recognition memory, the memory of and recogn ition of a

stimulus that has been previously seen, also relate to intelligence. The more quickly an infant can retrieve a representation of a stimulus from memory, the more efficient , presumably, is that infant's informati on processing .

others seem, by comparison, somewhat less interested in the world around them. Does this mean that such infants differ in intelligence?

Answering questions about how and to what degree infants vary in their underlying intelligence is not easy. Although it is clear that different infants show significant varia tions in their behavior, the issue of just what types of behavior may be related to cognitive ability is complicated. Interestingly, the examination of individual differences between in fants was the initial approach taken by developmental specialists to understand cognitive development, and such issues still represent an important focus within the field.

What is infant intelligence? Developmental specialists have devised several ap proaches (summarized in Table 3-6) to illuminate the nature of individual differences in intelligence during infancy.

DEVELOPMENTAL SCALES Developmental psychologist Arnold Gesell formulated the earliest measure of infant development, which was designed to distinguish be tween normally developing and atypically developing babies (Gesell, 1946). Gesell based his scale on examinations of hundreds of babies. He compared their perfor mance at different ages to learn what behaviors were most common at a particular age. If an infant varied significantly from the norms of a given age, he or she was consid ered to be developmentally delayed or advanced.

Following the lead of researchers who sought to quantify intelligence through a specific score (known as an intelligence quotient, or IQ, score), Gesell developed a developmental quotient (DQ). The developmental quotient is an overall develop mental score that relates to performance in four domains: motor skills (e.g., balance and sitting), language use, adaptive behavior (such as alertness and exploration), and personal-social (e.g., adequately feeding and dressing oneself).

Later researchers have created other developmental scales. For instance, Nancy Bayley developed one of the most widely used measures for infants. The Bayley Scales of Infant Development evaluate an infant's development from 2 to 42 months. The Bayley Scales focus on two areas: mental and motor abilities. The mental scale focuses on the senses, perception, memory, learning, problem solving, and language, and the motor scale evaluates fine and gross motor skills (see Table 3-7). Like Gesell's

Table 3- 7 Sample Items from the Bayley Scales of I nfant Development

Age 2 months 6 months 12 months 17-19 months 23-25 months 38-42 months

Mental Scale Turns head to locate Picks up cup by Constructs tower of Mimics crayon Pairs up pictures; Can identify four origin of sound; handle; notices two cubes; can turn stroke; labels repeats a two-word colors; past tense visibly responds illustrations in a pages in a book objects in photo sentence evident in speech; to disappearance book distinguishes gender of face

Motor Scale Can hold head Sits up without aid Walks when holding Stands on right Strings three beads; Can reproduce steady and erect for 30 seconds; onto someone's foot without help; jumps length of drawing of a circle; for 1 5 seconds; sits grasps foot with hand or furniture; remains upright 4 inches hops two times on with assistance hands holds pencil in fist climbing stairs with one foot; descends

assistance stairs, alternating feet

SOURCE: Based on Bayley, 1993.

approach, the Bayley approach yields a DQ. A child who scores at an average level meaning average performance for other children at the same age-receives a score of 100 (Bos, 2013; Greene et al., 2013).

The virtue of approaches such as those taken by Gesell and Bayley is that they pro vide a good snapshot of an infant's current developmental level. Using these scales, we can tell in an objective manner whether a particular infant falls behind or is ahead of his or her same-age peers. They are particularly useful in identifying infants who are substantially behind their peers, and who therefore need immediate special atten tion (Aylward & Verhulst, 2000; Sonne, 2012).

What such scales are not useful for is predicting a child's future course of develop ment. A child whose development is identified by these measures as relatively slow at the age of 1 year will not necessarily display slow development at age 5, or 12, or 25. The association between most measures of behavior during infancy and adult intel ligence, then, is minimal (Murray et al., 2007; Burakevych et al., 2017).

From a nurse's perspective: In what ways is the use of developmental scales for infants (such as the Gesell and Bayley scales) helpful? In what ways is it dan gerous? How would you minimize the danger if you were advising a parent?

INFORMATION PROCESSING APPROACHES TO INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN INTELLIGENCE Contemporary approaches to infant intelligence suggest that the speed with which infants process information may correlate most strongly with later intelligence, as measured by IQ tests administered during adulthood.

How can we tell if a baby is processing information quickly or not? Most re searchers use habituation tests. Infants who process information efficiently ought to be able to learn about stimuli more quickly. Consequently, we would expect that they would turn their attention away from a given stimulus more rapidly than those who are less efficient at information processing, leading to the phenomenon of habituation. Similarly, measures of visual-recognition memory, the memory and recognition of a stimulus that has been previously seen, as well as attention and representational competence, also relate to IQ. The more quickly an infant can re trieve a representation of a stimulus from memory, the more efficient, presumably, is that infant's information processing (Robinson & Pascalis, 2005; Karmiloff-Smith et al., 2010; Trainor, 2012).

Research using an information processing framework clearly suggests a relation ship between information processing efficiency and cognitive abilities: Measures of how quickly infants lose interest in stimuli that they have previously seen, as well as their responsiveness to new stimuli, correlate moderately well with later mea sures of intelligence. Infants who are more efficient information processors during the 6 months following birth tend to have higher intelligence scores between 2 and 12 years of age, as well as higher scores on other measures of cognitive competence (Rose et al., 2009; Otsuka et al., 2014).

Although information processing efficiency during infancy relates moderately well to later IQ scores, we need to keep in mind two qualifications. Even though there is an association between early information processing capabilities and later measures of IQ, the correlation is only moderate in strength. Consequently, we should not assume that intelligence is somehow permanently fixed in infancy. (Also see the From Research to Practice feature regarding ways of promoting infants' cognitive development.)

ASSESSING INFORMATION PROCESSING APPROACHES The information pro cessing perspective on cognitive development during infancy is different from Piaget's. Rather than focusing on broad explanations of the qualitative changes that occur in in fants' capabilities, as Piaget does, information processing looks at quantitative change. Piaget sees cognitive growth occurring in fairly sudden spurts; information processing sees more gradual, step-by-step growth. (Think of the difference between a track-and field runner leaping hurdles and a slow-but-steady marathon racer. )

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Fro m Research to Pract ice

Why Formal Education Is Lost on Infa nts

Can you make babies smarter? Apparently, a lot of parents think so, because collectively

they're spending millions of dol lars exposing infants to educat ional toys and media that they hope will be beneficial to their infants ' cognitive growth. Parents who want to g ive their infant children a leg up on learning quickly find that there is no shortage of products and services that claim to do exactly that. Educational videos such as "Baby Einstein" and "Brainy Baby" promise to stimu late young minds. A wide variety of infant toys are marketed with claims that they can enhance cognitive development. And parents sometimes try i mplementing structured learning activities of thei r own design, such as flash cards, to make their babies smarter.

But do any of these strategies really work? Most evidence suggests that they don't work very well, and that i n some cases their use may even backfire and impede learning. The problem stems from the faulty assumption that i nfants learn the way older c h ildren do- that they can benefit from structu red activities that have specific learning goals. Research suggests that this approach is at odds with the way that infants actually try to make sense of their world. Whereas older c h ildren and adults take i n information in a goal-directed way, looking for solutions to defined problems, infants merely explore their surroundings i n an unplanned way. Structured learn ing experiences fail to account for this unique infant perspective (Zimmerman, Christakis, & M eltzoff, 2007; Berger et al., 2 0 1 5 ; Anderson, 201 6).

Moreover, some research shows that educational medi a not only are i neffective in promoting cognitive development, but they may actually harm it. For example, one study showed that c hi ldren who watched educational videos and DVDs between the ages of 7 and 1 6 months actually showed poorer language development, knowi ng fewer words and phrases, than those who d id not watch such media. However, the results have not received consistent support (Zimmerman, Christakis, & Meltzoff, 2007; Ferguson & Donnellon, 2014).

I n short, research does not consistently support the usefulness of strategies that seek to advance infants' cognitive development. For the moment, parents and other caretakers should follow the advice of the American Academy of Ped iatrics, that medi a exposure prior to the age of 2 should be l i m ited, particu larly during meals and an hour before bedtime. Instead, it suggests using strateg ies that have consistently be shown to be beneficial to infant cognitive development: talking, playing, reading, and singing to infants and encouraging hands-on exploration and social interaction (AAP Council on Communications and the Med ia, 201 6).

Sh ared Writ i n g Prompt: Do you think that purchasing educational toys and

media for infants is worth a try, despite the lack of scientific research supporting its use? Why? Under what cond itions might its use actually have undesirable consequences?

For example, consider how researchers using Piagetian and information pro cessing approaches would explain the cognitive advances displayed by Raisa Novak (described at the beginning of this module), who began to learn the rudiments of cause and-effect through the experience of pushing buttons to turn on devices. Piagetian theorists would focus on the naturally enfolding cognitive advances following a set pattern, considering the qualitative changes that occur in her thinking. In contrast, an information processing theorist would focus on the quantitative advances brought about by Raisa's experience.

Because information processing researchers consider cognitive development in terms of a collection of individual skills, they are often able to use more pre cise measures of cognitive ability, such as processing speed and memory recall, than proponents of Piaget's approach. Still, the precision of these individual mea sures makes it harder to get an overall sense of the nature of cognitive develop ment, something at which Piaget was a master. It's as if information processing approaches focus more on the individual pieces of the puzzle of cognitive develop ment, whereas Piagetian approaches focus more on the whole puzzle (Kagan, 2008; Quinn, 2008).

Ultimately, both Piagetian and information processing approaches provide an ac count of cognitive development in infancy. Coupled with advances in understanding the biochemistry of the brain and theories that consider the effects of social factors on learning and cognition, the two help us paint a full picture of cognitive development. (Also see the Development in Your Life box, which considers some effective strategies for promoting infants' cognitive development.)

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Deve l o p m e n t i n You r Life

What Can Yo u Do to Promote I nfants' Cog nitive Development?

Although no formal programs for promoting infants ' cognitive development have been proven to be scientifical ly val id , there are certain things can be done to su pport their cognitive development. The following suggestions, based on findings of developmental researchers, offer a starting point:

your tone of voice and the intimacy provided by the activ ity. Read ing together also is associated with later literacy skills and begins to create a lifelong read ing habit.

• Provide infants the opportunity to explore the world. As Piaget suggests, children learn by doing, and they need the opportunity to explore and probe their environment.

• Play cause-and-effect games. Provide opportunities to learn cause-and-effect through games such as repeat edly filling a container with objects or water and then dumpi ng them out.

• Be responsive to infants on both a verbal and a non verbal level. Try to speak with babies, as opposed to at them. Ask questions, listen to their responses, and provide further communication (Merlo, Bowman, & Barnett, 2007).

• Don't push infants, and don't expect too much too soon. Your goal should not be to create a genius; it should be to provide a warm, nurturing environment that will al low an infant to reach his or her potential.

• Read to your infants. Although they may not under stand the meaning of your words, they will respond to

• Finally, keep in mind that you don't have to be with an infant 24 hours a day. Just as infants need time to explore thei r world on the ir own, parents and other caregivers need time off from chi ld-care act ivities.

The Roots of Language

Vicki and Dominic were engaged in a friendly competition over whose name would be the first word their baby, Maura, said. "Say 'mama,"' Vicki would coo before handing Maura over to Dominic for a diaper change. G rin ni ng, he would take her and coax, "No, say 'daddy."' Both parents ended up losing-and winning-when Maura's first word sounded more like "baba," and seemed to refer to her bottle.

Mama. No. Cookie. Dad. Jo. Most parents can remember their baby's first word, and no wonder. It's an exciting moment, this emergence of a skill that is, arguably, unique to human beings.

But those initial words are just the first and most obvious manifestations of language. Many months previously, infants began to understand the language used by others to make sense of the world around them. How does this linguistic ability develop? What is the pattern and sequence of language development? And how does the use of language transform the cognitive world of infants and their parents? We consider these questions, and others, as we address the development of language during the first years of life.

The Fundamentals of Language : From Sounds to Symbols

LO 3. 1 3 Outline the processes by which children learn to use language.

Language, the systematic, meaningful arrangement of symbols, provides the basis for communication. But it does more than this: It is closely tied to the way we think about and understand the world. It enables us to reflect on people and objects and to convey our thoughts to others.

Language has several formal characteristics that must be mastered as linguistic competence is developed. They include the following:

• Phonology. Phonology refers to the basic sounds of language, called phonemes, that can be combined to produce words and sentences. For instance, the "a" in "mat" and the "a" in "mate" represent two different phonemes in English. Although English employs just 40 phonemes to create every word in the language, other languages have as many as 85 phonemes-and some have as few as 15 (Swingley, 2017).

• Morphemes. A morpheme is the smallest language unit that has meaning. Some morphemes are complete words, whereas others add information necessary for interpreting a word, such as the endings "-s" for plural and "-ed" for past tense.

language the systematic, meaningful arrange ment of symbols, which provides the basis for communication

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• Semantics. Semantics are the rules that govern the meaning of words and sen tences. As their knowledge of semantics develops, children are able to understand the subtle distinction between "Ellie was hit by a ball" (an answer to the question of why Ellie doesn't want to play catch) and "A ball hit Ellie" (used to announce the current situation).

In considering the development of language, we need to distinguish between lin guistic comprehension, the understanding of speech, and linguistic production, the use of language to communicate. One principle underlies the relationship between the two: Comprehension precedes production. An 18-month-old may be able to understand a complex series of directions ("Pick up your coat from the floor and put it on the chair by the fireplace") but may not yet have strung more than two words together when speaking for himself or herself. Throughout infancy, comprehension also outpaces production. For example, during infancy, comprehension of words expands at a rate of 22 new words a month, while production of words increases at a rate of about nine new words a month, once talking begins (Phung, Milojevich, & Lukowski, 2014; Kim, 2016; Swingley, 2017; Stahl & Feigenson, 2018; see Figure 3-14).

EARLY SOUNDS AND COMMUNICATION Spend 24 hours with even a very young infant and you will hear a variety of sounds: cooing, crying, gurgling, murmuring, and assorted types of other noises. These sounds, although not meaningful in themselves, play an important role in linguistic development, paving the way for true language (O'Grady & Aitchison, 2005; Martin, Onishi, & Vouloumanos, 2012; Kalashnikova & Burnham, 2018).

Prelinguistic communication is communication through sounds, facial expressions, gestures, imitation, and other nonlinguistic means. When a father responds to his daughter's "ah" with an "ah" of his own, and then the daughter repeats the sound, and the father responds once again, they are engaged in prelinguistic communication. Clearly, the "ah" sound has no particular meaning. However, its repetition, which mimics the give-and-take of conversation, teaches infants something about turn-taking and the back-and-forth of communication (Reddy, 1999; Orr, 2018).

Figure 3 - 1 4 Comprehension Precedes Prod uction Throughout i nfancy, the comprehension of speech precedes the production of speech.

SOURCE: Based on Bornstein & Lamb, 1992.

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Uses first pronoun, phrase, sentence Uses two words in combination Says five words or more Says first word Two syllables with repetition of first: "ma-ma," "da-da" Clear vocalization of several syllables Babbling Cooing One syllable

Understands two prepositions: "in," "under" Repeats things said Names a picture in a book: "dog" Understands a simple question Understands a prohibition Responds to simple commands Understands gestures and responds to "bye-bye" Discriminates between friendly and angry talking Vocalizes to social stimulation Responds and attends to speaking voice

The most obvious manifestation of prelinguistic communication is babbling. Babbling, making speechlike but meaningless sounds, starts at the age of 2 or 3 months and continues until around the age of 1 year. When they babble, infants repeat the same vowel sound over and over, changing the pitch from high to low (as in "ee-ee-ee," repeated at different pitches). After the age of 5 months, the sounds of babbling begin to expand, reflecting the addition of consonants (such as "bee-bee-bee-bee").

Babbling is a universal phenomenon, accomplished in the same way throughout all cultures. While they are babbling, infants spontaneously produce all of the sounds found in every language, not just the language they hear people around them speaking.

Babbling, which follows a prelinguistic stage of cooing, typically follows a pro gression from simple to more complex sounds. Although exposure to the sounds of a particular language does not seem to influence babbling initially, eventually expe rience does make a difference. By the age of 6 months, babbling reflects the sounds of the language to which infants are exposed. The difference between cultures is so noticeable that even untrained listeners can distinguish between babbling infants who have been raised in cultures in which French, Arabic, or Cantonese languages are spo ken. Furthermore, the speed at which infants begin homing in on their own language is related to the speed of later language development (Depaolis, Vihman, & Nakai, 2013; Masapollo, Polka, & Menard, 2015; Antovich & Graf Estes, 2018; Lee et al., 2018).

FIRST WORDS When a mother and father first hear their child say "Mama" or "Dada," or even "baba," as in the case of Maura, the baby described previously in this section, it is hard to be anything but delighted. But their initial enthusiasm may be dampened a bit when they find that the same sound is used to ask for a cookie, a doll, and a ratty old blanket.

First words generally are spoken somewhere around the age of 10 to 14 months, but may occur as early as 9 months. Once an infant starts to produce words, vocabu lary increases at a rapid rate. By the age of 15 months, the average child has a vocabu lary of 10 words and methodically expands that vocabulary until the one-word stage of language development ends at around 18 months. Once that happens, a sudden spurt in vocabulary occurs. In just a short period-a few weeks somewhere between 16 and 24 months of age-there is an explosion of language, in which a child's vocabu lary typically increases from 50 to 400 words (Nazzi & Bertoncini, 2003; McMurray, Aslin, & Toscano, 2009).

The first words in children's early vocabularies typically regard objects and things, both animate and inanimate. Most often they refer to people or objects who constantly appear and disappear ("Mama"), to animals ("kitty"), or to temporary states ("wet"). These first words are often holophrases, one-word utterances that stand for a whole phrase, whose meaning depends on the particular context in which they are used. For instance, a youngster may use the phrase "ma" to mean, depending on the context, "I want to be picked up by Mom" or "I want something to eat, Mom" or "Where's Mom?" (O'Grady & Aitchison, 2005).

Culture has an effect on the type of first words spoken. For example, unlike North American English-speaking infants, who are more apt to use nouns initially, Chinese Mandarin-speaking infants use more verbs than nouns. However, by the age of 20 months, there are remarkable cross-cultural similarities in the types of words spoken. For example, a comparison of 20-month-olds in Argentina, Belgium, France, Israel, Italy, and the Republic of Korea found that children's vocabularies in every culture contained greater proportions of nouns than other classes of words (Tardif, 1996; Bornstein, Cote, & Maita!, 2004; Andruski, Casielles, & Nathan, 2014).

FIRST SENTENCES

I When Aaron was 19 months old, he heard his mother coming up the back steps, as she did every day just before d i nner. Aaron turned to his father and distinctly said, "Ma come." In stringing those two words together, Aaron took a giant step in his language development.

The explosive increase in vocabulary that comes at around 18 months is accom panied by another accomplishment: the linking together of individual words into

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babbling making speechlike but meaningless sounds

holophrases one-word utterances that stand for a whole phrase, the meaning of which depends on the particular context in which they are used

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telegraphic speech speech in which words not critical to the message are left out

underextension the overly restrictive use of words, common among children just mas tering spoken language

overextension the overly broad use of words, over generalizing their meaning

sentences that convey a single thought. Although there is a good deal of variability in the time at which children first create two-word phrases, it is generally around 8 to 12 months after they say their first word.

The linguistic advance represented by two-word combinations is important be cause the linkage not only provides labels for things in the world but also indicates the relations between them. For instance, the combination may declare something about possession ("Mama key") or recurrent events ("Dog bark"). Interestingly, most early sentences don't represent demands or even necessarily require a response. Instead, they are often merely comments and observations about events occurring in the child's world (O'Grady & Aitchison, 2005; Rossi et al., 2012).

Two-year-olds using two-word combinations tend to employ particular sequences that are similar to the ways in which adult sentences are constructed. For instance, sen tences in English typically follow a pattern in which the subject of the sentence comes first, followed by the verb, and then the object ("Josh threw the ball"). Children's speech most often uses a similar order, although not all the words are initially in cluded. Consequently, a child might say "Josh threw" or "Josh ball" to indicate the same thought. What is significant is that the order is typically not "threw Josh" or "ball Josh," but rather the usual order of English, which makes the utterance much eas ier for an English speaker to comprehend (Hirsh-Pasek & Michnick-Golinkoff, 1995; Masataka, 2003).

Although the creation of two-word sentences represents an advance, the language used by children still is by no means adultlike. As we've just seen, 2-year-olds tend to leave out words that aren't critical to the message, similar to the way we might write a telegram for which we were paying by the word. For that reason, their talk is often called telegraphic speech. Rather than saying, "I showed you the book," a child using telegraphic speech might say, "I show book." "I am drawing a dog" might become "Drawing dog" (see Table 3-8).

Early language has other characteristics that differentiate it from the language used by adults. For instance, consider Sarah, who refers to the blanket she sleeps with as "blankie." When her Aunt Ethel gives her a new blanket, Sarah refuses to call the new one a "blankie," restricting the word to her original blanket.

Sarah's inability to generalize the label of "blankie" to blankets in general is an ex ample of underextension, using words too restrictively, which is common among chil dren just mastering spoken language. Underextension occurs when language novices think that a word refers to a specific instance of a concept, instead of to all examples of the concept (Masataka, 2003).

As infants like Sarah grow more adept with language, the opposite phenomenon sometimes occurs. In overextension, words are used too broadly, overgeneralizing their meaning. For example, when Sarah refers to buses, trucks, and tractors as "cars," she is demonstrating overextension, making the assumption that any object with wheels must be a car. Although overextension reflects speech errors, it also shows that advances are occurring in the child's thought processes: The child is beginning to de velop general mental categories and concepts (McDonough, 2002; Walaszewska, 2011).

Table 3-8 Children's I mitation of Sentences Showing Decline of Telegraphic Speech

Sample Sentences Speakers 26 months 29 months 32 months 35 months

I put on my Kim Shoes My shoes I put on shoes A shoes Darden Shoes on My shoes on Put on shoes Put on my

shoes

I will not go to Kim No bed Not go bed I not go bed I not go to bed bed Darden Not go bed I not go bed I not go to bed I will not go

bed

I want to ride Kim Pony, pony Want ride pony I want ride I want to ride the pony Darden Want pony I want pony pony pony

I want the pony A

A= accurate imitation.

SOURCE: Based on Brown & Fraser, 1 963.

Infants also show individual differences in the style of language they use. For ex ample, some use a referential style, in which language is used primarily to label ob jects. Others tend to use an expressive style, in which language is used primarily to express feelings and needs about oneself and others (Owens, 2016).

Language styles reflect, in part, cultural factors. For example, mothers in the United States label objects more frequently than do Japanese mothers, encouraging a more referential style of speech. In contrast, mothers in Japan are more apt to speak about social interactions, encouraging a more expressive style of speech (Fernald & Morikawa, 1993; Farran et al., 2016).

The Origins of Language Development

LO 3. 1 4 Differentiate the major theories o f language development, and describe how children influence adults' language.

The immense strides in language development during the preschool years raise a fundamental question: How does proficiency in language come about? Linguists are deeply divided on how to answer this question.

LEARNING THEORY APPROACHES: LANGUAGE AS A LEARNED SKILL One view of language development emphasizes the basic principles of learning. According to the learning theory approach, language acquisition follows the basic laws of re inforcement and conditioning discussed in Chapter 1 (Skinner, 1957). For instance, a child who articulates the word "da" may be hugged and praised by her father, who jumps to the conclusion that he or she is referring to him. This reaction reinforces the child, who is more likely to repeat the word. In sum, the learning theory perspective on language acquisition suggests that children learn to speak by being rewarded for making sounds that approximate speech. Through the process of shaping, language becomes more and more similar to adult speech.

There's a problem, though, with the learning theory approach. It doesn't seem to adequately explain how children acquire the rules of language as readily as they do. For instance, young children are reinforced when they make errors. Parents are apt to be just as responsive if their child says, "Why the dog won't eat?" as they are if the child phrases the question more correctly ("Why won't the dog eat?"). Both forms of the question are understood correctly, and both elicit the same response; reinforcement is provided for both correct and incorrect language usage. Under such circumstances, learning theory is hard put to explain how children learn to speak properly.

Children are also able to move beyond specific utterances they have heard, and produce novel phrases, sentences, and constructions-an ability that also cannot be explained by learning theory. Furthermore, children can apply linguistic rules to non sense words. In one study, 4-year-old children heard the nonsense verb "to pilk" in the sentence "the bear is pilking the horse." Later, when asked what was happening to the horse, they responded by placing the nonsense verb in the correct tense and voice: "He's getting pilked by the bear."

NATIVIST APPROACHES: LANGUAGE AS AN INNATE SKILL Such conceptual difficulties with the learning theory approach have led to the development of an alter native, championed by linguist Noam Chomsky and known as the nativist approach (Chomsky, 1999, 2005). The nativist approach argues that there is a genetically de termined, innate mechanism that directs the development of language. According to Chomsky, people are born with an innate capacity to use language, which emerges, more or less automatically, as a result of maturation.

Chomsky's analysis of different languages suggests that all the world's languages share a similar underlying structure, which he calls universal grammar. In this view, the human brain is wired with a neural system called the language-acquisition device (LAD) that both permits the understanding of language structure and provides a set of strategies and techniques for learning the particular characteristics of the language to which a child is exposed. In this view, language is uniquely human, made possible by a genetic predisposition to both comprehend and produce words and sentences (Bolhuis et al., 2014; Newmeyer, 2016; Yang et al., 2017).

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referential style a style oflanguage use in which language is used primarily to label objects

expressive style a style oflanguage use in which lan guage is used primarily to expres s feelings and needs about oneself and others

learning theory approach the theory that language acquisition follows the basic laws o f reinforce ment and conditioning

nativist approach the theory that a genetically deter mined, innate mechanism directs language development

universal grammar Noam Chomsky's theory that all the world's languages share a similar un derlying structure

language-acquisition device (LAD) a neural system of the brain hypoth esized to permit understanding of language

1 34 Chapter 3

infant-directed speech a type of speech directed toward in fants, characterized by short, simple sentences

Support for Chomsky's nativist approach comes from recent findings identify ing a specific gene related to speech production. Further support comes from research showing that language processing in infants involves brain structures similar to those in adult speech processing, suggesting an evolutionary basis to language (Dehaene Lambertz, Hertz-Pannier, & Dubois, 2006; Clark & Lappin, 2013; Onnis, Truzzi, & Ma, 2018).

The view that language is an innate ability unique to humans also has its critics. For instance, some researchers argue that certain primates are able to learn at least the basics of language, an ability that calls into question the uniqueness of the human linguistic capacity. Furthermore, some critics believe that infants' use of general cog nitive abilities underlies their language learning. Still others point out that although humans may be genetically primed to use language, its use still requires significant social experience for it to be used effectively (Goldberg, 2004; Ibbotson & Tomasello, 2016; Smith, 2018).

THE INTERACTIONIST APPROACHES Neither the learning theory nor the na tivist perspective fully explains language acquisition. As a result, some theorists have turned to a theory that combines both schools of thought. The interactionist perspective suggests that language development is produced through a combination of genetically determined predispositions and environmental circumstances that help teach language.

The interactionist perspective accepts that innate factors shape the broad outlines of language development. However, interactionists also argue that the specific course of language development is determined by the language to which children are ex posed and the reinforcement they receive for using language in particular ways. Social factors are considered to be key to development, because the motivation provided by one's membership in a society and culture and one's interactions with others leads to the use of language and the growth of language skills (Dixon, 2004; Yang, 2006; Graf Estes, 2014).

Just as there is support for some aspects of learning theory and nativist positions, the interactionist perspective has also received some support. We don't know, at the moment, which of these positions will ultimately provide the best explanation. More likely, different factors play different roles at different times during childhood.

INFANT-DIRECTED SPEECH Say the following sentence aloud: Do you like the applesauce?

Now pretend that you are going to ask the same question of an infant, and speak

it as you would for a young child's ears. Chances are several things happened when you translated the phrase for the in

fant. First of all, the wording probably changed, and you may have said something like, "Does baby like the applesauce?" At the same time, the pitch of your voice prob ably rose, your general intonation most likely had a singsong quality, and you prob ably separated your words carefully.

The shift in your language was as a result of your use of infant-directed speech, a style of speech that characterizes much of the verbal communication directed toward infants. This type of speech pattern used to be called motherese because it was assumed that it applied only to mothers. However, that assumption was wrong, and the gender neutral term infant-directed speech is now used more frequently.

Infant-directed speech is characterized by short, simple sentences. Pitch becomes higher, the range of frequencies increases, and intonation is more varied. There is also repetition of words, and topics are restricted to items that are assumed to be compre hensible to infants, such as concrete objects in the baby's environment (Soderstrom, 2007; Matsuda et al., 2011; Hartman, Ratner, & Newman, 2017).

Sometimes infant-directed speech includes amusing sounds that are not even words, imitating the prelinguistic speech of infants. In other cases, it has little formal structure, but it is similar to the kind of telegraphic speech that infants use as they de velop their own language skills.

Infant-directed speech changes as children become older. Around the end of the first year, infant-directed speech takes on more adultlike qualities. Sentences become

Infancy 135

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Infant-directed speech, which is common across cultures, includes the use of short, simple sentences and is spoken in a pitch that is higher than

that used with older children and adults.

longer and more complex, although individual words are still spoken slowly and deliberately. Pitch is also used to focus attention on particularly important words (Soderstrom et al., 2008; Kitamura & Lam, 2009; Yamamoto & Haryu, 2018).

Infant-directed speech plays an important role in infants' acquisition of lan guage. As discussed in the Cultural Dimensions box, infant-directed speech occurs all over the world, though there are cultural variations. Newborns prefer such speech to regular language, a fact that suggests that they may be particularly receptive to it. Furthermore, some research suggests that babies who are exposed to a great deal of infant-directed speech early in life seem to begin to use words and exhibit other forms of linguistic competence earlier (Bergelson & Swingley, 2012; Frank, Tenenbaum, & Fernald, 2013; Eaves et al., 2016).

C u lt u ra l Di m e n s i o n s

Is I nfant- Directed Speech S i m i l a r Across All C u ltures?

Do mothers in the U n ited States, Sweden, and Russia speak the same way to their infants?

I n some respects, they cl early do. Although the words themselves differ across languages, the way the words are spoken to infants is quite simi lar. Accordi ng to a growing body of research, there are basic sim i larities across cultures in the nature of infant-d irected speech (Werker et al., 2007; Fais et al., 201 O; Broesch & Bryant, 201 5).

For example, 6 of the 1 0 most freq uent major characteristics of speech directed at infants used by native speakers of Engli sh and Spanish are common to both languages: exaggerated intonation, high pitch, lengthened vowels, repet ition, lower vol ume, and heavy stress on certain

key words (such as emphasizing the word "ball" in the sentence, "No, that's a ball") (Blount, 1 982). Simi larly, mothers in the United States, Sweden, and Russia all exaggerate and elongate the pronunciation of the three vowel sounds of "ee," "ah," and "oh" when speaking to infants in simi lar ways, desp ite d ifferences in the languages in which the sounds are used (Kuhl et al., 1 997).

Even deaf mothers use a form of infant-directed speech: When commun icating with their infants, deaf mothers use sign language at a significantly slower tempo than when communi cating with adults, and they frequently repeat the signs (Swanson, Leonard, & Gandour, 1 992; Masataka, 2000).

From an educator's perspective: How do you think the use of infant directed speech helps infants learn language?

1 36 Chapter 3

Review, C h eck, and Apply Review

LO 3.9 Summarize the fundamental features of Piaget's theory of cognitive development, and describe the sensorimotor stage.

Piaget's theory of human development involves a succes sion of stages through which children progress from birth to adolescence. As infants move from one stage to another, the way they understand the world changes. The sensorimotor stage has six substages. The sensorimotor stage, from birth to about 2 years, involves a gradual progression through simple reflexes, single coordinated activities, interest in the outside world, purposeful combinations of activities, manipulation of actions to produce desired outcomes, and symbolic thought.

LO 3.10 Summarize the arguments both in support of and critical of Piaget's theory of cognitive development.

Although Piaget's theory accurately describes cognitive development in the broad sense, many specifics of the the ory, particularly the age at which various skills develop, has been challenged.

LO 3.1 1 Describe how information processing ap proaches explain cognitive development in infants, and summarize the memory capabilities of infants in the first 2 years of life.

Information processing approaches to the study of cogni tive development seek to learn how individuals receive, organize, store, and retrieve information. Such approaches differ from Piaget's theory by considering quantitative changes in children's ability to process information. Infants have memory capabilities from their earliest days, although the accuracy of infant memories is a matter of debate.

Check Yourself

1. According to Piaget, children can move from one cog- nitive stage to another only when a child ___ _ and is exposed to relevant experiences.

a. is adequately nourished b. is born with a genetic predisposition for learning c. has constructed a mental sense of the world d. reaches an appropriate level of physical maturation

2. Unlike Piaget's approach to cognitive development, which stresses the changes that occur in infants' capabilities, the information processing approach to cog- nitive development emphasizes the changes.

a . gross motor; fine motor b. qualitative; quantitative c. sensory; perceptual d. explicit; implicit

Applying Lifespan Development

LO 3. 1 2 Explain how infant intelligence is measured using information processing approaches.

Traditional measures of infant intelligence, such as Gesell's developmental quotient and the Bayley Scales of Infant Development, focus on average behavior observed at particu lar ages in large numbers of children. Information processing approaches to assessing intelligence rely on variations in the

speed and quality with which infants process information.

LO 3.13 Outline the processes by which children learn to use language.

Prelinguistic communication involves the use of sounds, ges tures, facial expressions, imitation, and other nonlinguistic means to express thoughts and states. Prelinguistic commu nication prepares infants for speech. Infants typically produce their first words between the ages of 10 and 14 months. At around 18 months, children typically begin to link words to gether into primitive sentences that express single thoughts. Beginning speech is characterized by the use of holophrases, telegraphic speech, underextension, and overextension.

LO 3. 1 4 Differentiate the major theories of language de velopment, and describe how children influence adults' language.

Learning theorists believe that basic learning processes account for language development, whereas nativists like Noam Chomsky and his followers argue that humans have an innate language capacity. The interactionists suggest that language is a consequence of both environmental and innate factors. In using infant-directed speech, adults shift their use of language to a higher pitch and a style of speech using, short, simple sentences.

3. Like other 2-year-olds, Mason can say "Doggie bye, bye" and "Milk gone." These two-word phrases are examples of speech.

a. holophrastic b. telegraphic c. interpretive d. active

4. One theory, the approach, suggests that a genetically determined, innate mechanism directs lan guage development.

a. nativist b. universal c. learning theory d. evolutionary

What are some ways in which children's linguistic development reflects their acquisition of new ways of interpreting and dealing with their world?

M o d u l e 3 . 3 Social and Personality Development in Infancy

Emotional Rollercoaster

Infancy 137

Chan telle Evans has always been a happy baby. That's why her way children are treated depending on th eir gender. We'll consider

mother Michelle was so surprised to find her 10-month-old daughter the nature of family life and look at the advantages and disadvantages

in tears when she returned to pick her up from a neighbor after having of infant child care outside the home, a child-care option that today's

lunch with friends. "Chantelle knows Janine," Michelle says. "She families increasingly employ.

sees her regularly out in the yard. I don 't understand why she was

so unhappy. I was only away for 2 hours." Janine told Michelle she

had tried everything -rocking Chantelle, singing to her-but nothing

helped. It wasn 't until Chantelle, red-faced, tears streaming, saw her

mother again that she smiled.

M ich elle Evans will someday be able to have l u nch with friends

without worrying that her daug hter is miserable, but Chantelle's

reaction is perfectly normal for a 1 0- month -old baby. In this module

we c onsider social and personal ity development in infancy. We

begin by exami ning the emotional lives of infants, considerin g which

emotion s they feel and how well th ey can read others' emotions.

We look at how babies view their own and ot hers ' mental lives.

We then tum to infants' social relationships. We look at how

they forge bonds of attachment and the ways they interact with

family members and peers. Finally, we cover the characteristics that

differentiate one infant from another and discuss differences in the

Developing the Roots of Sociability

Typically, infants begin to display stranger anxiety near the end

of the first year of life.

I Germaine smiles when he catches a g li mpse of his mother. Tawanda looks angry when her mother takes away the spoon that she is playing with. Sydney scowls when a loud plane fl ies overhead. A smile. A look of anger. A scowl. The emotions of infancy are written all over a baby's face. Yet do infants experience emotions in the same way that adults do? When do they become capable of understanding what others are experiencing emotionally? And how do they use others' emotional states to make sense of their environment? We consider some of these questions as we seek to understand how infants develop emotionally and socially.

Emotions in Infancy: Do Infants Experience Emotional Highs and Lows?

LO 3. 1 5 Discuss how children express and experience emotions in the first 2 years of life, and summarize the development of social referencing.

Anyone who spends any time at all around infants knows they display facial expres sions that seem indicative of their emotional states. In situations in which we expect them to be happy, they seem to smile; when we might assume they are frustrated, they show anger; and when we might expect them to be unhappy, they look sad.

In fact, these basic facial expressions are remarkably similar across the most di verse cultures. Whether we look at babies in India, the United States, or the jungles of New Guinea, the expression of basic emotions is the same. Furthermore, the nonverbal expression of emotion, called nonverbal encoding, is fairly consistent among people of all ages. These consistencies have led researchers to conclude that we are born with the capacity to display basic emotions (Ackerman & Izard, 2004; Bornstein, Suwalsky, & Breakstone, 2012; Rajhans et al., 2016).

Infants display a fairly wide range of emotional expressions. Almost all mothers report that by the age of 1 month their babies have nonverbally expressed interest and joy. Careful coding of infants' nonverbal expressions shows that interest, distress, and disgust are pres ent at birth, and that other emotions emerge over the next few months. Such findings are

138 Chapter 3

consistent with the work of the famous naturalist Charles Darwin, whose 1872 book The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals argued that humans and primates have an inborn, universal set of emotional expressions-a view consistent with today's evolution ary approach to development (Benson, 2003; Macl�an et al., 2014; Smith & Weiss, 2017; Webb, Ayers, & Andress, 2018).

Although infants display similar kinds of emotions, the de gree of emotional expressivity varies among infants. Children in different cultures show reliable differences in emotional ex pressiveness, even during infancy. For example, by the age of 11 months, Chinese infants are generally less expressive than European, American, and Japanese infants (Camras et al., 2007; Izard, Woodburn, & Finlon, 2010; Easterbrooks et al., 2013). STRANGER ANXIETY AND SEPARATION ANXIETY

Across every culture, infants show similar facial expressions

relating to basic emotions, such as this smile of joy. Do you think

such expressions are similar in nonhuman animals? I "She used to be such a friendly baby," thought Eri ka's mother. "No matter whom she encountered , she had a big smile. But al most the day she turned 7 months old, she began to react to

stranger anxiety the caution and wariness displayed by infants when encountering an un familiar person

separation anxiety the distress displayed by infants when a customary care provider departs

I strangers as if she were seeing a ghost. Her face crinkles up with a frown, and she either turns away or stares at them with suspicion. It's as if she has undergone a personality transplant."

What happened to Erika is, in fact, quite typical. By the end of the first year, infants often develop both stranger anxiety and separation anxiety. Stranger anxiety is the caution and wariness displayed by infants when encountering an unfamiliar person. Such anxiety typically appears in the second half of the first year.

What brings on stranger anxiety? Brain development and the increased cognitive abilities of infants play a role. As infants' memory develops, they are able to separate the people they know from the people they don't. The same cognitive advances that allow them to respond so positively to those people with whom they are familiar also give them the ability to recognize people who are unfamiliar. Furthermore, between 6 and 9 months, infants begin trying to make sense of their world, trying to anticipate and predict events. When something happens that they don't expect-such as the ap pearance of an unknown person-they experience fear. It's as if an infant has a ques tion but is unable to answer it (Volker, 2007; Mash, Bornstein, & Arterberry, 2013).

Separation anxiety is the distress displayed by infants when a customary care provider departs. Separation anxiety, which is also universal across cultures, usually begins at about 7 or 8 months (see Figure 3-15). It peaks around 14 months, and then

Figure 3 - 1 5 Separation Anxiety Separat ion anxiety, the distress displayed by infants when their usual care provider leaves their presence, is a un iversal phenomenon begi nning at around the age of 7 or 8 months. It peaks at around the age of 14 months and then begins to decline. Does separation anxiety have survival val ue for humans?

SOURCE: Based on Kagan, J., Kearsley, R., & Zelazo, P. R. (1 978). Infancy: Its place in human development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

100

0 5 1 0 1 5 2 0 25 30 35

Age in Months

- - African Bushman • • • • Antigua, Guatemala - Israeli Kibbutz

decreases. Separation anxiety is largely attributable to the same reasons as stranger anxiety. Infants' growing cognitive skills allow them to ask reasonable questions, but they may be questions that they are too young to understand the answer to: "Why is my mother leaving?" "Where is she going?" and "Will she come back?"

Stranger anxiety and separation anxiety represent important social progress. They reflect both cognitive advances and the growing emotional and social bonds between infants and their caregivers-bonds that we'll consider later in the module when we discuss infants' social relationships.

SMILING

I As Luz lay sleeping i n her crib, her mother and father caught a glimpse of the most beautiful smile crossing her face. Her parents were sure that Luz was having a pleasant dream. Were they right? Probably not. The earliest smiles expressed during sleep probably have little mean ing, although no one can be absolutely sure. By 6 to 9 weeks of age, babies begin to smile reliably at the sight of stimuli that please them, including toys, mobiles, and-to the delight of parents-people. The first smiles tend to be relatively indiscriminate because infants first begin to smile at the sight of almost anything they find amusing. However, as they get older, they become more selective in their smiles.

A baby's smile in response to another person, rather than to nonhuman stimuli,

is considered a social smile. As babies get older, their social smiles become directed toward particular individuals, not just anyone. By the age of 1 8 months, social smil ing, directed more toward mothers and other caregivers, becomes more frequent than smiling directed toward nonhuman objects. Moreover, if an adult is unresponsive to a child, the amount of smiling decreases. In short, by the end of the second year chil dren are quite purposefully using smiling to communicate their positive emotions, and they are sensitive to the emotional expressions of others (Reissland & Cohen, 2012; Wormann et al., 2014; Bai, Repetti, & Sperling, 2016).

DECODING OTHERS' FACIAL EXPRESSIONS In Chapter 2, we discussed the pos sibility that neonates can imitate adults' facial expressions even minutes after birth. Although their imitative abilities certainly do not imply that they can understand the meaning of others' facial expressions, such imitation does pave the way for nonverbal decoding abilities, which begin to emerge fairly soon. Using these abilities, infants can in terpret others' facial and vocal expressions that carry emotional meaning. For example, they can tell when a caregiver is happy to see them and pick up on worry or fear in the faces of others (Hernandez-Reif et al., 2006; Striano & Yaish, 2006; Hoehl et al., 2012).

In the first 6 to 8 weeks, infants' visual precision is sufficiently limited that they cannot pay much attention to others' facial expressions. But they soon begin to dis criminate among different facial expressions of emotion and even seem to be able to respond to differences in emotional intensity conveyed by facial expressions. By the time they reach the age of 4 months, infants already have begun to understand the emotions that lie behind the facial and vocal expressions of others (Farroni et al., 2007; Kim & Johnson, 2013; Cong et al., 2018). SOCIAL REFERENCING: FEELING WHAT OTHERS FEEL

Twenty-three-month-o ld Stephania watches as her older brother Eric and his friend Chen argue loudly with each other and begin to wrestle. Uncertain of what is happening, Stephan ia glances at her mother. Her mother, though, wears a smile, knowing that Eric and Chen are just playing. On seeing her mother's reaction, Stephania smi les too , mimick ing her mother's facial expression.

Like Stephania, most of us have been in situations in which we feel uncertain. In such cases, we sometimes tum to others to see how they are reacting. This reliance on others, known as social referencing, helps us decide what an appropriate response ought to be.

Social referencing is the intentional search for information about others' feelings to help explain the meaning of uncertain circumstances and events. Like Stephania, we use social referencing to clarify the meaning of a situation and so to reduce our uncer tainty about what is occurring.

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social referencing the intentional search for informa tion about others' feelings to help explain the meaning of uncertain circumstances and events

1 40 Chapter 3

self-awareness knowledge o f oneself

theory of mind knowledge and beliefs about how the mind works and how it affects behavior

Social referencing first occurs around the age of 8 or 9 months. It is a fairly so phisticated social ability: Infants need it not only to understand the significance of others' behavior, by using such cues as their facial expressions, but also to understand the meaning of those behaviors within the context of a specific situation (Hepach & Westermann, 2013; Mireault et al., 2014; Walle, Reschke, & Knothe, 2017).

From a social worker's perspective: In what situations do adults rely on social referencing to work out appropriate responses? How might social referenc ing be used to influence parents' behavior toward their children?

The Development of Self

LO 3.16 Describe the sense of self that children possess in the first 2 years of life, including the development of a theory of mind.

Do infants know who they are? And what are their thoughts about thinking? We con sider the following questions next.

SELF-AWARENESS

Elysa, 8 months old, crawl s past the full-length mirror that hangs on a door in her parents' bedroom. She barely pays any attention to her reflection as she moves by. On the other hand, her cousi n Brianna, who is almost 2 years old, stares at herself in the m i rror as she passes and laughs as she notices, and then rubs off a smear of jelly on her forehead.

Perhaps you have had the experience of catching a glimpse of yourself in a mirror and noticing a hair out of place. You probably reacted by attempting to push the unruly hair back into place. Your reaction shows more than that you care about how you look. It implies that you have a sense of yourself, the awareness and knowledge that you are an independent social entity to which others react, and which you attempt to present to the world in ways that reflect favorably upon you.

However, we are not born with the knowledge that we exist independently from others and the larger world. Very young infants do not have a sense of themselves as individuals; they do not recognize themselves in photos or mirrors. However, the roots of self-awareness, knowledge of oneself, begin to grow after the age of 12 months.

We know this from a simple but ingenious experimental technique in which an infant's nose is secretly colored with a dab of red powder. Then the infant is seated in front of a mirror. If infants touch their noses or attempt to wipe off the rouge, we have evidence that they have at least some knowledge of their physical characteris tics. Although some infants as young as 12 months seem startled on seeing the rouge spot, for most a reaction does not occur until between 17 and 24 months of age. This awareness is one step in infants' understanding of themselves as independent objects (Rochat, 2004; Brownell et al., 2010; Rochat, Broesch, & Jayne, 2012).

THEORY OF MIND: INFANTS' PERSPECTIVES ON THE MENTAL LIVES OF OTHERS AND THEMSELVES Infants begin to under stand certain things about their own and others' mental processes at quite an early age, starting to develop a theory of mind, their knowl edge and beliefs about how the mind works and how it influences behavior. Theories of mind are the explanations that children use to explain how others think.

For instance, cognitive advances during infancy that we dis cussed earlier in this chapter permit older infants to see people in a different way from other objects. They learn to see other people as compliant agents, beings similar to themselves who behave under their own power and who have the capacity to respond to infants' requests (Rochat, 2004; Slaughter & Peterson, 2012).

Research suggests that this 18-month-old baby is exhibiting a

clearly developing sense of self.

In addition, children's capacity to understand intentional ity and causality grows during infancy. For example, 10- and 13-month-olds are able to mentally represent social dominance,

believing that larger size is related to the ability to dominate other, smaller sized individu als and objects. Furthermore, infants have a kind of innate morality, in which they show a preference for helpfulness (Sloane, Baillargeon, & Premack, 2012; Ruffman, 2014; Yott & Poulin-Dubois, 2016).

Furthermore, as early as 18 months, they begin to understand that others' behaviors have meaning and that the behaviors they see people enacting are designed to accomplish particular goals, in contrast to the "behaviors" of inanimate objects. For example, a child comes to understand that his father has a specific goal when he is in the kitchen making sandwiches. In contrast, his father's car is simply parked in the driveway, having no men tal life or goal (Ahn, Gelman, & Amsterlaw, 2000; Wellman et al., 2008; Senju et al., 2011).

Another piece of evidence for infants' growing sense of mental activity is that by the age of 2, infants begin to demonstrate the rudiments of empathy. Empathy is an emotional response that corresponds to the feelings of another person. At 24 months of age, infants sometimes comfort others or show concern for them. To do this, they need to be aware of the emotional states of others. For example, 1-year-olds are able to pick up emotional cues by observing the behavior of an actress on television (Legerstee, 2014; Xu, Saether, & Sommerville, 2016; Peltola, Yrttiaho, & Leppanen, 2018).

Furthermore, during their second year, infants begin to use deception, both in games of "pretend" and in outright attempts to fool others. A child who plays "pretend" and who uses falsehoods must be aware that others hold beliefs about the world-beliefs that can be manipulated.

In short, by the end of infancy children have developed the rudiments of their own personal theory of mind. It helps them understand the actions of others and it affects their own behavior. Still, theory of mind is not fully developed during infancy and grows in sophistication as children continue to age (Caron, 2009).

Forming Relationships Luis Camacho, now 38, clearly remembers the feeli ngs that haunted him on the way to the hospital to meet his new sister Katy. Though he was only 4 at the time, that day of in famy is still vivid to h i m today. Luis would n o longer be the only kid i n the house; he would have to share his life with a baby sister. She would play with his toys, read his books, and be with him i n the back seat of the car.

What really bothered him, of course, was that he would have to share his parents' love and attention with a new person. And not just any new person-a girl, who would auto matically have a lot of advantages. Katy would be cuter, needier, more demanding, more interesting- more everything-than he. He would be underfoot at best, neglected at worst.

Luis also knew that he was expected to be cheerful and welcoming. So he put on a brave face at the hospital and walked without hesitation to the room where h i s mother and Katy were waiting.

The arrival of a newborn brings a dramatic change to a family's dynamics. No matter how welcome a baby's birth, it causes a fundamental shift in the roles that people play within the family. Mothers and fathers must start to build a relationship with their infant, and older children must adjust to the presence of a new member of the family and build their own alliance with their infant brother or sister.

Although the process of social development during infancy is neither simple nor automatic, it is crucial: The bonds that grow between infants and their parents, siblings, family, and others provide the foundation for a lifetime's worth of social relationships.

Attachment: Forming Social Bonds

LO 3.17 Explain attachment in infancy, how it affects a person's future social competence, and the roles that caregivers play in infants' social development.

The most important aspect of social development that takes place during infancy is the formation of attachment. Attachment is the positive emotional bond that devel ops between a child and a particular, special individual. When children experience

Infancy 141

empathy an emotional response that cor responds to the feelings of another person

attachment the positive emotional bond that de velops between a child and a particu lar individual

1 42 Chapter 3

Ainsworth Strange Situation a sequence of staged episodes that illustrate the strength of attachment between a child and (typically) his or her mother

secure attachment pattern a style of attachment in which chil dren use the mother as a kind of home base and are at ease when she is present; when she leaves, they be come upset and go to her as soon as she returns

attachment to a given person, they feel pleasure when they are with them and feel comforted by their presence at times of distress. The nature of our attachment during infancy affects how we relate to others throughout the rest of our lives (Bergman et al., 2015; Kim et al., 2017; Zajac et al., 2018).

To understand attachment, the earliest researchers turned to the bonds that form between parents and children in the nonhuman animal kingdom. For instance, etholo gist Konrad Lorenz (1965) observed newborn goslings, who have an innate tendency to follow their mother, the first moving object to which they typically are exposed after birth. Lorenz found that goslings hatched from an incubator, who viewed him just after hatching, would follow his every movement, as if he were their mother. As we dis cussed in Chapter 1, he labeled this process imprinting: behavior that takes place during a critical period and involves attachment to the first moving object that is observed.

Lorenz's findings suggested that attachment was based on biologically determined factors, and other theorists agreed. For instance, Freud suggested that attachment grew out of a mother 's ability to satisfy a child's oral needs. Similarly, British psychiatrist John Bowlby (1951) argued that attachment is based primarily on infants' needs for safety and security. As they develop, infants come to learn that their safety is best pro vided by a particular individual, typically the mother, and they develop a relationship with the primary caregiver that is qualitatively different from the bonds formed with others. In his view, attachment provides a type of home base. As children become more independent, they can progressively roam further away from their secure base.

THE AINSWORTH STRANGE SITUATION AND PATTERNS OF ATTACHMENT Developmental psychologist Mary Ainsworth built on Bowlby's theorizing to de velop a widely used experimental technique to measure attachment (Ainsworth et al., 1978). The Ainsworth Strange Situation consists of a sequence of staged episodes that illustrate the strength of attachment between a child and (typically) his or her mother.

The "strange situation" follows this general eight-step pattern: (1) The mother and baby enter an unfamiliar room; (2) the mother sits down, leaving the baby free to ex plore; (3) an adult stranger enters the room and converses first with the mother and then with the baby; (4) the mother exits the room, leaving the baby alone with the stranger; (5) the mother returns, greeting and comforting the baby, and the stranger leaves; (6) the mother departs again, leaving the baby alone; (7) the stranger returns; and (8) the mother returns and the stranger leaves.

Infants' reactions to the various aspects of the Strange Situation vary consid erably, depending on the nature of their attachment to their mothers. One-year olds typically show one of four major patterns-secure, avoidant, ambivalent, and disorganized-disoriented (summarized in Table 3-9). Children who have a secure attachment pattern use the mother as the type of home base that Bowlby described. These children seem at ease in the Strange Situation as long as their mothers are pres ent. They explore independently, returning to her occasionally. Although they may or may not appear upset when she leaves, securely attached children immediately go to her when she returns and seek contact. Most North American children-about two thirds-fall into the securely attached category.

Table 3-9 Classifications of Infant Attachment

' Classification Criteria Seeking Maintaining Avoiding Resisting Proxi mity with Contact with Proximity with Contact with

, Label Caregiver Caregiver Caregiver Caregiver

Avoidant Low Low High Low

Secure High High (if Low Low distressed)

Ambivalent High High (often Low High preseparation)

Disorganized-disoriented Inconsistent Inconsistent Inconsistent Inconsistent

In contrast, children with an avoidant attachment pattern do not seek proximity to the mother, and after she has left, they typically do not seem distressed. Furthermore, they seem to avoid her when she returns. It is as if they are indifferent to her behavior. Some 20 percent of 1-year-old children are in the avoidant category.

Children with an ambivalent attachment pattern display a combination of posi tive and negative reactions to their mothers. Initially, ambivalent children are in such close contact with the mother that they hardly explore their environment. They appear anxious even before the mother leaves, and when she does leave, they show great dis tress. But upon her return, they show ambivalent reactions, seeking to be close to her but also hitting and kicking, apparently in anger. About 10 to 15 percent of 1-year-olds fall into the ambivalent classification (Cassidy & Berlin, 1994; Meins, 2016).

Although Ainsworth identified only three categories, a more recent expansion of her work finds that there is a fourth category: disorganized-disoriented. Children who have a disorganized-disoriented attachment pattern show inconsistent, contradic tory, and confused behavior. They may run to the mother when she returns but not look at her, or seem initially calm and then suddenly break into angry weeping. Their confusion suggests that they may be the least securely attached children of all. About 5 to 10 percent of all children fall into this category (Cole, 2005; Bernier & Meins, 2008; Reijman, Foster, & Duschinsky, 2018).

The quality of attachment between infants and their mothers has significant conse quences for relationships at later stages of life. For example, boys who are securely at tached at the age of 1 year show fewer psychological difficulties at older ages than do avoidant or ambivalent children. Similarly, children who are securely attached as infants tend to be more socially and emotionally competent later, and others view them more positively (Simpson et al., 2007; MacDonald et al., 2008; Bergman, Blom, & Polyak, 2012).

In cases in which the development of attachment has been severely disrupted, children may suffer from reactive attachment disorder, a psychological problem charac terized by extreme problems in forming attachments to others. In young children, it results in feeding difficulties, unresponsiveness to social overtures from others, and a general failure to thrive. Reactive attachment disorder is rare and typically the result of abuse or neglect (Hornor, 2008; Schechter & Willheirn, 2009; Puckering et al., 2011).

PRODUCING ATTACHMENT: THE ROLES OF MOTHER AND FATHER

As 5-month-old Annie cries passionately, her mother comes into the room and gently lifts her from her crib. After just a few moments, as her mother rocks Annie and speaks softly, Annie's cries cease, and she cuddles in her mother's arms. But the moment her mother places her back in the crib, Annie begins to wail again , leading her mother to pick her up once again.

The pattern is familiar to most parents. Infants cry, the parent reacts, and the infant responds in turn. Such seemingly insignificant sequences as these, repeatedly occur ring in the lives of infants and parents, help pave the way for the development of relationships between children, their parents, and the rest of the social world. We'll consider how each of the major caregivers and infants play a role in the development of attachment.

From a social worker's perspective: What might a social worker seeking to find a good home for a foster child look for when evaluating potential foster parents?

Mothers and Attac hment Sensitivity to their infants' needs and desires is the hall mark of mothers of securely attached infants. Such a mother tends to be aware of her child's moods, and she takes into account her child's feelings as they interact. She is also responsive during face-to-face interactions, provides feeding "on demand," and is warm and affectionate to her infant (McElwain & Booth-Laforce, 2006; Priddis & Howieson, 2009; Evans, Whittingham, & Boyd, 2012).

Infancy 1 43

avoidant attachment pattern a style of attachment in which chil dren do not seek proximity to the mother; after the mother has left, they seem to avoid her when she returns as if they are angered by her behavior

ambivalent attachment pattern a style of attachment in which chil dren display a combination of posi tive and negative reactions to their mothers

disorganized-disoriented attachment pattern a style of attachment in which children show inconsistent, often contradictory behavior, such as approaching the mother when she returns but not looking at her

A growing body of research high

lights the importance of a father's

demonstration of love for his

children. In fact, certain disorders

such as depression and substance

abuse have been found to be more

related to fathers' than to mothers'

behavior.

144 Chapter 3

It is not only a matter of responding in any fashion to their in fants' signals that separates mothers of securely attached and inse curely attached children. Mothers of secure infants tend to provide the appropriate level of response. In fact, overly responsive moth ers are just as likely to have insecurely attached children as under responsive mothers. In contrast, mothers whose communication involves interactional synchrony-in which caregivers respond to infants appropriately and both caregiver and child match emo tional states-are more likely to produce secure attachment (Hane, Feldstein, & Demetz, 2003; Ambrose & Menna, 2013). Fathers and Attachment Up to now, we've barely touched on one of the key players involved in the upbringing of a child: the father. In fact, if you looked at the early theorizing and research on attachment, you'd find little mention of the father and his potential contributions to the life of infants (Freeman, Newland, & Coyl, 2010; Palm, 2014).

Japanese parents seek to avoid separation and stress during in

fancy and do not foster independence. As a result, Japanese chil

dren often have the appearance of being less securely attached

according to the Strange Situation, but using other measurement

techniques they may well score higher in attachment.

However, it has become increasingly clear that-despite soci etal norms that sometimes relegate fathers to secondary childrear ing roles-infants can form their primary initial relationship with their fathers. Indeed, much of what we have said about mothers' attachment also applies to fathers. For example, fathers' expres sions of nurturance, warmth, affection, support, and concern are extremely important to their children's emotional and social well being. Furthermore, some psychological disorders, such as sub

stance abuse and depression, have been found to be related more to fathers' than mothers' behavior (Roelofs et al., 2006; Condon et al., 2013; Braungart-Rieker et al., 2015).

Infants' social bonds extend beyond their parents, especially as they grow older. For example, one study found that although most infants formed their first primary relationship with one person, around one-third had multiple relationships, and it was often difficult to determine which attachment was primary. Furthermore, by the time the infants were 18 months old, most had formed multiple relationships. In sum, infants may develop attachments not only to their mothers, but also to a variety of others (Booth, Kelly, & Spieker, 2003; Seibert & Kerns, 2009; Dagan & Sagi, 2018; see also the Cultural Dimensions box).

C u lt u ral D i m e n s i o n s

Does Atta chment Differ Across Cultures?

John Bowlby's observat ions of the biologically motivated efforts of the young of other species to seek safety and security were the basis for h i s views on attachment and his reason for suggesti ng that seeking attachment was biologically universal , an effort that we should find not only i n other species, b u t also among humans o f all cu ltures.

Research has shown that human attachment is not as culturally u n iversal as Bowlby predicted. Certain attachment patterns seem more likely among infants of particular cultures. For example, one study of German infants showed that most fell into the avoidant category. Other studies, conducted in Israel and Japan, have found a smaller proportion of infants who were securely attached than in the United States. Fi nally, comparisons of Chinese and Canadian chi ldren show that Chinese children are more inhi bited than Canadians in the Strange Situation (Rothbaum et al., 2000; Tom linson, Murray, & Cooper, 201 O; Kieffer, 201 2).

Do such find ings suggest that we should abandon the notion that attachment i s a universal biological tendency? Not necessarily. Most of the data on attachment have been obtai ned by using the Ainsworth Stran ge Situation, which may not be the most appropriate measure in non-Western cultures. For example, Japanese parents seek to avo id separation and stress during infancy, and they don't strive to foster independence to the same degree as parents in many Western societies. Because of their relative lack of prior experience i n separation, infants placed i n the Strange Situation may experience unusual stress - producing the appearance of less secure attach ment in Japanese children. I f a different measure of attachment were used, one that might be administered later in infancy, more Japanese infants could likely be classified as secure. I n short, attachment is affected by cultural norms and expectations (Vereijken, Riksen-Walraven, & Kondo-lkem ura, 1 997; Dennis, Cole, & Zahn-Waxler, 2002; Archer et al., 201 5).

Infants' Sociability With Their Peers: Infant-Infant Interaction

LO 3. 1 8 Discuss the development of peer relationships in infancy.

Although it is clear that they do not form "friendships" in the traditional sense, babies do react positively to the presence of peers from early in life, and they engage in rudi mentary forms of social interaction.

Infants' sociability is expressed in several ways. From the earliest months of life, they smile, laugh, and vocalize while looking at their peers. They show more interest in peers than in inanimate objects and pay greater attention to other infants than they do to a mirror image of themselves. They also begin to show preferences for peers with whom they are familiar compared with those they do not know. For example, studies of iden tical twins show that twins exhibit a higher level of social behavior toward each other than toward an tmfarniliar infant (Eid et al., 2003; Legerstee, 2014; Kawakami, 2014).

Infants' level of sociability rises with age. Nine- to 12-month-olds mutually present and accept toys, particularly if they know each other. They also play social games, such as peekaboo or crawl-and-chase. Such behavior is important because it serves as a foundation for future social exchanges in which children will try to elicit responses from others and then offer reactions to those responses. These kinds of exchanges are important to learn, because they continue even into adulthood. For example, someone who says, "Hi, what's up?" may be trying to elicit a response to which he or she can then reply (Endo, 1992; Eckerman & Peterman, 2001).

Finally, as infants age, they begin to imitate each other. For instance, 3-month-old infants who are familiar with one another sometimes reproduce each other's behavior and vocalizations. Such imitation serves a social function and can also be a powerful teaching tool (Ray & Heyes, 2011; Brownell, 2016; Pelaez, Borroto, & Carrow, 2018).

To some developmentalists, the capacity of young children to engage in imitation suggests that imitation may be inborn. In support of this view, research has identified a class of neurons in the brain that seems related to an innate ability to imitate. Mirror neurons are neurons that fire not only when an individual enacts a particular behavior, but also when the individual simply observes another organism carrying out the same behavior (Falck-Ytter et al., 2006; Paulus, 2014).

For example, research on brain functioning shows activation of the inferior fron tal gyrus both when an individual carries out a particular task and when observing another individual carrying out the same task. Mirror neurons may help infants understand others' actions, to develop a theory of mind, and to show goal-directed behavior from the time of birth. Dysfunction of mirror neurons may be related to the development of disorders involving children's theory of mind as well as au tism spectrum disorder, a psychological disorder involving significant emotional and linguistic problems (Welsh et al., 2009; von Hofsten & Rosander, 2015; Hanawa et al., 2016).

Differences Among Infants

Lincoln was a d ifficult baby; his parents both agreed. For one thing, it seemed like they could never get him to sleep at night. He cried at the slightest noise-a problem because his cri b was near the windows facing a busy street. Worse yet, once he started crying, it seemed to take forever to calm h im down again. One day his mother, Aisha, was tell ing her mother-in- law, Mary, about the challenges of being Lincoln's morn. Mary recalled that her own son, Lincoln's father, M alcom, had been much the same way. "He was my first child, and I thought this was how all babies acted. So, we just kept trying different ways until we found out how he worked. I remember, we put his crib all over the apartment until we finally found out where he could sleep, and it ended up being in the hal lway for a long time. Then his sister, Maleah, came along, and she was so quiet and easy, I d id n't know what to do with my extra time!"

As the story of Lincoln's family shows, babies are not all alike, and neither are their families. In fact, as we'll see, some of the differences among people seem to be pres ent from the moment we are born. The differences among infants include overall

Infancy 1 45

1 46 Chapter 3

personality the sum total of the enduring char acteristics that differentiate one indi vidual from another

Erikson's theory of psychosocial development the theory that considers how indi viduals come to understand them selves and the meaning of others' and their own-behavior

trust-versus-mistrust stage according to Erik Erikson, the period during which infants develop a sense of trust or mistrust, largely depend ing on how well their needs are met by their caregivers

autonomy-versus-shame-and doubt stage the period during which, according to Erik Erikson, toddlers (age 18 months to 3 years) develop independence and autonomy if they are allowed the freedom to explore, or shame and self-doubt if they are restricted and overprotected

temperament patterns of arousal and emotionality that represent consistent and endur ing characteristics of an individual

personality and temperament, and differences in the lives they lead-differences based on their gender, the nature of their families, and the ways in which they are cared for.

Personality Development: The Characteristics That Make Infants Unique

LO 3.19 Describe individual differences that distinguish an infant's personality and the roles that temperament and gender play.

The origins of personality, the sum total of the enduring characteristics that differenti ate one individual from another, stem from infancy. From birth onward, infants begin to show unique, stable traits and behaviors that ultimately lead to their development as distinct, special individuals (Caspi, 2000; Kagan, 2000; Shiner, Masten, & Roberts, 2003).

According to psychologist Erik Erikson, whose approach to personality develop ment we first discussed in Module 1.2, infants' early experiences are responsible for shaping one of the key aspects of their personalities: whether they will be basically trusting or mistrustful.

Erikson's theory of psychosocial development considers how individuals come to understand themselves and the meaning of others'-and their own-behavior (Erikson, 1963). The theory suggests that developmental change occurs throughout people's lives in eight distinct stages, the first of which occurs in infancy.

According to Erikson, during the first 18 months of life, we pass through the trust versus-mistrust stage. During this period, infants develop a sense of trust or mistrust, largely depending on how well their needs are met by their caregivers. Mary's attention to Malcom's needs, in the previous example, probably helped him develop a basic sense of trust in the world. Erikson suggests that if infants are able to develop trust, they ex perience a sense of hope, which permits them to feel as if they can fulfill their needs suc cessfully. On the other hand, feelings of mistrust lead infants to see the world as harsh

and unfriendly, and they may have later difficulties in forming close bonds with others. During the end of infancy, children enter the autonomy-versus-shame-and-doubt

stage, which lasts from 18 months to 3 years. During this period, children develop in dependence and autonomy if parents encourage exploration and freedom within safe boundaries. However, if children are restricted and overly protected, they feel shame, self-doubt, and unhappiness.

Erikson argues that personality is primarily shaped by infants' experiences. However, as we discuss next, other developmentalists concentrate on consistencies of behavior that are present at birth, even before the experiences of infancy. These consis tencies are viewed as largely genetically determined and as providing the raw mate rial of personality.

TEMPERAMENT: STABILITIES IN INFANT BEHAVIOR

Sarah's parents thought there must be something wrong. Unlike her older brother Josh, who had been so active as an infant that he seemed never to be still, Sarah was much more placid. She took long naps and was easily soothed on those relatively rare occa sions when she became agitated. What could be producing her extreme calmness?

The most likely answer: The difference between Sarah and Josh reflected differences in temperament. As we first discussed in Chapter 2, temperament encompasses patterns of arousal and emotionality that are consistent and enduring characteristics of an indi vidual (Kochanska & Aksan, 2004; Rothbart, 2007; Gartstein et al., 2017).

Temperament refers to how children behave, as opposed to what they do or why they do it. Infants show temperamental differences in general disposition from the time of birth, largely as a result initially of genetic factors, and temperament tends to be fairly stable well into adolescence. On the other hand, temperament is not fixed and un changeable: Childrearing practices can modify temperament significantly. In fact, some children show little consistency in temperament from one age to another (Werner et al., 2007; de Lauzon-Guillain et al., 2012; Kusangi, Nakano, & Kondo-Ikemura, 2014).

Temperament is reflected in several dimensions of behavior. One central dimen sion is activity level, which reflects the degree of overall movement. Some babies (like

Sarah and Maleah, in the previous examples) are relatively placid, and their move ments are slow and almost leisurely. In contrast, the activity level of other infants (like Josh) is quite high, with strong, restless movements of the arms and legs.

Another important dimension of temperament is the nature and quality of an in fant's mood, and in particular a child's irritability. Some infants are relatively easygo ing, and others are less so. For example, irritable infants fuss a great deal, and they are easily upset. They are also difficult to soothe when they do begin to cry. (Other aspects of temperament are listed in Table 3-10.)

Categorizing Temperament: Easy, Difficult, and Slow-to-Warm Babies Because tem perament can be viewed along so many dimensions, some researchers have asked whether there are broader categories that can be used to describe children's overall be havior. According to Alexander Thomas and Stella Chess, who carried out a large-scale study of a group of infants that has come to be known as the New York Longitudinal Study (Thomas & Chess, 1980), babies can be described according to one of several profiles:

• Easy babies. Easy babies have a positive disposition. Their body functions oper ate regularly, and they are adaptable. They are generally positive, showing curios ity about new situations, and their emotions are moderate or low in intensity. This category applies to about 40 percent (the largest number) of infants.

• Difficult babies. Difficult babies have more negative moods and are slow to adapt to new situations. When confronted with a new situation, they tend to withdraw. About 10 percent of infants belong in this category.

• Slow-to-warm babies. Slow-to-warm babies are inactive, showing relatively calm reactions to their environment. Their moods are generally negative, and they withdraw from new situations, adapting slowly. Approximately 15 percent of in fants are slow-to-warm.

As for the remaining 35 percent, they cannot be consistently categorized. These children show a variety of combinations of characteristics. For instance, one infant may have relatively sunny moods, but react negatively to new situations, or another may show little stability of any sort in terms of general temperament.

The Consequences of Temperament: Does Temperament Matter? One obvious question to emerge from the findings of the relative stability of temperament is whether a particular kind of temperament is beneficial. The answer seems to be that no single type of temperament is invariably good or bad. Instead, children's long-term adjustment depends on the goodness-of-fit of their particular temperament to the na ture and demands of the environment in which they find themselves. For instance, children with a low activity level and low irritability may do particularly well in an environment in which they are left to explore on their own and are allowed largely to direct their own behavior. In contrast, high-activity-level, highly irritable children may do best with greater direction, which permits them to channel their energy in particu lar directions (Thomas & Chess, 1980; Schoppe-Sullivan et al., 2007; Yu et al., 2012).

Table 3-10 Some Dimensions of Temperament in I nfants, With Behavioral Indicators

Dimension Behavioral Indicators

Activity level

Approach/withdrawal

Quality of mood

Distractibility

Rhythm icity

Th reshold of responsiveness

High: wriggles wh ile diaper is changed Low: lies still while being dressed

Approach orientation: accepts novel foods and toys easily Withdrawal orientation: c ries when a stranger comes near

Negative: cries when carriage is rocked Positive: smiles or smacks lips when tasting new food

Low: continues crying even when diaper is changed High: stops fussing when held and rocked

Regular: has consistent feeding schedule Irregular: has varying sleep and waking schedule

High: not startled by sudden noises or bright lights Low: pauses sucking on bottle at approach of parent or slight noise

Infancy 147

easy babies babies who have a positive disposi tion; their body functions operate regularly, and they are adaptable

difficult babies babies who have negative moods and are slow to adapt to new situations; when confronted with a new situa tion, they tend to withdraw

slow-to-warm babies babies who are inactive, showing relatively calm reactions to their en vironment; their moods are generally negative, and they withdraw from new situations, adapting slowly

goodness-of-fit the notion that development is dependent on the degree of match between children's temperament and the nature and demands of the environment in which they are being raised

148 Chapter 3

gender the sense of being male or female

For instance, Mary, the grandmother in the earlier example, found ways to adjust the environment for her son, Malcom. Malcom and Aisha may need to do the same for their own son, Lincoln.

Some research does suggest that certain temperaments are, in general, more adap tive than others. For instance, difficult children, in general, are more likely to show behavior problems by school age than those classified in infancy as easy children. But not all difficult children experience problems. The key determinant seems to be the way parents react to their infants' difficult behavior. If they react by showing anger and inconsistency-responses that their child's difficult, demanding behavior readily evokes-then the child is ultimately more likely to experience behavior problems. On the other hand, parents who display more warmth and consistency in their responses are more likely to have children who avoid later problems (Thomas, Chess, & Birch, 1968; Salley, Miller, & Bell, 2013; Sayal et al., 2014).

GENDER: BOYS IN BLUE, GIRLS IN PINK "It's a boy." "It's a girl." One of these two statements, or some variant, is probably the first announcement made after the birth of a child. From the moment of birth, girls and boys are treated differently. Their parents send out different kinds of birth announcements. They are dressed in different clothes and wrapped in different-colored blankets. They are given different toys (Coltrane & Adams, 1997; Serbin, Poulin-Dubois, & Colburne, 2001; Halim et al., 2018).

Parents play with boy and girl babies differently: From birth on, fathers tend to interact more with sons than daughters, whereas mothers interact more with daughters. Because, as we noted previously in the module, mothers and fathers play in different ways (with fathers typically engaging in more physical, rough and-tumble activities and mothers in traditional games such as peekaboo), male and female infants are clearly exposed to different styles of activity and interaction from their parents (Clearfield & Nelson, 2006; Bouchard et al., 2007; Zosuls, Ruble, & Tamis-LeMonda, 2014).

The behavior exhibited by girls and boys i s interpreted in different ways by adults. For instance, when researchers showed adults a video of an infant whose name was given as either "John" or "Mary," adults perceived "John" as adventur ous and inquisitive, whereas "Mary" was fearful and anxious, although it was the same baby performing a single set of behaviors (Condry & Condry, 1976). Clearly, adults view the behavior of children through the lens of gender. Gender refers to the sense of being male or female. The term gender is often used to mean the same thing as sex, but they are not actually the same. Sex typically refers to sexual anat omy and sexual behavior, whereas gender refers to the social perceptions of male ness or femaleness.

There is a considerable amount of disagreement over both the extent and causes of such gender differences, even though most agree that boys and girls do experi ence at least partially different worlds based on gender. Some gender differences are fairly clear from the time of birth. For example, male infants tend to be more active and fussier than female infants. Boys' sleep tends to be more disturbed than that of girls. Boys grimace more, although no gender difference exists in the overall amount of crying. There is also some evidence that male newborns are more irritable than fe male newborns, although the findings are inconsistent. Differences between male and female infants, however, are generally minor (Crawford & Unger, 2004; Losonczy Marshall, 2008).

Gender differences emerge more clearly as children age-and become increas ingly influenced by the gender roles that society sets out for them. For instance, by the age of 1 year, infants are able to distinguish between males and females. Girls at this age prefer to play with dolls or stuffed animals, and boys seek out blocks and trucks. Often, of course, these are the only options available to them, because of the choices their parents and other adults have made in the toys they provide (Cherney, Kelly Vance, & Glover, 2003; Alexander, Wilcox, & Woods, 2009; Gansen, 2018).

By the time they reach the age of 2, boys behave more independently and less compliantly than girls. Much of this behavior can be traced to parental reactions to previous behavior. For instance, when a child takes his or her first steps, parents tend

to react differently, depending on the child's gender: Boys are encouraged more to go off and explore the world, whereas girls are hugged and kept close. It is hardly sur prising, then, that by the age of 2, girls tend to show less independence and greater compliance (Poulin-Dubois, Serbin, & Eichstedt, 2002).

Societal encouragement and reinforcement do not, however, completely explain dif ferences in behavior between boys and girls. For example, one study examined girls who were exposed before birth to abnormally high levels of androgen, a male hormone, because their mothers unwittingly took a drug containing the hormone while pregnant. Later, these girls were more likely to play with toys stereotypically preferred by boys (such as cars) and less likely to play with toys stereotypically associated with girls (such as dolls). Although there are many alternative explanations for these results-you can probably think of several yourself--one possibility is that exposure to male hormones affected the brain development of the girls, leading them to favor toys that involve cer tain kinds of preferred skills (Mealey, 2000; Servin et al., 2003; Kahlenberg & Hein, 2010).

In sum, differences in behavior between boys and girls begin in infancy and as we will see in future modules-continue throughout childhood (and beyond). Although gender differences have complex causes, representing some combination of innate, biologically related factors and environmental factors, they play a profound role in the social and emotional development of infants.

Family Life in the 21st Century

LO 3.20 Describe 2lst-century families and their consequences for children, including the impact of nonparental child care on infants.

Family life today is different from the way it was even a few decades ago. A quick review tells the story:

• The number of single-parent families has increased significantly in the last three decades, as the number of two-parent households has declined. As of 2017, 64 per cent of children ages 0 to 17 live with two married parents, down from 77 percent in 1980. Nearly a quarter of children live with only their mothers, 4 percent live with only their fathers, and 4 percent live with neither of their parents. Three quarters of white-alone, non-Hispanic children lived with two married parents in 2016, compared with 60 percent of Hispanic and only 34 percent of black-alone children (Childstats.gov, 2017).

• The average size of families is shrinking. As of 2017, on average, there are 2.5 peo ple per household, compared to 3.1 in 1970. The number of people living in non family households (without any relatives) is more than 41 million (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2017).

• Although the number of adolescents giving birth has declined substantially over the last 5 years, nearly 10 in 1,000 births are to adolescent women aged 15 to 17, the vast majority of whom are un married (Childstats.gov, 2017).

• Fifty-seven percent of mothers of infants work out side the home (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013).

• Forty-three percent of children younger than the age of 18 live in low-income households, up from 40 per cent in 2006. Sixty-nine percent of black children and 63 percent of Hispanic children live in low-income families (Jiang, Granja, & Koball, 2017).

Infancy 149

At the very least, these statistics suggest that many infants are being raised in environments in which sub stantial stressors are present. Such stress makes it an un usually difficult task to raise children-never easy even under the best circumstances.

The number of single-parent families has increased dramatically over

the past 20 years. If the current trend continues, 60 percent of all chi!-

dren will live at some time with a single parent.

1 50 Chapter 3

From a social worker's perspective: Imagine you are a social worker visit ing a foster home. It is 11 AM. You find the breakfast dishes in the sink and books and toys all over the floor. The infant you have placed in the home is happily pounding on pots and pans as his foster mother claps time. The kitchen floor is gooey under the baby's high chair. What is your professional assessment?

On the other hand, society is adapting to the new realities of family life in the 21st century. Several kinds of social support exist for the parents of infants, and society is evolving new institutions to help in their care. One example is the growing array of child-care arrangements available to help working parents.

How does infant child care affect later development? Consider the following:

I For most of the years my two kids were in child care, I worried about it. Did that weird daycare home where my daughter stayed briefly as a toddler do irreparable harm? Was my son irretrievably damaged by that child-care center he disliked? (Shellen barger, 2003, p. D1) Every day, parents ask themselves questions like these. The issue of how infant child care affects later development is a pressing one for many parents, who, because of eco nomic, family, or career demands, leave their children to the care of others for a por tion of the day. In fact, almost two-thirds of all children between 4 months and 3 years of age spend time in nonparental child care. Overall, more than 80 percent of infants are cared for by people other than their mothers at some point during their first year of life. The majority of these infants begin child care outside the home before the age of 4 months and are enrolled for almost 30 hours per week (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2006; also see Figure 3-16). What effects do such arrangements have on later development?

Although the answer is largely reassuring, the newest research to come from the massive, long-term Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development, the longest running examination of child care ever conducted, suggests that long-term participa tion in day care may have unanticipated consequences.

First the good news. According to most of the evidence, high-quality child care outside the home produces only minor differences from home care in most respects and may even enhance certain aspects of development. For example, research finds little or no difference in the strength or nature of parental attachment bonds of infants who have been in high-quality child care compared with infants raised solely by their parents (Vandell et al., 2005; Sosinsky & Kim, 2013; Ruzek et al., 2014).

Figure 3 - 1 6 Where Are C h i ldren Cared For? According to a major study by the National Institute of Chi ld Health and Human Development, chi ldren spend more ti me in some ki nd of chi ld care outside the home or fami ly as they get older.

SOURCE: N ICHD Early Chi ld Care Research Network, 2006.

6 months 3 years

•�11·1�. 1.11.o/%� ... . ··.·· tAlll

4 Y, years

• Mother D Child-care Home II Child-care Center t;'.;'.J Father [[] Grandparent � In Home

In addition to the direct benefits from involvement in child care outside the home, there are indirect ben efits. For example, children in lower-income households and those whose mothers are single may benefit from the educational and social experiences in child care, as well as from the higher income produced by parental employ ment. Furthermore, children may experience improve ments in nutrition and eating habits (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2003a; Dearing, McCartney, & Taylor, 2009; Dev et al., 2017).

Furthermore, children who participate in Early Head Start-a program that serves at-risk infants and toddlers in high-quality child-care centers-can solve problems better, pay greater attention to others, and use language more effectively than poor children who do not participate in the program. In addition, their parents (who are also involved in the program) benefit from their participation. Participating parents talk and read more to their children, and they are less likely to spank them. Likewise, children who receive good, responsive child care are more likely to play well with other children (Maccoby & Lewis, 2003; Loeb et al., 2004; Raikes et al., 2014).

Infancy 151

High-quality infant child care seems to produce only minor differences

from home care in most respects, and some aspects of development

may even be enhanced. What aspects of development might be en

hanced by participation in infant child care outside the home?

However, some of the findings on participation in child care outside the home are less positive. Infants may be somewhat less secure when they are placed in low quality child care or if they are placed in multiple child-care arrangements. In addi tion, children who spend long hours in outside the home child-care situations have a lower ability to work independently and have less effective time management skills (Vandell et al., 2005).

Deve l o p m e n t i n You r Life

Choosing the R i g ht I nfant Care Provider

One finding that emerges with absolute clarity from research conducted on the consequences of infant chil d-care programs is that the benefits of child care-peer learning, greater social skills, greater independence- occur only when child care is of high qual ity. But what d istinguishes hig h-quality child care from low-cal iber programs? Parents should consider these questions in choosing a program (American Academy of Pediatrics HealthyCh ildren.org, 201 5):

• Are there enough providers? A desirabl e rati o is one adult for every three infants, although one to four can be ad equate.

• Are group sizes manageable? Even with several provid ers, a group of infants should not be larger than eight.

• Has the center complied with all governmental regula tions, and i s it licensed?

• What are the hours?

• D o the people provid ing the care seem to like what they are doing? What are their educational qualifications? Are they experienced? Do they seem happy in the job, or is offering child care just a way to earn money?

• What do the caregivers do during the day? Do they spend their time playing with, listening and tal king to,

and paying attention to the chi ldren? Do they seem genuinely interested in the children? Is there a television constantly on?

• Are the children safe and clean? Does the environment allow infants to move around safely? I s the equipment and furniture in good repair? Do the providers adhere to the hig hest levels of clean l iness? After changing a baby's d iaper, do providers wash their hands?

• What trai ning do the providers have in caring for chil dren? Do they demonstrate a knowledge of the basics of infant development and an understanding of how normal children develop? Do they seem alert to signs that devel opment may depart from normal patte rns?

• Finally, is the environment happy and cheerful? Child care is not just a babysitting service: For the time an infant is there, it is the ch ild's whole world. You should feel fully comfortable and confident that the child-care center is a place where your infant will be treated as an individual.

I n add ition to followi ng these guidelines, contact the National Association for the Education of Young Chi ldren (NAEYC), from which you can get the name of a resource and referral agency in your area. Go to the NAEYC Web site at www. naeyc.org.

1 52 Chapter 3

The newest research, which focuses on preschoolers, finds that children who spend 10 or more hours a week in group child care for a year or more have an in creased probability of being disruptive in class, and that the effect continues through the sixth grade. Although the increase in the likelihood of acting disruptive is not substantial-every year spent in a child-care center resulted in a 1 percent higher score on a standardized measure of problem behavior completed by teachers-the results were quite reliable (Belsky et al., 2007).

In sum, the ballooning body of research finds that the effects of participation in group child care are neither unambiguously positive nor unambiguously negative. What is clear, though, is that the quality of child care is critical. Ultimately, more re search is needed on just who makes use of child care and how it is used by members of different segments of society to fully understand its consequences (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2005; Belsky, 2006, 2009; Schipper et al., 2006; also see the Development in Your Life feature on choosing the right infant care provider).

Review, C h eck, and Apply Review

LO 3.15 Discuss how children express and experience emotions in the first 2 years of life, and summa rize the development of social referencing.

Infants display a variety of facial expressions, which are similar across cultures and appear to reflect basic emo tional states. Early in life, infants develop the capability of nonverbal decoding: determining the emotional states of others based on their facial and vocal expressions. Through social referencing, infants from the age of 8 or 9 months use the expressions of others to clarify ambiguous situations and learn appropriate reactions to them.

LO 3.16 Describe the sense of self that children possess in the first 2 years of life, including the develop ment of a theory of mind.

Infants begin to develop self-awareness at about the age of 12 months. They also begin to develop a theory of mind at this time: knowledge and beliefs about how they and oth ers think.

LO 3.17 Explain attachment in infancy, how it affects a person's future social competence, and the roles that caregivers play in infants' social development.

Attachment, a strong, positive emotional bond that forms between an infant and one or more significant people, is a crucial factor in enabling individuals to develop social relationships. Infants display one of four major attach ment patterns: securely attached, avoidant, ambivalent, and disorganized-disoriented. Research suggests an asso ciation between an infant's attachment pattern and his or her social and emotional competence as an adult. Mothers' interactions with their babies are particularly important for social development. Mothers who respond effectively

to their babies' social overtures appear to contribute to the babies' ability to become securely attached. Through a pro cess of reciprocal socialization, infants and caregivers in teract and affect one another 's behavior, which strengthens their mutual relationship.

LO 3. 1 8 Discuss the development of peer relationships in infancy.

From an early age, infants engage in rudimentary forms of social interaction with other children, and their level of sociability rises as they age.

LO 3.19 Describe individual differences that distinguish an infant's personality and the roles that tem perament and gender play.

The origins of personality, the sum total of the enduring characteristics that differentiate one individual from an other, arise during infancy. Temperament encompasses enduring levels of arousal and emotionality that are char acteristic of an individual. Temperamental differences un derlie the broad classification of infants into easy, difficult, and slow-to-warm categories. As infants age, gender dif ferences become more pronounced, mostly as a result of environmental influences. Differences are accentuated by parental expectations and behavior.

LO 3.20 Describe 2lst-century families and their conse quences for children, including the impact of nonparental child care on infants.

The varieties of families, ranging from traditional two parent to blended to same-sex couples, mirrors the com plexity of modern-day society. Child care, a societal response to the changing nature of the family, can be bene ficial to the social development of children, fostering social interaction and cooperation, if it is of high quality.

Check Yourself

1. When Darius bumped his knee on the table, he gazed at his mother to look at her reaction. When he saw that she was alarmed, he began crying. This is an example of ___ _

a. fear b. anxiety c. social referencing d. self-awareness

2. One way mothers can improve the likelihood of se cure attachment in their children is to respond to their needs appropriately. Another name for this communi cation in which mothers and children match emotional states is ___ _

a. emotional matching b. goodness of fit c. interactional synchrony d. environmental assessment

Applying Lifespan Development

Infancy 153

3. Patterns of arousal and emotionality that are consis tent and enduring in an individual are known as an individual's ___ _

a. goodness-of-fit b. temperament c. personality d. mood

4. Research finds that high-quality child care outside the home may ___ _

a. change a child's temperament b. alter the strength and nature of

parental attachments c. eliminate gender differences d. enhance certain aspects of

development

If you were introducing a bill in Congress regarding the minimum licensing requirements for child-care centers, what would you emphasize?

1 54 Chapter 3

C hapter 3 S u m m ary Putting It All Together: Infancy

FOUR-MONTH-OLD JENNA (whom we met in this chapter's opener) was a model infant in almost every respect. However, there was one aspect of

her behavior that posed a dilemma: how to respond when she woke up in the middle of the night and cried despondently. It usually was not a matter

of being hungry because typically she had been fed recently. And it was not caused by her diaper being soiled because usually that had been changed

recently. Instead, it seemed that Jenna just wanted to be held and entertained,

and when she wasn't, she cried dramatically until someone came to her.

MODULE 3.1 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN INFANCY

• Jenna's body is developing vari ous rhythms (repetitive, cycli cal patterns of behavior) that are responsible for the change from sleep to wakefulness. (p. 100)

• Jenna will sleep in spurts of around 2 hours, followed by periods of wakefulness, until about 16 weeks, when she will begin to sleep as long as 6 continuous hours. (p. 102)

• Because Jenna's sense of touch is one of her most highly developed senses (and one of the earliest developed), she will respond to gentle touches, such as a soothing caress, which can calm a crying, fussy infant. (pp. 113-114)

What would a

PARENT do?

MODU L E 3.2 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN INFANCY

• Jenna has learned that her behav ior (crying) can produce a desired effect (someone holding and en tertaining her). (pp. 119-121)

• As Jenna's brain develops, she is able to separate people she knows from people she doesn't; this is why she responds so positively when someone she knows comes to comfort her during the night. (pp. 138-139)

What would a n

EDUCATO R do?

MODULE 3.3 SOCIAL AND PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT IN INFANCY

• Jenna has developed attachment (the positive emotional bond between her and particular individuals) to those who care for her. (pp. 141-144)

• To feel secure, Jenna needs to know that her caregivers will provide an appropriate response to the signals she is sending. (pp. 141-144)

• Part of Jenna's temperament is that she is irritable. Irritable infants can be fussy and are difficult to soothe when they do begin to cry. (pp. 146-147)

• Because irritability is relatively stable, Jenna will continue to dis play this temperament at age 1 and even age 2. (pp. 146-147)

What would YOU

d o ?

What strategies would you

use in dealing with Jenna? Would you go to her every

time she cried? Or, would

you try to wait her out,

perhaps setting a time limit

before going to her?

What would a

H EALTH-CARE

PROV I D E R do?

How would you rec

ommend that Jenna's

caregivers deal with the

situation? Are there any

dangers that the caregiv

ers should be aware of?

Suppose Jenna spends a few

hours every weekday after noon in day care. If you were

a child-care provider, how

would you deal with Jenna

How would you deal

with Jenna? What factors would affect your deci

sion? Based on your read

ing, how do you think

Jenna will respond?

Photodisc/Getty Images

J Mark Andersen/RubberbalV

Getty Images

if she wakes up from naps soon after falling asleep?

Tom Baker/1 23RF

Asia Images Group/Getty Images

Chapter 4 The Preschool Years

Chen, a wildly energetic preschooler who just turned 3, was trying to stretch far enough to

reach the cookie jar that he spied sitting on the kitchen counter. Because the jar was just

beyond his grasp, he pushed a chair from the kitchen table over to the counter and climbed up.

Because he still couldn 't reach the cookies from the chair, Chen climbed onto the kitchen

counter and cra wled over to the cookie bowl. He pried the lid off the jar, thrust his hand in,

pulled out a cookie, and began to munch on it.

But not for long. His curiosity getting the better of him, he grabbed another cookie and began

to work his body along the counter toward the sink. He climbed in, twisted the cold water

faucet to the "on " position, and happily splashed in the cold water.

Chen's fa ther, who had left the room for only a moment, returned to find Chen sitting in the

sink, soaked, with a contented smile on his face.

1 55

1 56 Chapter 4

In this chapter, we focus on the physical, cognitive, and social and personality growth that occur during the preschool years. We begin by considering the physical changes children undergo during those years. We discuss weight and height, nutri tion, and health and wellness. The brain and its neural pathways change too, and we will touch on some intriguing findings relating to gender differences in the way the brain functions. We also look at how both gross and fine motor skills change over the preschool years.

Intellectual development is the focus of the next section of the chapter. We exam ine the major approaches to cognitive development, including Piaget's stage theory, information processing approaches, and an emerging view of cognitive development that gives great weight to the influence of culture. We also consider the important advances in language development that occur during the preschool years, and we dis cuss several factors that influence cognitive development, including exposure to tele vision and participation in child-care and preschool programs.

Finally, we look at social and personality development in these years, focusing first on how children figure out who they are and develop a sense of racial and gen der identity. We discuss the nature of their friendships and the significance of the ways they play together. We next look at parents, considering the different styles of parenting that are common today as well as their implications for their children's future development and personalities. We conclude with a look at the ways in which preschool-age children begin to develop a moral sense and learn how to control aggression.

Module 4.1 Physical Development in the Preschool Years

LO 4.1 Describe the state of children's bodies during the preschool years. LO 4.2 Describe the state of children's overall health during the preschool years. LO 4.3 Explain how children's brains change and develop during the preschool

years. LO 4.4 Explain the relationship between brain growth and cognitive development. LO 4.5 Describe the process of gross motor development in preschool-age children. LO 4.6 Describe the process of fine motor development in preschool-age children.

Module 4.2 Cognitive Development in the Preschool Years

LO 4.7 Analyze Piaget's explanation of cognitive development during the preschool years.

LO 4.8 Evaluate how Piaget's approach stands up to the test of time. LO 4.9 Analyze information processing approaches to cognitive development in the

preschool years. LO 4.10 Describe Vygotsky's view of cognitive development in the preschool years. LO 4. 1 1 Explain how children's language develops in the preschool years. LO 4.12 Describe the effects of informal and formal learning resources on

preschoolers.

Module 4.3 Social and Personality Development in the Preschool Years

LO 4.13 Explain how preschool-age children develop a concept of themselves. LO 4 . 1 4 Analyze how preschool-age children develop a sense of gender. LO 4.15 Describe the sorts of social relationships that are typical of preschool-age

children. LO 4.16 Analyze how children's theory of mind changes during the preschool years. LO 4.17 Describe the changing nature of families and the diversity of parenting styles

preschoolers experience. LO 4 . 1 8 Analyze the factors that contribute to child abuse and neglect, and describe

personal characteristics that may protect children. LO 4.19 Explain how preschool-age children develop a moral sense. LO 4.20 Analyze theoretical perspectives on the ways in which aggression develops

in preschool-age children.

The Preschool Years 157

M o d u l e 4 . 1 Physical Development in the Preschool Years

The children in Corinne Green 's preschool class are going on a The chi ldren in G reen 's p reschool class, run n i n g and clappi ng

field trip to a farm. It's all Green can do to keep the more excitable th ei r hands i n i m itative rhythms, were i nfants not so lo ng ago .

members of her class from running up and down the aisle of the But the physical development th at children undergo at this age

bus or jumping on the seats. To focus the group, she leads them results in more than leap ing and climbing. It also enab les Danny

in a series of familiar classroom games. First, she claps out various to produce recognizable obj ects in his drawings and S u -Yun to

rhythms, and the children try to copy each one. When they t ire of this, remember the details of moments that occu rred months before.

she engages them in a round of "I spy," choosing objects everyone

can see. Then she leads them in songs that include hand motions,

such as "The ltsy Bitsy Spider."

Not all of Green 's young charges need to be settled. Four

year-old Danny Brock is busy drawing cows, horses, and pigs. His

sketches are simple, but they are easily recognizable as the animals

he expects to see on the farm. Su-Yun Davis is telling the girl next

to her about barns, tractors, and henhouses. Su-Yun is using what

she remembers from a farm she visited with her parents 4 months

previously. Megan Haas is quietly eating the lunch she brought, one

potato chip at a time, a good 2 hours before her teacher will announce

lunchtime. ''There's never a dull moment with preschoolers," Green

says. "They're always doing something. And in a class of 20, it's

often 20 different somethings."

The Growing Body During the preschool years, children experience rapid advances in their physical abili ties that are nothing short of astounding. Just how far they develop is apparent when we look at the changes they undergo in their size, shape, and physical abilities.

By age 2, the average child in the United States weighs around 25 to 30 pounds and is close to 36 inches tall. By the time they are 6 years old, they weigh about 46 pounds and stand 46 inches tall (see Figure 4-1).

These averages mask significant individual differences. For instance, 10 percent of 6-year-olds weigh 55 pounds or more, and 10 percent weigh 36 pounds or less. Furthermore, average differences between boys and girls increase during the preschool years. Although at age 2 the differences are relatively small, during the preschool years boys start becoming taller and heavier, on average, than girls.

Economics also affects these averages. The better nutrition and health care typi cally received by children in developed countries translates into differences in growth. For instance, the average Swedish 4-year-old is as tall as the average 6-year-old in Bangladesh. Even within the United States, children in families with incomes below the poverty level are more likely to be short than children raised in more affluent homes (Petrou & Kupek, 2010; Mendoza et al., 2017).

Changes in Body Shape and Nutrition

LO 4.1 Describe the state of children's bodies during the preschool years.

The bodies of a 2-year-old and a 6-year-old vary not only in height and weight but also in shape. During the preschool years, boys and girls become less round and more slender. Moreover, their arms and legs lengthen, and the size relationship between the head and the rest of the body becomes more adultlike. In fact, by the time children reach age 6, their proportions are similar to those of adults.

Other physical changes occur internally. Muscle size increases, and children grow stronger. Bones become sturdier, and the sense organs continue to develop. For in stance, the eustachian tube in the ear changes its orientation so radically that it may cause the earaches that are so typical of the preschool years.

158 Chapter 4

Figure 4 - 1 Gaining H eight and Weight Because the rate of growth is slower than dur

ing infancy, preschoolers need less food, which may cause parents to worry. However, children tend to be adept at eating enough if they are provided with nutritious meals.

The preschool years are marked by steady increases in height and weight. The figures show the median point for boys and girls at each age, in which 50 percent o f children in each category are above this height or weight level and 50 percent are below.

In fact, anxiously encouraging children to eat more than they want may lead them to become

SOURCE: National Center for Health Statistics, 201 8.

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1 0

0 2 3 4 5 6

overweight or even obese. Overweight is defined as a body mass index (BMI) between the 85th and 95th percentiles of children of the same age and sex. (BMI is calculated by dividing a child's weight in kilograms by the square of their height in meters.) If the BMI is even greater, then children are con sidered obese. Obesity is defined as a BMI at or above the 95th percentile for children of the same age and sex.

Age in years

The prevalence of obesity among older pre schoolers increased significantly through the 1980s and 1990s. However, research released in 2014 found that the incidence of obesity in the United States de clined over the prior 10 years from nearly 14 percent to just over 8 percent-a significant breakthrough in children's health (Tavernise, 2014; Miller & Brooks Gunn, 2015).

"' -0 c:

5 30 c. .!:

1 0

• Boy's Height

2 3

E2d Girl's Height

4 5 6

Still, obese and overweight young children re main a significant concern across the globe, particu larly in developing countries. The large majority of obese and overweight young children live in de veloping countries in which good nutrition is less prevalent. If current trends continue, there will be 70 million overweight and obese infants and young children by 2025 (Commission on Ending Childhood Obesity, 2018).

Age in years

The best strategy for parents is to make sure that they make a variety of low-fat, high-nutrition foods available. Foods that have a relatively high iron content are particularly important: Iron deficiency anemia, which causes constant fatigue, is one of the prevalent nutritional problems in de veloped countries such as the United States. High iron foods include dark green vegetables (such as broccoli), whole grains, and some kinds of meat,

• Boy's Weight obesity body weight more than 20 percent higher than the average weight for a person of a given age and height

� Girl's Weight such as lean hamburger. It is also important to avoid foods with high sodium con tent and to include foods with low fat content (Brotanek et al., 2007; Grant et al., 2007; Jalonick, 2011).

Preschoolers also need vitamin A, which promotes growth. It is found in milk and eggs, as well as yellow and orange vegetables such as squash and carrots. Also important are vitamin C, found in fruit, which supports healthy tissue and skin, and calcium, found in dairy products, which helps promote bone and tooth formation.

Ultimately, children should be given the opportunity to develop their own food preferences. Exposing children to new foods by encouraging them to take just one bite is a relatively low-stress way of expanding children's diets (Hamel & Robins, 2013; Struempler et al., 2014, Johnson et al., 2018).

In behavior called the just-righ t phenomenon, some preschool children develop strong rituals and routines about the kinds of foods they will eat. They may only eat certain foods that are prepared in a particular way and presented to them in a particular manner on a plate. In adults, such rigidity would be a sign of a

psychological disorder, but it is normal in young children. Almost all preschoolers eventually outgrow it (Evans et al., 1997; Evans et al., 2006).

From a health-care worker's perspective: How might biology and environment combine to affect the physical growth of a child adopted as an infant from a de veloping country and reared in a more industrialized one?

Health and Illness

The Preschool Years 159

LO 4.2 Describe the state of children's overall health during the preschool years.

The average preschooler has 7 to 10 colds and other minor re

Encouraging children to eat more than they seem to want

naturally may lead them to increase their food intake beyond

an appropriate level. spiratory illnesses in each of the years from age 3 to 5. In the United States, a runny nose as a result of the common cold is the most frequent-and happily, the least severe-kind of health problem during the preschool years. In fact, the majority of children in the United States are reasonably healthy during this period, and 88 percent of parents of children 4 or younger report their children are in excellent or very good health (Kalb, 1997; National Health Interview Survey, 2015).

Although the sniffles and coughs that are the symptoms of such illnesses are cer tainly distressing to children, the unpleasantness is usually not too severe and the ill nesses usually last only a few days. (For more on keeping preschoolers healthy, see the Development in Your Life box.)

The greatest risk that preschoolers face comes from neither illness nor nutritional problems but from accidents: Before the age of 10, children are twice as likely to die from an injury as from an illness. In fact, U.S. children have a one in three chance every year of receiving an injury that requires medical attention (Field & Behrman, 2003; Granie, 2010; National Safety Council, 2013).

The danger of injuries during the preschool years is in part a result of high levels of physical activity. Combine the physical activity, curiosity, and lack of judg ment that characterize this age group, and it is no wonder that preschoolers are accident prone.

Furthermore, some children are more apt than others to take risks and conse quently to be injured. Boys, who typically are more active than girls and tend to take more risks, have a higher rate of injuries. Economic factors also play a role. Children raised under conditions of poverty in urban areas, whose inner-city neighborhoods may contain more hazards than more affluent areas, are two times more likely to die of injuries than children living in affluence (Morrongiello, Klemencic, & Corbett, 2008; Steinbach et al., 2016; Titi, van Niekerk, & Ahmed, 2018).

Parents and caregivers can take precautions to prevent injuries, starting by "child proofing" homes and classrooms with electrical outlet covers and child locks on cabinets. Car seats and bike helmets can help prevent injuries from accidents. Parents and teachers also need to be aware of the dangers from long-term hazards (Morrongiello, Corbett, & Bellissimo, 2008; Morrongiello et al., 2009; Sengoelge et al., 2014).

For example, lead poisoning is a significant danger for many children. Some 14 million children are at risk for lead poisoning resulting from exposure to lead, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Despite stringent legal restrictions on the amount of lead in paint and gasoline, lead is still found on painted walls and window frames-particularly in older homes-and in gaso line, ceramics, lead-soldered pipes, automobile and truck exhaust, and even dust and water (Dozor & Amler, 2013; Herendeen & MacDonald, 2014; Bogar et al, 2017).

Furthermore, even tiny amounts of lead in the water drunk by children can lead to permanent health and developmental problems. This point was made apparent,

1 60 Chapter 4

Even tiny amounts of lead in the water drunk by children can lead

to permanent health and developmental problems, as we saw in the

case of the water crisis in Flint, Michigan.

tragically, in the case of Flint, Michigan, where the city water supply became contaminated with lead when water was rerouted through water pipes that allowed lead to leak into the water supply starting in 2014. Residents had to use bottled water until the situation could be remedied (Goodnough & Atkinson, 2016).

Because even tiny amounts of lead can permanently harm children, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services has called lead poisoning the most severe health threat to children younger than age 6. Exposure to lead has been linked to lower intelligence, problems in verbal and auditory processing, and hyperactivity and distract ibility. High lead levels have also been linked to higher levels of antisocial behavior, including aggression and delinquency in school-age children. At yet higher levels of exposure, lead poisoning results in illness and death (Nigg et al., 2008; Marcus, Fulton, & Clarke, 2010; Lewis et al., 2018).

The Growing Brain The brain grows at a faster rate than any other part of the body. Two-year-olds have brains that are about three-quarters the size and weight of an adult brain. By age 5, children's brains weigh 90 percent of average adult brain weight. In comparison, the average 5-year-old's total body weight is just 30 percent of average adult body weight (Nihart, 1993; House, 2007).

myelin protective insulation that surrounds parts of neurons and speeds the transmission of electrical impulses along brain cells

Why does the brain grow so rapidly? One reason is an increase in the number of interconnections among cells, which supports more complex communication between neurons and permits the rapid growth of cognitive skills. In addition, the amount of myelin-the protective insulation that surrounds parts of neurons-increases, which speeds the transmission of electrical impulses along brain cells (Dalton & Bergenn, 2007; Klingberg & Betteridge, 2013; Dean et al., 2014).

Deve l o p m e nt i n Yo u r Life

Keeping Preschoolers Hea lthy

There is no way around it: Even the healthiest preschooler occasional ly gets sick. Social interaction with others ensures that ill nesses will be passed from one child to another. However, some diseases are preventable, and others can be minimized if simple precautions are taken:

• Preschoolers should eat a wel l-balanced diet contain ing the proper nutrients, particularly foods contai ning sufficient protei n . Keep offering healthy foods; even if children initially reject them, they may grow to l ike them.

• Encourage preschoolers to exercise.

• C hi ldren should get as much sleep as they wish. Being fatigued makes children more susceptible to ill ness.

• C hi ldren should avoid contact with others who are i l l . If

they play with kids who are sick, parents should make sure they wash their hands thoroughly.

• B e sure that c h i ldren follow an appropriate schedule of i m m u n izations. Despite the beli efs of some parents, there is absolutely no scientific basis for be lieving that common vaccinations should be avoided because they can i n crease the risk of aut ism spectrum disorder. The American Academy of Ped iatrics and the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention affirm that children should receive al/ recommended vaccinations, unless otherwise told not to by a reputable med ical profes sional (Da ley & G lanz, 201 1 ; Krishna, 201 8) .

• Finally, i f a c hi ld does get i l l , remember this: Minor i l l nesses during c hi ldhood sometimes provide immunity to more serious i l l nesses later on.

The Preschool Years 161

Brain Lateralization Figure 4-2 Looking into the Brain LO 4.3 Explain how children's brains change and

develop during the preschool years. This series of brain scans using positron emission tomography (PET) ill ustrates that activity in the ri ght or left hem isphere of the brai n

By the end of the preschool period, the corpus callosum, a bundle of nerve fibers that connects the two hemispheres of the brain, becomes considerably thicker, developing as many as 800 million individual fibers that help coordinate brain functioning between the two hemispheres. At the same time, the two halves of the brain become increasingly differentiated and specialized. Lateralization, the process in which certain functions are located more in one hemi sphere than the other, becomes more pronounced during the preschool years.

d iffers accord ing to the task in wh ich a person is engaged. How might educators use this finding i n their approach to teach ing?

For most people, the left hemisphere is primarily in volved with tasks that necessitate verbal competence, such as speaking, reading, thinking, and reasoning. The right hemisphere develops its own strengths, especially in nonverbal areas such as com prehension of spatial relationships, recognition of patterns and drawings, music, and emotional expression (Pollak, Holt, & Wismer Fries, 2004; Watling & Bourne, 2007; Dundas, Plaut, & Behrmann, 2013; see Figure 4-2).

Each hemisphere also begins to process information in a slightly different man ner. The left hemisphere processes data sequentially, one piece at a time. The right hemisphere processes information in a more global manner, reflecting on it as a whole (Holowaka & Petitto, 2002; Barber et al., 2012).

Although there is some specialization, in most respects the two hemispheres act in tandem and are interdependent. In fact, each hemisphere can perform most of the tasks of the other. For example, the right hemisphere does some language processing and plays an important role in language comprehension (Corballis, 2003; Hutchinson, Whitman, & Abeare, 2003; Hall, Neal, & Dean, 2008; Segal & Golian, 2018).

There are also individual differences in lateralization. For example, many of the 10 percent of people who are left-handed or ambidextrous (able to use both hands interchangeably) have language centered in the right hemisphere or have no specific language center (Compton & Weissman, 2002; Isaacs et al., 2006; Szaflarski et al., 2012; Porac, 2016).

Even more intriguing are differences in lateralization related to gender. For in stance, starting during the first year and continuing in the preschool years, boys and girls show some hemispheric differences associated with lower-body reflexes and the processing of auditory information. Boys also clearly tend to show greater lateralization of language in the left hemisphere; among females, language is more evenly divided between the hemispheres. Such differences may help explain why girls' language development proceeds more rapidly during the preschool years than boys' (Castro-Schilo & Kee, 2010; Filippi et al., 2013; Agcaoglu et al., 2015).

The Links Between Brain Growth and Cognitive Development

LO 4.4 Explain the relationship between brain growth and cognitive development.

Neuroscientists are beginning to understand the ways in which brain growth is related to cognitive development. Although we do not yet know the direction of causality (i.e., does brain development produce cognitive advances, or vice versa?), we can clearly see the relationship.

For example, there are periods during childhood when the brain shows unusual growth spurts, and these periods are linked to advances in cognitive abilities. One study that measured electrical activity in the brain found unusual spurts at between 1112 and 2 years, a time when language abilities increase rapidly.

lateralization the process in which certain cogni tive functions are located more in one hemisphere of the brain than in the other

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1 62 Chapter 4

Figure 4 - 3 Bra in Growth S p u rt Other spurts occurred around other ages when cogni tive advances are particularly intense (Mabbott et al., 2006; Westermann et al., 2007; Sadeghi et al., 2013; see Figure 4-3).

Electrical activity i n the brain has been l i nked to advances in cognitive abil iti es at vari ous stages across the life span. I n this graph, activity i ncreases dramatically between 1 Y2 and 2 years, a period duri ng which language rapidly develops.

Other research has suggested that the increases in myelin in the brain may be related to preschoolers' grow ing cognitive capabilities. For example, myelination of the reticular formation, an area of the brain associated with at tention and concentration, is completed by the time chil dren are about 5 years old. This may be associated with children's growing attention spans, as they approach school age. The improvement in memory that occurs during the preschool years may also be associated with myelination: During the preschool years, myelination is completed in the hippocampus, an area associated with memory (Rolls, 2000).

SOURCE: Based on Fischer, K. W., & Rose, S . P. (1 995). Concurrent cycles in the dyn amic development of brain and behavior. Newsletter of the Society for Research in Child Development, p. 16.

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In addition, there is significant growth in the nerves connecting the cerebellum, a part of the brain that con trols balance and movement, to the cerebral cortex, the structure responsible for sophisticated information pro cessing. The growth in these nerve fibers is related to the significant advances in motor skills and cognitive processing during the preschool years (Carson, 2006; Gordon, 2007). 5 10 1 5 20

Age in Years

Motor Development Anya sat in the sandbox at the park, chatting with the other parents and playing with her two children, 5-year-old Nicholai and 1 3-month-old Smetna. While she chatted, she kept a close eye on Smetna, who would still put sand in her mouth sometimes if she wasn't stopped. Today, however, Smetna seemed content to run the sand through her hands and try to put it into a bucket. N icholai , meanwhile, was busy with two other boys, rapidly filling and emptying the other sand buckets to bui ld an elaborate sand city, which they would then destroy with toy trucks.

When children of different ages gather at a playground, it's easy to see that preschool children have come a long way in their motor development. Both their gross and fine motor skills have become increasingly fine-tuned. Smetna, for example, is still master ing putting sand into a bucket, whereas her older brother Nicholai uses that skill easily as part of his larger goal of building a sand city.

Gross Motor Skills

LO 4.5 Describe the process of gross motor development in preschool-age children.

By the time they are 3 years old, children have mastered a variety of skills: jumping, hopping on one foot, skipping, and running. By ages 4 and 5, their skills have become more refined as they have gained increasing control over their muscles. For instance, at age 4 they can throw a ball with enough accuracy that a friend can catch it, and by age 5 they can toss a ring and have it land on a peg 5 feet away. Five-year-olds can learn to ride bikes, climb ladders, and ski downhill-activities that all require consid erable coordination (Clark & Humphrey, 1985; Osorio-Valencia et al., 2018). (Figure 4-4 summarizes major gross motor skills that emerge during the preschool years.)

These achievements may be related to brain development and myelination of neu rons in areas of the brain related to balance and coordination. Another likely reason is that children spend a great deal of time practicing these skills. During this period, the general level of activity is extraordinarily high. In fact, the activity level is higher at age 3 than at any other point in the entire life span (Miller, Church, & Poole, 2018).

Figure 4-4 Sig nificant Gross Motor Skills in Earl y C hi ldhood.

Age 3 Able to walk u p stairs, alternating feet Unable to stop or turn suddenly Able to jump a length of 1 5-24 inches

Age 4

Able to walk down a long staircase, alternating feet, with assistance Have some control in starting, stopping, and turning Length of jump increases to 24-33 inches

Age 5 Able to walk down a long staircase, alternating feet Capable of starting, stopping, and turning in games Able to make a running jump of 28-36 inches

Girls and boys differ in certain aspects of gross motor coordination, in part be cause of differences in muscle strength, which is usually somewhat greater in boys than in girls. For instance, boys can typically throw a ball better and jump higher, and a boy's overall activity level tends to be greater than a girl's. In contrast, girls gener ally surpass boys in tasks that involve limb coordination. For instance, at age 5, girls are better than boys at jumping jacks and balancing on one foot (Largo, Fischer, & Rousson, 2003; Spessato et al., 2013).

Another aspect of muscular skills-one that parents often find most problematic-is bowel and bladder control. When-and how-should children be toilet trained? Few child-care issues raise so much concern among parents as toi let training. Current guidelines of the American Academy of Pediatrics suggest that there is no single time to begin toilet training and that training should begin only when children are ready (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2009; Lundblad, Hellstrom, & Berg, 2010).

When are children "ready"? The signs of readiness include staying dry at least 2 hours at a time during the day or waking up dry after naps; having regular and pre dictable bowel movements; giving an indication, through facial expressions or words, that urination or a bowel movement is about to occur; having the ability to follow simple directions; having the ability to get to the bathroom and undress alone; expe riencing discomfort with soiled diapers; asking to use the toilet or potty chair; and expressing the desire to wear underwear.

Furthermore, children must be ready not only physically, but emotionally, and if they show strong signs of resistance to toilet training, toilet training should be put off. Similarly, it may be reasonable to delay toilet training if there is a major change in the home environment, such as the birth of a new baby or a major illness. Although some children show signs of readiness for toilet training between 18 and 24 months, some are not ready until 30 months or older (Fritz & Rockney, 2004; Connell-Carrick, 2006; Greer, Neidert, & Dozier, 2016).

Partially in response to the American Academy of Pediatrics guidelines, toilet training has begun later over the last few decades. For example, in 1957, 92 percent of children were toilet trained by 18 months. Today, the average age of toilet training is around 30 months (van Nunen et al., 2015; Rouse et al., 2017).

The Preschool Years 163

1 64 Chapter 4

handedness the preference o f using one hand over another

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During the preschool years, children grow in both fine and gross motor skills.

Fine Motor Skills

LO 4.6 Describe the process of fine motor development in preschool-age children.

At the same time that their gross motor abilities are increasing, children are progress ing in their ability to use fine motor skills, which involve more delicate, smaller body movements such as using a fork and spoon, cutting with scissors, tying shoelaces, and playing the piano.

The skills involved in fine motor movements require practice. The emergence of fine motor skills shows clear developmental patterns. At age 3, children can draw a circle and square with a crayon, and they can undo their clothes when they go to the bathroom. They can put a simple jigsaw puzzle together, and they can fit blocks of different shapes into matching holes. However, they do not show much precision and polish in these tasks, often, for example, forcing puzzle pieces into place.

By age 4, their fine motor skills are better. They can draw a person that looks like a person, and they can fold paper into triangular designs. And by the time they are 5, they can hold and manipulate a thin pencil properly.

How do preschoolers decide which hand to hold the pencil in as they work on their fine motor skills? For many, their choice was made soon after birth.

Beginning in early infancy, many children show signs of a preference for the use of one hand over the other-the development of handedness. By 7 months, some infants seem to favor one hand by grabbing more with it (Marschik et al., 2008; Morange Majoux, Lemoine, & Dellatolas, 2013; Garcia & Teixeira, 2017).

Most children display a clear tendency by the end of the preschool years. Some 90 percent are right-handed and 10 percent are left-handed, and more boys than girls are left-handed.

Review, C h eck, and Apply

Review

LO 4 . 1 Describe the state of children's bodies during the preschool years.

The preschool period is marked by steady physical growth and rapid advances in physical ability. Preschoolers tend to eat less than they did as babies, but generally regulate their food intake appropriately, given nutritious options and the freedom to develop their own choices and controls.

LO 4.2 Describe the state of children's overall health during the preschool years.

The preschool period is generally the healthiest time of life, with only minor illnesses threatening children.

Accidents and environmental hazards are the greatest threats.

LO 4.3 Explain how children's brains change and develop during the preschool years.

In addition to physical growth, the preschool period is marked by rapid brain growth. The increase in my elin in the brain is particularly important for intellectual development. Among other changes, the brain develops lateralization, a tendency of the two hemispheres to adopt specialized tasks.

LO 4.4 Explain the relationship between brain growth and cognitive development.

There are periods during childhood when the brain shows unusual growth spurts, and these periods are linked to ad vances in cognitive abilities.

LO 4.5 Describe the process of gross motor develop- ment in preschool-age children.

Gross motor developments advance rapidly during the preschool years. Boys' and girls' gross motor skills begin to diverge, with boys typically doing better at tasks re quiring strength and girls doing better at tasks requiring

Check Yourself

1. Which of the following suggestions is not recom mended for preventing obesity in children?

a. Provide food that is high in nutritional value. b. Make sure meals are low in fat. c. Ensure a consistent diet with little variety. d. Allow children to develop their own food preferences.

2. During the preschool years, the two halves of the brain become more specialized in a process called ___ _

a. homogeneity b. myelination c. brain fusion d. lateralization

Applying Lifespan Development

The Preschool Years 165

coordination. To be toilet trained effectively, children must be ready both physically and emotionally. Although some children show signs of readiness between 18 and 24 months, some are not ready until 30 months or older.

LO 4.6 Describe the process of fine motor development in preschool-age children.

Fine motor skills, which develop concurrently with gross motor skills, involve delicate, small body movements. Fine motor skills require considerable practice to develop. Preschoolers are also developing handedness-a decided preference for one hand over the other.

3. A major reason that motor skills develop so rapidly dur ing the preschool years is that myelination of neurons increases in areas of the brain related to ___ _

a. balance and coordination b. sensory perception c. strength and endurance d. cognitive growth

4. One example of a fine motor skill is ___ _

a. hopping on one foot b. cutting with scissors c. throwing a ball accurately d. climbing a ladder

What are some ways that increased understanding of issues relating to the physical development of preschoolers might help parents and caregivers in their care of children?

M o d u l e 4 . 2 Cognitive Development in the Preschool Years

Jesse and the Three Bears

Three-year-old Jesse is acting out his favorite story- The Three

Bears. From the next room, his mother hears him playing each of

the characters. "Someone's been eating my porridge," Jesse growls

in a deep Papa Bear voice. "Someone's been sitting in my chair,"

he says moments later in the exact tones of his mother. Jesse then

uses his own voice for Baby Bear. "Someone's been sleeping in

my bed, and she's still here!" This is followed by the high-pitched

squealing his mother knows is Jesse's Goldilocks waking to see the

three bears.

In some ways, the intellectual sophistication of 3-year-olds is

astounding. Their creativity and imagination leap to new heights;

their lang uage is increas ing ly soph isticated ; and they reason and

thi n k about the world in ways that would have been impossible

even a few months previous ly. But what unde rlies the dramatic

advances in intellectual development of the presc hool years? In this

module, we wi ll consider a number of approaches to understanding

c hil dren 's th i nking and the deve lopment of cognitive abilities in the

preschool years.

Piaget' s Approach to Cognitive Development Psychologist Jean Piaget, whose stage approach to cognitive development we discussed in Module 3.2, saw the preschool years as a time of both stability and change. He placed the preschool years into a single stage of cognitive development, the preoperational stage, which lasts from age 2 until around age 7.

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preoperational stage according to Piaget, the stage from approximately age 2 to age 7 in which children's use of symbolic thinking grows, mental reasoning emerges, and the use o f concepts increases

operations organized, formal, logical mental processes

centration the process of concentrating on one limited aspect of a stimulus and ig noring other aspects

Piaget's Stage of Preoperational Thinking

LO 4.7 Analyze Piaget's explanation of cognitive development during the preschool years.

During the preoperational stage, children's use of symbolic thinking grows, mental reasoning emerges, and the use of concepts increases. Seeing Mom's car keys may prompt a question, "Go to store?" as the child comes to see the keys as a symbol of a car ride. In this way, children become better at representing events internally and less dependent on sensorimotor activity to understand the world around them. Yet they are still not capable of operations, which are organized, formal, logical mental processes.

According to Piaget, a key aspect of preoperational thought is symbolic function, the ability to use a mental symbol, a word, or an object to stand for or represent some thing that is not physically present. For example, preschoolers can use a mental sym bol for a car (the word car), and they understand that a small toy car is representative of the real thing. They have no need to get behind the wheel of an actual car to under stand its basic purpose and use.

THE RELATION BETWEEN LANGUAGE AND THOUGHT Symbolic function is at the heart of one of the major advances of the preoperational period: the increasingly sophisticated use of language. Piaget suggests that the advances in language during the preschool years reflect improvements over the type of thinking that is possible during the previous sensorimotor period. Instead of slow, sensorimotor-based think ing, symbolic thought, which relies on improved linguistic ability, allows preschoolers to represent actions virtually, at much greater speed.

Even more important, language allows children to think beyond the present to the future. Rather than being grounded in the here and now, preschoolers can imagine future possibilities through language in the form of fantasies and daydreams.

CENTRATION: WHAT YOU SEE IS WHAT YOU THINK Place a dog mask on a cat and what do you get? According to 3- and 4-year-old preschoolers, a dog. To them, a cat with a dog mask ought to bark like a dog, wag its tail like a dog, and eat dog food. In every respect, the cat has been transformed into a dog.

To Piaget, the root of this belief is centration, a key element, and limitation, of thinking in the preoperational period. Centration is the process of concentrat ing on one limited aspect of a stimulus-typically its superficial elements-and ig noring others . These elements come to dominate preschoolers' thinking, leading to inaccuracy.

Centration is the cause of the error illustrated in Figure 4-5. Asked which row con tains more buttons, children who are 4 or 5 usually choose the row that looks longer, rather than the one that actually contains more buttons. This occurs even though chil dren this age know quite well that 10 is more than 8. Rather than taking into account their understanding of quantity, they focus on appearance.

Preschoolers' focus on appearances might be related to another aspect of preop erational thought, the lack of conservation.

Figure 4- 5 Which Row Contains More Buttons? When preschoolers are shown these two rows and asked which row has more buttons, they usually respond that the lower row of buttons contains more, because it looks longer. They answer in this way even though they know quite well that 1 0 is greater than 8. Do you think preschoolers can be taught to answer correctly?

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CONSERVATION: LEARNING THAT APPEARANCES ARE DECEIVING Consider the following scenario:

Four-year-old Jaime is shown two drinking glasses. One is short and broad; the other, tall and thin. A teacher half-fills the short, broad glass with apple juice. The teacher then pours the juice into the tall, thin glass. The juice fills the tall g lass almost to the brim. The teacher asks Jaime a question: Is there more juice in the second glass than there was in the first?

If you view this as an easy task, so do children like Jaime. The problem is that they almost always get it wrong.

Most 4-year-olds say that there is more apple juice in the tall, thin glass than there was in the short, broad one. In fact, if the juice is poured back into the shorter glass, they are quick to say that there is now less juice than there was in the taller glass.

The reason is that children of this age have not mastered conservation. Conservation is the knowledge that quantity is unrelated to the arrangement and physical appearance of objects. Some other conservation tasks are shown in Figure 4-6.

Figure 4 - 6 Common Tests of C h i l dren's U n d erstand i n g of the Principle of Conservation

Why is a sense of conservation important?

Type of Modality Change in Average Age Conservation Physical Appearance Invariance Is Grasped

Number Number of elements in Rearranging or 6-7 years a collection dislocating elements 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0000000000 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Substance Amount of a

(? 7-8 years

(mass) malleable substance (e.g., clay or liquid)

D Length Length of a line or object Altering shape or 7-8 years

configuration

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 oo ooo 0 0 0 0

OOoOO 0 0 0 0 0 0

Area Amount of surface Rearranging the figures 8-9 years covered by a set of plane figures

CJ CJ EB CJ CJ Weight Weight of an object Altering shape 9-10 years

I I I I § Volume Volume of an object Altering shape 14-1 5 years

(in terms of water displacement)

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The Preschool Years 167

conservation the knowledge that quantity is un related to the arrangement and physical appearance of objects

168 Chapter 4

transformation the process in which one state is changed into another

egocentric thought thinking that does not take into ac count the viewpoints of others

intuitive thought thinking that reflects preschoolers' use of primitive reasoning and their avid acquisition of knowledge about the world

Why do children in the preoperational stage make conservation errors? Piaget sug gests that the main reason is that their tendency toward centration prevents them from focusing on the relevant features of the situation. Furthermore, they cannot follow the sequence of transformations that accompanies changes in the appearance of a situation.

INCOMPLETE UNDERSTANDING OF TRANSFORMATION Preoperational, pre school children who see several worms during a walk in the woods may believe that they are all the same worm. The reason: The children view each sighting in isolation, unable to understand that a transformation would be necessary for a worm to move quickly from one location to the next.

As Piaget used the term, transformation is the process in which one state is changed into another. For instance, adults know that if a pencil that is held upright is allowed to fall down, it passes through a series of successive stages until it reaches its final, horizontal resting spot. In contrast, children in the preoperational period are unable to envision or recall the successive transformations that the pencil followed in moving from the upright to the horizontal position.

EGOCENTRISM: THE INABILITY TO TAKE OTHERS' PERSPECTIVES Another hallmark of the preoperational period is egocentric thinking. Egocentric thought is thinking that does not take into account the viewpoints of others. Preschoolers do not understand that others have different perspectives. Egocentric thought takes two forms: lack of awareness that others see things from a different physical perspective and failure to realize that others may hold thoughts, feelings, and points of view that differ from theirs. (Note that egocentric thought does not imply intentional selfishness or a lack of consideration.)

Egocentric thinking lies behind children's lack of concern over their nonverbal behavior and the impact it has on others. For instance, 4-year-olds who receive a gift of socks may frown as they open the package, unaware that their face can be seen by others and reveals their true feelings.

Egocentrism largely explains why many preschoolers talk to themselves, even in the presence of others, and often ignore what others are telling them. This behav ior illustrates the egocentric nature of preoperational children's thinking: the lack of awareness that their behavior acts as a trigger to others' reactions and responses. Consequently, much of preschoolers' verbal behavior has no social motivation but is meant purely for their own consumption.

Similarly, egocentrism can also be seen in hiding games. In hide-and-seek, 3-year olds may "hide" by covering their faces with a pillow-even though they remain in plain view. Their reasoning: If they cannot see others, others cannot see them. They assume that everyone else shares their view.

THE EMERGENCE OF INTUITIVE THOUGHT Because Piaget labeled this the "preoperational period" and focused on cognitive deficiencies, it is easy to assume that preschoolers are marking time, but the period is far from idle. Cognitive development proceeds steadily, and new abilities emerge, including intuitive thought.

Intuitive thought refers to preschoolers' use of primitive reasoning and their avid acquisition of world knowledge. From about ages 4 to 7, curiosity blossoms. Children ask "Why?" questions about nearly everything. At the same time, they may act as if they are authorities on particular topics, certain that they have the final word on an issue. Their intuitive thought leads them to believe that they know answers to all kinds of questions, with little or no logical basis for this confidence.

In the late stages of the preoperational period, children's intuitive thinking prepares them for more sophisticated reasoning. For instance, preschoolers come to understand that pushing harder on the pedals makes a bicycle move faster or that pressing a button on a remote control makes the television change channels. By the end of the preoperational stage, preschoolers begin to grasp functionality, the idea that actions, events, and outcomes are related to one another in fixed patterns. They also become aware of identity, the un derstanding that certain things stay the same, regardless of changes in shape, size, and appearance-for instance, that a lump of clay contains the same amount of clay whether it is clumped into a ball or stretched out like a snake. Comprehension of identity is neces sary for children to develop an understanding of conservation (the understanding, as we

discussed previously, that quantity is not related to physical appearances). Piaget regarded the development of conservation as the transition from the preoperational period to the next stage, concrete operations, which we will discuss in Chapter 5.

Evaluating Piaget's Approach to Cognitive Development

LO 4.8 Evaluate how Piaget's approach stands up to the test of time.

Piaget, a masterly observer of children's behavior, provided a detailed portrait of preschoolers' cognitive abilities. The broad outlines of his approach have given us a useful way of thinking about the progressive advances in cognitive ability during the preschool years (Siegal, 1997).

However, it is important to consider Piaget's approach to cognitive development within the appropriate historical context and in light of more recent research findings. As we discussed previously, Piaget's theory is based on extensive observations of relatively few children. Despite his insightful and groundbreaking observations, recent experimental investigations suggest that in certain regards, Piaget underestimated children's capabilities.

Take, for instance, Piaget's views of how children in the preoperational period un derstand numbers. He contended that preschoolers' thinking is seriously handicapped, as evidenced by their performance on tasks involving conservation and reversibility, the understanding that a transformation can be reversed to return something to its original state. Yet more recent experimental work suggests otherwise.

For instance, developmental psychologist Rochel Gelman has found that children as young as 3 can easily tell the difference between rows of two and three toy ani mals, regardless of the animals' spacing. Older children are able to note differences in number, performing tasks such as identifying which of two numbers is larger and indicating that they understand some rudiments of addition and subtraction problems (Brandone et al., 2012; Gelman, 2015; Dietrich et al., 2016).

Gelman concludes that children have an innate ability to count, akin to the ability

to use language that some theorists see as universal and genetically determined. This is clearly at odds with Piagetian notions, which suggest that children's numerical abili ties do not blossom until after the preoperational period.

Some developmentalists (particularly those who favor the information processing approach) also believe that cognitive skills develop in a more continuous manner than Piaget's theory implies. They believe that rather than thought changing in quality, as Piaget argues, the changes in thinking ability are more quantitative, improving gradu ally (Gelman & Baillargeon, 1983; Case, 1991).

There are further difficulties with Piaget's view. His contention that conservation does not emerge until the end of the preoperational period has not stood up to experimental scrutiny. Children can learn to answer correctly on conservation tasks if they are given cer tain training and experiences. The fact that one can improve children's performance argues against the Piagetian view that children in the preoperational period have not reached a level of cognitive maturity to understand conservation (Ping & Goldin-Meadow, 2008).

In sum, Piaget tended to concentrate on preschoolers' deficiencies in logical thought. By focusing more on children's competence, recent theorists have found evidence for a surprising degree of capability in preschoolers.

Alternative Approaches: Information Processing Theory and Vygotsky

Even as an adult, Paco has clear recollections of his first trip to a farm, which h e took when he was 3 years old. He was visiting his godfather, who lived in Puerto Rico, and the two of them went to a nearby farm. Paco recounts seeing what seemed like hundreds of chickens, and he clearly recalls his fear of the pigs, who seemed huge, smelly, and fright ening. Most of all, he recal l s the thrill of riding on a horse with his godfather.

The fact that Paco has a clear memory of his farm trip is not surprising: Most people have unambiguous, and seemingly accurate, memories dating as far back as age 3.

The Preschool Years 169

1 70 Chapter 4

This preschooler may recall this

ride in 6 months, but by the time

she is 12, it will probably be forgot

ten. Can you explain why?

autobiographical memory memory of particular events from one's own life

scripts broad representations in memory of events and the order in which they occur

But are the processes used to form memories at that age similar to those that oper ate later in life? More broadly, what general changes in the processing of information occur during the preschool years?

Information Processing Approaches to Cognitive Development

LO 4.9 Analyze information processing approaches to cognitive development in the preschool years.

Information processing approaches to cognitive development focus on changes in the kinds of "mental programs" that children use when approaching problems. They com pare the changes in children's cognitive abilities during the preschool years to the way a computer program becomes more sophisticated as a programmer modifies it based on experience. For many child developmentalists, information processing approaches represent the dominant, most comprehensive, and most accurate explanation of how children develop cognitively (Siegler, 1994; Lacerda, von Hofsten, & Heimann, 2001).

We'll focus on two areas that highlight the approach taken by information processing theorists: understanding of numbers and memory development.

PRESCHOOLERS' UNDERSTANDING OF NUMBERS As we saw previously, pre schoolers have a greater understanding of numbers than Piaget thought. Researchers using information processing approaches have found increasing evidence for the so phistication of preschoolers' numerical understanding. The average preschooler is not only able to count, but also to do so in a fairly systematic, consistent manner (Siegler, 1998; Milburn et al., 2018).

For instance, developmental psychologist Rochel Gelman suggests that preschool ers follow set principles in their counting. Shown a group of items, they know they should assign just one number to each item and count each item only once. Moreover, even when they get the names of numbers wrong, they are consistent in their usage. For instance, a 4-year-old who counts three items as "l, 3, 7" will say "l, 3, 7" when counting another group of different items. And if asked, he or she will probably say that there are seven items in the group (Slusser, Ditta, & Sarnecka, 2013; Xu & LeFevre, 2016; Brueggemann & Gable, 2018).

By the age of 4, most children are able to carry out simple addition and subtraction

problems by counting, and they are able to compare different quantities quite success fully (Donlan, 1998; Gilmore & Spelke, 2008).

MEMORY: RECALLING THE PAST Think back to your own earliest memory. If you are like Paco, described previously, and most other people too, it prob ably is of an event that occurred after age 3. Autobiographical memory, mem ory of particular events from one's own life, achieves little accuracy until then and increases gradually throughout the preschool years. The accuracy of pre schoolers' memories is partly determined by when the memories are assessed. Not all autobiographical memories last into later life. For instance, a child may remember the first day of kindergarten 6 months or a year later, but later in life might not remember it at all. Further, unless an event is particularly vivid or meaningful, it is not likely to be remembered (Valentino et al., 2014; McDonnell et al., 2016; Valentino et al., 2018).

Forensic developmental psychologists focus

on the reliability of children's memories in a

legal context.

Preschoolers' autobiographical memories not only fade, but may also not be wholly accurate. For example, if an event happens often, it may be hard to remember one specific time it happened. Preschoolers' memories of familiar events are often organized into scripts, broad representations in memory of events and the order in which they occur. For example, a young preschooler might represent eating in a restaurant in terms of a few steps: talking to a server, getting the food, and eating. With age, the scripts

become more elaborate: getting in the car, being seated at the restaurant, choosing food, ordering, waiting for the meal to come, eating, ordering des sert, and paying for the food. Particular instances of such scripted events are recalled with less accuracy than events that are unscripted (Sutherland, Pipe, & Schick, 2003; Yanaoka & Saito, 2017).

CHILDREN'S EYEWITNESS TESTIMONY: MEMORY ON TRIAL Preschoolers' memories have another important characteristic: They are susceptible to suggestion. This is a special concern when children testify in legal situations, such as when abuse is suspected. Consider the following. 1 1 saw the crayons. They were all the colors of the rainbow. And gold, too. I was wanting to

color with them all day. But then a big man, a giant, came and he stole all the crayons. It happened while we were napping.

Despite the detailed account by this 4-year-old boy of his witnessing the theft of a car ton of crayons, there's a problem: The incident didn't happen this way. The memory is entirely false.

The 4-year-old's explicit recounting of a theft that had not actually occurred evolved over a week of questioning about a classroom incident. A sealed carton of crayons disappeared. The children were questioned but none of them knew the carton contained crayons or where it went. The boy quoted here then overheard the teacher tell the principal that the last time she'd seen the crayons was just before nap time. Several days later, she read a fairy tale in class, "Jack and the Beanstalk," which fea tured a giant. These details became part of his narrative.

This incident has implications for research in a new and rapidly growing field : forensic developmental psychology.

Forensic developmental psychology focuses on the reliability of children's autobio graphical memories in the context of the legal system, when they may be witnesses or victims (Goodman, 2006; Bruck & Ceci, 2012).

Children's memories are susceptible to the suggestions of adults asking them questions. This is particularly true of preschoolers, who are considerably more vul nerable to suggestion than either adults or school-age children. The error rate is heightened when the same question is asked repeatedly. False memories-of the "stolen crayon" type just reported-in fact may be more persistent than actual memories. In addition, when questions are highly suggestive (i.e., when question ers attempt to lead a person to particular conclusions), children are more apt to make mistakes (Lowenstein, Blank, & Sauer, 2010; Stolzenberg & Pezdek, 2013; Otgaar et al., 2018).

INFORMATION PROCESSING IN PERSPECTIVE According to information pro cessing approaches, cognitive development consists of gradual improvements in the ways people perceive, understand, and remember information. With age and practice, preschoolers process information more efficiently and with greater sophistication, and they are able to handle increasingly complex problems. In this view, it is these quanti tative advances in information processing-and not the qualitative changes suggested by Piaget-that constitute cognitive development (Zhe & Siegler, 2000; Rose, Feldman, & Jankowski, 2009; Bernstein et al., 2017).

For supporters of information processing, the reliance on well-defined processes that can be tested by research is one of the perspective's most important features. Rather than relying on somewhat vague concepts, such as Piaget's notions of assimila tion and accommodation, information processing approaches provide a comprehen sive, logical set of concepts.

For instance, as preschoolers grow older, they have longer attention spans, can monitor and plan what they are attending to more effectively, and become increas ingly aware of their cognitive limitations. This places some of Piaget's findings in a different light. For instance, increased attention allows older children, as distinct from preschoolers, to attend to both the height and width of tall and short glasses and to understand that the amount of liquid in the glasses stays the same when it is poured back and forth-that is, to grasp conservation.

Yet information processing approaches have their detractors. One important criti cism is that information processing approaches "lose the forest for the trees" by paying so much attention to the detailed, individual sequence of mental processes that they never adequately paint a comprehensive picture of cognitive development-which Piaget clearly did quite well.

The Preschool Years 1 71

1 72 Chapter 4

Russian developmental psycholo

gist Lev Vygotsky proposed that

the focus of cognitive development

should be on a child's social and

cultural world, as opposed to the

Piagetian approach concentrating

on individual performance.

Consequently, theorists using both Piagetian and information processing ap proaches can be considered to take complementary approaches to explaining behavior. For example, consider the chapter opening scenario, about the very active preschooler named Chen who found a way to climb across the kitchen counter to reach a cookie jar. A Piagetian approach might focus on the development of schemas that permit ted Chen to understand the concept of goal-focused behavior. In contrast, information processing approaches might concentrate on the memory improvements that allowed Chen to recall where the cookies were stored.

Hence, information processing accounts of behavior provide a different, but com plementary view, of behavior. In any case, information processing approaches have been highly influential over the past several decades. They have inspired a tremen dous amount of research that has helped us gain some insights into how children de velop cognitively.

Vygotsky's View of Cognitive Development: Taking Culture into Account

LO 4.10 Describe Vygotsky's view of cognitive development in the preschool years.

As her daughter watches, a member of the C hi lcoti n Indian tri be prepares a salmon for dinner. When the daughter asks a question about a small detai l of the process, the mother takes out another salmon and repeats the enti re process. Accord i ng to the tribal view of learning, understanding and comprehens ion can come only from grasping the total procedure, and not from learning about the indi vidual subcomponents of the task (Tharp, 1 989).

The Chilcotin view of how children learn about the world contrasts with the preva lent view of Western society, which assumes that only by mastering the separate parts of a problem can one fully comprehend it. Do differences in the ways particular cul tures and societies approach problems influence cognitive development? According to Russian developmental psychologist Lev Vygotsky, who lived from 1896 to 1934, the answer is a clear yes.

Vygotsky viewed cognitive development as the product of social interactions. Instead of concentrating on individual performance, Vygotsky's increasingly influen tial view focuses on the social aspects of development and learning.

Vygotsky saw children as apprentices, learning cognitive strategies and other skills from adult and peer mentors who not only present new ways of doing things, but also provide assistance, instruction, and motivation. Consequently, he focused on the child's social and cultural world as the source of cognitive development. According to Vygotsky, children gradually grow intellectually and begin to function on their own because of the assistance that adult and peer partners provide (Vygotsky, 1926/ 1997; Tudge & Scrimsher, 2003).

Vygotsky contends that culture and society establish the institutions, such as pre schools and play groups, that promote development by providing opportunities for cognitive growth. Furthermore, by emphasizing particular tasks, culture and society shape the nature of specific cognitive advances. Unless we look at what is important and meaningful to members of a given society, we may seriously underestimate the nature and level of cognitive abilities that ultimately will be attained. For example, children's toys reflect what is important and meaningful in a particular society. In Western societies, preschoolers commonly play with toy wagons, automobiles, and other vehicles, in part reflecting the mobile nature of the culture (Veraksa et al., 2016; Yeniasir, Gokbulut, & Yara§ir, 2017; Esteban-Guitart, 2018).

Vygotsky's approach is therefore quite different from Piaget's. Where Piaget looked at children and saw junior scientists, working by themselves to develop an independent understanding of the world, Vygotsky saw cognitive apprentices, learn ing from master teachers the skills valued in the child's culture (Mahn & John-Steiner, 2013; Neal Kimball & Turner, 2018).

THE ZONE OF PROXIMAL DEVELOPMENT AND SCAFFOLDING: FOUNDATIONS OF COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT Vygotsky proposed that children's cognitive abili ties increase through exposure to information that is new enough to be intriguing, but not too difficult to contend with. He called this the zone of proximal development (ZPD), the level at which a child can almost, but not fully, perform a task indepen dently, but can do so with the assistance of someone more competent. For cognitive development to occur, new information must be presented-by parents, teachers, or more skilled peers-within the ZPD. For example, preschoolers might not be able to figure out by themselves how to stick a handle on the clay pot they're making, but they can do it with advice from their child-care teacher (Zuckerman & Shenfield, 2007; Norton & D'Ambrosio, 2008; Warford, 2011).

The concept of the ZPD suggests that even though two children might be able to achieve the same amount without help, if one child receives aid, he or she may im prove substantially more than the other. The greater the improvement that comes with help, the larger the ZPD.

The assistance or structuring provided by others has been termed scaffolding after the temporary scaffolds that aid in building construction. Scaffolding is the sup port for learning and problem solving that encourages independence and growth (Puntambekar & Hi.ibscher, 2005; Blewitt et al., 2009). As in construction, the scaffold ing that older people provide, which facilitates the completion of identified tasks, is removed once children can solve a problem on their own (Taynieoeaym & Ruffman, 2008; Ankrum, Genest, & Belcastro, 2013; Leonard & Higson, 2014).

To Vygotsky, scaffolding not only helps children solve specific problems, but it also aids in the development of their overall cognitive abilities. In education, scaf folding involves, first of all, helping children think about and frame a task appro priately. In addition, a parent or teacher is likely to provide clues to task completion that fit the child's level of development and to model behavior that can lead to task completion.

From an educator's perspective: If children's cognitive development is dependent on interactions with others, what obligations does society have regarding such social settings as preschools and neighborhoods?

One key aspect of the aid that more accomplished individuals provide to learn ers comes in the form of cultural tools. Cultural tools are actual, physical items (e.g., pencils, paper, calculators, computers, and so forth), as well as an intellectual and con ceptual framework for solving problems. The framework includes the language that is used within a culture, its alphabetical and numbering schemes, its mathematical and scientific systems, and even its religious systems. These cultural tools provide a struc ture that can be used to help children define and solve specific problems, as well as an intellectual point of view that encourages cognitive development.

For example, consider the cultural differences in how people talk about distance. In cities, distance is usually measured in blocks ("the store is about 15 blocks away"). To a child from a rural background, more culturally meaningful terms are needed, such as yards, miles, practical rules of thumb such as "a stone's throw," or references to known distances and landmarks ("about half the distance to town").

To make matters more complicated, "how far" questions are sometimes answered in terms not of distance, but of time ("it's about 15 minutes to the store"), which will be understood variously to refer to walking or riding time, depending on context-and, if riding time, to different forms of riding-by ox cart, bicycle, bus, canoe, or automo bile, again depending on cultural context. The nature of the tools available to children to solve problems and perform tasks is highly dependent on the culture in which they live.

EVALUATING VYGOTSKY'S CONTRIBUTIONS Vygotsky's view has become in creasingly influential, which is surprising given that he died more than 75 years ago at the age of 37 (Winsler, 2003; Gredler & Shields, 2008). His influence has grown because

The Preschool Years 1 73

zone of proximal development (ZPD) according to Vygotsky, the level at which a child can almost, but not fully, perform a task independently, but can do so with the assistance of someone more competent

scaffolding the support for learning and problem solving that encourages independence and growth

17 4 Chapter 4

syntax the way in which an individual com bines words and phrases to form sentences

fast mapping instances in which new words are associated with their meaning after only a brief encounter

his ideas help explain a growing body of research on the importance of social interac tion in promoting cognitive development. The idea that children's comprehension of the world flows from their interactions with their parents, peers, and other members of society is increasingly well supported. It is also consistent with a growing body of multicultural and cross-cultural research that finds evidence that cognitive develop ment is shaped, in part, by cultural factors (Hedegaard & Fleer, 2013; Friedrich, 2014; Yasnitsky & van der Veer, 2016).

Of course, not every aspect of Vygotsky's theorizing has been supported, and he can be criticized for a lack of precision in his conceptualization of cognitive growth. For instance, such broad concepts as the ZPD are not terribly precise, and they do not always lend themselves to experimental tests (Daniels, 2006).

Furthermore, Vygotsky was largely silent on how basic cognitive processes such as attention and memory develop and how children's natural cognitive capabilities unfold. Because of his emphasis on broad cultural influences, he did not focus on how individual bits of information are processed and synthesized. These processes, essential to a complete understanding of cognitive development, are more directly ad dressed by information processing theories. Still, Vygotsky's melding of the cognitive and social worlds of children has been an important advance in our understanding of cognitive development.

The Growth of Language and Learning I tried it out and it was very great! This is a picture of when I was running through the water with Mommy. Where are you going when I go to the fireworks with Mommy and Daddy? I didn't know creatures went on floats in pools. We can always pretend we have another one. And the teacher put it up on the counter so no one could reach it. I really want to keep it while we're at the park. Yo u need to get your own ball if you want to play "hit the tree." When I grow up and I ' m a baseball player, I ' l l have my baseball hat, and I ' l l put it on, and I ' l l play baseball. (Schatz, 1 994, p. 1 79)

Listen to Ricky, at age 3 . In addition to recognizing most letters of the alphabet, print ing the first letter of his name, and writing the word "HI," he is capable of producing these complex sentences.

During the preschool years, children's language skills reach new heights of so phistication. They begin the period with reasonable linguistic capabilities, but with significant gaps in both comprehension and production. In fact, no one would mistake a 3-year-old's language for an adult's. However, by the end of the preschool years, they can hold their own with adults, comprehending and producing language with many of the qualities of adults' language. How does this transformation occur?

Language Development

LO 4.1 1 Explain how children's language develops in the preschool years.

Language blooms so rapidly between the ages of the late 2s and the mid-3s that re searchers have yet to understand the exact pattern. What is clear is that sentence length increases steadily, and the number of ways children combine words and phrases to form sentences-known as syntax-doubles each month. By the time a preschooler is 3, the various combinations reach into the thousands.

There are also enormous leaps in the number of words children use. By age 6, the average child has a vocabulary of around 14,000 words-acquired at a rate of nearly one new word every 2 hours, 24 hours a day. They manage this feat through a process known as fast mapping, in which new words are associated with their meaning after only a brief encounter (Marinellie & Kneile, 2012; Venker, Kover, & Weismer, 2016; Aravind, et al., 2018).

By the age of 3, preschoolers routinely use plurals and possessive forms of nouns (such as "boys" and "boy's"), the past tense (adding "-ed" at the end of words), and articles ("the" and "a"). They can ask, and answer, complex questions ("Where did you say my book is?" and "Those are trucks, aren't they?").

Preschoolers' skills extend to the appropriate formation of words that they have never before encountered. For example, in one classic experiment (Berko, 1958), the ex perimenter told the children that a figure was a "wug," and then showed them a card with two of the cartoon figures. "Now there are two of them," the children were told, and they were then asked to supply the missing word in the sentence, "There are two ____ " (the answer to which, of course, is "wugs"). (See Figure 4-7.)

Not only did children show that they knew rules about the plural forms of nouns, but they also understood possessive forms of nouns and the third-person singular and past-tense forms of verbs-all for words that they had never encountered, because they were nonsense words with no real meaning (O'Grady & Aitchison, 2005).

Preschoolers also learn what cannot be said as they acquire the principles of gram mar. Grammar is the system of rules that determine how our thoughts can be ex pressed. For instance, preschoolers come to learn that "I am sitting" is correct, whereas the similarly structured "I am knowing [that]" is incorrect. Although they still make frequent mistakes of one sort or another, 3-year-olds follow the principles of grammar most of the time. Some errors are noticeable-such as the use of mens and catched but these errors are actually quite rare. In fact, young preschoolers are correct in their grammatical constructions more than 90 percent of the time (Guasti, 2002; Abbot Smith & Tomasello, 2010; Normand et al., 2013).

PRIVATE SPEECH In even a short visit to a preschool, you're likely to notice some children talking to themselves during play periods. A child might be reminding a doll about a trip to the grocery store later, or, while playing with a toy racing car, might speak of an upcoming race. In some cases, the talk is sustained, as when a child, work ing on a puzzle, says things like, "This piece goes here . . . . Uh-oh, this one doesn't fit. . . . Where can I put this piece? . . . This can't be right."

Some developmentalists suggest that private speech, speech by children that is spoken and directed to themselves, performs an important function. For instance, Vygotsky suggested that it is used as a guide to behavior and thought. By commu nicating with themselves through private speech, children are able to try out ideas, acting as their own sounding boards. In this way, private speech facilitates children's thinking and helps them control their behavior-much as you might say "Take it easy" or "Calm down" when trying to control your anger over some situation. In Vygotsky's view, then, private speech serves as an important social function and is also a fore runner to the internal dialogues that we use when we reason with ourselves during thinking (Winsler et al., 2006; Al-Namlah, Meins, & Fernyhough, 2012; McGonigle Chalrners, Slater, & Smith, 2014; Sawyer, 2017).

In addition, private speech may be a way for children to practice the practi cal skills required in conversation, known as pragmatics. Pragmatics is the aspect of language relating to communicating effectively and appropriately with others. The development of pragmatic abilities permits children to understand the basics of conversations-turn-taking, sticking to a topic, and what should and should not be said, according to the conventions of society. When children are taught that the ap propriate response to receiving a gift is "thank you," or that they should use different language in various settings (on the playground versus in the classroom), they are

learning the pragmatics of language.

SOCIAL SPEECH The preschool years also mark the growth of social speech. Social speech is speech directed toward another person and meant to be understood by that person. Before age 3, children seem to be speaking only for their own entertain ment, apparently uncaring whether anyone else can understand. However, during the preschool years, children begin to direct their speech to others, wanting others to listen and becoming frustrated when they cannot make themselves understood. As a result, they begin to adapt their speech to others through pragmatics, as discussed previously.

The Preschool Years 1 75

Figure 4- 7 Appropriate Format i o n of Words Even though no preschooler- like the rest of u s -i s likely to have ever before encou ntered a wug, they are able to produce the appropriate word to fill in the blank (which, for the record, is wugs).

SOURCE: Based on Berka, J. (1 958). The child's learning of English morphology. Word, 1 4 , 1 50-177.

This animal is called a wug.

We added another wug. Now there are two __ .

grammar the system of rules that determine how our thoughts can be expressed

private speech speech by children that is spoken and directed to themselves

pragmatics the aspect of language that relates to communicating effectively and appropriately with others

social speech speech directed toward another per son and meant to be understood by that person

1 76 Chapter 4

Informal and Formal Learning

LO 4.12 Describe the effects of informal and formal learning resources on preschoolers.

Children are notorious sponges for information, whether it comes from an informal source, such as television or the Web, or a more formal educational program estab lished for the explicit purpose of teaching. The result can be more or less beneficial, depending on the quality and dependability of the "teacher." We will take a look at both informal sources of information and learning, available through the media, and more formal sources, offered typically by early education programs.

MEDIA AND SCREEN TIME IN THE LIVES OF PRESCHOOLERS One of the most vexing problems parents of preschoolers face is determining what, and how much, media their children should be allowed to view. Are preschoolers learning from the time they spend viewing media, or are there downsides to exposure to media?

The answer is complicated, and evolving. It is certainly true that left to their own devices, preschoolers would likely put in quite a bit of time viewing various kinds of media. Indeed, they already do: The average preschooler is exposed to over 4 hours per day of screen time, which includes watching media on handheld devices, televi sion, and computers. Furthermore, more than a third of households with children 2 to 7 years of age say that the television is on "most of the time" in their homes (Gutnick et al., 2010; Tandon et al., 2011).

Additionally, 70 percent of preschoolers between the ages of 4 and 6 have used a computer, and a quarter of them use one every day. Those who use a computer spend an average of an hour a day, and the majority use it by themselves. With help from their parents, almost one-fifth of older preschoolers have sent an e-mail (Rideout, Vandewater, & Wartella, 2003; McPake, Plowman, & Stephen, 2013). THE UP- AND DOWNSIDES OF MEDIA VIEWING It is unclear what, exactly, chil dren are learning from media exposure they experience. When they do watch television or online videos, preschool children often do not fully understand the plots of the stories they are viewing, particularly in longer programs. They are unable to recall significant story details after viewing a program, and the inferences they make about the motiva tions of characters are limited and often erroneous. Moreover, preschool children may have difficulty separating fantasy from reality in programming, with some believing, for example, that there is a real Big Bird living on Sesame Street (Richert & Schlesinger, 2017).

Preschool-age children exposed to advertising are not able to critically understand and evaluate the messages to which they are exposed. Consequently, they are likely to fully accept advertisers' claims about their product. The likelihood of children be lieving advertising messages is so high that the American Psychological Association has recommended that television advertising targeting children under the age of 8 be restricted (Nash, Pine, & Messer, 2009; Nicklas et al., 2011; Harris & Kalnova, 2018).

One further concern about preschoolers' use of media relates to the inactivity it produces. Preschoolers who watch more than 2 hours per day of television and videos or use computers for significant amounts of time have a higher risk of obesity than those who watch less Gordan & Robinson, 2008; Strasburger, 2009; Cox et al, 2012).

In short, the world to which preschoolers are exposed is imperfectly understood and unrealistic. However, as they get older and their information processing capabilities im prove, preschoolers' understanding of the material they see on television and on the com puter improves. They remember things more accurately, and they become better able to focus on the central message of what they're watching. This improvement suggests that the powers of media may be harnessed to bring about cognitive gains-exactly what the producers of Sesame Street set out to do (Berry, 2003; Uchikoshi, 2006; Njoroge et al., 2016).

To address the concern of children putting in too much screen time, the American Academy of Pediatrics recommended in 2016 that children younger than 18 months be discouraged from using screen media other than video chats. For preschoolers older than 2 years of age, they suggest limiting media to 1 hour or less of high-quality pro gramming per day. They also recommend that no screens should be used during meals and for 1 hour before bedtime (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2016; also see the From Research to Practice box).

Fro m Research to Practi c e

Screen Tim e and the Video Deficit

In a world that is increasi ngly saturated with technology designed to entertain us or keep us connected to each other, it is not surprising that mobile devices are being used by very young children. For example, in restaurants it's commonplace to see toddlers seated with their parents at a table, wearing earbuds and watch ing their favorite show on their parent's smartphone or playing a video game on a tablet. Many parents expect that using this technology wi ll provide some sort of educational benefit for their child. But do young ch ildren learn as well from a screen as they would from interacting d irectly with an adult?

No, they do not, because of what has been termed the video deficit. Research has consistently found that for many learni ng tasks such as word-learning and im itatio n , young chil dren learn much more quickly when interacting w ith an adult i n person than they d o watching i n struction on a screen. For example, one study found that 1 2 - to 1 8-month olds learned many more new words when taught through live parent interaction com pared to chi ldren who watched

The Preschool Years 1 77

a popular DVD that attempted to teach the same words (Deloache et al., 201 0) .

We don't yet fully understand what causes t h e video deficit in young children. However, a recent study looked at how toddlers' eye movements differ when they are bei ng taught where to find a hidden object that was presented either on a screen or by a person . Researchers found that the toddlers interacting with a screen actually looked more at the place where the object was hidden and yet were less likely to find the object than were the toddlers interacting with a real person. This study and many like it underscore the importance of in person interactions for young children and perhaps caution us

not to rely on technology for education (Kirkorian et al., 201 6).

Sh ared Writ i n g Prompt: How might awareness of the video deficit influence strategies that parents and teachers use to educate young c h i ldren?

EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION: TAKING THE "PRE" OUT OF THE PRESCHOOL PERIOD The term preschool period is something of a misnomer: Almost three-quarters of children in the United States are enrolled in some form of care outside the home, much of it designed either explicitly or implicitly to teach skills that will enhance in tellectual and social abilities (see Figure 4-8). There are several reasons for this, but one major factor is the rise in the number of families in which both parents work out side the home. For instance, a high proportion of fathers work outside the home, and around 65 percent of women with children younger than age 6 are employed, most of them full-time (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2018).

However, there is another reason that preschools are popular: Developmental psy chologists have found evidence that children can benefit substantially from involve ment in some form of educational activity before they enroll in formal schooling, which

Figure 4-8 Care Outside the Home Approxi mately 60 percent of chi ldren under 6 in the United States are enroll ed i n some form of care outside the home-a trend that is the result of more parents employed ful l ti me. Evidence sug gests that children can benefit from early childhood education.

SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 2003 .

• c. :J 0 � Cll Cl < .J:: v "' w c: c: Cll � .J:: u

Children in relative care

Children in nonrelative care

o Children in � center-based "' 1: program Cll v Qi '1.

•columns do not add up to 100 because some children participated in more than one type of day care.

1 78 Chapter 4

typically takes place at age 5 or 6 in the United States. When compared to children who stay at home and have no formal educational involvement, most children enrolled in good preschools experience clear cognitive and social benefits (National Association for the Education of Young Children, 2005; Bakken, Brown, & Downing, 2017).

THE VARIETIES OF EARLY EDUCATION The variety of early education alter natives is vast. Some outside-the-home care for children is little more than babysit ting, whereas other options are designed to promote intellectual and social advances. Among the major choices are the following:

• Child-care centers typically provide care for children outside the home, while their parents are at work. Although many child-care centers aim to provide some form of intellectual stimulation, their primary purpose tends to be more social and emotional than cognitive.

• Some child care is provided in family child-care centers, small operations run in private homes. Because centers in some areas are unlicensed, the quality of care can be un even. Because teachers in licensed child-care programs are more often trained profes sionals than those who provide family child care, the quality of care is often higher.

• Preschools are explicitly designed to provide intellectual and social experiences for children. They tend to be more limited in their schedules than family care centers, typically providing care for only 3 to 5 hours per day. Because of this limitation, preschools serve children mainly from middle and higher socioeconomic levels, in cases where parents don't need to work full-time.

Like child-care centers, preschools vary enormously in the activities they pro vide. Some emphasize social skills, whereas others focus on intellectual develop ment. Some do both. For instance, Montessori preschools, which use a method developed by Italian educator Maria Montessori, employ a carefully designed set of materials to create an environment that fosters sensory, motor, and language development. Children are provided with a variety of activities to choose from, with the option of moving from one to another (Gutek, 2003).

Similarly, in the Reggio Emilia preschool approach-another Italian import children participate in what is called a negotiated curriculum that emphasizes the joint participation of children and teachers. The curriculum builds on the inter ests of children, promoting their cognitive development through the integration of the arts and participation in weeklong projects (Hong & Trepanier-Street, 2004; Rankin, 2004; Paolella, 2013).

Preschool readiness programs appear to be cost effective. According to a com prehensive cost-benefit analysis of the long-term economic benefits of preschool participation, every dollar spent results in returns of $3 to $4 in long-term benefits (Gormley et al., 2005; Nakajima et al., 2016; Karoly, 2018).

• School child care is provided by some local school systems in the United States. Almost half the states fund prekindergarten programs for 4-year-olds, often aimed at disadvantaged children. Because they typically are staffed by better trained teachers than less-regulated child-care centers, school child-care programs are often of higher quality than other early education alternatives.

THE EFFECTIVENESS OF CHILD CARE How effective are such programs? Most re search suggests that preschoolers enrolled in child-care centers show intellectual devel opment that at least matches that of children at home, and often is better. For instance, some studies find that preschoolers in child care are more verbally fluent, show mem ory and comprehension advantages, and even achieve higher IQ scores than at-home children. Other studies find that early and long-term participation in child care is par ticularly helpful for children from lower-income homes or those who are at risk. Some research even shows that child-care programs can have positive consequences 25 years later (Vivanti et al., 2014; Bakken, Brown, & Downing, 2017; Ansari & Pianta, 2018).

Similar advantages are found for social development. Children in high-quality pro grams tend to be more self-confident, independent, and knowledgeable about the social world in which they live than those who do not participate. On the other hand, not all the outcomes of outside-the-home care are positive: Children in child care have been found to

be less polite, less compliant, less respectful of adults, and sometimes more competitive and aggressive than their peers. Furthermore, children who spend more than 10 hours a week in preschools have a slightly higher likelihood of being disruptive in class (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2003a; Douglass & Klerman, 2012; Vivanti et al., 2014).

It is important to keep in mind that not all early childhood care programs are equally effective. High-quality care provides intellectual and social benefits, whereas low-quality care not only is unlikely to furnish benefits, but also actually may harm children (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2006; Dearing, McCartney, & Taylor, 2009). THE QUALITY OF CHILD CARE How can we define "high quality"? The major characteristics of high-quality care include the following (Leach et al., 2008; Rudd, Cain, & Saxon, 2008; Lloyd, 2012):

• The care providers are well trained, preferably with bachelor's degrees.

• The child-care center has an appropriate overall size and ratio of care providers to children. Single groups should not have many more than 14 to 20 children, and there should be no more than 5 to 10 three-year-olds per caregiver, or 7 to 10 four or five-year-olds per caregiver.

• The child-to-teacher ratio should be 10:1 or better.

• The curriculum of a child-care facility is carefully planned out and coordinated among the teachers.

• The language environment is rich, with a great deal of conversation.

• The caregivers are sensitive to children's emotional and social needs, and they know when and when not to intervene.

• Materials and activities are age appropriate.

• Basic health and safety standards are followed.

• Children should be screened for vision, hearing, and health problems.

• At least one meal a day should be served.

• The facility should provide at least one family support service.

No one knows how many programs in the United States can be considered "high quality," but there are many fewer than desirable. In fact, the United States lags behind almost every other industrialized country in the quality of its child care as well as in its quantity and affordability (Muenchow & Marsland, 2007; Pianta et al., 2009; OECD, 2107; also see the Cultural Dimensions box).

C u lt u ral D i m e n s i o n s

The Preschool Years 1 79

Preschools Around the World: Why Does the U n ited States Lag Beh ind?

In France and Belgium, access t o preschool is a legal right. Sweden and Finland provide child care for preschoolers whose parents want it. Russia has an extensive system of state-run yas/i-sads, nursery schools and kind ergartens, attended by 75 percent of chi ldren age 3 to 7 in urban areas.

In contrast, the Un ited States has no coordinated national policy on preschool education-or on the care of children in general. There are several reasons for this. For one, decisions about education have trad itionally been left to the states and to local school districts. For another, the Un ited States, unl ike many other countries, has no tradition of teach ing preschoolers. Fi nally, the status of preschools in the Un ited States has been traditionally low. Consider, for instance, that preschool and n ursery school teachers are the lowest paid of all teachers. (Teacher salaries increase as the age of students rises. Thus,

college and high school teachers are paid most, whereas preschool and elementary school teachers are paid least.)

Different societies view the purpose of early chi ldhood education differently (Lamb et al., 1 992). For instance, i n a cross-country comparison of China, Japan, and the U n ited States, researchers found that parents in the three countries view the purpose of preschools differently. Although parents in China tend to see preschools primarily as a way of giving children a good start academically, Japanese parents view them mostly as a way of giving children the opportunity to be members of a group. In the U n ited States, in comparison, parents regard the primary purpose of preschools as making children more independent and self-reliant, although obtaining a good academic start and having group experiences are also important (Huntsinger et al., 1 997; Johnson et al., 2003).

180 Chapter 4

From an educator's perspective: What do you think might be some im plications for a preschool teacher who has children from China, Japan, and the United States in the classroom?

Review, C h eck, and Apply

Review

LO 4.7 Analyze Piaget's explanation of cognitive development during the preschool years.

According to Piaget, children in the preoperational stage de velop symbolic function, a change in their thinking that is the foundation of further cognitive advances. Preoperational chil dren are hampered by a tendency toward egocentric thought.

LO 4.8 Evaluate how Piaget's approach stands up to the test of time.

Recent developmentalists, although acknowledging Piaget's gifts and contributions, take issue with his under estimation of preschoolers' capabilities.

LO 4.9 Analyze information processing approaches to cognitive development in the preschool years.

A different approach to cognitive development is taken by proponents of information processing theories, who focus on preschoolers' storage and recall of information and on quantitative changes in information processing abilities (such as attention). Children's memories are susceptible to the suggestions of adults asking them questions. This is particularly true of preschoolers, who are considerably more vulnerable to suggestion than either adults or school age children. With age and practice, preschoolers process information more efficiently and with greater sophisti cation, and they are able to handle increasingly complex problems.

Check Yourself

1. According to Piaget, although preschool-age children begin to use symbolic thinking, they are not capable of or organized, logical mental processes that characterize schoolchildren.

a. operations c. egocentric thought b. transcendence d. social interaction

2. According to the information processing approach, memories of particular events occurring in one's own life are known as ___ _

a. personal memory b. explicit memory c. autobiographical memory d. cultural memory

Applying Lifespan Development

LO 4. 1 0 Describe Vygotsky's view of cognitive development in the preschool years.

Lev Vygotsky proposed that the nature and progress of children's cognitive development are dependent on the children's social and cultural context. Vygotsky developed two theoretical frameworks that have proven to have prac tical value in education: the zone of proximal development and scaffolding.

LO 4. 1 1 Explain how children's language develops in the preschool years.

Children rapidly progress from two-word utterances to longer, more sophisticated expressions that reflect their growing vocabularies and emerging grasp of grammar.

LO 4. 1 2 Describe the effects of informal and formal learning resources on preschoolers.

The effects of television are mixed. Preschoolers' sustained exposure to emotions and situations that are not represen tative of the real world have raised concerns. However, preschoolers can derive meaning from such targeted pro grams as Sesame Street, which are designed to bring about cognitive gains. Early childhood educational programs, offered as center-based or school-based child care or as preschool, can lead to cognitive and social advances. The United States lacks a coordinated national policy on pre school education.

3. Preschoolers are able to learn the meaning of words after only a brief encounter. This is known as

a. grammar b. fast mapping c. syntax d. social speech

4. Montessori preschools are designed to create an envi- ronment that promotes development.

a. social and cultural b. cognitive and memory c. artistic and creative d. sensory, motor, and language

In your view, how do thought and language development relate to one another in preschoolers' development? Is it possible to think without understanding a language?

The Preschool Years 181

M o d u l e 4 . 3 Social and Personality Development in the Preschool Years

"/ don 't think I would have caught it on my own," says Marcia Mueller,

a preschool teacher in Lincoln, Illinois. "Like any teacher, I'm alert

for issues that our children may have, but David Hansen was an

easy 4-year-old, always seeking to please, always empathizing with

other kids when they cried. Still, when his parents mentioned their

concerns, I looked more closely.

behavior, I began to wonder if he wasn't just dis tracted but truly

bothered by something.

"/ talked to our director, and we met with David's parents.

They decided to take him to a child psychologist, who eventually

determined that David had childhood depression."

"/ noticed that David never seemed 'fun-loving'- never running

around or climbing the slide or swinging on the swings. One time he

threw a LEGO block against the wall. When I approached, he said

'I'm no good at LEGOs. I'll never be good at them. I shouldn 't play

with them.'

"/ began to notice that David quickly turned learning frustrations

into personal sources of guilt. For instance, he would never even

try to say the days of the week in Circle Time until he was sure he

would get them right. In fact, he never tried anything- the alphabet,

counting to 1 0 - until he was certain he had mastered it. When I

noticed David sometimes staring off into space, generally a normal

In this module, we address social and personality development

during the preschool period . We begin by examini ng how children

continue to form a sense of self, focusing on how they develop th eir

self-concepts, includ ing their concept of gender. Next we focus on

preschoolers' social lives, especially how they play with one an other,

and we consider how parents and other authority figures use

discipline to shape child ren 's behavior.

Finally, we examine two key aspects of social behavior: moral

development and aggression . We consider how children develop a

notion of right and wrong, and we look at factors that lead preschool

age chi ldren to behave aggressively.

Forming a Sense of Self Although the question "Who am I?" is not explicitly posed by most preschool-age children, it underlies much of their development during the preschool years, and the answer may affect them for the rest of their lives.

Self-Concept in the Preschool Years

LO 4. 1 3 Explain how preschool-age children develop a concept of themselves.

Mary-Alice's preschool teacher raised her eyebrows slightly when the 4-year-old took off her coat. Mary-Alice, usually dressed in well -matched play suits, was a medley of prints. She had o n a pair of flowered pants , along with a completely clash ing plaid top. The outfit was accessorized with a striped headband, socks in an animal print, and Mary-Alice's polka-dotted rain boots. Mary-Alice's morn gave a slightly e mbarrassed shrug. "M ary Alice got dressed all by herself this morning," she explained as she handed over a bag containing spare shoes, just in case the rain boots became uncomfortable during the day.

PSYCHOSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: RESOLVING THE CONFLICTS Psychoanalyst Erik Erikson may well have praised Mary-Alice's mother for helping Mary-Alice develop a sense of initiative (if not of fashion), and thereby promoting her psycho social development. Psychosocial development encompasses changes in individuals' understanding of themselves and of others' behavior. According to Erikson, society and culture present a series of challenges that shift as people age. Erikson believed that people pass through eight distinct stages, each characterized by a crisis or conflict that the person must resolve. Our experiences as we try to resolve these conflicts lead us to develop ideas about ourselves that can last for the rest of our lives.

In the early part of the preschool period, children are ending the autonomy versus-shame-and-doubt stage and entering what Erikson called the initiative versus-guilt stage, which lasts from around age 3 to 6. During this period, children face conflicts between the desire to act independently of their parents and the guilt that comes if they don't succeed. They come to see themselves as persons in their own right, and they begin to make decisions on their own.

Parents (like Mary-Alice's mother) who react positively can help their children resolve these opposing feelings. By providing their children with opportunities to act self-reliantly, while still giving them direction and guidance, parents can support their

psychosocial development according to Erik Erikson, develop ment that encompasses changes in the understandings individuals have of themselves as members of society and in their comprehension of the meaning of others' behavior

initiative-versus-guilt stage according to Erik Erikson, the period during which children age 3 to 6 years experience conflict between in dependence of action and the some times negative results of that action

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children's initiative. By contrast, parents who discourage their children's independence may contribute to a sense of guilt that persists throughout their lives and affects their self concept, which begins to develop during this period.

SELF-CONCEPT: THINKING ABOUT THE SELF If you ask preschool-age children to specify what makes them different from other kids, they readily respond with answers like, 'Tm a good runner" or 'Tm a big girl." Such answers relate to self-concept-their identity, or their set of beliefs about what they are like as individuals (Marsh, Ellis, & Craven, 2002; Bhargava, 2014; Crampton & Hall, 2017).

Psychosocial development relates to changes in an understanding of one's own and others' behavior.

Children's self-concepts are not necessarily accurate. In fact, preschool children typically overestimate their skills and knowledge across all domains of expertise. Consequently, their view of the future is quite rosy: They expect to win the

self-concept a person's identity, or set of beliefs about what one is like as an individual

collectivistic orientation a philosophy that promotes the notion of interdependence

individualistic orientation a philosophy that emphasizes personal identity and the uniqueness of the individual

race dissonance the phenomenon in which minority children indicate preferences for majority values or people

next game they play, to beat all opponents in an upcoming race, to write great stories when they grow up. Even when

they have just experienced failure at a task, they are likely to expect to do well in the future. This optimistic view arises because they do not yet compare themselves and their performance against others, thereby gaining the freedom to take chances and try new activities (Verschueren, Doumen, & Buyse, 2012; Ehm, Lindberg, & Hasselhorn, 2013; Jia, Lang, & Schoppe-Sullivan, 2016).

Preschool-age children's view of themselves reflects their culture. For example, many Asian societies tend to have a collectivistic orientation, in which individuals tend to regard themselves as parts of a larger social network in which they are inter connected with and responsible to others. In contrast, children in Western cultures are more likely to develop an individualistic orientation that emphasizes personal iden tity and the uniqueness of the individual, seeing themselves as self-contained and au tonomous, in competition with others for scarce resources (Lehman, Chiu, & Schaller, 2004; Wang, 2006; Huppert et al., 2018).

Preschoolers' developing self-concepts can also be affected by their culture's at titudes toward various racial and ethnic groups. Preschoolers' awareness of their ethnic or racial identity is subtly influenced by the attitudes of the people, schools, and other cultural institutions with which they come into contact (see the Cultural Dimensions box).

C u lt u ra l Di m e n s i o n s

Deve l o p i ng Racial a n d Eth nic Awa reness

The preschool years mark an i mportant turning point for chi ldren. Their answer to the question of who they are begins to take into account their racial and ethnic identity.

For most preschool-age children, racial awareness comes relatively early. Certainly, even infants are able to distinguish d ifferent skin colors, but it is only later that children begin to attribute meaning to different racial characteristics.

By the time they are 3 or 4 years of age, preschool-age chi ldren notice differences among peopl e based on skin color, and they begin to identify themselves as a member of a particular group, such as "Hispanic" or " black." Although at first they do not realize that ethnicity and race are enduring features of who they are, later they begin to understand the si gnificance that society places on ethnic and racial

membership (Quintana et al., 2008; G uerrero et al., 201 0 ; Setoh et a l . , 201 7).

Some preschoolers have mixed feelings about their racial and ethnic identity. I n fact, some experience race dissonance, the phenomenon in which minority children ind icate preferences for majority values or people. For instance, some studies find that as many as 90 percent of African American chi ldren, when asked about their reactions to drawings of black and white chi ldren, react more negatively to those depicting bl ack children than white children. However, this reaction does not translate into lower self-esteem; rather, the white preference appears to be a result of the powerful influence of the domi nant culture, rather than a disparagement of their own race (Holland, 1 994; Quintana, 2007).

Gender Identity: Developing Femaleness and Maleness

LO 4. 1 4 Analyze how preschool-age children develop a sense of gender.

Boys' awards: Very Best Thinker, Most Eager Leamer, Most Imaginative, Most Enthusiastic, Most Scientific, Best Friend , Mr. Personality, Hardest Worker, Best Sense of Humor.

Girls' awards: All-Around Sweetheart, Sweetest Personality, Cutest Personality, Best Sharer, Best Artist, Biggest Heart, Best Manners, Best Hel per, Most Creative.

What's wrong with this picture? Quite a bit to one parent, whose daughter received one of the girls' awards during a kindergarten graduation ceremony (Deveny, 1994). Whereas the girls were getting pats on the back for their pleasing personalities, the boys were receiving awards for their intellectual and analytic skills.

This situation is not rare: Girls and boys often live in different worlds beginning at birth and continuing into the preschool years and beyond (Bornstein et al., 2008; Conry-Murray, 2013; Brinkman et al., 2014).

Gender, the sense of being male or female, is well established by the time children reach the preschool years. By age 2, children consistently label people as male or fe male (Campbell, Shirley, & Candy, 2004; Dinella, Weisgram, & Fulcher, 2017).

One way gender shows up is in play. Preschool boys spend more time than girls in rough-and-tumble play, whereas preschool girls spend more time in organized games and role-playing. During this time boys begin to play more with boys, and girls with girls, a trend that increases during middle childhood. Girls begin to prefer same-sex play mates a little earlier than boys. They first have a clear preference for interacting with other girls at age 2, while boys don't show much preference for same-sex playmates until age 3 (Boyatzis, Mallis, & Leon, 1999; Martin & Fabes, 2001; Raag, 2003; Martin et al., 2013).

Preschool-age children often have strict ideas about how boys and girls are sup posed to act. In fact, their expectations about gender-appropriate behavior are even more gender-stereotyped than those of adults. Beliefs in gender stereotypes become increasingly pronounced up to age 5, and although they become somewhat less rigid by age 7, they do not disappear. In fact, the gender stereotypes held by preschool ers resemble those held by traditional adults in society (Halim et al., 2014; Emilson, Folkesson, & Lindberg, 2016; Paz-Albo Prieto et al., 2017).

Like adults, preschoolers expect that males are more apt to have traits involving competence, independence, forcefulness, and competitiveness. In contrast, females are viewed as more likely to have traits such as warmth, expressiveness, nurturance, and submissiveness. Although these are expectations, and say nothing about the way that men and women actually behave, such expectations provide the lens through which preschool-age children view the world and affect their behavior as well as the way they interact with peers and adults (Blakemore, 2003; Gelman, Taylor, & Nguyen, 2004; Martin & Dinella, 2012).

The Preschool Years 1 83

During the preschool period, differences in play according to gender become more pronounced. In addition, boys tend to play with boys, and girls with girls.

184 Chapter 4

gender identity the perception of oneself as male or female

gender schema a cognitive framework that organizes information relevant to gender

From a child-care provider's perspective: If a girl in a preschool child care setting loudly tells a boy that he can't play with the dolls in the play area because he's a boy, what is the best way to handle the situation?

Why should gender play such a powerful role during the preschool years (as well as during the rest of the life span)? Developmentalists have proposed several explanations.

BIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES It is hardly surprising that the biological character istics associated with sex lead to gender differences. Hormones, for example, have been found to affect gender-based behaviors. Girls exposed to unusually high levels of androgens (male hormones) prenatally are more likely to display "typically male" be haviors than their sisters who were not exposed to androgens (Knickmeyer & Baron Cohen, 2006; Burton et al., 2009; Mathews et al., 2009).

Androgen-exposed girls preferred boys as playmates and spent more time than other girls playing with toys associated with the male role, such as cars and trucks. Similarly, boys exposed prenatally to atypically high levels of female hormones are apt to display more behaviors that are stereotypically female than is usual (Servin et al., 2003; Knickmeyer & Baron-Cohen, 2006).

Some developmentalists see gender differences as serving the biological goal of survival of the species. Using an evolutionary approach, these theorists suggest that males with stereotypically masculine qualities, such as forcefulness and competitive ness, may have been able to attract females who could give them hardy offspring. Females who excelled at stereotypically feminine tasks, such as nurturing, may have been valued because they could help their children survive the dangers of childhood (Browne, 2006; Ellis, 2006).

Of course, it is difficult to attribute behavioral characteristics unambiguously to biological factors. Because of this, we must consider other explanations for gender differences.

SOCIAL LEARNING APPROACHES According to social learning approaches, chil dren learn gender-related behavior and expectations by observing others, includ ing parents, teachers, siblings, and even peers. A boy might admire a Major League Baseball player and become interested in sports. A girl might watch her babysitter practicing cheerleading moves and begin to try them herself. Observing the praise and honor that gender-appropriate behavior earns leads the child to mimic that behavior (Rust et al., 2000).

Books and the media, and in particular television and video games, also play a role in perpetuating traditional views of gender-related behavior. Analyses of the most popular television shows find that male characters outnumber female characters by two to one. Furthermore, females are more apt to appear with males, whereas female female relationships are relatively uncommon (Calvert et al., 2003; Chapman, 2016).

Television and other media also present men and women in traditional gender roles, often defining female characters in terms of their relationships with males. Furthermore, females are more likely to appear as victims than males. They are less likely to be pre sented as productive or as decision makers, and more likely to be portrayed as characters interested in romance, their homes, and their families. Such models, according to social learning theory, have a powerful influence on preschoolers' definitions of appropriate behavior (Nassif & Gunter, 2008; Prieler et al., 2011; Matthes, Prieler & Adam, 2016).

In some cases, preschoolers learn social roles directly, not through models. For ex ample, preschool-age children may be told by their parents to act like a "little girl" or "little man." What this generally means is that girls should behave politely and boys should be tough. Such direct training sends a clear message about expected behavior for the different genders (Leaper, 2002).

COGNITIVE APPROACHES In the view of some theorists, one aspect of forming a clear sense of identity is the desire to establish a gender identity, a perception of oneself as male or female. To do this, children develop a gender schema, a cognitive

framework that organizes information relevant to gender (Barbera, 2003; Martin & Ruble, 2004; Signorella & Frieze, 2008).

Gender schemas are developed early in life and serve as a lens through which preschoolers view the world, encompassing "rules" about what is appropriate and in appropriate for males and females. Some girls may decide that wearing pants is what boys do and apply the rule so rigidly that they refuse to wear anything but dresses. Or a preschool boy may reason that it is inappropriate for him to wear makeup for a school play because makeup is worn by girls-even though all the other boys and girls are wearing it (Frawley, 2008).

According to cognitive-developmental theory, proposed by Lawrence Kohlberg, this rigidity is in part a reflection of preschoolers' understanding of gender (Kohlberg, 1966). Specifically, young preschoolers erroneously believe that sex differences are based not on biological factors but on differences in appearance or behavior. Employing this view of the world, a boy may think he could turn into a girl if he put on a dress and tied his hair in a ponytail. However, by age 4 or 5, chil dren develop an understanding of gender constancy, the awareness that people are permanently males or females, depending on fixed, unchangeable biological factors.

For some children, gender identification is particularly challenging. Transgender children believe that they are trapped in the body of the other gender. There are some reports of transgender children expressing to their parents that they believe their gen der identity is different from that assigned at birth as early as they learn to talk, start ing at 18 to 24 months. But there is relatively little research on the issue, and little guidance exists for parents about how to deal with preschoolers who express the con viction that they identify with the other gender (Prince-Embury & Saklofaske, 2014; Fast & Olson, 2017).

Interestingly, gender schemas appear well before children understand gender constancy. Even young preschool-age children assume that certain behaviors are appropriate-and others are not-on the basis of stereotypic views of gender (Ruble et al., 2007; Karniol, 2009; Halim et al., 2014).

Is it possible to avoid viewing the world in terms of gender schemas? According to some experts, one way is to encourage children to be androgynous, a state in which gender roles encompass characteristics thought typical of both sexes. For instance, par ents and caregivers can encourage preschool children to see males as assertive but at the same time warm and tender. Similarly, girls might be encouraged to see the fe male role as both empathetic and tender and competitive, assertive, and independent. Some research finds that children who think of themselves as having the characteris tics of both sexes have some mental health advantages as they grow older (Bern, 1987; Pauletti et al., 2017).

Like the other approaches to gender development, the cognitive perspective does not imply that differences between the two sexes are in any way improper or inap propriate. Instead, it suggests that preschoolers should be taught to treat others as individuals. Furthermore, preschoolers need to learn the importance of fulfilling their own talents, acting as individuals and not as representatives of a gender.

Friends and Family: Preschoolers' Social Lives When Juan was 3, h e had his first best friend, Emilio. Juan and Emilio, who lived i n the same apartment building i n San Jose, were inseparable. They played i ncessantly with toy cars, racing them up and down the apartment hallways until some of the neighbors began to complain about the noise. They pretended to read to one another, and sometimes they slept over at each other's home-a big step for a 3-year-old. Neither boy seemed more joyful than when h e was with his "best friend"-the term each used for the other.

An infant's family can provide nearly all the social contact he or she needs. As pre schoolers, however, many children, like Juan and Emilio, begin to discover the joys of peer friendships. Let's take a look at both sides of preschoolers' social development: friends and family.

The Preschool Years 1 85

gender constancy the belief that people are perma nently males or females, depending on fixed, unchangeable biological factors

androgynous a state in which gender roles encom pass characteristics thought typical of both sexes

186 Chapter 4

As preschoolers get older, their con

ception of friendship evolves and the

quality of their interactions changes.

functional play play that involves simple, repetitive activities typical of 3-year-olds

constructive play play in which childre n manipu late objects to produce or build something

parallel play action in which children play with similar toys, in a similar manner, but do not interact with each other

onlooker play action in which children simply watch others at play, but do not actu ally participate themselves

associative play play in which two or more children actually interact with one another by sharing or borrowing toys or ma - terials, although they do not do the same thing

cooperative play play in which children genuinely in teract with one another, taking turns, playing games, or devising contests

The Development of Friendships

LO 4 . 1 5 Describe the sorts of social relationships that are typical of preschool-age children.

Before age 3, most social activity involves simply being in the same place at the same time, without real social interaction. However, at around the age of 3, children begin to develop real friendships as peers are seen as individuals who hold special qualities and rewards. Although preschoolers' relations with adults reflect children's needs for care, protection, and direction, their relations with peers are based more on the desire for companionship, play, and fun. Gradually, they come to view friend ship as a continuing state that offers not just immediate pleasure, but the promise of future activity (Proulx & Poulin, 2013; Paulus & Moore, 2014; Paulus, 2016).

Interactions with friends change during the preschool period. For 3-year-olds, the focus of friendship is the enjoyment of doing things together and playing jointly. Older preschoolers pay more attention to trust, support, and shared interests. Throughout the entire period, however, play remains an important part of all friend ships (Shin et al., 2014; Daniel, et al., 2016).

PLAYING BY THE RULES: THE WORK AND CATEGORIZATION OF PLAY In Rosie Graiff's class of 3-year-olds, Minnie bounces her doll's feet on the table as she sings softly to herself. Ben pushes his toy car across the floor, making motor noises. Sarah chases Abdul around and around the perimeter of the room.

Play is more than what children of preschool age do to pass the time. Instead, play helps preschoolers develop socially, cognitively, and physically (Hughett, Kohler, & Raschke, 2013; Fleer, 2017).

At the beginning of the preschool years, children engage in functional play simple, repetitive activities typical of 3-year-olds, such as pushing cars on the floor, skip ping, and jumping. Functional play involves doing something to be active rather than to create something (Bober, Humphry, & Carswell, 2001; Kantrowitz & Evans, 2004).

By age 4, children become involved in a more sophisticated form of play. In constructive play children manipulate objects to produce or build something. A child who builds a house out of LEGOs or puts a puzzle together is involved in constructive play: He or she has an ultimate goal-to produce something. The creation need not be novel, because children may repeatedly build a house of blocks, let it fall, and then rebuild it.

Constructive play gives children a chance to practice their physical and cognitive skills and fine muscle movements. They gain experience in solving problems about the ways and the sequences in which things fit together. They also learn to cooperate with others as the social nature of play becomes more important to them (Love & Burns, 2006; Oostermeijer, Boonen, & Jolles, 2014).

THE SOCIAL ASPECTS OF PLAY If two preschoolers sit side by side at a table, each assembling a different puzzle, are they engaged jointly in play?

According to pioneering work done by Mildred Parten (1932), the answer is yes. She suggests that these preschoolers are engaged in parallel play, in which children play with similar toys, in a similar manner, but do not interact with each other. Preschoolers also engage in another form of play, a highly passive one: onlooker play. In onlooker play, children simply watch others at play, but do not actually participate themselves.

As they get older, however, preschool-age children engage in more sophisticated forms of social play that involve greater interaction. In associative play, two or more children interact with one another by sharing or borrowing toys or materials, although they do not do the same thing. In cooperative play, children genuinely play with one another, taking turns, playing games, or devising contests.

Solitary and onlooker play continue in the later stages of the preschool period. There are simply times when children prefer to play by themselves. And when new comers join a group, one strategy for becoming part of the group-often successful-is to engage in onlooker play, waiting for an opportunity to join the play more actively (Lindsey & Colwell, 2003).

The nature of pretend, or make-believe, play also changes during the period, becoming in some ways more unrealistic-and imaginative-as preschoolers shift from

using only realistic objects to using less concrete ones. Thus, at the start of the preschool period, children may pretend to listen to a radio only if they have a plastic radio on hand. Later, they may use an entirely different object, such as a large cardboard box, as a pretend radio (Parsons & Howe, 2013; Russ, 2014; Thibodeau et al., 2016).

Vygotsky (1926 / 1 997) argued that pretend play, particu larly if it involves social play, is an important means for ex panding preschool-age children's cognitive skills. Through make-believe play, children are able to "practice" activities (such as pretending to use a computer or read a book) that are a part of their particular culture and broaden their understand ing of the way the world functions.

The Preschool Years 187

From an educator's perspective: How might a preschool school teacher encourage a shy child to join a group of preschoolers who are playing?

According to developmentalist Lev Vygotsky, children are able,

through make-believe play, to practice activities that are part of

their particular culture and broaden their understanding of the

way the world functions.

Preschoolers' Theory of Mind: Understanding What Others Are Thinking

LO 4.16 Analyze how children's theory of mind changes during the preschool years.

One reason that children's play changes is the continuing development of preschool ers' theory of mind-their knowledge and beliefs about how the mind operates. Using their theory of mind, preschool children increasingly see the world from others' per spectives. Even children as young as 2 are able to understand that others have emo tions. By age 3 or 4, preschoolers know that they can imagine something that is not physically present, such as a zebra, and that others can do the same. They can also pre tend that something has happened and react as if it really had occurred, a skill that be comes part of their imaginative play (Wellman, 2012; Lane et al., 2013; Wu & Su, 2014).

Preschool-age children also become more insightful regarding the motives and reasons behind people's behavior. They begin to understand that their mother is angry because she was late for an appointment, even if they themselves haven't seen her be late. Furthermore, by age 4, children's understanding that people can be fooled by physical reality (such as magic tricks involving sleight-of-hand) becomes surprisingly sophisticated. This increase in understanding helps children become more socially skilled as they gain insight into what others are thinking (Fitzgerald & White, 2002; Eisbach, 2004; Fernandez, 2013).

There are limits, however, to 3-year-olds' theory of mind. For instance, their un derstanding of "belief" is incomplete, as illustrated by their performance on the false belief task. In the false belief task, preschoolers are shown a doll named Maxi who places chocolate in a cabinet and then leaves. After Maxi is gone, his mother moves the chocolate somewhere else.

Preschoolers are then asked where Maxi will look for the chocolate when he re turns. Three-year-olds answer (erroneously) that Maxi will look for it in the new loca tion. In contrast, 4-year-olds correctly realize that Maxi has the false belief that the choc olate is still in the cabinet, and that's where he will look for it (Amsterlaw & Wellman, 2006; Brown & Bull, 2007; Lecce et al., 2014; Ornaghi, Pepe, & Grazzini, 2016).

By the end of the preschool years, most children easily solve false belief problems. But one group has difficulty with it throughout their lifetimes: children with autism spectrum disorder. (Autism spectrum disorder is the psychological disorder that pro duces significant language and emotional difficulties.)

Children with autism spectrum disorder find it particularly difficult to relate to others, in part because they find it difficult to understand what others are thinking. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, about 1 in 68 children (pri marily males) have autism spectrum disorder. The disorder is characterized by a lack of

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connection to other people, even parents, and an avoidance of interpersonal situations. Furthermore, preschoolers with autism spectrum disorder may not want to be picked up or cuddled, and they may find eye contact unpleasant and seek to avoid it. Individuals with autism spectrum disorder are bewildered by false belief problems no matter how old they are (Carey, 2012; Miller, 2012; Peterson, 2014).

Cultural factors also play an important role in the development of theory of mind and the interpretations that children bring to bear on others' actions. For example, chil dren in more industrialized Western cultures may be more likely to see others' behav ior as a result of the kind of people they are, a function of the people's personal traits and characteristics ("She won the race because she is really fast"). In contrast, chil dren in non-Western cultures may see others' behavior as produced by forces that are less under their personal control ("She won the race because she was lucky") (Tardif, Wellman, & Cheung, 2004; Wellman et al., 2006; Liu et al., 2008).

Preschoolers' Family Lives

LO 4.17 Describe the changing nature of families and the diversity of parenting styles preschoolers experience.

Four-year-old Benjamin was watch ing TV while h i s morn cleaned up after d i nner. After a while, he wandered in and grabbed a towel, saying, "Mammy, let me hel p you do the dishes." Surprised by this u nprecedented behavior, she asked h i m , "Where d i d you learn to do dishes?" " I saw it on a video," he repl ied, "Only it was the dad helping. Since we don't have a dad, I figured I'd do it."

CHANGES IN FAMILY LIFE For many preschool-age children, life does not mirror what we see in reruns of old sitcoms. Many face the realities of an increasingly compli cated world. For instance, in 1960, less than 10 percent of children younger than age 18 lived with one parent. Three decades later, a single parent heads more than a quarter of all families. There are also large racial disparities: 52 percent of all African American children and 29 percent of Hispanic children live with a single parent, compared with 22 percent of white children (Grall, 2009; U.S. Census, 2017).

Still, for most children the preschool years are not a time of turmoil. Instead, the period is characterized by growing interactions with the world at large. Preschoolers form genuine friendships and develop close ties with other children-a circumstance facilitated by a warm, supportive home environment. Research finds that strong, posi tive relationships between parents and children encourage children's relationships with others (Vu, 2015).

EFFECTIVE PARENTING: TEACHING DESIRED BEHAVIOR The key element in most families is the parent; the parent is usually the person with whom the child interacts most often and most consistently, and it is up to the parent to teach the child how to behave. Parents, generally working with little direct guidance, tend to develop distinctive styles when dealing with their preschool-age children, and their styles can be classified into a few broad categories. Consider the following hypothetical situation.

I While she thinks no one is looking, Maria goes into her brother Alejandro's bedroom, where he has been saving the last of h i s Hal loween candy. Just as she takes his last peanut butter cup, the children's mother walks into the room and immed iately takes in the situation. If you were Maria's mother, which of the following reactions seems most reasonable?

1. Tell Maria to go to her room and stay there for the rest of the day, and take away access to her favorite blanket, the one she sleeps with every night and during naps.

2. Mildly tell Maria that what she did was not such a good idea, and she shouldn't do it in the future.

3. Explain why her action would upset her brother, and tell her to go to her room for an hour as punishment.

4. Forget about it, and let the children sort it out themselves.

Each of these responses represents one of the major parenting styles identified by Diana Baumrind (1971, 1980) and updated by Eleanor Maccoby and colleagues (Baumrind, 1971, 1980; Maccoby & Martin, 1983).

1. Authoritarian parents are controlling, punitive, rigid, and cold. Their word is law, and they value strict, unquestioning obedience. They do not tolerate expressions of disagreement.

2. Permissive parents provide lax and inconsistent feedback. They require little of their children and don't see themselves as holding much responsibility for how their chil dren tum out. They place little or no limits or control on their children's behavior.

3 . Authoritative parents are firm, setting clear and consistent limits. Although they tend to be relatively strict, like authoritarian parents, they are loving and emotion ally supportive. They also try to reason with their children, explaining why they should behave in a particular way ("Alejandro is going to be upset"), and commu nicating the rationale for any punishment they may impose. Authoritative parents encourage their children to be independent.

4. Uninvolved parents show virtually no interest in their children, displaying indif ferent, rejecting behavior. They are detached emotionally and see their role as no more than feeding, clothing, and providing shelter. In its most extreme form, un involved parenting results in neglect, a form of child abuse. (The four patterns are summarized in Table 4-1.)

Parents' disciplinary styles usually produce differences in children's behavior although there are many exceptions (Cheah et al., 2009; Lin, Chiu, & Yeh, 2012; Flouri & Midouhas, 2017; also see the Development in Your Life box):

• Children of authoritarian parents tend to be withdrawn, show little sociability, are not friendly, and often behave uneasily around their peers. Girls are espe cially dependent on their parents, whereas boys are unusually hostile.

• Children of permissive parents tend to be dependent and moody and are low in social skills and self-control. They share many characteristics of children of authoritarian parents.

• Children of authoritative parents fare best. They generally are independent, friendly, self-assertive, and cooperative. They have strong motivation to achieve and are typ ically successful and likable. They regulate their own behavior effectively, in terms of both their relationships with others and their emotional self-regulation.

• Children of uninvolved parents are the worst off, showing disrupted emotional development. They feel unloved and emotionally detached, and their physical and cognitive development may be impeded as well.

Table 4-1 Parenting Styles

How Demanding

The Preschool Years 189

authoritarian parents parents who are controlling, punitive, rigid, and cold, and whose word is Jaw. They value strict, unquestioning obe dience from their children and do not tolerate expressions of disagreement

permissive parents parents who provide lax and incon sistent feedback and require little of their children

authoritative parents parents who are firm, setting clear and consistent limits, but who try to reason with their children, giving explanations for why they should behave in a particular way

uninvolved parents parents who show almost no interest in their children and indifferent, rejecting behavior

Children with authoritarian parents

are often uneasy with peers and

are not well adjusted. What are the

consequences of parents who are too

permissive? Too uninvolved?

Parents Are of Children Demanding Undemanding

How Responsive Parents Are to a Child

Highly Responsive

Low Responsive

Authoritative Characteristics: firm, setting clear and consistent limits Relationship with Children: Although they tend to be relatively strict, like authoritarian parents, they are loving and emotionally supportive and encourage their children to be independent. They also try to reason with their children , giving explanations for why they should behave in a particular way, and communicating the rationale for any pun ishment they may impose.

Authoritarian Characteristics: controll ing , punitive , rigid , cold Relationship with Children: Their word is law, and they value strict, unquestioning obedience from their children. They also do not tolerate expressions of disagreement.

Permissive Characteristics: lax and i nconsistent feedback Relationship with Children: They require little of their child ren, and they don't see themselves as holding much responsibility for how their children tum out. They place little or no limits or control on their children's behavior.

Uninvolved Characteristics: displaying indifferent, rejecting behavior Relationship with Children: They are detached emotionally and see their role as only providing food, clothing, and shelter. In its extreme form , this parenting style results in neglect, a form of child abuse.

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Deve l op m e nt i n You r Life

Disci p l i n i n g Children

T h e question o f how t o discipline children has been raised for generations. Answers from developmental ists today include the following (O' Leary, 1 995; Brazelton & Sparrow, 2003; Flouri, 2005):

• For most children in Western cultures, authoritative

parenting works best. Parents should be firm and con sistent, provi ding clear direction and rules, but explaining why the rules make sense, using language that c h ildren can understand.

• Spanking is never an appropriate discipl ine technique,

according to the American Academy of Pediatrics. Not only is spanking less effective than other techniques in curb ing undesirable behavior, but it also leads to addit ional , un wanted outcomes, such as the potential for more aggressive behavior. Even though most Americans were spanked as

children, the research is totally clear in demonstrating that spanki ng is inappropriate (Bell & Romano, 2012; American Academy of Pediatrics, 2012b; Afifi et al., 2017).

• Use time-out for punishment. It is best to remove chil dren from a situation in which they have misbehaved and take away enjoyable activities for a set period.

• Tai lor parental discipline to the characteristics of the

child and the situation. Try to keep the child's personal ity in mind, and adapt discipline to it .

• Use routines (such as a bath routine or a bedtime

routine) to avoid conflict. To avoid a nightly struggle, make the potential conflict situation predictably enjoy able. For instance, routinely reading a bedtim e story or engaging in a nightly "wrestling" match with the child can defuse potential battles.

Of course, no classification system is an infallible predictor of how children will fare. In a significant number of cases the children of authoritarian and permissive par ents develop successfully.

Furthermore, most parents are inconsistent, switching from their dominant mode to one of the others. For instance, when a child darts into the street, an authoritarian style is generally the most effective (Eisenberg & Valiente, 2002; Gershoff, 2002). CULTURAL DIFFERENCES IN CHILDREARING PRACTICES It's important to keep in mind that the findings regarding childrearing styles we have been discussing are chiefly applicable to Western societies. The style of parenting that is most successful may depend quite heavily on the norms of a particular culture-and what parents in a par ticular culture are taught regarding appropriate childrearing practices (Keller et al., 2008; Yagmurlu & Sanson, 2009; Yaman et al., 2010; Calzada et al., 2012; Dotti Sani & Treas, 2016).

For example, the Chinese concept of chiao shun suggests that parents should learn to be strict, firm, and in tight control of their children's behavior. They accept that they have a duty to train their children to adhere to socially and culturally desirable stan dards of behavior, particularly in their school performance. Children's acceptance of this style is seen as a sign of parental respect (Russell, Crockett, & Chao, 2010; Lui & Rollock, 2013; Frewen et al., 2015; Chuang et al., 2018).

In short, childrearing practices reflect cultural perspectives on the nature of chil dren as well as on the appropriate role of parents. No single parenting pattern or style is universally appropriate. For example, parents who are immigrants often hold differ ent views of appropriate childrearing practices than natives in a country, and yet raise children who are quite successful (Pomerantz & Wang, 2011; Chen, Sun, & Yu, 2017; Kuppens & Ceulemans, 2018).

Child Abuse, Neglect, and Resilience: The Hidden Side of Family Life

LO 4.18 Analyze the factors that contribute to child abuse and neglect, and describe personal characteristics that may protect children.

The figures are disheartening: At least 500 children are killed by their parents or care takers every year, and 140,000 others are physically injured every year. Around 3

The Preschool Years 191

Figure 4-9 Types of C hil d Abuse million children are abused or neglected in the United States each year. The abuse takes several forms, rang ing from actual physical abuse to psychological mis treatment (National Clearinghouse on Child Abuse and Neglect Information, 2004; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2007; Criss, 2017; see Figure 4-9).

Neglect is the most frequent form of abuse. How can educators and health care providers hel p i dentify cases of child abuse?

SOURCE: Ch ild Welfare Information Gateway, 201 8

Neglect ••1!!!!!!!1!!!!!!1!!!!!!!!1•••••1!!11 74.6% CHILDHOOD SEXUAL ABUSE In some cases, the abuse children suffer is sexual in nature. Childhood sexual abuse is surprisingly common. Although it is hard to obtain accurate statistics about its preva lence (many, if not most, cases go unreported), es timates are that some 500,000 cases of childhood

Medical Neglect

Psychological Abuse

sexual abuse occur each year in the United States. Sexual Abuse 1 . 2 % A s many a s one i n six boys and one in four girls

f f Unknown 0.1 %!

, are sexually abused be ore the age o 18, and world- wide 73 million boys and 150 million girls younger o 10 20 30 40 than age 18 have experienced sexual abuse (Sedlak et al., 2010; American Psychological Association, 2014).

In the majority of cases, a relative or acquaintance of the child carries out sex ual abuse, and most typically the perpetrators of child sexual abuse are male hetero sexuals. Although most victims know their abusers, older children and adolescents may first come in contact with their abusers online (Finkelhor et al., 2005; Sklenarova et al., 2018).

THE WARNING SIGNS OF ABUSE Child abuse can occur in any household, regardless of economic well-being or social status. It is most prevalent in families liv ing in stressful environments. Poverty, single parenthood, and higher-than-average levels of marital conflict help create such environments. Stepfathers are more likely to abuse stepchildren than genetic fathers are to abuse their own offspring. Child abuse is also more likely when there is a history of violence between spouses (Osofsky, 2003; Evans, 2004; Ezzo & Young, 2012). (Table 4-2 lists some of the warn ing signs of abuse.)

Abused children are more likely to be fussy, resistant to control, and not readily adaptable to new situations. They have more headaches and stomachaches, experience more bedwetting, are generally more anxious, and may show developmental delays. Children in certain age groups are also more likely to be the targets of abuse: Three and 4-year-olds and 15- to 17-year-olds are somewhat more likely to be abused than children of other ages (Straus & Gelles, 1990; Ammerman & Patz, 1996; Haugaard, 2000; Carmody et al., 2014).

Table 4-2 What are the Warning Signs of Child Abuse?

Because child abuse is typically a secret crime, identifying the victims of abuse is particularly difficult. Still , there are several signs in a child that indicate that he or she is the victim of violence (Robbins, 1 990):

• visible, serious injuries that have no reasonable explanation • bite or choke marks • burns from cigarettes or immersion in hot water • feelings of pain for no apparent reason • fear of adults or care providers • inappropriate attire in warm weather (long sleeves, long pants, high-necked garments) - possibly to

conceal injuries to the neck, arms, and legs • extreme behavior - highly aggressive, extremely passive, extremely withdrawn • fear of physical contact • in cases of sexual abuse: the use of new words for private body parts, mimicking sexual acts with toys or

stuffed animals, or resistance at removing clothes

If you suspect a child is a victim of aggression , it is your responsibil ity to act. Call your local police or the de partment of social services in your city or state, or call Childhelp U.S.A. at 1 -800-422-4453. Talk to a teacher or a member of the clergy. Remem ber, by acting decisively you can literally save someone's life.

50 60 70 80

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cycle of violence hypothesis the theory that the abuse and neglect that children suffer predispose them as adults to abuse and neglect their own children

psychological maltreatment abuse that occurs when parents or other caregivers harm children's behavioral, cognitive, emotional, or physical functioning

REASONS FOR PHYSICAL ABUSE Why does physical abuse occur? Most parents do not intend to hurt their children. In fact, most parents who abuse their children later express bewilderment and regret about their behavior.

One reason for child abuse is the vague demarcation between permissible and impermissible forms of physical violence. U.S. folklore says that spanking is not merely acceptable, but often necessary. Almost half of mothers with children younger than 4 have spanked their child in the previous week, and close to 20 percent believe it is appropriate to spank a child younger than 1 year of age. In some other cultures, physical discipline is even more common (Lansford et al., 2005; Deb & Adak, 2006; Shor, 2006).

Unfortunately, the line between "spanking" and "beating" is fuzzy, and spank ings begun in anger can escalate into abuse. In fact, increasing scientific evidence sug gests that spanking should be avoided entirely. Although physical punishment may produce immediate compliance, there are serious long-term side effects. For example, spanking is associated with inferior parent-child relationships, poorer mental health for both child and parent, higher levels of delinquency, and more antisocial behavior. Spanking also teaches children that violence is an acceptable solution to problems. Consequently, the American Academy of Pediatrics strongly recommends against the use of physical punishment of any sort (Afifi et al., 2006; Zolotor et al., 2008; Gershoff et al., 2012; Gershoff et al., 2018).

Another factor that leads to high rates of abuse in Western countries is privacy. In most Western cultures children are raised in private, isolated households. In many other cultures, childrearing is the joint responsibility of several people and even soci ety as a whole, and other people are available to help out when a parent's patience is tested (Chaffin, 2006; Elliott & Urquiza, 2006).

THE CYCLE OF VIOLENCE HYPOTHESIS Many people who abuse children were themselves abused as children. According to the cycle of violence hypothesis, the abuse and neglect that children suffer predispose them as adults to abuse and neglect their own children (Heyman & Slep, 2002; Henschel, de Bruin, & Mohler, 2014; Bland, Lambie, & Beset, 2018).

According to this hypothesis, victims of abuse have learned from their childhood experiences that violence is an appropriate and acceptable form of discipline, and they have failed to learn the skills needed to solve problems and instill discipline without violence (Blumenthal, 2000; Ethier, Couture, & Lacharite, 2004; Ehrensaft et al., 2015).

Of course, being abused as a child does not inevitably lead to abuse of one's own children. In fact, statistics show that only about one-third of people who were abused or neglected as children abuse their own children (Straus & McCord, 1998; Spatz Widom, Czaja, & DuMont, 2015; Anderson et al., 2018).

Increasingly, spanking and other forms of physical violence are being seen as a human rights violation. The United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child has called phys ical punishment "legalized violence against children," and it has called for its elimination.

A treaty supporting this view has been ratified by 192 countries, with the exception of the United States and Somalia (Smith, 2012).

PSYCHOLOGICAL MALTREATMENT Children may also be the victims of more subtle forms of mistreatment. Psychological maltreatment occurs when parents or other caregivers harm chil dren's behavioral, cognitive, emotional, or physical functioning. It may be the result of overt behavior or neglect (Higgins & McCabe, 2003; Garbarino, 2013).

This infant was abandoned in a field and may have been severely neglected.

For example, abusive parents may frighten, belittle, or humil iate their children, who may be made to feel like disappointments or failures. Parents may say that they wish that their children had never been born. Children may be threatened with abandonment or even death. In other instances, older children may be exploited. They may be forced to seek employment and then to give their earnings to their parents.

In other cases of psychological maltreatment, the abuse takes the form of neglect. Parents may ignore their children or act emo tionally unresponsive. The children may be given unrealistic re sponsibilities or may be left to fend for themselves.

Although some children are sufficiently resilient to sur vive psychological maltreatment, lasting damage often results. Psychological maltreatment has been associated with low self esteem, lying, misbehavior, and underachievement in school. In extreme cases, it can lead to criminal behavior, aggression, and murder. In other instances, children who have been psychologi cally maltreated become depressed and even commit suicide (Allen, 2008; Palusci & Ondersma, 2012; Gray & Rarick, 2018).

The Preschool Years 193

One reason that psychological maltreatment-as well as physical abuse-produces so many negative consequences is that the brains of victims undergo permanent changes as a result of the abuse (see Figure 4-10). For example, childhood maltreatment can lead to reductions in the size of the amygdala and hippocampus in adulthood. The stress, fear, and terror ac companying abuse may also produce permanent changes in the

Abusive parents may frighten, belittle, or humiliate their

children, who may be made to feel like disappointments or

failures. Although some children are sufficiently resilient to

survive psychological maltreatment, lasting damage often

results.

brain resulting from overstimulation of the limbic system. Because the limbic sys tem is involved in the regulation of memory and emotion, the result can be anti social behavior during adulthood (Twardosz & Lutzker, 2009; Thielen et al., 2016; Presseau et al., 2017).

RESILIENCE: OVERCOMING THE ODDS Given the seriousness of child abuse and the damage it can cause, it's remarkable that not all children who have been abused are permanently scarred. In fact, some do surprisingly well. What enables some children to overcome stress and trauma that in most cases haunts others for life?

The answer appears to be resilience. Resilience is the ability to overcome high risk circumstances that place a child at high risk for psychological or physical damage, such as extremes of poverty, prenatal stress, or violence in the home. Several factors seem to reduce and, in certain cases, eliminate some children's reactions to difficult circumstances (Collishaw et al., 2007; Monahan, Beeber, & Harden, 2012; Sciaraffa, Zeanah, & Zeanah, 2017).

According to developmental psychologist Emmy Werner, resilient children tend to have temperaments that evoke positive responses. They tend to be affectionate, easygoing, and good-natured. They are easily soothed as infants,

resilience the ability to overcome circum stances that place a child at high risk for psychological or physical damage

and elicit care from the most nurturant people in any given envi- Figure 4 - 1 0 Abuse Alters the Brai n ronment. In a sense, resilient children make their own environ ments by drawing out behavior in others that they need for their own development. As they grow to school age, they are socially pleasant, outgoing, and have good communication skills. They tend to be intelligent and independent, feeling that they can shape their own fate without depending on others or luck (Martinez Torteya et al., 2009; Naglieri, Goldstein, & LeBuffe, 2010; Newland, 2014).

These characteristics suggest ways to help children who are at risk. Programs that have been successful in helping especially vul nerable children provide competent and caring adult models who teach the children problem-solving skills and help them to commu nicate their needs to those who are in a position to help (Maton et al., 2004; Condly, 2006; Goldstein & Brooks, 2013).

Moral Development and Aggression

I Lena and Carrie were part of a group of preschoolers who wanted to act out Cinderella. The teacher began assigning parts. " Lena, you can be Cinderella. And Carrie , you 'll be her Fairy Godmother." Tears welled up

The limbic system, composed of the hippocampus and amygdala, can be permanently altered as a result of chi ldhood abuse.

SOURCE: Based on Scientific American. (2002, March 1 ). Scars that won 't heal: The neurobiology of child abuse. Scientific American, p. 7 1 .

Corpus Callosum

Temporal Lobe

1 94 Chapter 4

moral development the changes in people's sense of jus tice and of what is right and wrong, and in their behavior related to moral issues

prosocial behavior helping behavior that benefits others

Because of their increasing under

standing of moral development,

children may worry they will be

punished even though no one sees

them carrying out the misdeed.

I in Carrie's eyes. "I don't want to be a Fairy Godmother," she sobbed. Lena put her arms around Carrie. "You can be Cinderella, too. We' l l be twin Cinderellas." Carrie cheered up at once, gratefu l that Lena had understood her feelings and responded with kindness. In this short scenario we see many of the key elements of morality, preschool style. Changes in children's views of the right way to behave are an important element of growth during the preschool years.

At the same time, the kind of aggression displayed by preschoolers is also chang ing. We can consider the development of morality and aggression as two sides of the coin of human conduct, and both involve a growing awareness of others.

Developing Morality: Following Society's Rights and Wrongs

LO 4.19 Explain how preschool-age children develop a moral sense.

Moral development refers to changes in people's sense of justice and of what is right and wrong, and in their behavior related to moral issues. Developmentalists have con sidered moral development in terms of children's reasoning about morality, attitudes toward moral lapses, and behavior when faced with moral issues. In the process of studying moral development, several approaches have evolved.

PIAGET'S VIEW OF MORAL DEVELOPMENT Child psychologist Jean Piaget was one of the first to study moral development. He suggested that moral development, like cognitive development, proceeds in stages (Piaget, 1932). He called the earliest stage het eronomous morality, in which rules are seen as invariant and unchangeable. During this stage, which lasts from about age 4 to age 7, children play games rigidly, assuming that there is one, and only one, way to play. At the same time, though, they may not even fully grasp game rules. Consequently, a group of children may be playing together, with each child playing according to a slightly different set of rules. Nevertheless, they enjoy playing with each other. Piaget suggests that every child may "win" such a game, because winning means having a good time, as opposed to competing.

Heteronomous morality is ultimately replaced by two later stages of morality: incipient cooperation and autonomous cooperation. In the incipient cooperation stage, which lasts from around age 7 to age 10, children's games become more clearly social. Children learn the actual rules and play according to this shared knowledge. Rules are still seen as largely unchangeable, and there is a "right" way to play the game.

It is not until the autonomous cooperation stage, which begins at about age 10, that children become fully aware that formal game rules can be modified if the players agree. This is the beginning of the understanding that rules of law are created by peo ple and are subject to change according to the will of people.

SOCIAL LEARNING APPROACHES TO MORALITY Whereas Piaget emphasizes how limitations in preschoolers' cognitive development lead to particular forms of moral reasoning, social learning approaches focus more on how the environment in which preschoolers operate produces prosocial behavior, which is helping behavior that benefits others (Caputi et al., 2012; Schulz et al., 2013; Buon, Habib, & Frey, 2017).

Social learning approaches acknowledge that some instances of children's proso cial behavior stem from situations in which they have received positive reinforcement for acting in a moral way. For instance, when Claire's mother tells her she has been a "good girl" for sharing a box of candy with her brother, Claire's behavior has been reinforced. As a consequence, she is more likely to engage in sharing behavior in the future (Ramaswamy & Bergin, 2009).

However, not all prosocial behavior has to be directly reinforced. According to social learning theorists, children also learn moral behavior indirectly by observing the behavior of others, called models. Children imitate models who receive reinforce ment for their behavior and ultimately learn to perform the behavior themselves. For example, when Claire's friend Jake watches Claire share her candy with her brother, and Claire is praised for her behavior, Jake is more likely to engage in sharing behav ior himself at some later point. Unfortunately, the opposite also holds true: If a model behaves selfishly, children who observe such behavior tend to behave more selfishly themselves (Hastings et al., 2007; Bandura, 2018).

Children do more than simply mimic behavior that they see rewarded in others. When they observe moral conduct, they are reminded of society's norms about the importance of moral behavior as conveyed by parents, teachers, and other authority figures. They notice the connections between particular situations and certain kinds of behavior. This increases the likelihood that similar situations will elicit similar behavior in the observer.

Consequently, modeling paves the way for the development of more general rules and principles in a process called abstract modeling. Rather than always modeling the particular behavior of others, older preschoolers begin to develop generalized principles that underlie the behavior they observe. After observing repeated instances in which a model is rewarded for acting in a morally desirable way, children begin the process of inferring and learning the general principles of moral conduct (Bandura, 2016).

GENETIC APPROACHES TO MORALITY The newest, and highly controversial, ap proach to morality suggests that particular genes may underlie some aspects of moral behavior. According to this view, preschoolers have a genetic predisposition to behave generously or selfishly.

In one study designed to illustrate this approach, researchers gave preschoolers the opportunity to behave generously by sharing stickers. Those who were more selfish and less generous were more likely to have a variation in a gene called AVPRlA, which regulates a hormone in the brain that is related to social behavior (Avinun et al., 2011).

It is unlikely that the gene mutation fully accounts for the preschoolers' lack of generosity. The environment in which the children were raised also is likely to play a significant, and perhaps predominant, role in determining moral behavior. Still, the findings are provocative in showing that generosity may have genetic roots.

EMPATHY AND MORAL BEHAVIOR According to some developmentalists, empathy-the understanding of what another individual feels-lies at the heart of some kinds of moral behavior.

The roots of empathy grow early. One-year-old infants cry when they hear other infants crying. By ages 2 and 3, toddlers will offer gifts and spontaneously share toys with other children and adults, even strangers (Ruffman, Lorimer, & Scarf, 2017). During the preschool years, empathy continues to grow as children's ability to moni tor and regulate their emotional and cognitive responses increases.

Some theorists believe that increasing empathy (along with other positive emo tions, such as sympathy and admiration) leads children to behave morally. In addition, some negative emotions-such as anger at an unfair situation or shame over previ ous transgressions-also may promote moral behavior (Rieffe, Ketelaar, & Wiefferink, 2010; Bischof-Kohler, 2012; Eisenberg, Spinrad, & Morris, 2014).

Aggression and Violence in Preschoolers: Sources and Consequences

LO 4.20 Analyze theoretical perspectives on the ways in which aggression develops in preschool-age children.

Four-year-old Duane could not contain his anger and frustration any more. Although h e usually was mild-mannered, when Eshu began t o tease h i m about the split i n h i s pants and kept it up for several m i nutes, Duane finally snapped. Rushing over to Eshu, Duane pushed him to the ground and began to hit him with his small, closed fists. Because he was so distrau ght, Duane's punches were not terri bly effective, but they were severe enough to hurt Eshu and bring h i m to tears before the preschool teachers cou ld intervene.

Aggression among preschoolers is common, though attacks such as this are not. Verbal hostility, shoving matches, kicking, and other forms of aggression may occur through out the preschool period, although the degree to which aggression is acted out changes as children become older.

Eshu's taunting is also a form of aggression. Aggression is intentional injury or harm to another person. Infants don't act aggressively; it is hard to contend that their behavior is intended to hurt others, even if they inadvertently manage to do so. In con trast, by the time they reach preschool age, children demonstrate true aggression.

The Preschool Years 195

abstract modeling the process in which modeling paves the way for the development of more general rules and principles

empathy the understanding of what another individual feels

aggression intentional injury or harm to another person

1 96 Chapter 4

During the early preschool years, some of the aggression is ad dressed at attaining a desired goal, such as getting a toy away from another person or using a particular space occupied by another person. Consequently, in some ways the aggression is inadvertent, and minor scuffles may in fact be a typical part of early preschool life. It is the rare child who does not demonstrate at least an occasional act of aggression.

However, extreme and sustained aggression is a cause of con cern. In most children, the amount of aggression declines as they move through the preschool years, as does the frequency and average length of episodes of aggressive behavior (Persson, 2005).

Aggression, both physical and verbal, is present

throughout the preschool period.

A child's personality and social development contribute to this de cline in aggression. Throughout the preschool years, children become better at controlling the emotions that they are experiencing. Emotional self-regulation is the capability to adjust emotions to a desired state and level of intensity. Starting at age 2, children are able to talk about their

emotional self-regulation the capability to adjust emotions to a desired state and level of intensity

instrumental aggression aggression motivated by the desire to obtain a concrete goal

relational aggression nonphysical aggression that is intended to hurt another person's psychological well-being

feelings, and they engage in strategies to regulate them. As they get older, they develop more effective strategies, learning to better cope with negative emo tions. In addition to their increasing self-control, children are also developing sophisticated social skills. Most learn to use language to express their wishes and to negotiate with oth ers (Philippot & Feldman, 2005; Helmsen, Koglin, & Petermann, 2012; Rose et al., 2016).

Despite these typical declines in aggression, some children remain aggressive throughout the preschool period. Furthermore, aggression is a relatively stable charac teristic: The most aggressive preschoolers tend to be the most aggressive children during the school-age years (Schaeffer, Petras, & Ialongo, 2003; Davenport & Bourgeois, 2008).

Boys typically show higher levels of physical, instrumental aggression than girls. Instrumental aggression is aggression motivated by the desire to obtain a concrete goal, such as playing with a desirable toy that another child is playing with.

In contrast, although girls show lower levels of instrumental aggression, they may be just as aggressive, but in different ways from boys. Girls are more likely to practice relational aggression, which is nonphysical aggression that is intended to hurt another person's feelings. Such aggression may manifest as name-calling, with holding friendship, or simply saying mean, hurtful things that make the recipient feel bad (Murray-Close, Ostrov, & Crick, 2007; Valles & Knutson, 2008; Ambrose & Menna, 2013).

THE ROOTS OF AGGRESSION How can we explain the aggression of preschoolers? Some theoreticians suggest that aggression is an instinct, part and parcel of the human condition. For instance, Freud's psychoanalytic theory suggests that we all are moti vated by sexual and aggressive instincts (Freud, 1920). And ethologist Konrad Lorenz, an expert in animal behavior, argues that animals-including humans-share a fight ing instinct that stems from primitive urges to preserve territory, maintain a steady supply of food, and weed out weaker animals (Lorenz, 1974).

Similar arguments are made by evolutionary theorists and sociobiologists, scientists who consider the biological roots of social behavior. They argue that aggression leads to increased opportunities to mate, improving the likelihood that one's genes will be passed on to future generations. In addition, aggression may help to strengthen the species and its gene pool as a whole, because the strongest survive. Ultimately, then, aggressive in stincts promote the survival of one's genes to pass on to future generations (Archer, 2009).

Although instinctual explanations are logical, they have relatively little experi mental support. They also fail to take into account the increasingly sophisticated cog nitive abilities that humans develop as they get older. Moreover, they provide little guidance in determining when and how children, as well as adults, will behave ag gressively, other than noting that aggression is an inevitable part of the human condi tion. Consequently, developmentalists have turned to other approaches.

SOCIAL LEARNING APPROACHES TO AGGRESSION The day after Duane lashed out at Eshu, Lynn, who had watched the entire scene, got into an argument with Ilya. They verbally bickered for a while, and suddenly Lynn balled her hand into a fist and tried to punch Ilya. The preschool teachers were stunned: It was rare for Lynn to get upset, and she had never displayed aggression before.

Is there a connection between the two events? Social learning theorists would an swer yes, because to them aggression is largely a learned behavior based on children's observation and prior learning. To understand the causes of aggressive behavior, then, we should look at the system of rewards and punishments in a child's environment.

Social learning approaches emphasize how social and environmental conditions teach individuals to be aggressive. Using a behavioral perspective, they argue that ag gressive behavior is learned through direct reinforcement. For instance, preschool-age children may learn that they can continue to play with the most desirable toys by ag gressively refusing their classmates' requests for sharing. In the parlance of traditional learning theory, they have been reinforced for acting aggressively, and they are more likely to behave aggressively in the future.

But as we saw when discussing morality, social learning approaches suggest that re inforcement also comes indirectly. Research suggests that exposure to aggressive models leads to increased aggression, particularly if the observers are themselves angered, in sulted, or frustrated. For example, Albert Bandura and his colleagues illustrated the power of models in a classic study of preschool-age children (Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1963). One group of children watched a film of an adult playing aggressively and violently with a Bobo doll (a large, inflated plastic clown designed as a punching bag for children that al ways returns to an upright position after being knocked over). In comparison, children in another condition watched a film of an adult playing sedately with a set of Tmkertoys (see Figure 4-11). Later, the preschool-age children were allowed to play with a number of toys, which included both the Bobo doll and the Tmkertoys. But first, the children were led to feel frustration by being refused the opportunity to play with a favorite toy.

As predicted by social learning approaches, the preschool-age children modeled the behavior of the adult. Those who had seen the aggressive model playing with the Bobo doll were considerably more aggressive than those who had watched the calm, unaggressive model playing with the Tinkertoys.

VIEWING VIOLENCE ON TV: DOES IT MATTER? The majority of preschool-age children are exposed to aggression via television. Children's television programs con tain higher levels of violence (69 percent) than other types of programs (57 percent). In an average hour, children's programs contain more than twice as many violent inci dents as other types of programs (Wilson et al., 2002).

This high level of televised violence, viewed in light of research findings on mod eling aggression, raises a significant question: Does viewing aggression increase the likelihood that children (and later adults) will perform aggressive acts?

Figure 4 - 1 1 Modeling Aggression This series of photos is from Albert Bandura's classic Bobo doll experi ment, designed to ill ustrate social learning of aggression. The photos clearly show how the adult model 's aggressive behavior (in the first row) is i mitated by children who had viewed the aggressive behavior (second and third rows) .

'•� I •

The Preschool Years 197

1 98 Chapter 4

The overwhelming weight of evidence suggests that observation of televised aggression does lead to subsequent aggression. Longitudinal studies have found that children's preferences for violent television shows at age 8 are correlated with the seriousness of criminal convictions by age 30. Other evidence supports the no tion that observation of media violence can lead to bullying, a greater readiness to act aggressively, and insensitivity to the suffering of victims of violence (Christakis & Zimmerman, 2007; Kirsh, 2012; Merritt et al., 2016).

From an educator's perspective: How might a preschool teacher or parent help children notice the violence in the programs they watch and protect them from its effects?

Television is not the only source of media violence. Many video games contain highly aggressive behavior, and many children play such games. For example, 14 percent of children age 3 and younger and around 50 percent of those ages 4 to 6 play video games. Because research conducted with adults shows that playing violent video games is associated with behaving aggressively, children who play video games containing violence may likewise be at risk for behaving aggressively (Hasan et al., 2013; Bushman, Gollwitzer, & Cruz, 2014; Greitemeyer, 2018).

Fortunately, social learning principles suggest not only the problem but also the solution. Children can be explicitly taught to view violence with a critical eye. If they learn that violence is not representative of the real world, that viewing violence can affect them negatively, and that they should avoid imitating the behavior they see on television, they may interpret the programs differently and be less influenced by them (Persson & Musher-Eizenman, 2003; Donnerstein, 2005).

Furthermore, just as exposure to aggressive models leads to aggression, observa tion of non-aggressive models can reduce aggression. Preschoolers don't just learn from others how to be aggressive; they can also learn how to avoid confrontation and to control their aggression, as we'll discuss later.

COGNITIVE APPROACHES TO AGGRESSION: THE THOUGHTS BEHIND VIOLENCE Two children, waiting for their turn in a game of kickball, inadvertently knock into one another. One child's reaction is to apologize; the other 's is to shove, saying angrily, "Cut it out."

Despite the fact that each child bears the same responsibility for the minor event, they have different reactions. What the first child sees as an accident, the second child sees as a provocation.

The cognitive approach to aggression suggests that to understand preschoolers' moral development it is necessary to examine their interpretations of others' behavior and of the

environmental context of the behavior. According to developmen tal psychologist Kenneth Dodge and his colleagues, some children are more prone than others to assume that actions are aggressively motivated. They are unable to pay attention to the appropriate cues in a situation and interpret the behaviors in the situation erro neously, assuming that what is happening is hostile. Subsequently, in deciding how to respond, they base their behavior on their inac curate interpretation, behaving aggressively in response to a situa tion that never in fact existed (Dodge & Petit, 2003).

Social learning explanations of aggression suggest that chil

dren's observation of aggression on television and video games

can result in actual aggression.

Although the cognitive approach describes the process that leads some children to behave aggressively, it fails to explain why they perceive situations inaccurately and why they so read ily respond with aggression. However, the cognitive approach is useful in pointing out a means to reduce aggression: By teaching preschool-age children to interpret situations more accurately, we can induce them to be less prone to view others' behavior as motivated by hostility and less likely to respond with aggression themselves. (See the Development in Your Life box.)

The Preschool Years 199

Deve l o p m e nt i n You r Life

I ncreasing M o ral Behavior and Red ucing Aggression in Preschool-Age Children

Here are some practical and read ily accomplished strategies for encouraging moral conduct and reducing aggression, based on ideas from the many approaches we have discussed (Bor & Bor, 2004; Eisenberg, 2012):

• Provide opportunities for preschool-age children to observe others acting i n a cooperative, helpful, prosocial manner. Encourage them to interact with peers in joint activities in which they share a common goal. Such cooperative act ivities can teach the impor tance and desirability of working with - and helping others.

• Do not ignore aggressive behavior. Parents and teach ers should intervene when they see aggression in pre schoolers, sending a clear message that aggression is an unacceptable way to resolve conflicts.

• Help preschoolers devise alternative explanations for others' behavior. With children who are prone to aggression and apt to view others' conduct as more hostile than it actual ly is, parents and teachers should

Rev i ew, C h eck, and Apply

Review

LO 4 . 1 3 Explain how preschool-age children develop a concept of themselves.

According to Erikson's psychosocial development theory, preschool-age children move from the autonomy-versus shame-and-doubt stage (18 months to 3 years) to the initiative-versus-guilt stage (ages 3 to 6). Preschoolers' self-concepts are formed partly from their own perceptions and estimations of their characteristics, partly from their parents' behavior toward them, and partly from cultural influences.

LO 4 . 1 4 Analyze how preschool-age children develop a sense of gender.

Gender differences emerge early and conform to social stereotypes about what is appropriate and inappropri ate for each sex. The strong gender expectations held by preschoolers are explained in different ways by differ ent theorists. Some point to genetic factors as evidence for a biological explanation of gender expectations. Social learning theorists focus on environmental influ ences, whereas cognitive theorists propose that children form gender schemas, which are cognitive frameworks that organize information that the children gather about gender.

help them see that the behavior of their peers has sev eral possible interpretations.

• Mo n itor preschoolers' media viewing and overall screen time, particularly the violence that they view. Discourage preschoolers from watch ing shows depict ing aggression and encourage them to watch particular shows that are designed, i n part, to foster moral conduct , such as Sesame Street and Harry the Bunny.

• Help preschoolers understand their feelings. When chil dren become angry-and all children do-they must learn to deal with their feelings constructively. Tel l them specific things they can do to improve the situation. ("I see you're really angry with Jake for not giving you a turn. Don 't hit him, but tell him you want a chance to play with the game.")

• Explicitly teach reasoning and self-control. Preschool ers can understand the rudiments of moral reason ing, and they should be reminded why certain behaviors are de sirable. For instance, explicitly saying "If you take all the cookies, others will have no dessert" is preferable to say ing, "Good children don't eat all the cookies."

LO 4.1 5 Describe the sorts of social relationships that are typical of preschool-age children.

Play among preschoolers is an important form of social learning. Children generally move from parallel play, to onlooker play, to associative play, and ultimately to coop erative play. In the preschool period, social relationships begin to encompass genuine friendships, which involve trust and endure over time.

LO 4 . 1 6 Analyze how children's theory of mind changes during the preschool years.

Children's theory of mind continues to develop during the preschool period, enabling them to see the world in creasingly from others' perspectives. Preschoolers begin to understand how others think and why they do the things they do, and through imaginative play, they begin to grasp the difference between reality and imagination.

LO 4.1 7 Describe the changing nature of families and the diversity of parenting styles preschoolers experience.

Families change in nature and structure over the years, but a strong and positive home environment is essential to chil dren's healthy development. Parental disciplinary styles

200 Chapter 4

differ both individually and culturally. In the United States and other Western societies, parents' styles tend to be mostly authoritarian, permissive, uninvolved, or authoritative. The authoritative style is regarded as the most effective.

LO 4. 1 8 Analyze the factors that contribute to child abuse and neglect, and describe personal char acteristics that may protect children.

Child abuse, which may be either physical or psychological, occurs especially in stressful home environments. Firmly held notions regarding family privacy and the use of physi cal punishment in childrearing contribute to the high rate of abuse in the United States. Moreover, the cycle of violence hypothesis points to the likelihood that people who were abused as children may turn into abusers as adults. Children who have been abused often survive their backgrounds by relying on the temperamental quality of resilience.

LO 4. 1 9 Explain how preschool-age children develop a moral sense.

Piaget believed that preschool-age children are in the heteronomous morality stage of moral development,

Check Yourself

1. According to Erikson, during the preschool years chil dren face a key conflict relating to psychosocial devel- opment that involves the development of ____ _

a. morality b. identity c. initiative d. trust

2. Five-year-old Kayla has been practicing her jump roping skills for the past 6 weeks so she can enter a contest at her school. After one afternoon of practice she tells her mother, "I am a terrific jump roper." This statement is an example of Kayla's increasing develop- ment of her ___ _

a. independence b. self-concept

Applying Lifespan Development

characterized by a belief in external, unchangeable rules of conduct and sure, immediate punishment for all misdeeds. In contrast, social learning approaches to morality empha size interactions between environment and behavior in moral development, in which models of behavior play an important role. Some developmentalists believe that moral behavior is rooted in a child's development of empathy. Other emotions, including the negative emotions of anger and shame, may also promote moral behavior.

LO 4.20 Analyze theoretical perspectives on the ways in which aggression develops in preschool-age children.

Aggression, which involves intentional harm to another person, begins to emerge in the preschool years. Some ethologists, such as Konrad Lorenz, believe that aggression is simply a biological fact of human life. Social learning theorists focus on the role of the environment, including the influence of models and social reinforcement, as factors influencing ag gressive behavior. The cognitive approach to aggression em phasizes the role of interpretations of the behaviors of others in determining aggressive or nonaggressive responses.

c. competitiveness d. narcissism

3. Which of the following characteristics is typical of a child who has permissive parents?

a. low self-control b. independence c. amiability d. cooperativeness

4. According to theory, the factor that in- creases the likelihood that a preschooler will engage in prosocial behavior is his or her environment.

a. cognitive-behavioral b. social learning c. psychoanalytic d. humanistic

If high-prestige models of behavior are particularly effective in influencing moral attitudes and actions, are there implica tions for individuals in industries such as sports, advertising, and entertainment?

The Preschool Years 201

C h apter 4 S u m m ary Putting It All Together: The Preschool Years

CHEN, the enthusiastic 3-year-old who crawled across the kitchen counter 8 1i5

to reach a cookie jar in the chapter opener, was probably born curious and � "'

prone to explore. Chen was testing the limits of his physical abilities and � pushing against the barriers that confined him. Chen used his developing � skills to help him find answers to the questions that were formulating in � 0 his mind as he encountered the world. His adventurous personality seem- ai

ingly enabled him to explore his environment without a thought for the consequences. Throughout every waking

moment, Chen was putting together all of his emerging developmental tools to exercise control over his world.

MODULE 4.1 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE PRESCHOOL YEARS

• Chen grew physically in the pre school years, learning to exercise with ease and developing abilities such as walking, climbing, and swimming. (p. 157)

• Chen also learned to use and con trol his gross and fine motor skills, showing considerable physical dexterity. (pp. 162-164)

• Chen's brain grew, and with it his cognitive abilities, such as the ability to observe phenomena and formulate questions about what he sees. (p. 162)

What wou l d a

PAR E N T do?

MODULE 4.2 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN THE PRESCHOOL YEARS

• Chen's memory capacity increased, which enabled him to recall what he would find in the cookie jar. (p. 170)

• Chen observed others and learned how to perform challenging tasks. (p. 173)

• Chen' s language skills continued to develop, permitting him to ex press himself increasingly effec tively. (p. 174)

• Chen developed the cognitive skills to formulate questions about phenomena he observed and to plan for ways to find the answers to his questions. (p. 169)

What wou l d

YOU d o ?

MODULE 4.3 SOCIAL AND PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT I N THE PRESCHOOL YEARS

• Chen's self-concept includes see ing himself as a proficient climber, a view that he may overestimate, putting him at risk for accidents. (p. 181)

• Chen has reached the age at which his friendships will likely form around shared interests like hik ing and swimming. (p. 186)

• Chen's parents appear to have an authoritative parenting style, which supports his sense of independence and self-assertiveness. (p. 189)

What would an

E D U CATO R do?

How would you help

Chen to consider the pos

sible consequences of his

behavior? How would you assess his readiness

to consider consequences?

What would you say to

Chen about considering

the effects of his actions

on his physical safety?

What would a

H EALTH-CARE

WO R K E R do?

What would you tell Chen' s

caregivers about risks to which he is especially prone

as he develops physically

and cognitively? How

would you advise Chen's

parents to focus their child

proofing efforts in their

home as Chen grows?

What would you do to pro

mote Chen's development? How would you advise

Chen' s caregivers in helping

Chen to channel his adven

turous nature and curiosity in

appropriate directions? How

would you advise Chen's

caregivers to deal with Chen's apparent fearlessness?

Should it be discouraged?

What strategies would you use

to promote Chen's social devel

opment? How would you help

Chen to forge relationships with

his peers? How would you deal with Chen's potential leadership

qualities? What would you do

to help him avoid taking fool hardy risks? What would you

say to Chen's teachers about

steps to take in monitoring the actions of children like Chen?

Jim Esposito Photography L.L. C./Getty Images

Photodisc/Getty Images Asia Images Group/Getty Images Mel Yates/Getty Images

202

Chapter 5 Middle Childhood

It was 9-year-old Jan Vega's first Little League baseball game. With strong encouragement

from her parents, she had tried out for the local team -the only girl to do so-and now she

was a Yankee. But she s till worried about her teammates. They didn 't seem too thrilled to

have a girl in the lineup.

The coach assigned Jan to second base. She kept her eyes on the ball and her glove ready

at all times, but play after play, the ball went to the shortstop, who threw it to first base for

the out. Jan was disappointed. The boys were never going to give her a chance. "Baseball is

more than batting and catching," her coach reminded her a t the seventh inning. "To play well,

you have to use your head." Jan returned to the field, determined and alert.

Now it was the last inning. The Yankees had a one-run lead, but the Orioles had the final at

bats and their best batter was standing at the plate, with only one out and a runner on first

base. The game was on the line.

Later, Jan would say that she saw the ball coming straight toward the plate as the batter

swung. That she knew it would meet the bat squarely and head right up the middle. Tha t the

shortstop was in no position to field it. That it was her ball.

As the ball hit the bat she ran to her right, stretched to snare the bouncing ball, tagged sec

ond base to get the runner out, and slung the ball to first to complete the double play. Game

over. "Go Vega!" her teammates shouted. Jan smiled as they clapped her on the back.

In middle childhood, children enter school eager to learn all they can about the world. Often the regular classroom setting serves them well and contributes to their physical, intellectual, and social development; sometimes, however, children display needs or deficits that require special interventions to make the most of their abilities and keep their self-esteem intact.

In this chapter, we follow children taking the crucial step into formal schooling. We look at the physical changes that prepare them for new challenges. We discuss the patterns of growth-and excess-that are typical of this period and the new levels of motor skills that enable them to perform actions as diverse as throwing a ball and playing the violin. We also discuss threats to their well-being and consider the special needs that can impinge on children's school lives.

Next, we consider the growing intellectual and conceptual skills and the increas ingly sophisticated use of language that are hallmarks of this period. We visit the place where they spend most of their time: school. We consider reading and the policy dis pute over the best way to teach it. We also address the surprisingly controversial topic of intelligence.

Finally, we consider school-age children as members of society, including their membership in school and family. We look at the ways school-age children understand themselves and develop self-esteem. We consider how they relate to one another, in cluding members of the opposite sex. We then examine the many shapes and configu rations that families take, finishing with a further discussion of schooling.

Module 5.1 Physical Development in Middle Childhood

LO 5.1 Summarize the ways in which children grow during the school years, and discuss the factors that influence their growth.

LO 5.2 Explain how nutrition affects children's growth and functioning, and identify the risks posed by obesity.

LO 5.3 Identify the advances in motor skills during middle childhood. LO 5.4 Summarize the main health and safety concerns of school-age children. LO 5.5 Explain how sensory impairments and learning disabilities may impact

children's school performance and social relationships. LO 5.6 Identify the behaviors associated with ADHD, and discuss how it impacts

children's school performance.

Module 5.2 Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood

LO 5.7 Identify and summarize the major theoretical approaches to cognitive development in middle childhood.

LO 5.8 Summarize the development of language during middle childhood, and explain the cognitive advantages bilingualism offers.

LO 5.9 Describe the five stages of reading, and compare teaching approaches. LO 5.10 Summarize the various trends in U.S. education. LO 5.1 1 Compare and contrast the different methods of assessing intelligence. LO 5.12 Summarize the approaches to educating children with intellectual disabilities

and children who are intellectually gifted in middle childhood.

Module 5.3 Social and Personality Development in Middle Childhood

LO 5.13 Summarize how children's view of themselves changes in middle childhood, and explain how this shift affects their self-esteem.

LO 5.14 Identify the six stages in Kohlberg's theory of moral development, and compare and contrast them with Gilligan's sequence of stages.

LO 5.15 Identify Damon's stages of friendship, and explain the factors that determine popularity in middle childhood.

LO 5.16 Explain how gender and race affect friendships at this age. LO 5 . 1 7 Identify the variety of family constellations, and assess their impact on children. LO 5.18 Describe the challenges to family life posed by work, divorce, and poverty.

Middle Chi ld hood 203

204 Chapter 5

M o d u l e 5 . 1 Physical Development in Middle Childhood

Eleven-year-old Tommy Rinaldo hates gym. Today the game he's

being forced to play is basketball. Three times he's dribbled the ball

off his foot, and twice other kids have taken it away. Tommy has

decided that the best strategy is to avoid the ball entirely.

Now, however, a loose ball has come his way. Instinctively

picking it up, he dribbles toward the basket, somehow making it

all the way down court. With a pretty good motion, he turns and

heaves up the ball. It doesn't go in, but after it hits the rim, one of his

classmates grabs the rebound and makes the shot.

The other kid says "Good assist" to Tommy. Maybe basketball

isn 't so bad after all.

Tommy Rinaldo has come a long way since the preschool years, when

quick, coord inated runnin g, dribbling , and shooting were not possible.

Such moments characterize middle ch ildhood because

child ren's physical, cognitive, and social skills reach new heights.

Begin n in g at age 6 and continuing to about age 1 2 , this period is

often called the "school years." Physical growth is remarkable. Motor

ski lls soar.

We begin by examini ng physical and motor development i n

middle childhood . We discuss how children 's bodies change and

the twin problems of maln utrition and obesity. We exam ine the

development of g ross motor ski lls (like dribb ling a basketball) and fine

motor skills (like playing scales on a piano). We discuss the health of

ch ild ren during this period, including their psychological health.

We fi n ish the module by considering the sensory and learning

difficulties of children with special needs. We also discuss a disorder

that has grown in importance in recent decades, attention deficit

hyperactivity disorder.

The Growing Body Cinderella, dressed in ye/la,

Went upstairs to kiss her fellah.

But she made a mistake and she kissed a snake.

How many doctors did it take?

One, two, . . .

Wh il e the other girls chanted this jump-rope rhyme, Kat proudly displayed her new abil ity to ju m p backward . In second grade, Kat was becoming qu ite good at jumping rope. I n first grade, s h e simply had not been able to master it. But over the summer, s h e had spent many hours practicing , and now that practice was paying off.

As Kat is gleefully experiencing, children make great physical strides in middle child hood, mastering many new skills. How does this progress occur? We'll first consider typical physical growth during this period, then tum our attention to exceptional children.

Slow but steady. These words characterize the nature of growth during middle childhood. In contrast to the swift growth from birth to age 5 and the remarkable growth spurt of adolescence, middle childhood is relatively tranquil. The body has not shifted into neutral; physical growth continues, but at a more stately pace than in the preschool years.

Height and Weight Changes

LO 5.1 Summarize the ways in which children grow during the school years, and discuss the factors that influence their growth.

In elementary school, children in the United States grow, on average, 2 to 3 inches a year. By age 11, the average height for girls is 4 feet, 10 inches, and boys average 4 feet, 9112 inches. This is the only period in life when girls tend to be taller than boys.

This reflects the slightly more rapid physical development of girls, who start their adolescent growth spurt around age 10.

Weight gain in middle childhood follows a similar pattern; boys and girls both gain around 5 to 7 pounds a year. Weight is also redistributed. As "baby fat" disappears, children's bodies become more muscular and their strength increases.

These average height and weight increases disguise signifi cant individual differences. Children of the same age can be 6 or 7 inches apart in height. Culture may also influence growth.

Most children in North America receive sufficient nutrients to grow to their full potential. In other parts of the world, how ever, inadequate nutrition and disease take their toll, producing children who are shorter and weigh less. The discrepancies can be dramatic: Poor children in cities such as Kolkata, Hong Kong, and Rio de Janeiro are smaller than affluent children in the same cities.

Middle Chi ld hood 205

In the United States, most variations in height and weight are the result of people's unique genetic inheritance, including genetic factors relating to racial and ethnic background. Asian and Oceanic Pacific children tend to be shorter than those of northern and cen tral European ancestry. In addition, the rate of growth is generally more rapid for black children than for white children (Deurenberg, Deurenberg-Yap, & Guricci, 2002; Deurenberg et al., 2003).

Variations of 6 inches in height between children of the same

age are not unusual and are well within normal ranges.

Even within racial and ethnic groups, individuals vary sig nificantly. We cannot attribute racial and ethnic differences solely to genetic factors because dietary customs as well as variations in levels of affluence also may contribute to differences. In addition, severe stress-brought on by factors such as parental conflict or alcoholism-can affect the pituitary gland, thereby affecting growth (Koska et al., 2002; Lai, 2006).

Nutrition and Obesity

L0 5.2 Explain how nutrition affects children's growth and functioning, and identify the risks posed by obesity.

There is a relationship between size and nutrition. But size isn't the only area affected by diet. For instance, nutrition is related to social

Inadequate nutrition and disease affect growth significantly.

Children in poorer areas of cities such as Kolkata, Hong Kong, and Rio de Janeiro are smaller than their counterparts

and emotional functioning at school age. Children who receive more in affluent areas of the same cities.

nutrients are more involved with their peers, show more positive emotion, and have less anxiety than children with less adequate nutrition. Nutrition is also linked to cognitive performance. For example, in one study, children in Kenya who were well nourished performed better on a test of verbal abilities and on other cognitive mea sures than those who had mild to moderate undernutrition. Malnutrition may influence cognitive development by dampening children's curiosity, responsiveness, and motivation to learn (Yousafzai, Yakoob, & Bhutta, 2013; Jackson, 2015; Tooley, Makhoul, & Fisher, 2016).

Although undernutrition and malnutrition clearly lead to physical, social, and cognitive difficulties, in some cases ovemutrition-the intake of too many calories and weight concerns lead to problems of their own.

Weight concerns can border on obsession, particularly in girls. Many 6-year-old girls worry about becoming "fat," and some 40 percent of girls ages 9 to 10 are trying to lose weight. Their concern with weight often reflects the U.S. preoccupation with slimness, which permeates the entire society (Greenwood & Pietromonaco, 2004; Liechty, 2010).

For example, when her mother asks if she would like bread with her meal, Ruthellen replies that she better not because she thinks she may be getting fat. Ruthellen, who is of normal weight and height, is 6 years old.

Despite the prevalent view that thinness is a virtue, childhood obesity is rising. Obesity is defined as a BMI at or above the 95th percentile for children of the same age and sex. (BMI is calculated by dividing a child's weight in kilograms by the square of their height in meters). By this definition, 18.5 percent of U.S. children are

206 Chapter 5

Figure 5 - 1 Obesity on t h e Rise The percentage of children and adolescents age 2 to 19 years who are overweight has increased dramati cally in the past two decades.

SOURCE: H ales et al . , 2017 .

20 17.2

1 8 . 5 1 7.1 1 6.8 1 6.9 16.9

1 5.4

.... c: QJ v 1 0 Q; ...

0 1 999- 2001- 2003- 2005- 2007- 2009- 201 1 - 201 3 - 2015- 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016

Years

obese-a proportion that has more than tripled since the 1970s. And it's not only a problem in the U.S.; the number of children ages 5 to 19 who are obese has increased 1,000 percent from 1975 to 2016 (Ogden et al., 2015; Hales et al., 2017; NCD Risk Factor Collaboration, 2017; also see Figure 5-1).

Obesity is found more often in children in low-income families. In addition, the prevalence of obesity is related to ethnicity in the United States: Hispanic and American Indian/ Alaska Native younger children show greater levels of obesity than whites and blacks (Ogden et al., 2015; Bodell et al., 2018).

The costs of childhood obesity last a lifetime. Obese children are more likely to be overweight as adults and have a greater risk of heart disease, diabetes, and other diseases. Some scientists believe an epidemic of obesity may be leading to a decline in life span in the United States (Park, 2008; Keel et al., 2010; Mehlenbeck, Farmer, & Ward, 2014).

Obesity is caused by a combination of genetic and social characteristics as well as diet. Particular inherited genes are related to obesity and predispose certain children to be overweight. For example, adopted children tend to have weights that are more similar to those of their birth parents than to those of their adoptive parents (Bray, 2008; Skledar et al., 2012; Maggi et al., 2015).

Social factors also affect children's weight problems. Children need to control their own eating. Parents who are controlling and directive about their children's eating may produce children who lack internal controls to regulate their own food intake (Wardle, Guthrie, & Sanderson, 2001; Doub, Small, & Brich, 2016; Gomes, Barros, & Pereira, 2017).

Poor diets also contribute to obesity. Despite their knowledge that certain foods are necessary for a balanced, nutritious diet, many parents provide their children with too few fruits and vegetables and more fats and sweets than recommended. School lunch programs have sometimes contributed to the problem by failing to provide nu tritious options (Story, Nanney, & Schwartz, 2009; Janicke, 2013).

Given how energetic children this age can be, it is surprising that a major factor in childhood obesity is a lack of exercise. School-age children tend to engage in relatively little exercise and are not particularly fit. Around 40 percent of boys age 6 to 12 are unable to do more than one pull-up, and a quarter can't do any. Furthermore, chil dren have shown little or no improvement in the amount of exercise they get, despite national efforts to increase the fitness of school-age children, in part because many schools have reduced the time available for recess and gym classes. From ages 6 to 18, boys decrease their physical activity by 24 percent and girls by 36 percent (Sallis & Glanz, 2006; Weiss & Raz, 2006; Ige, DeLeon, & Nabors, 2017).

Why is the level of exercise relatively low? One answer is that many kids are watching television and playing computer or video games. Such sedentary activities not only prevent exercise, but children also often snack while viewing TV or surfing the Web (Goldfield et al., 2012; Chahal et al., 2013; Lambrick et al., 2016; Falbe et al., 2017; see the Development in Your Life box).

Deve l o p m e n t i n You r Life

Keeping Children Fit

Middle Chi ld hood 207

Matias sits at a desk five days a week for most of the day, usually getting no exercise. On weekends, he spends the majority of his time watching videos and playing video games, often drinking soda and eating snack foods. When he goes out to eat, it's often at places like McDonald's, eating foods that are high in calories and fats.

• Gear activities to the child's physical level and

motor skills. Use ch i ld-size equipment to make chil dren feel successfu l .

Although this sketch fits many adults, Matias i s just 6 . Many school-age children in the United States, like Matias, get little or no regular exercise and consequently are physically unfit and at risk for obesity and other health problems.

To encourage childre n to be more physically active (Tyre & Scelfo, 2003; Okie, 2005):

• Make exercise fun. Child ren repeat what they enjoy. Overly competitive activities or those that sideline chil dren with inferior skills, though, may create a lifelong dis taste for exercise.

• Be an exercise role model. C h ildren who see their par ents, teachers, or adult friends exercising regularly may view fitness as a regular part of their lives, too.

Motor Development and Safety

• Encourage the child to find a partner. Roller skat ing, hiking, and many other activities are more fun when shared with a friend, a si bling, or a parent.

• Start slowly. Ease sedentary c h i ldren into regular physical activity. Try 5 m i n utes of exercise daily. Over 1 O weeks, ai m for 30 minutes, three to five times a week.

• Urge participation in organized sports activities, but do not push too hard. Not every child is athletical ly in clined. Make partici patio n and enjoymen t - not winning the goal.

• Don't use physical activity as a punishment. Encour age children to join organized activities they enjoy.

• Provide a healthy diet. Good nutrition gives children energy. Soda and sugary, fatty snack foods do not.

The fact that the fitness level of school-age children is not as high as we would de sire does not mean that such children are physically incapable. In fact, even without regular exercise, children's gross and fine motor skills develop substantially over the course of the school years.

Leaps and Bounds: The Rapid Growth of Motor Skills

LO 5.3 Identify the advances in motor skills during middle childhood.

In middle childhood, muscular coordination and manipulative skills advance to near adult levels, making it possible for children of this age to engage in a wide range of new activities.

GROSS MOTOR SKILLS One important improvement in gross motor skills is in muscle coordination. Watching a softball player pitch a ball past a batter to her catcher, or Kat, the jump-roper described previously in the module, we are struck by the many skills children have mastered since their awkward preschool days. Most can readily learn to ride a bike, ice skate, swim, and skip rope (see Figure 5-2).

Years ago, developmentalists concluded that gender differences in gross motor skills became increasingly pronounced during middle childhood years, with boys out performing girls. However, when comparing boys and girls who regularly take part in similar activities-such as softball-gender variations are minimal Ourimae & Saar, 2003; Gentier et al., 2013).

Why the change? Expectations probably played a role. Society did not expect girls to be highly active and told girls they would do worse than boys in sports. The girls' performance reflected that message.

Today, society's message has changed, at least officially. For instance, the American Academy of Pediatrics suggests that boys and girls should engage in the same sports and games, and that they can do so in mixed-gender groups. There is no reason to sep arate the sexes in physical exercise and sports until puberty, when the smaller size of

208 Chapter 5

Figure 5 - 2 Gross Motor S k i l l s Devel oped from 6 to 12 Years SOURCE: Adapted from Cratty, 1986.

6 Years

1 Girls superior in accuracy of movement; boys superior in more forceful, less complex acts.

Can throw with the proper weight, shift, and step.

Acquire the ability to skip.

8 Years

Can balance on Can grip objects one foot with eyes with 12 pounds of closed. pressure.

Can walk on a 2- Can engage in inch-wide balance alternate rhyth· beam without mical hopping in a falling off. 2-2. 2-3, or 3-3

pattern. Can hop and jump accurately into Girls can throw a small squares small ball 33 feet; (hopscotch). boys can throw a

small ball 59 feet. Can correctly execute a jumping- The number of jack exercise. games partici·

pated in by both sexes is the great· est at this age.

Girls can jump vertically 8.5 inches over their standing height plus reach; boys can jump vertically 10 inches.

Boys can run 1 6 . 6 feet per second; girls can run 1 6 feet per second.

10 Years

Can judge and intercept directions of small balls thrown from a distance.

Both girls and boys can run 17 feet per second.

11 Years

Boys can achieve standing broad jump of 5 feet; girls can achieve standing broad jump of 4.5 feet.

12 Years

Can achieve high jump of 3 feet.

females makes them more susceptible to injury in contact sports (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2004; Daniels & Lavoi, 2013; Deaner, Balish, & Lombardo, 2016).

FINE MOTOR SKILLS Typing at a computer keyboard. Writing in cursive with pen and pencil. Drawing detailed pictures. These are some of the accomplishments that depend on the improved fine motor coordination of early and middle childhood. Six and 7-year-olds are able to tie their shoes and fasten buttons; by age 8, they can use each hand independently; and by 11 and 12, they can manipulate objects with almost as much capability as they will show in adulthood.

One reason for advances in fine motor skills is that the amount of myelin in the brain increases significantly between the ages of 6 and 8. Myelin provides protective insulation that surrounds parts of nerve cells. Because increased levels of myelin raise the speed at which electrical impulses travel between neurons, messages can reach muscles more rapidly and control them better (Lakhani et al., 2016).

Health and Safety During Middle Childhood

LO 5.4 Summarize the main health and safety concerns of school-age children.

I lman i was miserable. Her nose was running, her lips were chapped, and her throat was sore. Although she had stayed home from school and watched old reruns on TV, she still felt that she was suffering mightily. Despite her misery, Imani's situation is not so bad. She'll get over the cold in a few days and be none the worse for it. In fact, she may be a little better off because she is now immune to the specific cold germs that made her ill.

Imani's cold may end up being the most serious illness she gets during middle childhood. This is generally a period of robust health, and most ailments children do contract tend to be mild and brief. Routine immunizations have produced a consider ably lower incidence of the life-threatening illnesses that 50 years ago claimed a sig nificant number of children. However, illness is not uncommon. More than 90 percent of children are likely to have at least one serious medical condition over the 6-year period of middle childhood, according to one large survey. And though most children have short-term illnesses, about one in nine has a chronic, persistent condition, such

as repeated migraine headaches. And some illnesses are actually becoming more prevalent (Dey & Bloom, 2005; Siniatchkin et al., 2010; Celano, Holsey, & Kobrynski, 2012).

Safety issues also pose a risk to health in middle childhood. Although accidents remain the greatest threat to children's safety, the Internet is a new and growing concern to many parents with children in this age group.

Middle Chi ld hood 209

ASTHMA Asthma is among the diseases that have shown a significant increase in prevalence over the past several decades. Asthma is a chronic condition characterized by periodic attacks of wheezing, cough ing, and shortness of breath. More than 8 percent of U.S. children suffer from the disorder, and worldwide more than 150 million children suffer from the disease (Bowen, 2013; Gandhi et al., 2016; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2017).

During middle childhood, children master many types of skills that they

could not previously perform well, such as those that depend on fine

motor coordination.

Asthma attacks occur when the airways leading to the lungs constrict, making breathing more difficult and causing wheezing. Attacks are triggered by a variety of factors. Among the most common are respiratory infec tions (such as colds or flu), allergic reactions to airborne irritants (such as pollution, cigarette smoke, dust mites, and animal dander and excretions), stress, and exercise (Noonan & Ward, 2007; Marin et al., 2009; Ross et al., 2012).

Racial and ethnic minorities are particularly at risk for the disease, because they are more at risk for exposure to environmental factors due to higher rates of poverty. Because they may live in poorer areas, they are more at risk for exposure to poor air quality and chemicals, factors that increase the risk of asthma. But genetic factors also seem to be at work (Forno & Celedon, 2009; Fedele et al., 2016). ACCIDENTS The increasing independence of school-age children leads to new safety issues. Between the ages of 5 and 14, the rate of injury for children increases. Boys are more apt to be injured than girls, probably because their overall level of physical activ ity is greater. Some ethnic and racial groups are at greater risk than others: Injury death rates are highest for American Indian and Alaska Natives, and lowest for Asians and Pacific Islanders. Whites and African Americans have approximately the same death rates from injuries (Noonan, 2003; Borse et al., 2008).

The increased mobility of this age is a source of several kinds of accidents. Children who regularly walk to school, many traveling such a distance alone for the first time, face being hit by cars and trucks. Because of lack of experience, they may misjudge how far they are from an oncoming vehicle. Bicycle accidents pose an increasing risk, particularly as children venture out onto busier roads (Schnitzer, 2006).

The most frequent injury to children is automobile accidents. Auto crashes annu ally kill 5 out of every 100,000 children between the ages of 5 and 9. Fires and burns, drowning, and gun-related deaths follow in frequency (Schiller & Bernadel, 2004; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2012).

Two ways to reduce auto and bicycle injuries are to use seat belts consistently and to wear appropriate protective cycling gear. Bicycle helmets have significantly reduced head injuries, and in many localities their use is mandatory. Knee and elbow pads have proven to reduce injuries for roller-blading and skateboarding (Blake et al., 2008; Lachapelle, Noland, & Von Hagen, 2013). SAFETY IN CYBERSPACE One contemporary threat to the safety of school-age chil dren comes from the Internet. Cyberspace makes available material that many parents find objectionable.

Although certain programs can be used to automatically block known sites that are dangerous to children or that contain objectionable material, most experts feel that the most reliable safeguard is close supervision by parents. According to the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, a nonprofit organization that works with

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the U.S. Department of Justice, parents should warn their chil dren never to provide personal information, such as home ad dresses or telephone numbers, to people on public computer "bulletin boards" or in chat rooms. In addition, children should not be allowed to hold face-to-face meetings with people they meet via computer, at least not without a parent present.

There are no reliable statistics that provide a true sense of the risk presented by exposure to cyberspace. But cer tainly a potential hazard exists, and parents must offer their children guidance. It is wrong to assume that just because children are in the supposed safety of their own bedrooms, logged on to home computers, they are truly safe (Mitchell et al., 2011; Reio & Ortega, 2016).

Children's access to computers and the Internet needs to be

monitored.

From an educator's perspective: Do you think using blocking software or computer chips to screen offensive Internet content is a practical idea? Are such controls the best way to keep children safe in cyberspace?

PSYCHOLOGICAL DISORDERS

Ben Cramer, 8 , loves baseball and mystery stories. He has a dog, Frankie, and a blue racing bike.

Ben also has bi polar disorder, a serious psychologi cal disorder. Engaged in his school work one minute, he'll refuse to even look at his teacher the next. Often a good friend, he'll suddenly lash out at the other chi ldren in the class. Sometimes, he believes he can do anyth ing: touch fire and not get burned or jump off the roof and fly. Other times, he feels so sad and small, and he writes poems about dying.

Bipolar disorder such as Ben's is diagnosed when a person cycles back and forth between two extreme emotional states: unrealistically high spirits and energy, and depression. For years, most people neglected the symptoms of such psychological disorders in children, and even today they may be overlooked. Yet it is a common problem: One in five children and adolescents has a psychological disorder that pro duces at least some impairment. For example, about 5 percent of preteens suffer from childhood depression, and 13 percent of children between ages 9 and 17 experience an anxiety disorder. The estimated cost of treatment of children's psychological disorders is $250 billion per year (Cicchetti & Cohen, 2006; Kluger, 2010; Holly et al., 2015).

Advocates for the use of antidepressants such as Prozac, Zoloft, Paxil, and Wellbutrin for children suggest that drug therapies can successfully treat their depres sion and other psychological disorders. Drugs may provide the only relief in cases where traditional therapies that use verbal methods are ineffective. At least one clinical test shows that the drugs are effective with children (Hirschtritt et al., 2012; Lawrence et al., 2017; Zhang et al., 2018).

Critics, however, question the long-term effectiveness of antidepressants for chil dren. No one knows the consequences of their use on the developing brain, nor their overall long-term effects. Little is known about the correct dosage for age or size, and some observers suggest that children's versions of the drugs, in orange- or mint flavored syrups, might lead to overdoses or eventually encourage the use of illegal drugs (Rothenberger & Rothenberger, 2013; Seedat, 2014).

Finally, some evidence links antidepressants with an increased risk of suicide. The possible link prompted the U.S. Food and Drug Administration to issue a warn ing about a class of antidepressants known as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRis). Some experts have urged completely banning their use for children and ado lescents (Goren, 2008; Sammons, 2009; Ghaemi, Vohringer, & Whitham, 2013).

Although the use of antidepressants to treat children is controversial, it is clear that childhood depression and other psychological disorders remain a significant problem

at other points in the life span. Not only are they disruptive during childhood, but they also put children at risk for future disorders (Franic et al., 2010; Sapyla & March, 2012; Palanca-Maresca et al., 2017).

Children with Special Needs Karen Avery was a happy-go- lucky child - until she got to first grade. A read ing as sessment put Karen i n the lowest read ing group. Despite lots of one-on-one time with her teacher, Karen's read ing did not im prove. She couldn't recognize words she'd seen the day before, or the day before that. Her retention problems soon became apparent across the curriculum. Karen's parents agreed to let the school give her some diagnostic tests. The results suggested Karen's brain had problems transferring information from her short-term (working) memory to her long-term memory. She was labeled as a child with a learning disabil ity. By law, she could now get the help she really needed.

Karen joined millions of children who are classified as learning disabled, one of sev eral special needs children can have. Although every child has different capabilities, children with special needs differ significantly in physical attributes or learning abili ties. Their needs present major challenges for care providers and teachers.

Sensory Difficulties and Leaming Disabilities

LO 5.5 Explain how sensory impairments and learning disabilities may impact children's school performance and social relationships.

Anyone who has lost his or her eyeglasses or a contact lens has a sense of how diffi cult even basic, everyday tasks must be for the sensory impaired. To function without adequate vision, hearing, or speech poses a tremendous challenge.

VISUAL PROBLEMS Visual impairment has both a legal and an educational mean ing. Legal impairment is defined precisely: Blindness is visual acuity below 20/200 after correction (meaning the inability to see at 20 feet what is typically seen at 200 feet), whereas partial sightedness is visual acuity of less than 20/70 after correction.

Even if a child is not legally blind, visual problems may seriously affect schoolwork. For one thing, the legal criterion pertains solely to distance vision, while most school tasks require close-up vision. The legal definition also does not consider abilities in the percep tion of color, depth, and light-all of which might influence a student's success. About 1 student in 1,000 requires special education services because of visual impairment.

Most severe visual problems are identified fairly early, but an impairment can go undetected. Visual problems can also emerge gradually, because development brings changes in the apparatus of the eye.

AUDITORY PROBLEMS Auditory impairments can cause social as well as academic problems because much peer interaction involves informal conversation. Hearing loss, affecting 1 to 2 percent of the school-age population, goes beyond not hearing enough, varying on a number of dimensions (Yoshinaga-ltano, 2003; Smith, Bale, & White, 2005; Martin-Prudent et al., 2016).

In some cases, hearing is impaired only at certain frequencies, or pitches. For example, the loss may be great at pitches in the normal speech range, yet minimal in other frequencies, such as those of very high or low sounds. Different levels of amplification at different fre quencies may be required; a hearing aid that amplifies all frequencies equally may be ineffective, amplifying sounds the child can hear to an uncomfortable degree.

Middle Chi ld hood 2 1 1

visual impairment a difficulty in seeing that may include blindness or partial sightedness

auditory impairment a special need that involves the loss of hearing or some aspect of hearing

How a child adapts depends on when the hearing loss begins. The effects will likely be more severe in a child with little or no exposure to the sound of language,

Auditory can produce both academic and social difficulties, and they may

lead to speech difficulties.

2 1 2 Chapter 5

speech impairment speech that deviates so much from the speech of others that it calls attention to itself, interferes with communication, or produces malad justment in the speaker

childhood-onset fluency disorder (stuttering) substantial disruption in the rhythm and fluency of speech; the most common speech impairment

learning disabilities difficulties in the acquisition and use of listening, speaking, reading, writing, reasoning, or mathematical abilities

producing an inability to understand or produce speech. For a child who has learned language, hearing loss will not seriously affect subsequent linguistic development.

Severe and early loss of hearing can impair abstract thinking. Concrete concepts can be visually illustrated but abstract concepts depend on language for meaning. For example, it is difficult to explain the concept of "freedom" or "soul" without use of language (Meinzen-Derr et al., 2014; Fitzpatrick et al., 2017).

SPEECH PROBLEMS Auditory difficulties may be accompanied by speech impair ments, one of the most public types of exceptionality: Speech that deviates from the norm is obvious whenever the child speaks. It also interferes with communication, and may produce maladjustment in the speaker. Speech impairments occur in around 5 percent of the school-age population (Bishop & Leonard, 2001; National Institute on Deafness and Other Communication Disorders, 2016).

Childhood-onset fluency disorder (stuttering) involves a substantial disruption in the rhythm and fluency of speech and is the most common speech impairment. Despite a great deal of research, no specific cause has been identified. Occasional stuttering is not unusual in young children-and occasionally occurs in normal adults-but chronic stuttering can be a severe problem. Not only does stuttering hinder communication, but it can also pro duce embarrassment and stress in children, who may become inhibited from conversing with others and speaking aloud in class (Choi et al., 2013; Sasisekaran, 2014; Connally, 2018).

Parents and teachers can help children who stutter by not drawing attention to the issue and by giving them sufficient time to finish what they are saying, no matter how protracted the statement becomes. It does not help stutterers to finish their sentences for them or otherwise correct their speech (Ryan, 2001; Howell, Bailey, & Kothari, 2010; Beilby, Byrnes, & Young, 2012). LEARNING DISABILITIES: DISCREPANCIES BETWEEN ACHIEVEMENT AND CAPACITY TO LEARN Like Karen Avery, described previously, 1 in 5 children has a learning disability or attentional issues, according to the National Center for Leaming Disabilities. Leaming disabilities interfere with children's ability to listen, speak, read, write, reason, or do math. An ill-defined category, learning disabilities are diag nosed when children's academic performance differs from their potential to learn (Bos & Vaughn, 2005; Bonifacci et al., 2016; National Center for Learning Disabilities, 2018).

Such a broad definition includes a wide and varied range of difficulties. For in stance, dyslexia, a reading disability, can result in the visual misperception of letters, unusual difficulty in spelling or sounding out letters, and left-right confusion. Dyslexia is not fully understood, but the problem may lie in the part of the brain that breaks words into the sound elements that make up language (McGough, 2003; Lachmann et al., 2005; Sumner, Connelly, & Barnett, 2014).

What is the cause of learning disabilities? Some theories look to neuroscientific explanations based on genetic factors. Using that approach, researchers have found that the brains of children with dyslexia show structural and functional differences from those of typical children. Other theorists focus on environmental causes, such as poor early nutrition or allergies, drug use by mothers during pregnancy, or exposure to diseases such as meningitis (Shaywitz, 2004; Richards et al., 2015).

Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder

LO 5.6 Identify the behaviors associated with ADHD, and discuss how it impacts children's school performance.

Troy Dalton , age 7, exhausted his teacher. Unable to sit sti ll , he roamed the classroom all day, distracting the other children. I n read ing group, he jumped up and down i n his seat, dropping his book and knocking over the whiteboard. During read aloud, he ran around the room, humming noisily and shouting, " I ' m a jet plane!" Once, he flung himself through the air, landing on another boy and breaking his arm. "He's the definition of perpetual mo tion," the teacher told Troy 's mother (who looked pretty exhausted herself). The school finally decided to spl it Troy's day between the three second-grade classrooms. It was not a perfect solution, but it did allow his primary teacher to do some actual teach ing.

Middle Chi ld hood 2 1 3

Seven-year-old Troy Dalton's high en ergy and low attention span are a result of attention deficit hyperactivity dis order, which occurs in 3 to 5 percent of

Figure 5 - 3 The Brains of C hi ld ren with A D H D The brains of children with ADHD (in the top row) show less thickening o f the cortex compared to the brains of typical chi ldren at the same age.

the school-age population. Attention SOURCE: Sh aw et al., 2007 .

ADHD

7 years 8 years 9 years

deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is marked by inattention, impulsiveness, a low tolerance for frustration, and gen erally a great deal of inappropriate activ ity. All children show such traits some of the time, but for those diagnosed with ADHD, such behavior is common and interferes with their home and school functioning (Whalen et al., 2002; Sciberras et al., 2013; Van Neste et al., 2015).

Typically developing controls

10 years

It is often difficult to distinguish between children who are highly active and those with ADHD. Common symptoms of ADHD include:

• persistent difficulty in finishing tasks, following instructions, and organizing work

• fidgeting, squirming, inability to watch an entire television program

• frequent interruption of others or excessive talking

• a tendency to jump into a task before hearing all the instructions

• difficulty in waiting or remaining seated

Lacking a simple test to identify ADHD, it is hard to know for sure how many children have the disorder. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention put the proportion of children 3 to 17 years of age with ADHD at 9 . 4 percent, with boys being twice as likely as girls to be diagnosed with the disorder. Other estimates are lower. Only a trained clinician can make an accurate diagnosis, following an exten sive evaluation of the child and interviews with parents and teachers (Danielson et al., 2018).

The causes of ADHD are not clear, although some research finds that it is related to a delay in neural development. Specifically, it may be that the thickening of the brain's cortex, which lags in children with ADHD 3 years behind that of children with out the disorder (see Figure 5-3).

Considerable controversy surrounds the treatment of ADHD. Because it has been found that doses of Ritalin or Dexedrine (which, paradoxically, are stimulants) reduce activity levels in hyperactive children, many physicians routinely prescribe drug treatment (Arnsten, Berridge, & McCracken, 2009; Weissman et al., 2012; Pelham et al., 2016).

Although in many cases such drugs are effective in increasing attention span and compliance, in some cases the side effects (such as irritability, reduced appetite, and depression) are considerable, and the long-term health consequences of this treatment are unclear. Consequently, other treatments, such as behavioral therapy, are also used (Rose, 2008; Cortese et al., 2013; Thapar & Cooper, 2016).

In addition to drugs, behavior therapy is often used to treat ADHD. Parents and teachers learn techniques that primarily use rewards (such as verbal praise) to im prove behavior. Teachers can increase the structure of classroom activities, among other management techniques, because ADHD children find unstructured tasks dif ficult (Chronis, Jones, & Raggi, 2006; DuPaul & Weyandt, 2006).

Finally, because some research has shown links between ADHD and children's diet, particularly in terms of fatty acids or food additives, dietary treatments have sometimes been prescribed. However, dietary treatments are usually insufficient by themselves (Cruz & Bahna, 2006; Stevenson, 2006). (Parents and teachers can receive support from the Children and Adults with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder organization at www.chadd.org.)

11 years 1 2 years 1 3 years

attention deficit hyperactivity disorder {ADHD) a learning disorder marked by inattention, impulsiveness, a low tolerance for frustration, and gener ally a great deal of inappropriate activity

2 1 4 Chapter 5

Review, C h eck, and Apply

Review

LO 5.1 Summarize the ways in which children grow during the school years, and discuss the factors that influence their growth.

In middle childhood, height and weight increase gradu ally. Differences in height and weight are influenced by both genetic and social factors.

LO 5.2 Explain how nutrition affects children's growth and functioning, and identify the risks posed by obesity.

Adequate nutrition promotes physical, social, and cogni tive development, whereas overnutrition and a sedentary lifestyle may lead to obesity. Obesity affects 15 percent of U.S. children and leads to greater risk of heart disease, dia betes, and other diseases.

LO 5.3 Identify the advances in motor skills during middle childhood.

Gross motor skills continue to improve during the school years. Muscular coordination and manipulative skills ad vance to near-adult levels.

LO 5.4 Summarize the main health and safety concerns of school-age children.

Although middle childhood is generally a time of robust health, one study found that more than 90 percent of chil dren in this age group will experience at least one serious medical condition. Threats to safety include accidents, a result of increased independence and mobility, and un supervised access to cyberspace. One in five children and adolescents has a psychological disorder.

Check Yourself

1. Which of the following is a long-term outcome associated with childhood obesity?

a. Stunted growth b. Being overweight as an adult c. Greater risk of accidents d. Development of learning disabilities

2. One explanation for the advances in fine motor skills during middle school involves the increase in the amount of in the brain.

a. myelin b. neurons c. genes d. gray matter

Applying Lifespan Development

LO 5.5 Explain how sensory impairments and learning disabilities may impact children's school performance and social relationships.

Children who have special needs relating to v1s10n, hearing, and speech may find the school environment especially challenging. Those with visual impairments may struggle with close-up vision, and perception of color and depth, which can impact their school perfor mance. Auditory impairment affects both academic per formance and peer interaction. Understanding abstract concepts depends on language for meaning and cannot be visually illustrated. Speech impairments make com munication difficult and may make a child fearful of speaking. Learning disabilities include difficulties in ac quiring and using listening, speaking, reading, writing, reasoning, or mathematical abilities. Dyslexia, for exam ple, makes it particularly difficult for children to learn to read, which in turn affects every area of their academic performance.

LO 5.6 Identify the behaviors associated with ADHD, and discuss how it impacts children's school performance.

Children with ADHD have difficulty following instruc tions and finishing tasks. They are often fidgety and un able to sit still. They tend to talk excessively and frequently interrupt others. Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder poses attention, organization, and activity problems for 3 to 5 percent of school-age children.

3. When it comes to school-age children and injuries associated with accidents, which of the following statements is true?

a. The number of accidents occurring in the school age years is significantly fewer than in earlier years.

b. There is no relationship between gender and the prevalence of injuries associated with accidents.

c. Drowning is the most frequent cause of accidental death.

d. Boys are significantly more likely than girls to be injured. 4. the most common speech impairment, in-

volves a substantial disruption in the rhythm and flu ency of speech.

a. Telegraphic speech c. Protracted speech b. Stuttering d. Slow mapping

If hearing is associated with abstract thinking, how do people who were born deaf think?

M o d u l e 5 . 2 Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood

Jen Draper stops washing the dishes and comes to the living room.

Her 8-year-old daughter Raylene has asked her to listen as she reads

from A Single Shard by Linda Sue Park.

The book is a novel about a boy in 12th-century Korea. As

Raylene reads, tears come to Jen's eyes, not because of the events in

the story, but because her daughter has found a way to grow beyond

her small apartment and move confidently into the wider world.

Raylene formed a love of books on her own, taught herself to

read them, and takes complete responsibility for finding good books at

the local library. Her teachers have told Jen -never much of a reader

herself- that her daughter is reading well above her third-grade level.

Middle Chi ld hood 2 1 5

To support her daughter's habit, Jen has bought Raylene a few

books recommended by her teachers. She now looks proudly at the

bookcase one of the teachers gave her recen tly, which is beginning

to look occupied.

It was a proud moment for Jen Draper, and a significant

accomplishment for her daughter, who has progressed beyond the

first-grade books that she had initially chosen to a challenging book

written at the fifth-grade level.

Middle chi ldhood is often referred to as the "sch ool years"

because it marks the beg inn ing of formal education for most children.

Sometimes the physical and cog n itive growth that occurs du ring

middle chi ldhood is grad ual; other times it is sudden ; but always it

is remarkable .

W e beg in our discussion by exam ining several approaches to

describe and explain cognitive development, including Piagetian and

information processing theories and th e important ideas of Vygotsky.

We look at language development and the questions surrounding

bilingualism-an increasingly p ressing social policy issue in the

United States.

D uring middle childhood , chi ldren blossom with ideas and

plans-and the language to express them orally and i n writi ng . And it

is during th is period that much of thei r future development is charted .

Next we consider several issues i nvolving schooling. After

discussing the scope of ed ucation throughout the world, we exami ne

the critical skill of reading and the nature of m u lticultu ral education .

The module ends with a discussion of intelligence, a characteristic

closely tied to school success. We look at the nature of IQ tests and

at the education of chi ldren who are either significantly below or

above the intellectual norm.

Intellectual and Language Development Jared's parents were delighted when he came home from kindergarten one day and announced he had learned why the sky was blue. He talked about the earth's atmosphere although he m ispronounced the word -and how tiny bits of moisture in the air reflected the sunlight. His explanation had rough edges (he couldn't quite grasp what "atmosphere" was), but he had the general idea. H i s parents felt it was quite an ach ievement for their 5-year-old.

Fast-forward 6 years. Jared, now 1 1 , has already invested an hour i n his homework. Having completed a two-page worksheet on multi plying and divid i n g fractions, he is working on his U.S. Constitution project. He is taking notes for his report, which explains what pol itical factions were involved in creating the document and how the Constitution had been amended over time.

Jared's vast intellectual advances are not uncommon. During middle childhood, cognitive abilities broaden, and children increasingly understand and master complex skills. But their thinking is not yet fully mature.

Perspectives on Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood

LO 5.7 Identify and summarize the major theoretical approaches to cognitive development in middle childhood.

Several perspectives explain the cognitive advances and limitations of middle childhood.

2 1 6 Chapter 5

PIAGETIAN APPROACHES TO COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT Let's return to Jean Piaget's view of the preschooler considered in Module 4.2. From Piaget's perspective, preschoolers think preoperationally. They are largely ego centric and lack the ability to use operations organized, formal, logical mental processes.

Cognitive development makes substantial advances in middle childhood.

The Rise of Concrete Operational Thought All of this changes during the school years in what Piaget calls the concrete operational stage. Occurring between ages 7 and 12, this stage is characterized by the active, and appropriate, use of logic. Concrete operational thought ap plies logical operations to concrete problems. For instance, when children in this stage confront a conservation problem (such as determining whether the amount of liquid poured from one container to another of a different shape stays the same), they use cognitive and logical pro

concrete operational stage the period of cognitive development between 7 and 12 years of age, which is characterized by the active, and appropriate, use of logic

decentering the ability to take multiple aspects of a situation into account

cesses to answer, no longer judging solely by appearance. They are able to reason correctly that because none of the liquid has been lost, the amount stays the same. Being less ego centric, they can consider multiple aspects of a situation, an ability known as decentering. Jared, the sixth grader described previously, used decentering to consider the views of the various factions behind the U.S. Constitution.

The shift from preoperational to concrete operational thought takes time. Children shift between these modes of thought before concrete operations take a firm hold; they are able to answer conservation problems but unable to explain why. When asked for their reasoning, they may simply respond, "Because."

However, once concrete operations take hold, children make several cognitive leaps, such as understanding the concept of reversibility-the notion that transforma tions to a stimulus can be reversed. Grasping this, children realize that a ball of clay squeezed into a long, thin rope can become a ball again. More abstractly, this concept allows children to understand that if 3 + 5 equals 8, then 5 + 3 also equals 8-and, later, that 8 - 3 equals 5.

Concrete operational thinking also permits children to grasp such concepts as the relationship between time and speed. For instance, consider the problem in which two cars traveling different-length routes start and finish at the same points in the same amount of time. Children entering the concrete operational period reason that the cars' speed is the same. However, between ages 8 and 10, children begin to understand that for both cars to arrive simultaneously at the finish point, the car traveling the longer route must be moving faster.

Despite the advances that occur during the concrete operational stage, children still experience one critical limitation in their thinking. They remain tied to concrete, physical reality. Furthermore, they are unable to understand truly abstract or hypo thetical questions, or ones that involve formal logic.

Piaget in Perspective: Right and Wrong As we learned previously, researchers who followed Piaget have found much to applaud-and much to criticize.

Piaget was a virtuoso observer of children. His many books contain brilliant, care ful observations of children at work and play. His theories have had powerful educa tional implications, and many schools use his principles to guide instruction (Brainerd, 2003; Hebe, 2017).

In some ways, Piaget's approach succeeded in describing cognitive development. At the same time, critics have raised compelling and reasonable grievances. As noted previously, many researchers argue that Piaget underestimated children's capabili ties, in part because of the limitations of the mini-experiments he conducted. When a broader array of experimental tasks is used, children show less consistency within stages than Piaget predicted (Bibace, 2013; Siegler, 2016).

Middle Chi ld hood 2 1 7

In short, increasing evidence suggests that children's . Figure 5 - 4 Conservation Tra i n i n g

cognitive abilities emerge earlier than Piaget envisioned. Some children demonstrate concrete operational think ing before age 7, when Piaget suggested these abilities first appear.

Rural Australian Aborigi ne children trai l their urban cou nterparts in the development of their understandi ng of conservation; with training, they later catch up. Without train ing, around half of 1 4-year-old Aborigi nes

Still, we cannot dismiss Piaget. Although some early cross-cultural research implied that children in certain

do not have an understanding of conservation. What can be concluded from the fact that trai ning influences the understan ding of conservation?

cultures remain preoperational, failing to master con- SOURCE: Based on Dasen et al. , 1 979.

servation and develop concrete operations, more recent research suggests otherwise. For instance, with proper training in conservation, children in non-Western cul tures who do not conserve learn to do so. In one study, urban Australian children-who develop concrete op-

14--�-�--�-�-�-�-�-�--�� Wit� trainin g

1 3

1 2

1 1

erations on Piaget's timetable-were compared to rural � Aborigine children, who typically do not conserve, at

� 1 0 the age o f 1 4 (Dasen et al., 1979). With training, the rural .!: 9 Aborigine children showed conservation skills similar to � 8 those of their urban counterparts, although about 3 years later (see Figure 5-4).

0 0 1 0 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 1 0 0

When children are interviewed b y researchers from their own culture, who share their language and customs, and whose reasoning tasks relate to impor tant cultural domains, the children are much more likely to display concrete operational thinking (Jahoda, 1983). Such research suggests that Piaget was right

Children Demonstrating Understanding of Conservation (percent)

in arguing that concrete operations are universally achieved during middle child hood. Performance differences between Western and some non-Western children on Piagetian measures of conservation and concrete operations probably reflect a differ- ence in experiences. The progress of cognitive development cannot be understood without considering a child's culture (Mishra & Dasen, 2013; Wang et al., 2016; Knight, Safa, & White, 2018). INFORMATION PROCESSING IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD It is a significant achieve ment for first graders to learn basic math tasks, such as single-digit addition and sub traction, as well as the spelling of simple words like dog. But by sixth grade, children are able to work with fractions and decimals, completing a worksheet like the one done by Jared, the boy cited previously. They can spell words such as exhibit and residence.

According to information processing approaches, children handle information with increasing sophistication. Like computers, they process more data as the size of their memories increases and the "programs" they use to do this become more complex (Kuhn et al., 1995; Kail, 2003; Zelazo et al., 2003; McCormick & Scherer, 2018). Memory As noted, memory in the information processing model is the ability to re cord, store, and retrieve information. For a child to remember a piece of information, the three processes must all function properly. Through encoding, the child records the information in a form usable to memory. Children who never learned that 5 + 6 = 11, or who didn't heed this fact when it was taught, will never be able to recall it. They never encoded the information in the first place.

But exposure to a fact is not enough; the information also has to be stored. In our example, the information 5 + 6 = 11 must be placed and maintained in the memory system. Finally, proper memory functioning requires that stored material must be retrieved. Through retrieval, material in storage is located, made conscious, and used.

During middle childhood, short-term memory (also referred to as working memory) capacity greatly improves. Children are increasingly able to hear a string of digits ("1-5-6-3-4") and then repeat them in reverse order ("4-3-6-5-1"). At the start of the pre school period, they can remember and reverse only about two digits; by the beginning of adolescence, they can perform the task with as many as six digits. In addition, they use more sophisticated strategies for recalling information, which can be improved with training (Jack, Simcock, & Hayne, 2012; Jarrold & Hall, 2013; Resing et al., 2017).

memory the process by which information is initially recorded, stored, and retrieved

2 1 8 Chapter 5

metamemory an understanding about the pro cesses that underlie memory, which emerges and improves during middle childhood

Memory capacity may shed light on another issue in cognitive development. Some developmental psychologists suggest that preschool children may have diffi culty solving conservation problems because of memory limitations. They argue that young children simply may not be able to recall all the necessary information to solve such problems.

Metamemory, a grasp of the processes that underlie memory, also emerges and improves during middle childhood. By the start of first grade, when their theory of mind becomes more sophisticated, children have a general notion of what memory is. They understand that some people have better memories than others (Ghetti & Angelini, 2008; Jaswal & Dodson, 2009; Cottini et al., 2018).

School-age children understand memory in more sophisticated ways as they in creasingly engage in control strategies-intentionally used tactics to improve cognitive processing. For instance, school-age children know that rehearsal, the repetition of in formation, improves memory, and they increasingly make use of this strategy (Sang, Miao, & Deng, 2002; Coffman et al., 2018). Improving Memory Can children be trained to be more effective in the use of control strategies? Definitely. School-age children can be taught to use particular strategies, although such teaching is not a simple matter. For instance, children need to know not only how to use a memory strategy, but also when and where to use it most effectively.

For example, an innovative technique called the keyword strategy can help students learn a foreign language, the state capitals, or any information that pairs two sets of words or labels that sound alike (Wyra, Lawson, & Hungi, 2007). For instance, in learn ing foreign language vocabulary, a foreign word such as the Spanish word for duck (pato, pronounced pot-o) is paired with a common English word-in this case it might be pot. The English word is the keyword. Once the keyword is chosen, children then form a mental image of the two words interacting with one another. For instance, a student might use an image of a duck taking a bath in a pot to remember the word pato.

VYGOTSKY'S APPROACH TO COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT AND CLASSROOM INSTRUCTION Learning environments can encourage children to adopt these strat egies as well. Recall that Russian developmentalist Lev Vygotsky proposed that cogni tive advances occur through exposure to information within a child's zone of proximal development, or ZPD. In the ZPD, a child can almost, but not quite, understand or perform a task.

Vygotsky's approach has particularly encouraged the development of classroom practices that promote children's active participation in their learning. Consequently, classrooms are seen as places where children should experiment and try out new activities (Vygotsky, 1926/ 1997; Gredler & Shields, 2008; Gredler, 2012).

According to Vygotsky, education should focus on activities that involve interac tion with others. Both child-adult and child-child interactions can promote cognitive growth. The interactions must be carefully structured to fall within each child's ZPD.

Vygotsky's work has influenced several current and noteworthy innovations. For example, cooperative learning, where children work in groups to achieve a com mon goal, uses several aspects of Vygotsky's theory. Students working in cooperative groups benefit from the insights of others. A wrong turn by one child may be corrected by others in the group. On the other hand, not every group member is equally helpful: As Vygotsky's approach would imply, individual children benefit most when some of the group members are more competent at the task and can act as experts (DeLisi, 2006; Slavin, 2013; Gillies, 2014).

From an educator's perspective: Suggest how a teacher might use Vygotsky's approach to teach 10-year-olds about colonial America.

Reciprocal teaching is another educational practice that reflects Vygotsky's ap proach to cognitive development. Reciprocal teaching is a technique used to teach read ing comprehension strategies. Students are taught to skim the content of a passage, raise questions about its central point, summarize the passage, and finally predict

what will happen next. A key to this technique is its reciprocal nature, its emphasis on giving students a chance to take on the role of teacher. In the beginning, teachers lead students through the comprehension strategies. Gradually, students progress through their zones of proximal development, taking more and more control over use of the strategies, until the students are able to take on a teaching role. The method has shown impressive success in raising reading comprehension levels, particularly for students experiencing reading difficulties (Sporer, Brunstein, & Kieschke, 2009; Lundberg & Reichenberg, 2013; Davis & Voirin, 2016).

Language Development: What Words Mean

LO 5.8 Summarize the development of language during middle childhood, and explain the cognitive advantages bilingualism offers.

If you listen to school-age children, their speech sounds similar to that of adults. However, the apparent similarity is deceiving. The linguistic sophistication of children-particularly early in the school-age period-still needs refining to reach adult levels.

MASTERING THE MECHANICS OF LANGUAGE Vocabulary continues to increase rapidly during the school years. The average 6-year-old has a vocabulary of from 8,000 to 14,000 words, whereas another 5,000 words appear from ages 9 to 11.

Children's mastery of grammar also improves. For instance, the passive voice is seldom used during the early school-age years (as in "The dog was walked by Jon," compared with the active voice, "Jon walked the dog"). Six- and 7-year-olds rarely use conditional sentences, such as "If Sarah will set the table, I will wash the dishes." During middle childhood, however, the use of passive voice and conditional sentences increases. In addition, children's understanding of syntax, the rules governing how words and phrases can be combined to form sentences, grows.

By first grade, most children pronounce words quite accurately. However, certain phonemes, units of sound, remain troublesome. For instance, the ability to pronounce j, v, th, and zh sounds develops later.

School-age children may also have difficulty decoding sentences when the mean ing depends on intonation, or tone of voice. For example, consider the sentence, "George gave a book to David and he gave one to Bill." If the word "he" is empha sized, the meaning is "George gave a book to David and David gave a different book to Bill." But if the intonation emphasizes the word and, then the meaning changes to "George gave a book to David and George also gave a book to Bill." School-age chil dren cannot easily sort out subtleties such as these (Wells, Peppe, & Goulandris, 2004; Thornton, 2010; Bosco et al., 2013).

Conversational skills also develop as children become more competent in using pragmatics, the rules governing the use of language to communicate in social settings.

For example, although children in early childhood are aware of the rules of con versational turn-taking, their use is sometimes primitive. Consider the following conversation between 6-year-olds Yonnie and Max:

YONNIE: My dad drives a FedEx truck. MAx: My sister 's name is Molly. Y ONNIE: He gets up really early in the morning. MAx: She wet her bed last night.

Later, however, conversations show more give and-take, with children responding to each other's comments. For instance, this conversation between 11-year-olds Mia and Josh reflects a greater mastery of pragmatics:

MIA: I don't know what to get Claire for her birthday. JosH: I'm getting her earrings.

Middle Chi ld hood 2 1 9

MrA: She already has a lot of jewelry. JosH: I don't think she has that much. Students working in cooperative groups benefit from the insights of others.

220 Chapter 5

metalinguistic awareness an understanding of one's own use of language

bilingualism the use of more than one language

METALINGUISTIC AWARENESS A significant development in middle childhood is children's increasing understanding of their own use of language, or metalinguistic awareness. By age 5 or 6, they understand that a set of rules governs language. In the early years they learn and comprehend these rules implicitly, but during middle child hood they understand them more explicitly (Benelli et al., 2006; Saiegh-Haddad, 2007; Tighe et al., 2018).

Metalinguistic awareness helps children's comprehension when information is fuzzy or incomplete. For instance, when preschoolers receive ambiguous or unclear information, such as directions for a complicated game, they rarely ask for clarifica tion, and tend to blame themselves for any confusion. By the age of 7 or 8, children realize that miscommunication may be a result of the person communicating with them as well. Consequently, school-age children are more likely to ask for clarifications (Apperly & Robinson, 2002; van den Herik, 2017).

HOW LANGUAGE PROMOTES SELF-CONTROL Their growing sophistication with language helps children control and regulate their behavior. In one experiment, chil dren were told they could have one marshmallow treat if they chose to eat it immedi ately, but two treats if they waited. Most of the children, who ranged in age from 4 to 8, chose to wait, but the strategies they used differed significantly.

The 4-year-olds often chose to look at the marshmallows while waiting, a strat egy that was not terribly effective. In contrast, 6- and 8-year-olds used language to help overcome temptation, although in different ways. The 6-year-olds spoke and sang to themselves, reminding themselves they would get more treats if they waited. The 8-year-olds focused on aspects of the marshmallows unrelated to taste, such as appearance, which helped them to wait. In short, children increasingly use "self talk" to regulate their behavior. Their self-control grows as their linguistic capabilities increase.

BILINGUALISM: SPEAKING IN MANY TONGUES

John Dewey Elementary is a school known for its progressive and democratic attitudes. On the campus of a large university, it boasts a staff of classroom aides who i n sum speak 1 5 d ifferent languages, i ncluding Hindi and Hausa. The challenge is that there are more than 30 languages spoken by the students.

Across America, the voices with which children speak are changing. Nearly one in five people in the United States-some 62 million-speak a language other than English at home, a percentage that is growing. Bilingualism-the use of more than one language-is increasingly common (Shin & Bruno, 2003; Graddol, 2004; Hoff & Core, 2013; see Figure 5-5).

Children with little or no English proficiency must learn both the standard school curriculum and the language in which it is taught. One approach to achieving this is bilingual education, in which children are initially taught in their native language, while they learn English. This enables students to develop a strong foundation in basic sub ject areas using their native language. The goal of most bilingual programs is to gradu ally shift instruction into English.

An alternative approach is to immerse students in English, teaching solely in that language. To proponents of this approach, initially teaching students in another lan guage hinders their efforts to learn English and slows their integration into society. These two quite different, highly politicized approaches have some politicians arguing for "English-only" laws, whereas others urge schools to respect the challenges norma tive speakers face by offering some instruction in their native language.

Still, the psychological research does seem clear that being bilingual is associated with certain cognitive advantages. With a wider range of linguistic possibilities to choose from in assessing a situation, speakers of two languages show greater cognitive flexibility, and their executive functioning (involved in the cognitive control of behavior) may be superior. They solve problems with greater creativity and versatility. Furthermore, learn ing in one's native tongue is also associated with higher self-esteem in minority students (Hermanto, Moreno, & Bialystok, 2012; Yang, Hartanto, & Yang, 2016; Hsin & Snow, 2017).

Figure 5 - 5 Percentage of People 5 Years and Over W h o Spoke a Language Other Than Engl ish at H o m e SOURCE: U.S. Census Bureau, 2017, American Community Survey.

L2J Population 5 years and over • Spoke a language other than English at home Spoke only English at home

Spoke a language other than English at home

Spanish or Spanish Creole French (incl. Patois,

Cajun, Creole) Italian

Portuguese or Portuguese Creole

German

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Russian

Polish

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Chinese

Japanese

Korean

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Bilingual students often have greater metalinguistic awareness, understand the rules of language more explicitly, and show great cognitive sophistication. They may even score higher on tests of intelligence, according to some research. Furthermore, brain scans comparing bilingual individuals with those who speak only one language find differences suggesting different types of brain activation (Piller, 2010; Burgaleta et al., 2013; Sierpowska et al., 2018).

Finally, because many linguists contend that universal processes underlie lan guage acquisition, as we noted in Chapter 3, instruction in a native language may enhance instruction in a second language. In fact, some educators believe that second language learning should be a regular part of elementary schooling for all children (McCardle & Hoff, 2006; Frumkes, 2018).

Schooling: The Three Rs (and More) of Middle Childhood

As the six other c h ildren in his read ing group turned to him, Glenn sh ifted uneasi ly i n h i s chair. Reading was hard f o r h i m , and he always felt anxious when asked to read aloud. But with his teacher's encouraging nod, he plunged in, hesitant at first, then gaining momentum as h e read the story of a mother's first day on a new job. H e was happy and proud to find that he could read the passage quite nicely. He broke into a broad smi le when his teacher said, "Well done, Glenn."

Middle Chi ld hood 221

222 Chapter 5

Such moments, repeated over and over, make-or break-a child's educational experi ence. School is society's formal attempt to transfer its accumulated knowledge, beliefs, values, and wisdom to new generations. The success of this transfer determines, in a real sense, the future fortunes of the world, as well as the success of each student.

Reading: Learning to Decipher the Meaning Behind Words

LO 5.9 Describe the five stages of reading, and compare teaching approaches.

The accomplishments of both Glenn (described previously) and Raylene Draper (de scribed in the prologue) in advancing their reading are important because there is no task more fundamental to learning than reading. Reading involves a significant number of skills, from low-level cognitive skills (the identification of single letters and letter sound association) to higher-level skills (matching written words with meanings stored in memory, and using context and prior knowledge to determine a sentence's meaning).

READING STAGES Learning to read usually occurs in several broad and frequently overlapping stages. In Stage 0, from birth to first grade, children learn the prerequisites for reading, including letter identification, recognition of familiar words (such as their name or stop on a stop sign), and perhaps writing their name (Chall, 1992; Oakhill, Cain, & Elbro, 2014).

Stage 1 brings the first real type of reading, but it largely involves phonological recoding skills. At this stage, which usually encompasses first and second grade, chil dren can sound out words by blending the letters together. Children also complete the job of learning the names of letters and the sounds that go with them.

In Stage 2, typically around second and third grades, children learn to read aloud with fluency. However, they do not attach much meaning to the words because the effort involved in simply sounding out words is usually so great that relatively few cognitive resources are left over to process the meaning of the words.

The next period, Stage 3, extends from fourth to eighth grade. Reading becomes a means to an end-in particular, a way to learn. Whereas earlier reading was an accom plishment in and of itself, by this point children use reading to learn about the world. However, even at this age, understanding gained from reading is not complete. For instance, one limitation children have at this stage is that they are able to comprehend information only when it is presented from a single perspective.

In the final period, Stage 4, children are able to read and process information that re flects multiple points of view. This ability, which begins during the transition into high school, permits children to develop a far more sophisticated understanding of material. This explains why great works of literature are not read at an earlier stage of education. It is not so much that younger children do not have the vocabulary to understand such works (although this is partially true); it is that they lack the ability to understand the multiple points of view that sophisticated literature invariably presents.

HOW SHOULD WE TEACH READING? Educators have long been engaged in a debate over the most effective means of teaching reading. This debate centers on a disagreement about how information is processed during reading. According to pro ponents of code-based approaches to reading, teachers should focus on the basic skills that underlie reading. Code-based approaches emphasize the components of reading, such as letter sounds and combinations-phonics-and how letters and sounds combine to make words. They suggest that reading consists of processing the components of words, combining them into words, and using these to derive the meaning of sen tences and passages (Dickinson, Golinkoff, & Hirsh-Pasek, 2010; Hagan-Burke et al., 2013; Cohen et al., 2016).

In contrast, some educators argue that the most successful approach is whole language, which regards reading as a natural process, similar to the acquisition of oral language. According to this view, children learn to read through authentic writing, such as sentences, stories, poems, lists, and charts. Rather than sounding out words, children make guesses about the meaning of words based on the context. Children become proficient readers, learning whole words and phrases through such a trial-and-error approach (Sousa, 2005; Donat, 2006).

Middle Chi ld hood 223

A growing body of research suggests the code-based approach is superior to the whole-language approach. One study found that children tutored in pho nics for a year improved their reading substantially, compared to a group of good readers, and that the neural pathways involved in reading became closer to those of good readers. Consequently, based on an accumulation of evidence, most read ing experts now support reading instruction using code-based approaches (Brady, 2011; Yaish, 2014; Castles, Rastle, & Nation, 2018).

Figure 5 - 6 Readi ng and the Brain The act of reading involves activation of significant areas of the brain, as these scans illustrate. In the top scan, an individual is readi ng aloud; in the bottom scan , the person is readi ng silently.

Whatever approach is used to teach reading, reading produces significant changes in the wiring of the brain. It boosts the organization of the visual cortex of the brain, and it improves the processing of spoken language (see Figure 5-6).

SOURCE: SPUScience Source.

Educational Trends: Beyond the Three Rs

LO 5. 1 0 Summarize the various trends in U.S. education.

Schooling has changed significantly in the past few decades, with U.S. schools returning to the traditional three Rs (reading, writing, and arithmetic). The focus on these fundamentals departs from prior trends that emphasized chil dren's social well-being and allowing students to choose their own study topics instead of following a set curriculum (Merrow, 2012; Hudley, 2016; VanWheelden, 2016).

Elementary schools today also stress individual accountability. Teachers may be held responsible for their students' learning, and both students and teachers may be required to take state or national tests to assess their competence (McDonnell, 2004).

As the U.S. population becomes more diverse, elementary schools are paying increased attention to student diversity issues and multiculturalism. And with good reason: Cultural, as well as language, differences affect students socially and educationally. The demographic makeup of students in the United States is undergo ing an extraordinary shift. The proportion of Hispanics is likely to more than double in the next 50 years. By the year 2050, non-Hispanic Caucasians will likely be a minor ity of the United States' total population (Colby & Ortman, 2015; see Figure 5-7).

Consequently, educators are increasingly concerned about multicultural issues. The accompanying Cultural Dimensions feature on multicultural education discusses how the goals for educating students from different cultures have changed signifi cantly and are still being debated.

CULTURAL ASSIMILATION OR PLURALISTIC SOCIETY? Multicultural education, in part, is a response to a cultural assimilation model in which the goal was to as similate individual cultural identities into a unique, unified American culture. In prac tice this meant that non-English speakers were discouraged from using their native language and were totally immersed in English.

Figure 5 - 7 The Changing Face of America Cu rrent projections of the population makeup of the U nited States show that by the year 2050, the proportion of non-Hispanic wh ites will decline as the proportion of minority group members i ncreases. What will be some of the impacts on social workers as the result of changi ng demographics?

SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 201 Oa.

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American Hispanic American

Indian Asian

cultural assimilation model the model in which the goal was to assimilate individual cultural identi ties into a unique, unified American culture

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C u lt u ra l Di m e n s i o n s

M u lticu ltural Education

Classrooms in the United States have always been populated by students with diverse backgrounds and experiences. Only recently, though, have variations in student backgrounds been viewed as a major challenge-and opportu nity-that educators face.

Culture, then, can be seen as a set of behavi ors, beliefs, values, and expectations shared by the members of a society. But culture is not simply "Western culture " or "Asian culture." It i s also made u p of subcultural groups. Membership in a cultural or subcultural group mi ght be of minor concern to educators if it didn 't substantially impact the way students experience school. I n recent years, considerable thought has gone into providing m ulticu ltural education, with the goal of helping m i nority students develo p competence in the majority culture while maintaining positive group identities built on their orig in al cultures (Nieto, 2005; Ngo, 2 0 1 O; Matriano & Swee- H i n , 2 0 1 3 ; Gharaei, Thijs, & Verkuyten, 201 8).

In fact, this diversity in the classroom relates to a fundamental objective of education, which is to transmit the informatio n a society deems important. As the famous anthropologist Margaret Mead (1 942) once said, "In its broadest sense, education is the cultural process, the way in which each newborn human infant, born with a potentiality for learning greater than that of any other mammal, is transformed into a full member of a specific human society, shari ng with the other members of a specific human culture" (p. 633).

multicultural education a form of education in which the goal is to help minority students develop confidence in the culture of the ma jority group while maintaining posi tive group identities that build on their original cultures

pluralistic society model the concept that American society is made up o f diverse, coequal cultural groups that should preserve their individual cultural features

bicultural identity Maintaining one's original cultural identity while integrating oneself into the dominant culture

From an educator's perspective: Should one goal of society be to foster cultural assimilation in children from other cultures? Why or why not?

In the early 1970s, however, educators and minority groups suggested that cul tural assimilation should be replaced by a pluralistic society model. In this model, American society is made up of diverse, coequal cultural groups that preserve their unique cultural features.

The pluralistic model grew, in part, from the belief that teachers who emphasized the dominant culture and discouraged normative English speakers from using their native tongues in effect devalued subcultural heritages and lowered those students' self-esteem. Instructional materials inevitably feature culture-specific events and under standings. Thus, minority children might never be exposed to important aspects of their culture. For example, English-language texts rarely present the great themes in Spanish literature and history (such as the search for the Fountain of Youth and the Don Juan leg end). Thus, Hispanic students risked missing important components of their heritage.

Ultimately, educators began to argue that the presence of students representing diverse cultures enriched and broadened the educational experience of all students. Pupils and teachers exposed to people from different backgrounds could better under stand the world and gain greater sensitivity to the values and needs of others (Levin

et al., 2012; Thijs & Verkuyten, 2013; Theodosiou-Zipiti & Lamprianou, 2016).

FOSTERING A BICULTURAL IDENTITY Most educators now agree that minority children should develop a bicultural identity, where schools support children's original cultural identities while also integrating them into the dominant culture. In this view, an individual lives as a member of two cultures, with two cultural identities, without having to choose one over the other (Oyserman et al., 2003; Vyas, 2004; Collins, 2012).

Pupils and teachers exposed to a diverse group could better

understand the world and gain a greater sensitivity to the values

and needs of others. What are some ways of developing greater

The best way to achieve this goal is not clear. Consider children who enter school speaking only Spanish. As noted, the traditional "melting-pot" technique would immerse them in classes taught in English while providing a crash course in English language (and little else) until the children gain a rea sonable proficiency. Unfortunately, this approach has a major drawback: Until they are proficient, students fall further and further behind their peers (First & Cardenas, 1986). sensitivity in the classroom?

More contemporary bicultural approaches encourage children to maintain mem bership in more than one culture. For a Spanish-speaking child, instruction would begin in Spanish and shift rapidly to include English. The school would also conduct a multicultural program for all children, where material on the cultures of all students is presented. Such instruction is meant to enhance the self-image of every student (Fowers & Davidov, 2006; Mok & Morris, 2012; Lourie, 2016).

Although most educational experts favor bicultural approaches, the general pub lic does not always agree. For instance, the "English-only" movement mentioned pre viously seeks to prohibit school instruction in any non-English language. Which view

will prevail remains to be seen.

SCHOOLING AROUND THE WORLD AND ACROSS GENDERS: WHO GETS EDUCATED? In the United States, as in most developed countries, a primary school education is both a universal right and a legal requirement. Virtually all children enjoy a free education through the 12th grade.

Children in other parts of the world are not always so fortunate . More than 160 million of the world's children do not even receive a primary education. An additional 100 million children are educated only to a level comparable to our elementary school, and close to a billion individuals (two-thirds of them women) are illiterate throughout their lives.

In almost all developing countries, fewer females than males receive formal educa tion, a discrepancy found at every level of schooling. Even in developed countries, women lag behind men in their exposure to science and technological topics. These differences re flect widespread, deeply held cultural and parental biases that favor males over females. Educational levels in the United States are more nearly equal between men and women. Especially in the early years, boys and girls share equal access to opportunities.

Intelligence: Determining Individual Strengths "Why should you tell the truth?" "How far is Los Angeles from New York?" "A table is made of wood; a window of ___ _

As 1 0-year-old Hyacinth sat hunched over her desk, faced with a series of questions like these, she tried to guess the point of the test she was taking. Clearly, the test covered material not discussed by her fifth-grade teacher, M s . White-Johnston.

"What number comes next i n this series: 1 , 3, 7, 1 5 , 3 1 , ____ ?"

As she worked through the test, she gave up trying to guess its rationale. She'd leave that to her teacher and simply try to figure out the correct answers.

Hyacinth was taking an intelligence test. It might surprise her to learn that others also questioned the meaning and importance of the test. Intelligence test items are pains takingly prepared, and the tests are designed to predict academic success (for reasons we'll soon discuss). Many developmentalists, however, harbor doubts that such tests are entirely appropriate for assessing intelligence.

Understanding just what intelligence means has proven a major challenge for research ers in defining what separates intelligent from unintelligent behavior. Although nonexperts have their own definitions (one survey found that laypersons view intelligence as three components: problem-solving ability, verbal ability, and social competence), it has been more difficult for experts to concur (Sternberg et al., 1981; Howe, 1997). Still, a general defi nition of intelligence is possible: Intelligence is the capacity to understand the world, think with rationality, and use resources effectively when faced with challenges (Wechsler, 1975).

To understand how researchers have variously approached the task of defining intelligence and devising intelligence tests, we need to consider some of the historical milestones in this area.

Intelligence Benchmarks: Differentiating the Intelligent from the Unintelligent

LO 5. 1 1 Compare and contrast the different methods of assessing intelligence.

The Paris schools faced a problem as the 20th century began: Regular instruction was failing many students. These children-many of whom were mentally retarded-were

Middle Chi ld hood 225

intelligence the capacity to understand the world, think with rationality, and use re sources effectively when faced with challenges

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mental age the typical intelligence level found for people at a given chronological age

chronological (or physical) age the actual age of the child taking the intelligence test

intelligence quotient (IQ) a score that accounts for a student's mental and chronological age

Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, Fifth Edition (SBS) a test that consists of a series of items that vary according to the age of the person being tested

seldom identified early enough to shift them to special classes. The French minister of instruction asked psychologist Alfred Binet to devise a method for identifying students who might benefit from special instruction.

BINET'S TEST Binet took a practical approach. Years of observation suggested that prior tests for intelligence-some based on reaction time or eyesight-were ineffec tual. Binet, using a trial-and-error approach, administered items and tasks to students identified as either "bright" or "dull." He retained the tasks that the bright students completed correctly and the dull students failed. Tasks that did not discriminate were discarded. The end result was a test that reliably distinguished fast and slow learners.

Binet's pioneering efforts left three important legacies. The first was his prag matic approach to constructing intelligence tests. Binet did not have theoretical pre conceptions about what intelligence was. Instead, he used a trial-and-error approach to psychological measurement that continues to be the predominant approach to test construction. His definition of intelligence as that which his test measured has been ad opted by many modern researchers, and it is particularly popular among test develop ers who wish to avoid arguments about the underlying nature of intelligence.

Binet's legacy links intelligence and school success. His approach to constructing a test ensured that intelligence-defined as performance on the test-and school suc cess would be virtually identical. Thus, Binet's intelligence test, and today's tests that use his methods, are reasonable predictors of school performance. They do not, how ever, provide useful information for other attributes, such as social skills or personality traits, that are largely unrelated to academic proficiency.

Finally, Binet developed a method to link each intelligence test score with a mental age, the age of the children who, on average, achieved that score. If a 6-year-old girl scored 30 on the test, and this was the average score for 10-year-olds, her mental age would be 10. Similarly, a 15-year-old boy who scored a 90-matching the mean score for 15-year-olds-would have a mental age of 15 (Wasserman & Tulsky, 2005).

Although mental age indicates how students are performing relative to their peers, it does not permit adequate comparisons between students of different chronological (or physical) ages. By using mental age alone, for example, it would be assumed that a 15-year-old whose mental age is 17 would be as bright as a 6-year-old whose mental age is 8, when actually the 6-year-old shows a much greater relative intelligence.

The intelligence quotient (IQ), a score that accounts for a student's mental and chronological age, provides a solution. The traditional method of calculating an IQ score uses the following formula, in which MA equals mental age and CA equals chronological age:

MA IQ score =

CA XlOO

As this formula demonstrates, people whose MA is equal to their CA will always have an IQ of 100. If the CA exceeds the MA-implying below-average intelligence the score will be below 100, and if the CA is lower than the MA-suggesting above average intelligence-the score will be above 100.

Using this formula, consider our example of a 15-year-old who scores a MA of 17. This student's IQ is 17 /15 x 100, or 113. In comparison, the IQ of a 6-year-old scoring a mental age of 8 is 8/6 X 100, or 133-a higher IQ score.

IQ scores today are calculated in a more sophisticated manner and are known as deviation IQ scores. The average deviation IQ score remains at 100, but now, by the degree of deviation from this score, the proportion of people with similar scores can be calculated. For instance, about two-thirds of all people fall within 15 points of 100, scoring between 85 and 115. Beyond this range, the percentage of people in the same score category drops significantly.

MEASURING IQ: PRESENT-DAY APPROACHES TO INTELLIGENCE Since Binet, intelligence tests have become increasingly accurate measures of IQ, though most re main rooted in his original work. For example, one of the most widely used tests-the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, Fifth Edition (SB5)-began as an American revi sion of Binet's original test. The test consists of age-appropriate items-for example, young children are asked about everyday activities or given complex figures to copy.

Older people are asked to explain proverbs, solve analogies, and describe similari ties between word groups. Test-takers are given progressively more difficult problems until they are unable to proceed.

The Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children, Fifth Edition (WI SC-V) is another widely used test. The test (an offshoot of the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale) breaks the total score into measures of verbal and performance (or nonverbal) skills. As you can see from Figure 5-8, word problems are used to test skills such as comprehension,

Figure 5 - 8 Measuring I ntell igence

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Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children, Fifth Edition (WISC-V} a test for children that provides separate measures o f verbal and per formance (or nonverbal) skills, as well as a total score

The Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children, Fifth Ed ition (WISC-V), includes items such as these. What do such items cover? What do they miss?

Name

Verbal Scale

Information

Comprehension

Arithmetic

Similarities

Performance Scale

Digit symbol

Goal of Item

Assess general information

Assess understanding and evaluation of social norms and past experience

Assess math reasoning through verbal problems

Test understanding of how objects or concepts are alike, tapping abstract reasoning

Assess speed of learning

Picture completion Visual memory and attention

Object assembly Test understanding of relationship of parts to wholes

Example

How many nickels make a dime?

What is the advantage of keeping money in the bank?

If two buttons cost 15 cents, what will be the cost of a dozen buttons?

In what way are an hour and a week alike?

Match symbols to numbers using key.

Identify what is missing.

Put pieces together to form a whole.

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Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children, Second Edition (KABC-11} an intelligence test that measures children's ability to integrate differ ent stimuli simultaneously and to use sequential thinking

fluid intelligence reflects the ability to solve and reason about novel problems

crystallized intelligence the accumulation of information, skills, and strategies that people have learned through experience and that they can apply in problem- solving situations

whereas typical nonverbal tasks are copying a complex design, sequencing pictures, and assembling objects. The test's separate portions make it easier to identify specific problems a test-taker may have. For example, significantly higher scores on the per formance part than on the verbal part may indicate linguistic development difficulties (Zhu & Weiss, 2005; Wahlstrom et al., 2018).

The Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children, Second Edition (KABC-11) takes a different approach. It tests children's ability to integrate different kinds of stimuli simultaneously and to use sequential thinking. The KABC-Il's special virtue is its flex ibility. It allows the test-giver to use alternative wording or gestures, or even to pose questions in a different language, to maximize performance. This makes testing more valid and equitable for children to whom English is a second language (Kaufman et al., 2005; Drozdick et al., 2018).

What do the IQ scores mean? For most children, they are reasonable predictors of school performance. That's not surprising, given that intelligence tests were devel oped to identify students who were having difficulties (Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2002).

But the story differs for performance outside of school; for example, although peo ple with higher scores tend to finish more years of schooling, once this is statistically controlled for, IQ scores do not closely relate to income and later success in life. Two people with different scores may both earn bachelor's degrees at the same college, but the person with a lower IQ might have a higher income and a more successful career. These difficulties with traditional IQ scores have led researchers to consider alternative approaches (McClelland, 1993).

WHAT IQ TESTS DON'T TELL: ALTERNATIVE CONCEPTIONS OF INTELLIGENCE The intelligence tests schools use most today regard intelligence as a single factor, a unitary mental ability. This attribute is commonly called g (Spearman, 1927; Lubinski, 2004). Assumed to underlie performance on every aspect of intelligence, the g factor is what IQ tests presumably measure.

However, many theorists disagree that intelligence is unidimensional. Some de velopmentalists suggest that two kinds of intelligence exist: fluid and crystallized (Catell, 1987). Fluid intelligence reflects the ability to solve and reason about novel problems, relatively independent of past specific knowledge; for example, a student asked to group a series of letters according to some criterion or to remember a set of numbers would be using fluid intelligence (Shangguan & Shi, 2009; Ziegler et al., 2012; Kenett et al., 2016).

In contrast, crystallized intelligence is the information, skills, and strategies that people have accumulated through experience. People solving a crossword puzzle are using crystallized intelligence because they are recalling specific words they have learned in the past (Hill et al., 2013; Thorsen, Gustafsson, & Cliffordson, 2014; Hiiliir et al., 2017).

Other theorists divide intelligence into even more parts. Psychologist Howard Gardner suggests that we have at least eight distinct intelligences, each relatively in dependent (see Figure 5-9). Gardner suggests that these intelligences operate together, depending on the activity we engage in (Chen & Gardner, 2005; Gardner & Moran, 2006; Roberts & Lipnevich, 2012).

From an educator's perspective: Does Howard Gardner 's theory of multiple intelligences suggest that classroom instruction should be modified from an emphasis on the traditional three Rs of reading, writing, and arithmetic?

Vygotsky, whose cognitive development approach we discussed previously, took a different approach to intelligence. He suggested we assess intelligence by looking not only at fully developed cognitive processes, but at those in current development as well. To do this, he contended that assessment tasks should involve cooperative in teraction between the assessed individual and the assessor-a process called dynamic assessment. In short, intelligence is reflected both in how children perform on their own and how they perform when helped by adults (Vygotsky, 1926/ 1997; Lohman, 2005).

Psychologist Robert Sternberg (2003a, 2005), taking another approach, suggests intelligence is best viewed as information processing. In this view, how people store

Figure 5 - 9 Gardner's Eight Intelligences Howard Gardner has theorized that there are eight distinct intelligences, each relatively independent.

SOURCE: Based on Walters & Gardner, 1 986.

Naturalist intelligence (ability to identify and classify patterns in nature). Case example: In prehistor ic periods, hunter-gatherers required naturalist intelligence in order to identify what types of plants were ed ible.

Musical inte/Jigence (skills in tasks involving music). Case example: When he was 3, Yehudi Menuhin was smuggled into the San Francisco Orchestra concerts by his parents. The sound of Louis Persinger's violin so entranced the youngster that he insisted on a violin for his birthday and Louis Persinger as his

teacher. He got both. By the time he was 10 years old, Menuhin was an international performer.

Middle Chi ld hood 229

Bodily kinesthetic intelligence (skills in using the whole body or various portions of it in the solution of problems or in the construction of products or displays, exempl ified by dancers, athletes, actors, and surgeons). Case examp le: Fifteen-year- old Babe Ruth played third base. During one game, his team's pitcher was doing poorly and Babe loudly criticized him from third base. Brother

lntrapersonal intelligence (knowledge of the , ... internal aspects of oneself; access to one's own

Mathias, the coach, called out, "Ruth, if you know so much about it, you pitch!" Babe was surprised and embarrassed because he had never pitched before, but Brother Mathias insisted. Ruth said later that at the very moment he took the pitcher's mound, he knew he was supposed to be a pitcher.

feelings and emotions). Case example: In her essay "A Sketch of the Past," Virginia Woolf displays deep insight into her own inner life through these lines, describing her reaction to several specific memories from her childhood that still, in adulthood, shock her: "Though I still

have the peculiarity that I receive these sudden shocks, they are now always welcome; after the first surprise, I always feel instantly that they are particularly valuable. And so I go on to suppose that the shock-receiving capacity is what makes me a writer."

Gardner's E i g ht Intel l igences

Logical mathematical intelligence (skills in problem solvin g and scientific thinking). Case example: Barbara Mcclintock won the Nobel Prize in medicine for her work in microbiology. She describes one of her breakthroughs, which came after thinking about a problem for half

an hour ... : "Suddenly I j umped and ran back to the [corn] field. At the top of the field (the others were still at the bottom) I shouted, 'Eureka, I have it!'"

Interpersonal intelligence (skills in interacting with others, such as sensitivity to the moods, temperaments, motivations, and intentions of others). Case example: When Anne Sull ivan began instructing the deaf and blind H elen Keller, her task was one that had eluded others for years. Yet, just 2 weeks after beginning her work with Keller, Sullivan ach ieved a great success. In her words, "My heart is singing with joy this morning. A miracle has happened! The wild little creature of 2 weeks ago has been transformed into a gentle chi ld."

Spatial intelligence (skills involving spatial configurations, such as those used by artists and architects). Case example: Navigation around the Caroline Islands ... is accomplished without instruments .... During the actual trip, the navigator must envision mentally a reference island as it passes under a particular star and from that he computes the number of segments

completed, the proportion of the trip remaining, and any corrections in head ing .

� �-J1j �':':Jr::::J

material in memory and later use it to solve intellectual tasks provides the most pre cise concept of intelligence. Rather than focusing on the subcomponents that make up the structure of intelligence, information-processing approaches examine the processes underlying intelligent behavior (Floyd, 2005).

Studies of the nature and speed of problem-solving processes show that people with higher intelligence levels differ from others in the number of problems they solve and the methods they use. People with high IQ scores spend more time on the initial stages of problem solving, retrieving relevant information from memory. In contrast, those who score lower tend to skip ahead and make less informed guesses. The processes used in solving problems may reflect important differences in intelligence (Sternberg, 2005).

Sternberg's work on information processing approaches led him to develop the triarchic theory of intelligence. In this model, three aspects of information process ing denote intelligence: the componential, the experiential, and the contextual. The componential aspect reflects how efficiently people process and analyze information. Efficiency in these areas allows people to infer relationships among different parts of a problem, solve the problem, and then evaluate their solution. People with a strong componential element score highest on traditional tests of intelligence (Sternberg, 2005; Ekinci, 2014; Sternberg, 2016).

Linguistic intelligence (skills involved in the production and use of language). Case example: At the age of 10, T.S. Elliot created a magazine called Fireside, to which he was the sole contributor. In a 3-day period during his winter vacation, he created eight complete issues.

triarchic theory of intelligence Sternberg's theory that intelligence is made up of three major components: componential, experiential, and contextual

230 Chapter 5

The experiential element is the insightful component of intelligence. People with a strong experiential element can easily compare new material with what they know and can combine and relate known facts in novel and creative ways. Finally, the contextual element concerns practical intelligence, or ways of dealing with everyday demands.

In Sternberg's view, people vary in the degree to which they possess each of these elements. Our level of success at any task reflects the match between the task and our own pattern of strength on these three components (Sternberg, 2003b, 2008).

GROUP DIFFERENCES IN IQ A "jontry" is an example of a a. rulpow b. flink c. spudge d. bakwoe

If you found an item composed of nonsense words such as this on an intelligence test, you would likely complain. What sort of intelligence test uses items that incorpo rate meaningless terms?

Yet for some people, the items used on traditional intelligence tests might appear nonsensical. As a hypothetical example, suppose rural children were asked details about subways, whereas urban students were asked about the mating practices of sheep. In both cases, we would expect the test-takers' prior experiences to substan tially affect their ability to answer the questions. On an IQ test, such questions could rightly be seen as a measure of prior experience rather than of intelligence.

Although traditional IQ tests are not so obviously dependent upon test-takers' prior experiences, cultural background and experience can affect test scores. In fact, many educators feel that traditional measures of intelligence subtly favor white, upper- and middle-class students over other cultural groups (Ortiz & Dynda, 2005; Dale et al., 2014).

Explaining Racial Differences in IQ How cultural background and experience affect IQ test scores has led to much debate among researchers, fueled by the finding that certain racial groups' IQ scores are consistently lower, on average, than those of other groups. For example, the mean score of African Americans tends to be about 15 points below the mean score of Caucasians-although the measured difference varies a great deal depending on the IQ test employed and demographic factors (Fish, 2001; Maller, 2003; Morin & Midlarsky, 2017).

The question that emerges from such differences is whether they reflect differ ences in intelligence or biases in intelligence tests. For example, if whites outperform blacks on an IQ test because they are more familiar with the language of the test items, the test can hardly be judged a fair measure of blacks' intelligence. Similarly, a test that solely used African American vernacular English would not be an impartial measure of intelligence for Caucasians.

How to interpret differences between the IQ test scores of different cultural groups is a major controversy in child development: To what degree is intelligence determined by heredity, and to what degree by environment? The social implications make this issue important. If intelligence is mostly hereditary and therefore largely fixed at birth, attempts to alter cognitive abilities, such as schooling, will have limited success. If intelligence is largely environmentally determined, modifying social and educational conditions is a more promising strategy to increase cognitive functioning (Weiss, 2003; Nisbett et al., 2012).

The Bell Curve Controversy Although the relative contributions of heredity and environment to intelligence have been investigated for decades, the smoldering de bate became a raging fire with the publication of a book by Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray (1994), The Bell Curve. Herrnstein and Murray argue that the aver age 15-point IQ difference between whites and blacks is primarily a result of heredity. They also argue that this difference accounts for the higher rates of poverty, lower employment, and higher use of welfare among minority groups.

These conclusions met with outrage, and many researchers who examined the data used in the book came to quite different conclusions. Most developmentalists

and psychologists argued that racial differences in measured IQ can be explained by environmental differences. In fact, mean IQ scores of black and white children are quite similar when various economic and social factors are statistically taken into account simultaneously. For instance, children from similar middle-class backgrounds, whether African American or Caucasian, tend to have similar IQ scores (Alderfer, 2003; Nisbett, 2005).

Critics also maintained there is little evidence that IQ causes poverty and other social ills. In fact, some critics suggested, as mentioned previously, that IQ scores were unrelated to later suc cess in life (e.g., Reifman, 2000; Nisbett, 2005; Sternberg, 2005).

Middle Chi ld hood 231

Finally, members of cultural and social minority groups may score lower than those in the majority group because of the bi ases of the tests. Traditional IQ tests may discriminate against minority groups who lack exposure to the environment major ity group members have experienced (Fagan & Holland, 2007; Razani et al., 2007).

The issue of whether racial differences in IQ exist is highly

controversial and ultimately relates to questions of the genetic

and environmental determinants of intelligence.

Most traditional IQ tests are constructed using white, English-speaking, middle class populations as their test subjects. Thus, children from different backgrounds may perform poorly on them-not because they are less intelligent, but because the ques tions are culturally biased in favor of the majority group. A classic study found that in one California school district, Mexican American students were 10 times more likely than whites to be placed in special education classes (Mercer, 1973; Hatton, 2002; U.S. Department of Education, 2016).

More recent findings show that nationally, twice as many black students as white students are classified as having mild intellectual disabilities, a difference attributed primarily to cultural bias and poverty. Although certain IQ tests (such as the System of Multicultural Pluralistic Assessment [SOMPA]) are designed to be valid regardless of cultural background, no test can be completely unbiased (Hatton, 2002; Hagmann-von Arx, Lemola, & Grob, 2018).

In short, most experts were not convinced by The Bell Curve's contention that ge netic factors largely determine differences in group IQ scores. Still, we cannot put the issue to rest because it is impossible to design a definitive experiment to determine the cause of these differences. (One cannot ethically assign children to different living con ditions to find the effects of environment, nor genetically control or alter intelligence levels in unborn children.)

Today, IQ is seen as the product of both nature and nurture interacting in a com plex manner. Genes are seen to affect experiences, and experiences are viewed as in fluencing the expression of genes. Psychologist Eric Turkheimer found evidence that although environmental factors play a larger role in the IQ of poor children, genes are more influential for affluent children (Harden, Turkheimer, & Loehlin, 2007; Turkheimer et al., 2017).

Ultimately, determining the absolute degree to which intelligence is influenced by genetic and environmental factors may be less important than improving children's living conditions and educational experiences. Enriching the quality of children's en vironments will better permit all children to reach their full potential and to maximize their contributions to society (Posthuma & de Geus, 2006; Nisbett et al., 2012).

Below and Above Intelligence Norms: Intellectual Disabilities and Intellectual Giftedness

LO 5.12 Summarize the approaches to educating children with intellectual disabilities and children who are intellectually gifted in middle childhood.

Although Connie kept pace with her peers in kindergarten, by first grade, she was aca demically the slowest in almost every subject. She tried hard but it took her longer than the others to absorb new material, and she regularly required special attention to keep up with the class.

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least restrictive environment the setting that is most similar to that of children without special needs

mainstreaming an educational approach in which exceptional children are integrated to the extent possible into the tra ditional educational system and are provided with a broad range of edu cational alternatives

intellectual disability a disability characterized by signifi cant limitations both in intellectual functioning and in adaptive behavior, which covers many everyday social and practical skills

In some areas, though, she excelled: When asked to draw or produce something with her hands, her performance exceeded her classmates'. She produced beautiful work that was much admired. The other students in the class felt that there was something different about Connie, but they couldn 't identify the source of the difference and spent little time pondering the issue.

Connie's parents and teacher, though, knew what made her special. Extensive testing in kindergarten had shown that Connie's intelligence was well below normal, and she was officially classified as a special needs student.

If Connie had been attending school before 1975, she would most likely have been placed in a special needs classroom as soon as her low IQ was identified. Such classes, consisting of students with a range of afflictions, including emotional difficulties, se vere reading problems, and physical disabilities such as multiple sclerosis, as well as those with lower IQs, were usually kept separate from the regular educational process.

All that changed in 1975 when Congress passed Public Law 94-142, the Education for All Handicapped Children Act, which was followed up by the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) in 2004. The intent of the laws-an intent largely realized-was to ensure that children with special needs were educated in the least restrictive environment, that is, the setting most similar to that of children without special needs (Rozalski, Stewart, & Miller, 2010; IDEA, 2018).

In practice, the law has integrated children with special needs into regular class rooms and activities to the greatest extent possible, as long as doing so is education ally beneficial. Children are to be removed from the regular classroom only for those subjects specifically affected by their exceptionality; for all other subjects, they are to be taught in regular classrooms. Of course, some children with severe handicaps still need a mostly or entirely separate education. But the law integrates exceptional chil dren and typical children to the fullest extent possible (Yell, 2019).

This approach to special education, designed to minimize the segregation of ex ceptional students, is called mainstreaming. In mainstreaming, exceptional children are integrated as much as possible into the regular education system and are provided with a broad range of alternatives (Belkin, 2004; Crosland & Dunlap, 2012).

The benefits of mainstreaming have led some professionals to promote an alterna tive educational model known as full inclusion. Full inclusion is the integration of all students, even those with the most severe disabilities, into regular classes. In such a system, separate special education programs would cease to operate. Full inclusion is controversial, and it remains to be seen how widespread such a practice will become (Mangiatordi, 2012; Greenstein, 2016; Besic et al., 2017).

Regardless of whether they are educated using mainstreaming or full inclusion, children whose intelligence is significantly beyond the typical range represent a chal lenge for educators. We will consider both those who are below and those who are above the norms.

BELOW THE NORM: INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY Approximately 1 to 3 percent of the school-age population is considered to be intellectually disabled. Estimates vary so widely because the most commonly accepted definition of intellectual disability, which was previously referred to professionally as mental retardation-a term that is still used frequently-is one that leaves a great deal of room for interpretation. According to the American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities, intellectual disability is characterized by significant limitations both in intellectual functioning and in adaptive behavior, which covers many everyday social and practical skills (American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities, 2012).

Most cases of intellectual disability are classified as familial intellectual disability, in which no cause is apparent beyond a history of retardation in the family. In other cases, there is a clear biological cause. The most common such causes are feta[ alco hol syndrome, resulting from the mother's use of alcohol while pregnant, and Down syndrome, caused by the presence of an extra chromosome. Birth complications, such as a temporary lack of oxygen, may also produce retardation (Plomin, 2005; Manning & Hoyme, 2007).

Although limitations in intellectual functioning can be measured in a relatively straightforward manner-using stan dard IQ tests-it is more difficult to determine how to gauge limitations in other areas. Ultimately, this imprecision leads to a lack of uniformity in the ways experts apply the label of "intellectual disability." Furthermore, it has resulted in signifi cant variation in the abilities of people who are categorized as experiencing intellectual disability. Accordingly, intellectually disabled people range from those who can be taught to work and function with little special attention to those who are vir tually untrainable and who never develop speech or such basic motor skills as crawling or walking.

Middle Chi ld hood 233

The vast majority of the intellectually disabled-some 90 percent-have relatively low levels of deficits. Classified with mild intellectual disability, they score in the range of 50

This girl with Down syndrome is mainstreamed into this class.

or 55 to 70 on IQ tests. Typically, their retardation is not even identified before they reach school, although their early development often is slower than average. Once they enter elementary school, their retardation and their need for special attention usually become apparent, as it did with Connie, the first grader profiled at the begin ning of this discussion. With appropriate training, these students can reach a third- to sixth-grade educational level, and although they cannot carry out complex intellectual tasks, they are able to hold jobs and function quite independently and successfully.

Intellectual and adaptive limitations become more apparent, however, at higher lev els of mental retardation. People whose IQ scores range from 35 or 40 to 50 or 55 are classified with moderate intellectual disability. Composing between 5 and 10 percent of those classified as intellectually disabled, those who are moderately intellectually dis abled display distinctive behavior early in their lives. They are slow to develop language skills, and their motor development is also affected. Regular schooling is usually not ef fective in training people with moderate intellectual disability to acquire academic skills because generally they are unable to progress beyond the second-grade level. Still, they are capable of learning occupational and social skills, and they can learn to travel inde pendently to familiar places. Typically, they require moderate levels of supervision.

At the most significant levels of intellectual disability-those who are classified with severe intellectual disability (IQs ranging from 20 or 25 to 35 or 40) and profound intellectual disability (IQs below 20 or 25)-the ability to function is severely limited. Usually, such people have little or no speech, have poor motor control, and may need 24-hour nursing care. At the same time, however, some people with severe intellectual disability are capable of learning basic self-care skills, such as dressing and eating, and they may even develop the potential to become partially independent as adults. Still, the need for relatively high levels of care continues throughout the life span, and most severely and profoundly intellectually disabled people are institutionalized for

the majority of their lives.

ABOVE THE NORM: THE GIFTED AND TALENTED

Amy Leibowitz picked up read ing at age 3. By 5, she was writing her own books. First grade bored her withi n a week. As her schoo l had no program for gifted children, it was suggested she skip to second grade. From there, she went to fifth grade. Her parents were proud but concerned. When they asked the fifth-grade teacher where she felt Amy really belonged, the teacher said she was ready, academically, for high school.

It sometimes surprises people that the gifted and talented are considered to have a form of exceptionality. Yet 3 to 5 percent of such children present special challenges of their own.

There is no formal definition of gifted and talented students. However, the federal government considers the term gifted to include "children who give evidence of high performance capability in areas such as intellectual, creative, artistic, leadership capac ity, or specific academic fields, and who require services or activities not ordinarily

mild intellectual disability intellectual disability in which IQ scores fall in the range of SO or S S t o 7 0

moderate intellectual disability intellectual disability in which IQ scores range from 3S or 40 to SO or S S

severe intellectual disability intellectual disability in which IQ scores range from 20 or 25 to 35 or 40

profound intellectual disability intellectual disability in which IQ scores fall below 20 or 2S

gifted and talented children who show evidence of high performance capability in areas such as intellectual, creative, artistic, lead ership capacity, or specific academic fields

234 Chapter 5

acceleration special programs that allow gifted students to move ahead at their own pace, even if this means skipping to higher grade levels

enrichment an approach through which students are kept at grade level but are en rolled in special programs and given individual activities to allow greater depth of study on a given topic

provided by the school in order to fully develop such capabilities" (Ninety-Seventh Congress, 1981). In addition to intellectual exceptionality, unusual potential in non academic areas is also included in the concept. Gifted and talented children, no less than students with low IQs, warrant special concern-although programs for them are often the first to be dropped when schools face budgetary problems (Schemo, 2004; Mendoza, 2006; Olszewski-Kubilius & Thomson, 2013).

Despite the stereotype that the gifted are "unsociable," "poorly adjusted," and "neu rotic," research suggests that highly intelligent people tend to be outgoing, well adjusted, and popular (Bracken & Brown, 2006; Shaunessy et al., 2006; Cross et al., 2008).

For instance, one landmark, long-term study of 1,500 gifted students, which began in the 1920s, found that the gifted were healthier, better coordinated, and psychologi cally better adjusted than their less intelligent classmates. Furthermore, they received more awards and distinctions, earned more money, and made many more contribu tions in art and literature than the average person. By the time they had reached age 40, they had collectively produced more than 90 books, 375 plays and short stories, and 2,000 articles, and they had registered more than 200 patents. Perhaps not sur prisingly, they reported greater satisfaction with their lives than the nongifted (Reis & Renzulli, 2004; Duggan & Friedman, 2014).

Yet being gifted and talented is no guarantee of school success. The verbal abilities that allow the expression of ideas and feelings can equally voice glib and persuasive statements that happen to be inaccurate. Furthermore, teachers sometimes misinterpret the humor, novelty, and creativity of unusually gifted children and regard their intel lectual fervor as disruptive or inappropriate. And peers may be unsympathetic: Some very bright children try to hide their intelligence in an effort to fit in (Swiatek, 2002).

Educators have devised two approaches to teaching the gifted and talented: ac celeration and enrichment. Acceleration allows gifted students to move ahead at their own pace, even if this means skipping grade levels. The materials in accelera tion programs are not always different; they may simply be provided at a faster pace than for the average student (Wells, Lohman, & Marron, 2009; Wood et al., 2010; Lee, Olszewski-Kubilius, & Thomson, 2012).

An alternative approach is enrichment, through which students are kept at grade level but are enrolled in special programs and given individual activities to allow greater depth of study. In enrichment, the material differs not only in the timing of its presentation, but in its sophistication as well. Thus, enrichment materials are designed to provide an intellectual challenge to the gifted student, encouraging higher-order thinking (Worrell, Szarko, & Gabelko, 2001; Rotigel, 2003).

Review, C h eck, and Apply

Review

LO 5.7 Identify and summarize the major theoretical approaches to cognitive development in middle childhood.

Piaget believed school-age children are in the concrete operational stage, whereas information-processing ap proaches focus on quantitative improvements in memory and in the sophistication of the mental programs children use. Vygotsky suggested school-age children should have the opportunity to experiment and participate actively with their peers in their learning.

LO 5.8 Summarize the development of language during middle childhood, and explain the cognitive advantages bilingualism offers.

As language develops, vocabulary, syntax, and pragmatics improve; metalinguistic awareness grows; and language

is used as a self-control device. Bilingual students tend to show greater metalinguistic awareness, grasp the rules of language more explicitly, and demonstrate great cognitive sophistication.

LO 5.9 Describe the five stages of reading, and compare teaching approaches.

The five stages of reading include Stage 0 (from birth to first grade) during which children may learn letter names and recognize a few familiar words. Stage 1, the first real type of reading, largely involves children completing the job of learning letter names and the sounds that go with them. In Stage 2, children learn to read aloud with fluency. Reading becomes a means to an end, a way to learn, in Stage 3. And by Stage 4, children are able to read and process infor mation that reflects multiple viewpoints. There is growing

evidence that code-based approaches to teaching reading are more successful than the whole language approach.

LO 5.10 Summarize the various trends in U.S. education. U.S. schools have returned in recent decades to a focus on traditional academic skills. Most educators agree that schools should help minority children develop a bicul tural identity, where children's original cultural identi ties are supported while also integrating them into the dominant culture. Schooling is considered a legal right in the United States and many other countries, but mil lions of the world's children do not receive even a primary education.

LO 5.1 1 Compare and contrast the different methods of assessing intelligence.

Measuring intelligence has traditionally been a matter of testing skills that promote academic success. Among tests

Check Yourself

1. Vygotsky proposed that cognitive advances take place when children are exposed to information within their

a. sphere of logic b. zone of proximal development c. region of metamemory d. domain of control strategies

2. According to the approach to reading, reading should be taught by presenting the basic skills underlying reading. Examples include phonics and how letters and words are combined to make words.

a. whole-language b. linguistic c. code-based d. dynamic

Applying Lifespan Development

Middle Chi ld hood 235

used to measure intelligence are the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children, Fifth Edition, (WISC-V) and the Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children, Second Edition (KABC-II). Recent theories of intelligence suggest there may be several distinct intelligences or several components of intelligence that reflect different ways of processing information.

LO 5.12 Summarize the approaches to educating children with intellectual disabilities and children who are intellectually gifted in middle childhood.

By law, children with special needs must be educated in the least restrictive environment. This has led to main streaming, which integrates such children into the regular education system as much as possible. The needs of gifted and talented children are sometimes addressed through ac celeration and enrichment programs.

3. According to Steinberg's triarchic theory of intelli gence, the three aspects of information processing are

a. contextual, referential, and crystallization b. developmental, componential, and structural c. experiential, experimental, and judgmental d. componential, experiential, and contextual

4. For children whose intelligence falls below the normal range, the recommendation from the Education for All Handicapped Children Act is that they be educated in _____ environment.

a. a separate but equal b. the most restrictive c. the least restrictive d. a needs-oriented

How do fluid and crystallized intelligence interact? Which of the two is likely to be more influenced by genetics and which by environment? Why?

M o d u l e 5 . 3 Social and Personality Development in Middle Childhood

When 9-year-old Matt Donner's fami ly relocated from Topeka,

Kansas, to Providence, Rhode Island, after his father was promoted,

Matt was both excited and fearfu l. Moving to a new part of the

country was exc iting. But Matt had been a quiet and unassum ing

fourth grader in his old hometown with a smal l circle of friends. How

well would he make the adjustment to fifth grade i n his new home?

Not well, it turns out. His shy man ner got in the way of making

new friends. Instead of sitting with other kids at l unchtime , Matt sat

alone with a book. "They al l knew each other al ready. That made it

really hard ," Matt lamented. "I just didn 't fit i n . "

M att's regional accent and small stature d i d n ' t help matters. It

wasn' t long before classmates were mocking his speech and tripping

him in the halls. H is locker was broken into so many times that Matt

gave up using it and just carried his books with him. Teachers either

didn 't care, or more likely didn 't notice-the bu llying rarely happened

in front of them. Matt's greatest fear was that his parents would find

out and be disappointed i n h i m . He didn 't want them to know that he

had let hi mse lf become a victim .

236 Chapter 5

industry-versus-inferiority stage according to Erik Erikson, the period from age 6 to 12 characterized by a focus on efforts to attain competence in meeting the challenges presented by parents, peers, school, and the other complexities o f the modem world

The Developing Self Karla Holler sits comfortably in the treehouse she built in a tall apple tree growing in her suburban home's backyard . At age 9, she's just finished the latest additio n , nailing pieces of wood together, expertly wielding a hammer. She and her father started building the treehouse when she was 5 years old, and she has been making small additions to it ever since. By this point, she has developed a clear sense of pride regard ing the treehouse, and she spends hours i n it, savoring the privacy it provides.

Karla's growing sense of competence is reflected in this passage. Conveying what psy chologist Erik Erikson calls "industriousness," Karla's quiet pride in her accomplish ment illustrates one of the ways in which children's views of themselves evolve.

A Different Mirror: The Changing Ways Children View Themselves

LO 5.13 Summarize how children's view of themselves changes in middle childhood, and explain how this shift affects their self-esteem.

In the preschool years, a child might answer the question "Who are you?" by saying, "I'm tall for my age and I can run fast." Thanks to the rapid cognitive advances of middle childhood, that same child at age 10 might reply, "I'm funny, kind, and very good at piano." Children also begin to reflect on their traits and abilities: to judge themselves and make self-evaluations.

PSYCHOSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD: INDUSTRY VERSUS INFERIORITY According to Erikson, middle childhood is largely about competence.

Lasting roughly from ages 6 to 12, the industry-versus-inferiority stage is characterized by efforts to meet the challenges presented by parents, peers, school, and the complex modern world.

During this period, children direct their energies to master ing the enormous body of information presented in school and making a place for themselves in their social worlds. Success in this stage brings feelings of mastery and a growing sense of competence, like those expressed by Karla regarding her build ing experience. On the other hand, difficulties in this stage lead to feelings of failure and inadequacy. As a result, children may withdraw from academic pursuits, showing less interest and mo tivation to excel, and from interactions with peers.

The sense of industry that children such as Karla attain at this stage has lasting effects. One study examined how child hood industriousness and hard work were related to adult be havior by following a group of 450 men over a 35-year period, starting in early childhood (Vaillant & Vaillant, 1981). The men who were most industrious and hardworking as children were most successful as adults, both professionally and personally. In fact, childhood industriousness was more closely associated with

adult success than was intelligence or family background.

UNDERSTANDING ONE'S SELF: A NEW RESPONSE TO "WHO AM I?" During middle childhood, children seek to answer the question "Who am I?" Although the question will assume greater urgency in adolescence, elementary-age children still try to find their place in the world.

According to Erik Erikson, middle childhood encompasses

the industry-versus-inferiority stage, characterized by a

focus on meeting the challenges presented by the world.

The cognitive advances discussed in the previous module aid children in their quest for self-understanding. They begin to view themselves less in terms of external, physical attributes and more in terms of psychological traits (Aronson & Bialostok, 2016; Thomaes, Brummelman & Sedikides, 2017).

For instance, 6-year-old Carey describes herself as "a fast runner and good at drawing" -characteristics dependent on motor skills in external activities. In contrast, 11-year-old Meiping characterizes herself as "pretty smart, friendly, and helpful to my friends." Because of her increasing cognitive skills, Meiping's view of herself is based on psychological characteristics, inner traits that are more abstract.

Children's views of who they are also become more complex. In Erikson's view, children are seeking endeavors where they can be successfully industrious. As they get older, children discover their strengths and weaknesses. Ten-year-old Ginny, for instance, comes to understand she is good at arithmetic but not good at spelling; 11-year-old Alberto decides he is good at softball but lacks the stamina to play soc cer well.

Children's self-concepts become divided into personal and academic spheres. They evaluate themselves in four major areas, each of which can be broken down further; for example, the nonacademic self-concept includes physical appearance, peer relations, and physical ability, whereas the academic self-concept is similarly di vided. Research on students' self-concepts in English, mathematics, and nonacademic realms shows that the separate realms do not always correlate, although overlap ex ists. For example, a child who sees herself as a star math student will not necessarily feel she is great at English (Marsh & Hau, 2003; Ehm et al., 2013; Lohbeck, Tietjens, & Bund, 2016).

SELF-ESTEEM: DEVELOPING A POSITIVE-OR NEGATIVE-VIEW OF ONESELF Children don't dispassionately view themselves as just a list of physical and psy chological traits. Instead, they judge themselves as being good or bad in particular ways. Self-esteem is an individual's overall and specific self-evaluation. Whereas self concept reflects beliefs and cognitions about the self (I am good at trumpet; I am not so good at social studies), self-esteem is more emotionally oriented (Everybody thinks I'm a nerd) (Bracken & Lamprecht, 2003; Mruk, 2013).

Self-esteem develops in important ways during middle childhood. As noted, chil dren increasingly compare themselves to others, assessing how they measure up to society's standards. They also increasingly develop their own internal standards of success, and measure how well they compare to those. One advance that occurs in this period is that, like self-concept, self-esteem becomes increasingly differentiated. At age 7, most children have self-esteem that reflects a global, fairly simple view of themselves. Overall positive self-esteem makes them believe they are relatively good at all things. If their overall self-esteem is negative, they feel inadequate at most things (Lerner et al., 2005; Coelho, Marchante & Jimerson, 2016).

As children move into middle childhood, however, their self-esteem is higher in some areas and lower in others; for example, a boy's overall self-esteem may be positive in some areas (such as artistic ability) and negative in others (such as ath letic skills).

Change and Stability in Self-Esteem Overall self-esteem is generally high during middle childhood, but begins to decline around age 12, affected mainly by the change of schools: Students leaving elementary school and entering either middle school or junior high school show a decline in self-esteem, which then gradually rises again (Robins & Trzesniewski, 2005; Poorthuis et al., 2014).

In contrast, some children have chronically low self-esteem. Children with low self-esteem face a tough road, in part because their self-esteem becomes enmeshed in a cycle of failure that grows increasingly difficult to break. Assume, for instance, that Harry, a student with chronically low self-esteem, is facing an important test. Because of his low self-esteem, he expects to do poorly. As a consequence, he is quite anxious so anxious that he is unable to concentrate well and study effectively. Furthermore, he may decide not to study much because he figures that if he's going to do badly any way, why bother studying?

Of course, Harry's anxiety and lack of effort bring the result he expected: He does poorly on the test. This failure confirms Harry's expectation, reinforces his low self esteem, and the cycle of failure continues.

Middle Childhood 237

self-esteem an individual's overall and specific positive and negative self-evaluation

238 Chapter 5

In pioneering research conducted

several decades ago, African American

girls' preference for white dolls was

viewed as an indication of low self

esteem. More recent evidence, how

ever, suggests that whites and African

American children show little differ

ence in self-esteem.

Students with high self-esteem fall into a cycle of success. Higher expectations lead to more effort and less anxiety, increasing the odds of success. In turn, success af firms the high self-esteem that began the cycle.

From an educator's perspective: What can teachers do to help children whose low self-esteem is causing them to fail? How can this cycle of failure be broken?

Parents can help break the cycle of failure by promoting their children's self esteem. The best way to do this is through the use of the a u thoritative childrearing style that we discussed in Chapter 4. Authoritative parents are warm and emo tionally supportive, while still setting clear limits for their children's behavior. In contrast, other parenting styles have less positive effects on self-esteem. Parents who are highly punitive and controlling send a message to their children that they are untrustworthy and unable to make good decisions-a message that can un dermine children's sense of adequacy. Highly indulgent parents, who indiscrimi nately praise and reinforce their children regardless of their actual performance, can create a false sense of self-esteem in their children, which ultimately may be just as damaging to children (Taylor et al., 2012; Raboteg-Saric & Sakic, 2013; Harris et al., 2015).

Race and Self-Esteem If you were a member of a racial group that routinely ex perienced prejudice and discrimination, your self-esteem would likely be affected. Early research confirmed that hypothesis and found that African Americans had lower self-esteem than Caucasians. A set of pioneering studies a generation ago found that African American children shown black and white dolls preferred the white dolls over the black ones (Clark & Clark, 1947). The interpretation drawn from the study: The self-esteem of the African American children was low.

However, more recent research has shown these assumptions to be overstated. The picture is more complex. For example, although white children initially show higher self-esteem, black children begin to show slightly higher self-esteem than white children around age 1 1 . This shift occurs as African American children be-

come more identified with their racial group, develop more complex views of racial identity, and increasingly view the positive aspects of their group member ship (Zeiders, Umana-Taylor, & Derian, 2013; Sprecher, Brooks, & Avogo, 2013; Davis et al., 2017).

Hispanic children also show an increase in self-esteem toward the end of middle childhood, although even in adolescence their self-esteem still trails that of whites. In contrast, Asian American children show the opposite pattern: Their self-esteem in elementary school is higher than that of whites and blacks, but by the end of childhood, it is lower than that of whites (Verkuyten, 2008; Kapke, Gerdis, & Lawton, 2017).

One explanation for the complex relationship between self-esteem and mi nority group status comes from social identity theory. According to the theory, mi nority group members are likely to accept the majority group's negative views only if they perceive that there is little possibility of changing the power and status differences between the groups. If minority group members feel that prej udice and discrimination can be reduced, and they blame society for the preju dice and not themselves, self-esteem should not differ between majority and minority groups (Tajfel & Turner, 2004; Thompson, Briggs-King, & LaTouche Howard, 2012).

In fact, as group pride and ethnic awareness on the part of minority group members has grown, differences in self-esteem between members of different ethnic groups have narrowed. This trend has been supported by increased sensitivity to the importance of multiculturalism (Lee, 2005; Tatum, 2017). (For another look at aspects of multiculturalism, see the Cultural Dimensions box.)

Middle Chi ld hood 239

C u lt u ral D i m e n s i o n s

Are C h i l d ren o f I m m i g rant Families Well Adjusted?

Imm igration to the U n ited States has risen significantly in the past 30 years. Chi ldren i n immigrant families account for almost 25 percent of ch ildren in the U n ited States. Children of immigrant families are the fastest-growing segment of children in the country ( Hernandez et al., 2008).

as materialism or selfishness (Fuligni & Yoshikawa, 2003; Suarez-Orozco, Suarez-Orozco, & Todorova, 2008).

In many ways, chi ldren of immigrants fare quite well. I n fact, i n some ways they are better off than t h e i r nonimmigrant peers. For example, they tend to have equal or better grades in school than children whose parents were born in the United States. Psychologically, they also do quite well, showing similar levels of self-esteem as nonimm igrant children, although they do report feeling less popular and less in control of their lives (Kao, 2000; Driscoll, Russell, & Crockett, 2008; Jung & Zhang, 201 6).

O n the other hand, many children of i m m igrants face challenges. Their parents often have l im ited education, and they work at jobs that pay poorly. Unemployment rates are often higher for im m i g rants than the general population. In add ition, parental Eng l is h proficiency may be lower. Many chil dren of immigrants lack good health insurance (Hernandez et a l . , 2008; Turney & Kao, 2009).

During the middle childhood years, it thus appears that children in immigrant families often do quite well i n the Un ited States. The story is less clear, however, when immigrant chil dren reach adolescence and adulthood. For instance, some research shows higher rates of obesity (a key indicator of physical health) in adolescents. Research is just beginning to clarify how effective ly immigrants cope over the course of the life span (Fuligni & Fulign i, 2008; Perreira & Ornelas, 201 1 ; Fuligni, 201 2).

However, even the immigrant children who are not financially well off are often more h igh ly motivated to succeed and place greater value on education than do children in nonimmigrant families. In addition, many immigrant children come from societies that emphasize collectivism, and consequently they may feel more obl igation and duty toward their family to succeed. Finally, their country of origin may give some immigrant children a strong enough cultural identity to prevent them

Immigrant children tend to fare quite well in the United States, partly

because many come from societies that emphasize collectivism, and

consequently they may feel more obligation and duty to their family to

succeed. What are some other cultural differences that can lead to the

from adopting undesirable "American" behaviors -such success of immigrant children?

Moral Development

LO 5.1 4 Identify the six stages in Kohlberg's theory of moral development, and compare and contrast them with Gilligan's sequence of stages.

Your wife is near death from an unusual kind of cancer. One drug exists that the physicians think might save her-a form of rad ium that a scientist in a nearby city has recently devel oped. The drug, though, is expensive to manufacture, and the scientist is charging 1 0 times what the drug costs him to make. He pays $1 ,000 for the rad ium and charges $1 0,000 for a small dose. You have gone to everyone you know to borrow money, but you can only get $2,500 -one-quarter of what you need. You've told the scientist that your wife is dying and asked him to sell it more cheaply or let you pay later. But the scientist has said, "No, I dis covered the drug and I ' m going to make money from it." I n desperation, you consider break ing into the scientist's laboratory to steal the drug for your wife. Shou ld you do it?

According to developmental psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg and his colleagues, the answer that children give to this question reveals central aspects of their sense of mo rality and justice. He suggests that people's responses to moral dilemmas such as this one reveal their stage of moral development-as well as information about their level of cognitive development (Colby & Kohlberg, 1987; Buon, Habib & Frey, 2017).

240 Chapter 5

Kohlberg contends that people pass through stages as their sense of justice evolves and the reasoning they use to make moral judgments changes. Younger school-age children tend to think in terms of either concrete, unvarying rules ("It is always wrong to steal" or 'TU be punished if I steal") or the rules of society ("Good people don't steal" or "What if everyone stole?").

By adolescence, however, individuals can reason on a higher plane, typically hav ing reached Piaget's stage of formal operations. They are capable of comprehending abstract, formal principles of morality, and they consider broader issues of morality and of right and wrong in cases like the one just presented. ("Stealing may be accept able if you are following your own conscience and doing the right thing.")

Kohlberg suggests that moral development emerges in a three-level sequence, further subdivided into six stages (see Table 5-1). At the lowest level, preconventional

Table 5-1 Kohlberg's Sequence of Moral Reasoning

Sample Moral Reasoning

Level Stage In Favor of Stealing Against Stealing

LEVEL 1

Preconventional morality The main considerations are the avoidance of punishment and the desire for rewards.

LEVEL 2

Conventional morality Membership in society becomes im portant. People behave in ways that will win the approval of others.

LEVEL 3

Postconventional morality People accept that there are certain ideals and principles of morality that

must govern our actions. These ideals are more important than any

particular society's rules.

SOURCE: Based on Kohlberg, 1 969.

STAGE 1

Obedience and punishment orien tation: People obey rules to avoid being punished . Obedience is its own reward .

STAGE 2

Reward orientation: People obey rules to earn rewards for their own benefit.

STAGE 3

"Good boy" morality : People want

to be respected by others and try to do what they're supposed to do.

STAGE 4

Authority and social-order-main taining morality: People believe that only soc iety, not individuals, can determine what is right. O beying society's rules is right in itself.

STAGE S

Morality of contract , individual rights,

and democratically accepted law: People rightly feel obligated to follow the agreed rules of society. But as societies develop over time, rules have to be updated to make societal changes reflect underlying social principles.

STAGE 6

Morality of individual principles and conscience: People accept that laws are attempts to write down specific applications of universal moral principles. Individuals must

test these laws against their con sciences, which tend to express an inborn sense of those principles.

"You shouldn't just let your wife die. People wil l blame you for not doing enough, and they'll blame the sci entist for not selling you the drug for less money."

"Even if you get caught, the jury will understand and give you a short sentence. Meanwhile, your wife is alive. And if you' re stopped before you get the drug to you r wife, you could probably just return the drug without penalty."

"Who will blame you if you steal a life-saving drug? But if you just let your wife die, you won't be able to hold your head up in front of your family or your neighbors."

"A husband has certain responsibili ties toward h is wife. If you want to live an honorable life, you can't let

fear of the consequences get in the way of saving her. If you ever want to sleep again, you have to save her."

"If you simply follow the law, you will violate the underlying principle of saving your wife's life. If you do take the drug, society will understand your actions and respect them . You can't let an outdated law prevent you from doing the right thing."

"If you allow your wife to die, you will have obeyed the letter of the law, but you will have violated the univer sal p rin ciple of life preservation that resides within your conscience. You will blame yourself forever if your wife dies because you obeyed an imperfect law."

"You can't steal the drug because you' ll be arrested and go to jail . Even if you aren't caught, you'll feel guilty and you'll always worry that the police may figure out what you did ."

"You shouldn 't steal the drug because you're not responsible for your wife 's cancer. If you get caught, your wife will still die and you'l l be in jail."

" If you steal the drug, everyone will treat you like a criminal. They will wonder why you couldn't have found some other way to save your wife."

"You shouldn't let you r concern for your wife cloud your judgment. Stealing the drug may feel right at the moment, but you'll live to regret breaking the law."

"Rules represent society's thinking on the morality of actions. You can't let you r short-term emotions inter

fere with the more permanent rules of society. If you do, society will j udge you negatively, and in the end you will lose self-respect."

" If you become a thief, your con science will blame you for putting your own interpretation of moral issues above the legitimate rule of law. You will have betrayed your

own standards of morality."

morality (stages 1 and 2), people follow rigid rules based on punishments or rewards (e.g., a student might evaluate the moral dilemma in the story by saying it was not worth stealing the drug because you could go to jail.)

In the next level, conventional morality (stages 3 and 4), people approach moral problems as good, responsible members of society. Some would decide against stealing the drug because they would feel guilty or dishonest for violating social norms. Others would decide in Javor of stealing the drug because they would be unable to face others if they did nothing. All of these people would be reasoning at the conventional level of morality.

Finally, individuals using postconventional morality (stages 5 and 6) invoke univer sal moral principles that are considered broader than the rules of their particular society. People who would condemn themselves if they did not steal the drug because they would be violating their own moral principles are reasoning at the postconventional level.

Kohlberg's theory proposes that people move through the stages in a fixed order and are unable to reach the highest stage until adolescence because of deficits in cogni tive development before then (Kurtines & Gewirtz, 1987). However, not everyone is presumed to reach the highest stages; Kohlberg found that postconventional reason ing is relatively rare.

Although Kohlberg's theory provides a good account of the development of moral judgments, the links with moral behavior are less strong. Still, students at higher stages are less likely to engage in antisocial behavior at school and in the community. One ex periment found that 15 percent of students who reasoned at the postconventional level cheated when given the opportunity, compared to more than half of students at lower levels. Though those at higher levels cheated less, they still cheated. Clearly, knowing what is right is not the same as acting that way (Semerci, 2006; Prohaska, 2012; Wu & Liu, 2014).

Kohlberg's theory has also been criticized because it is based solely on observa tions of Western cultures. In fact, cross-cultural research finds that those in more in dustrialized, technologically advanced cultures move through the stages more rap idly than members of nonindustrialized countries. One explanation is that Kohlberg's higher stages are based on moral reasoning involving governmental and societal insti tutions such as the police and court system. In less industrialized areas, morality may be based more on relationships between people. In short, the nature of morality may differ in diverse cultures, and Kohlberg's theory is more suited for Western cultures (Fu et al., 2007).

In addition, developmental psychologist Elliot Turiel has argued that Kohlberg did not sufficiently distinguish moral reasoning from other sorts of reasoning. In Turiel's view, called moral domain theory, he argues that children distinguish between the domains of social conventional reasoning and moral reasoning. In social conven tional reasoning, the focus is on rules that have been established by society such as eating mashed potatoes with a fork or asking to be excused after eating. Such rules are largely arbitrary (does it really matter if a child uses a spoon to eat mashed potatoes?). In contrast, moral reasoning focuses on issues of fairness, justice, the rights of others, and avoidance of harm to others. In comparison to social conventional rules, whose purpose is to ensure the smooth functioning of society, moral rules are based on more abstract concepts of justice (Turiel, 2010).

Finally, an additional problematic aspect of Kohlberg's theory is the difficulty it has explaining girls ' moral judgments. Because Kohlberg's theory was based largely on data from males, some researchers have argued that it better describes boys' moral development than girls'. This would explain the surprising finding that women typi cally score at a lower level than men on tests of moral judgments using Kohlberg's stages. This result has led to an alternative account of moral development for girls.

Psychologist Carol Gilligan has suggested that differences in the ways boys and girls are raised in our society lead to basic distinctions in how men and women view moral behavior. According to her, boys view morality primarily in terms of broad prin ciples such as justice or fairness, whereas girls see it in terms of responsibility toward individuals and willingness to sacrifice themselves to help specific individuals within the context of particular relationships. Compassion for individuals, then, is a greater factor in moral behavior for women than it is for men (Gilligan, 2015).

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Table 5 - 2 G i l l igan's Three Stages of Moral Development in Women

Stage Characteristics Example

Stage 1

Orientation toward individual survival

Stage 2

Goodness as self-sacrifice

Stage 3

Morality of nonviolence

SOURCE: Gilligan, 1 982.

Initial concentration is on what is practical and best for self. Gradual transition from selfishness to respon sibility, which includes thinking about what would be best for others.

Initial view is that a woman must sacrifice her own wishes to what other people want. Gradual transition from "goodness" to "truth,'' which takes into account needs of both self and others.

A moral equivalence is established between self and others. Hurting anyone-including oneself-is seen as immoral . Most sophisticated form of reason ing, according to Gilligan.

A first grader may insist on playing only games of her own choosing when playing with a friend.

Now older, the same girl may believe that to be a good friend, she must play the games her friend chooses, even if she herself doesn't like them.

The same girl may realize that both friends must enjoy their time together and look for activities that both she and her friend can enjoy.

Gilligan views morality as developing among females in a three-stage process (summarized in Table 5-2). In the first stage, called "orientation toward individual sur vival," females first concentrate on what is practical and best for them, gradually mak ing a transition from selfishness to responsibility, that is, thinking about what would be best for others. In the second stage, termed "goodness as self-sacrifice," females begin to think they must sacrifice their own wishes to those of others.

Ideally, women make a transition from "goodness" to "truth," in which they take into account their own needs, too. This transition leads to the third stage, "morality of nonviolence," in which women decide that hurting anyone is immoral-including them selves. This realization establishes a moral equivalence between themselves and others and represents, according to Gilligan, the most sophisticated level of moral reasoning.

It is obvious that Gilligan's sequence of stages is quite different from Kohlberg's, and some developmentalists have suggested that her rejection of Kohlberg's work is too sweeping and that gender differences are not as pronounced as first thought. For instance, some researchers argue that both males and females use similar "justice" and "care" orientations in making moral judgments. Clearly, the question of how boys and girls differ in their moral orientations, as well as the nature of moral development in general, is far from settled (Tappan, 2006; Donleavy, 2008; Lapsley, 2016).

Relationships: Building Friendship in Middle Childhood

In Lunch Room Number Two, Jamillah and her new classmates chew slowly on sand wiches and sip quietly on straws from cartons of m i l k . . . . Boys and g i rls look timidly at the strange faces across the table from them, looking for someone who might play with them in the schoolyard, someone who might become a friend.

For these ch i ldren, what happens in the schoolyard will be just as i mportant as what happens in the school. And when they're out on the playground, there will be no one to protect them. No child will hold back to keep from beating them at a game, humi liating them in a test of skill, or harming them in a fight. N o one will run interference or guarantee membership in a group. Out on the playground, it's sin k or swim. No one automatically becomes your friend. (Kotre & Hall, 1 990, pp. 1 1 2-1 1 3)

As Jamillah and her classmates demonstrate, friendship plays an increasingly impor tant role in middle childhood. Building and maintaining friendships become a large part of social life.

Friends influence development in several ways. Friendships provide children with information about the world as well as themselves. Friends provide emotional support that allows children to respond more effectively to stress. Having friends makes a child a less likely target of aggression. It can teach them how to manage their emotions and help them interpret their own emotional experiences. Friendships teach children how to communicate and interact with others. They also foster intellectual growth by increasing children's range of experiences (Gifford-Smith & Brownell, 2003; Majors, 2012; Lundby, 2013).

Friends and other peers become increasingly influential at this stage but parents and other family members remain significant. Most developmentalists believe that children's psychological functioning and their general development are the product of multiple factors, including peers and parents (Parke, Simpkins, & McDowell, 2002; Laghi et al., 2014). (We'll talk more about the family's influence later in this module.)

Stages of Friendship: Changing Views of Friends

LO 5. 1 5 Identify Damon's stages of friendship, and explain the factors that determine popularity in middle childhood.

At this stage, a child's concept of friendship passes through three distinct stages, according to developmental psychologist William Damon (Damon & Hart, 1988).

STAGE 1: BASING FRIENDSHIP ON OTHERS' BEHAVIOR In this stage, from ages 4 to 7, children see friends as others who like them and with whom they share toys and other activities. They view the children they spend the most time with as their friends. A kindergartner who is asked, "How do you know that someone is your best friend?" may say that his best friend is someone who plays games with him and who likes him back (Damon, 1983; Erdley & Day, 2017).

What children in this stage seldom do, however, is consider others' personal qual ities as the basis of friendships. Instead, they use a concrete approach, primarily choos ing friends for their behavior. They like those who share, shunning those who don't share, who hit, or who don't play with them. In the first stage, friends are viewed largely as presenting opportunities for pleasant interactions.

STAGE 2: BASING FRIENDSHIP ON TRUST In the next stage, children's view of friendship becomes complicated. Lasting around ages 8 to 10, this stage involves taking others' personal qualities and traits as well as the rewards they provide into consideration. But the centerpiece of friendship in this second stage is mutual trust. Friends are seen as those one can count on to help out when needed. Violations of trust are taken seriously, and friends cannot make amends just by engaging in positive play, as they might at previous ages. Instead, the expectation is that formal explanations and apolo gies must be provided before a friendship can be reestablished.

Middle Chi ld hood 243

� .................... �

STAGE 3: BASING FRIENDSHIP ON PSYCHO LOGICAL CLOSENESS The third stage of friend ship begins toward the end of middle childhood, from ages 11 to 15, when children develop the view of friendship they will hold in adolescence. Although we'll discuss this perspective in detail later, the main criteria for friendship shift toward intimacy and loy alty. Friendship becomes characterized by feelings of closeness, usually brought on by sharing personal thoughts and feelings. Friendships are also somewhat exclusive. By the end of middle childhood, children seek friends who will be loyal, and they view friend ship less in terms of shared activities than in terms of the psychological benefits it brings.

Mutual trust is considered to be the centerpiece of friendship during

middle childhood.

244 Chapter 5

Children also develop clear ideas about which behaviors they like and dislike in friends, preferring others who invite them to share in activities and who are helpful, both physically and psy chologically. They dislike behaviors such as physical or verbal aggression.

INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN FRIENDSHIP: WHAT MAKES A CHILD POPULAR? Why is it that some children are the schoolyard equivalent of the life of the party, whereas others are social isolates whose overtures toward peers are dismissed or disdained? Developmentalists have attempted to answer this question by examining individual differences in popularity.

Status Among School-Age Children: Establishing One's Position

Children's friendships exhibit clear status hierarchies. Status is the evaluation of a role or person by other relevant members of a group. Children who have high status have greater access to resources such as games, toys, books, and information. Lower status children are more likely to follow their lead. Status can be measured in several ways. Often, children are asked directly how much they like or dislike particular classmates. They also may be asked whom they would most (and least) like to play or work with.

Status is an important determinant of friendships. High status children tend to befriend those of a higher status, whereas lower-status children are likely to have friends of lower status. Status is also related to the number of friends a child has: Higher status children tend to have more friends than those of lower status.

A variety of factors lead some children to be unpopular and

socially isolated from their peers. But it is not only the quantity of social interactions that sep

arates high-status children from low-status children; the nature of their interactions also differs. Higher-status children are more

likely to be viewed as friends by other children. They are more likely to form cliques groups viewed as exclusive and desirable-and to interact with a greater number of children. Lower-status children tend to play with younger or less-popular children (McQuade et al., 2014; van den Berg et al., 2017).

status the evaluation of a role or person by other relevant members of a group

social competence the collection of social skills that permit individuals to perform suc cessfully in social settings

social problem-solving the use of strategies for solving social conflicts in ways that are satisfactory both to oneself and to others

Popularity is a reflection of children's status. Mid- to high-status children are more likely to initiate and coordinate social interaction, making their general level of social activity higher than children of low status (Erwin, 1993; Shutts, 2015).

What Personal Characteristics Lead to Popularity? Popular children share several personality traits. They are usually helpful, cooperating with others on joint projects. They also tend to be funny and to appreciate others' attempts at humor. Compared with less-popular children, they are better at reading nonverbal behavior and under standing the emotional experiences of others. They also control their nonverbal behav ior more effectively, presenting themselves well. In short, popular children are high in social competence, the collection of social skills that permits individuals to perform successfully in social settings (Feldman, Tomasian, & Coats, 1999; McQuade et al., 2016; Erdley & Day, 2017).

Although generally popular children are friendly, open, and cooperative, one subset of popular boys (but not popular girls) displays an array of negative behav iors, including being aggressive, disruptive, and causing trouble. Despite these be haviors, these boys are often remarkably popular, being viewed as cool and tough by their peers. This popularity may occur because they are seen as boldly breaking rules that others feel constrained to follow (Woods, 2009; Schonert-Reich! et al., 2012; Scharf, 2014).

Social Problem-Solving Abilities Another factor in popularity is children's skill at social problem-solving. Social problem-solving is the use of strategies for solving so cial conflicts in mutually satisfactory ways. Because social conflicts are frequent-even

among best friends-successful strategies for dealing with them are an important ele ment of social success (Murphy & Eisenberg, 2002; Siu & Shek, 2010; Dereli-Iman, 2013).

According to developmental psychologist Kenneth Dodge, successful social problem-solving proceeds through a series of steps that correspond to children's information-processing strategies (see Figure 5-10). Dodge argues that the ways chil dren solve social problems are a result of the decisions they make at each point in the sequence (Dodge & Price, 1994; Dodge et al., 2003; Lansford et al., 2014).

By carefully delineating each of the stages, Dodge provides a means to target in terventions toward a specific child's deficits. For instance, some children routinely misinterpret the meaning of others' behavior (step 2), and then respond according to their misinterpretation.

Generally, popular children are better at interpreting others' behavior. They also possess a wider inventory of techniques for dealing with social problems. In contrast, less-popular children tend to show less understanding of others' behavior, and thus their reactions may be inappropriate. Their strategies for dealing with social problems are more limited; they sometimes simply don't know how to apologize or help some one who is unhappy feel better (Rose & Asher, 1999; Rinaldi, 2002; Lahat et al., 2014).

Unpopular children may become victims of a phenomenon known as learned helplessness. Because they don't understand the root causes of their unpopularity, chil dren may feel that they have little or no ability to improve their situation. As a result, they may simply give up and don't even try to become more involved with their peers. In turn, their learned helplessness becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy, reducing the chances that they will become more popular in the future (Seligman, 2007; Aujoulat, Luminet, & Deccache, 2007; Altermatt & Broady, 2009; Sorrenti et al., 2018).

Figure 5 - 1 0 Problem-Solving Steps Children 's problem-solvi ng proceeds through several steps involving different i nformation processi ng strategies.

SOURCE: Based on Dodge, 1 985.

Social problem Max and Will are playing a game,

Will complains about the rules

t Find and identify II

relevant social cues Will complains and looks upset

l 3 Interpret and evaluate the social cues Determine possible

Will is upset because he is problem-solving responses losing the game JI Defend the rules; criticize Will; - remind Will of a past success

5 l I' Choose a response Remind Will of a past success Evaluate responses 1 and their probable consequences Defend Will becomes the rules angrier Criticize Will becomes

Respond Will angrier Situation is defused Remind Will of a Situation is

past success - defused -

Middle Chi ld hood 245

246 Chapter 5

Teaching Social Competence Happily, unpopular children can learn social compe tence. Several programs aim to teach children the skills that seem to underlie general social competence. In one experimental program, a group of unpopular fifth and sixth graders were taught how to converse with friends. They were taught ways to disclose material about themselves, to learn about others by asking questions, and to offer help and suggestions in a nonthreatening way.

Compared with a group who did not receive training, the children in the experi ment interacted more with their peers, held more conversations, developed higher self esteem, and-most critically-were more accepted by their peers than before training (Asher & Rose, 1997; Bierman, 2004; Fransson et al., 2016). (For more on increasing children's social competence, see the Development in Your Life feature.)

BULLYING: SCHOOLYARD AND ONLINE VICTIMIZATION

Austin Rodriguez, an Ohio teen, attempted suicide after classmates bullied him for being gay. They reportedly hi d his gym clothes and tried to prevent him from entering the locker room or the lunchroom. They made nasty remarks on the Internet.

Rachel Ehmke, a M i nnesota seventh grader, hung herself when the bullying got too awful to live with. The 1 3-year-old had been hounded for months by a group of girls who called her "prostitute," scrawl ed "slut" all over her notebook, and harassed her online.

Austin and Rachel are not alone in facing the torment of bullying, whether it comes at school or on the Internet. Almost 85 percent of girls and 80 percent of boys report expe riencing some form of harassment in school at least once, and 160,000 U.S. schoolchil dren stay home from school each day because they are afraid of being bullied. Others encounter bullying on the Internet, which may be even more painful because often the bullying is done anonymously or may involve public postings (Mishna, Saini, & Solomon, 2009; Law et al., 2012; Barlett, Chamberlin, & Witkower, 2017).

There are four general types of bullying. In verbal bullying, victims are called names, threatened, or made fun of because of physical or other attributes. Physical bul lying represents actual aggression, in which children may be hit, pushed, or touched inappropriately. Relational bullying may be more subtle; it occurs when children are socially attacked, by deliberately excluding them from social activities. Finally, cy berbullying occurs when victims are attacked online or by the spreading of malicious lies meant to damage their reputation (Espelage & Colbert, 2016; Osanloo, Reed, & Schwartz, 2017).

Those children who experience frequent bullying are most often loners who are fairly passive. They often cry easily, and they tend to lack the social skill that might

Deve l o p m ent i n Yo u r Life

I ncreasing C h i l d ren's Social Com pete nce

It is clear that building and maintai ning friendshi ps are critical in chi ldren's lives. Fortunately, there are strategies that parents and teachers can use to increase children's social competence.

• Encourage social interaction. Teachers can devise ways to get ch ildren to take part in group activities, and parents can encourage membership in such groups as Brownies and Cub Scouts or participation in team sports.

• Teach listening skills to chi ldren. Show them how to listen careful ly and respond to the underlying meaning of a communication as well as its overt content.

• Make children aware that people display emotions and moods nonverbal ly. Consequently, they should

pay attention to others' nonverbal behavior, not just to what they are saying.

• Teach conversational skills, including the importance

of asking questions and self-disclosure. Encourage students to use " I " statements in which they clarify their own feelings or opinions, and avoid making generaliza tions about others.

• Don't ask children to choose teams or groups publicly. Instead, ass ig n c h i l d re n rand o m l y : It works just as well in ensuri ng a distri bution of a b i l i tie s across groups and avoids the public e m barrassment of a situ ation i n which some c h i l d ren are chosen last.

otherwise defuse a bullying situation. For example, they are unable to think of hu morous comebacks to bullies' taunts. But though children such as these are more likely to be bullied, even children without these characteristics occasionally are bul lied during their school careers: Some 90 percent of middle-school students report being bullied at some point in their time at school, beginning as early as the preschool years (Katzer, Fetchenhauer, & Belschak, 2009; Lapidot-Lefler & Dolev-Cohen, 2014; Jansen et al., 2016).

About 1 0 to 15 percent of students bully others at one time or another. About half of all bullies come from abusive homes-meaning, of course, that half don't. They tend to watch more television containing violence, and they misbehave more at home and at school than do nonbullies. When their bullying gets them in trouble, they may try to lie their way out of the situation, and they show little remorse for their victimization of others. Furthermore, bullies, compared with their peers, are more likely to break the law as adults. Although bullies are sometimes popular among their peers, some ironi cally become victims of bullies themselves (Barboza et al., 2009; Peeters, Cillessen, & Scholte, 2010; Dupper, 2013).

One of the most effective ways to reduce the incidence of bullying is through school programs that enlist and involve students. For example, schools can train stu dents to intervene when they see an instance of bullying, rather than watching pas sively. Empowering students to stand up for victims has been shown to reduce bully ing significantly (Storey et al., 2008; Munsey, 2012; Juvonen et al., 2016; Menolascino & Jenkins, 2018).

Gender, Race, and Friendships

LO 5. 1 6 Explain how gender and race affect friendships at this age.

Just as friendships in middle childhood are often determined by status, they are also influenced by gender and race. In preschool, children generally choose friends among those who enjoy the same activities. By middle childhood, children have a more so phisticated sense of self. That self includes both a gender and a racial or ethnic identity. Although such growing awareness may cement some friendships, it can cause others to cool.

GENDER AND FRIENDSHIPS: THE SEX SEGREGATION OF MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

I G i rls rule; boys drool. Boys are id iots. Girls have cooties. Boys go to college to get more knowledge; gi rls go to Jupiter to get more stupider. Those are some of the views of elementary school boys and girls regarding members of the other sex. Avoidance of the other sex becomes quite pronounced at this age, with social networks often consisting almost entirely of same-sex groupings (Rancourt et al., 2013; Zosuls et al., 2014; Braun & Davidson, 2016).

Interestingly, this segregation of friendships occurs in almost all societies. In non industrialized societies, same-gender segregation may result from the types of activi ties children engage in. For instance, in many cultures, boys are assigned one type of chore and girls another. Participation in different activities may not wholly explain sex segregation, however: Children in more developed countries, who attend the same schools and participate in many of the same activities, still tend to avoid members of the other gender (Steinmetz et al., 2014; Kottak, 2019).

The lack of cross-gender interaction in middle childhood means that boys' and girls' friendships are restricted to their own sex. The nature of friendships within these two groups is quite different.

Boys typically have larger networks of friends, and they tend to play in groups rather than pairing off. Differences in status within the group are usually pronounced, with an acknowledged leader and a hierarchy of members. Because of the fairly rigid rankings that represent the relative social power of those in the group, known as the dominance hierarchy, members of higher status can safely question and oppose those lower in the hierarchy (Pedersen et al., 2007; Pun, Birch & Baron, 2017).

Middle Chi ld hood 247

dominance hierarchy rankings that represent the relative social power of those in a group

248 Chapter 5

Boys tend to be concerned with their place in the dominance hierarchy, and they attempt to maintain and improve their status. This makes for a style of play known as restrictive. In restrictive play, interactions are interrupted when a boy feels his status is challenged. A boy who feels that he is unjustly challenged by a lower-status peer may attempt to end the interaction by scuffling over a toy or otherwise behaving assert ively. Consequently, boys tend to play in bursts, rather than in more extended, tranquil episodes (Benenson & Apostoleris, 1993; Estell et al., 2008; Cheng et al., 2016).

The language of friendship used among boys reflects their concern over status and challenge. Consider this conversation between two boys who are good friends:

Child 1: Get out of my space! You're too close to me. Child 2: Make me. Child 1: You know I can. Child 2: Ha! You're just a wuss. Child 1: Don't force me. Child 2: You loser. You can't do a thing.

Friendship patterns among girls are quite different. Rather than a wide network of friends, girls focus on one or two "best friends." In contrast to boys, who seek out sta tus differences, girls avoid differences, preferring to maintain equal-status friendships.

Conflicts among girls are usually solved through compromise, by ignoring the situation, or by giving in, rather than by seeking to make one's point of view prevail. The goal is to smooth over disagreements, making social interaction easy and noncon frontational (Noakes & Rinaldi, 2006).

The language used by girls tends to reflect their view of relationships. Rather than blatant demands ("Give me the pencil"), girls are more apt to use less confrontational and directive language. Girls tend to use indirect forms of verbs, such as "Let's go to the movies" or "Would you want to trade books with me?" rather than "I want to go to the movies" or "Let me have these books" (Goodwin, 1990; Besage, 2006).

CROSS-RACE FRIENDSHIPS: INTEGRATION IN AND OUT OF THE CLASSROOM For the most part, friendships among children are not color-blind. Children's closest friendships tend to be with others of the same race. In fact, as chil dren age there is a decline in the number and depth of friendships outside their own

racial group. By age 11 or 12, it appears that African American children become particularly aware of and sensitive to the prejudice and discrimination directed toward members of their race. At that point, they are likely to make distinctions between members of ingroups (groups to which people feel they belong) and members of outgroups (groups to which they feel they do not belong) (Rowley et al., 2008; Bagci et al., 2014).

When third graders from one long-integrated school were asked to name a best friend, around one-quarter of white children and two-thirds of black children chose a child of the other race. In contrast, by lOth grade, less than 10 percent of whites and 5 percent of blacks named a different-race best friend (McGlothlin & Killen, 2005; Rodkin & Ryan, 2012; Munniksma et al., 2017).

From a social worker's perspective: How might it be possible to decrease the segregation of friendships along racial lines? What factors would have to change in individuals or in society?

As children age, there is a decline in the

number of and depth of friendships outside

their own racial group. What are some

ways in which schools can foster mutual

acceptance?

However, although they may not choose each other as best friends, whites and blacks-as well as members of other minority groups-can show a high degree of mutual acceptance. This pattern is particularly true in schools with on going integration efforts. This makes sense: A good deal of research supports the notion that contact between majority and minority group members can reduce prejudice and discrimination (Hewstone, 2003; Quintana & McKown, 2008; Korol, Fietzer, & Ponterotto, 2018).

Family Life in Middle Childhood Jared's morn works the day shift as a nurse at the hospital, so Jared's grandmother picks him u p from school. When they get home, his grandfather takes him out to the field behind their apartment house to practice batting and catching because Jared, age 1 0 , dreams of someday playing first base for the San Francisco Giants. Often, four or five other children show up and join the fun, which lasts until Jared 's grandmother calls him i n to help h e r make dinner for the family. H i s m o rn w i l l b e home at six and s h e ' l l be hungry. "My family is like a team," Jared says. " M y morn, my grandparents, me-we all pitch i n a n d h e l p make it work." Jared is a member o f a multigen erational family. H is parents d i vorced when he was 3, and the next year his grandparents moved i n .

As we've noted in previous chapters, the structure of the family has changed over the past few decades. With an unprecedented variety of family constellations, a soaring divorce rate, and an increase in the number of parents who both work outside the home, the environment faced by children passing through middle childhood in the 21st century is different from the one faced by prior generations.

One of the biggest challenges of middle childhood is the increasing independence that characterizes children's behavior. Children move from being controlled to increas ingly controlling their own destinies-or at least conducting them. Middle childhood, then, is a period of coregulation in which children and parents jointly control behavior. Increasingly, parents provide broad guidelines for conduct, and children control their everyday behavior. For instance, parents may urge their daughter to buy a nutritious school lunch, but the daughter's decision to buy pizza and two desserts is her own.

Families Today: A Variety of Constellations

LO 5. 1 7 Identify the variety of family constellations, and assess their impact on children.

What makes a family? In the past century, that question would likely have been met with the reply, "Two parents and two or more children." And the parents would rarely have been of the same sex. Today, families come in many sizes and types. A child's family may be the one parent he or she lives with, or it may include siblings, steppar ents, stepsiblings, grandparents, and other relatives.

FAMILY LIFE: THE INFLUENCE OF PARENTS AND SIBLINGS During middle childhood, children spend less time with their parents. Still, parents remain their major influence, providing essential assistance, advice, and direction (Parke, 2004).

Siblings also have an important influence, for good and for bad. Although brothers and sisters can provide support, companionship, and security, they can also be a source of strife. Sibling rivalry can occur, especially when the siblings are the same sex and similar in age. Parents may intensify sibling rivalry by seeming to favor one child over another-a perception that may or may not be accurate. A decision as straightforward as granting older siblings more freedom may be interpreted as favoritism. In some cases, perceived favoritism may damage the self-esteem of the younger sibling. But sib ling rivalry is not inevitable (McHale, Kim, & Whiteman, 2006; Caspi, 2012; Skrzypek, Maciejewska-Sobczak, & Stadnicka-Dmitriew, 2014; O'Connor & Evans, 2018).

Cultural differences are linked to sibling experiences. For example, in Mexican American families, which have particularly strong values regarding the importance of family, siblings are less likely to respond negatively when younger siblings receive preferential treatment (McHale et al., 2005; McGuire & Shanahan, 2010).

What about children who have no siblings? Disproving the stereotype that only children are spoiled and self-centered, they are as well-adjusted as children with broth ers and sisters. In fact, in some ways, only children are better adjusted, with higher self-esteem and stronger motivation to achieve. This had been particularly good news for parents in the People's Republic of China, where until fairly recently a strict one child policy was in effect. Studies there show that Chinese only-children often aca demically outperform children with siblings (Miao & Wang, 2003; Liu et al., 2017).

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coregulation a period in which parents and children jointly control children's behavior

250 Chapter 5

blended families remarried couples who have at least one stepchild living with them

:E .Q> :E

i I "' .Ill 8 .__ __________ ........

SINGLE-PARENT FAMILIES Although the majority of children in the United States (69 percent) live with two parents, the remaining 31 percent live in some other ar rangement, such as living with a single parent or grandparents. There are also some significant racial disparities: Seventy-four percent of white children live with two mar ried parents, compared with 60 percent of Hispanic and 34 percent of black children (ChildStats.gov, 2017).

In rare cases, death is the reason for single parenthood. More frequently, either no spouse was ever present, the spouses have divorced, or the spouse is absent. In the vast majority of cases, the single parent who is present is the mother.

What consequences are there for children in one-parent homes? Much depends on whether a second parent was present before and the nature of the parents' relationship at that time. Furthermore, the economic status of the single-parent family plays a role. Single-parent families are often less well-off financially than two-parent families, and living in relative poverty has a negative impact on children (Davis, 2003; Harvey & Fine, 2004; Nicholson et al., 2014).

MULTIGENERATIONAL FAMILIES In some households children, parents, and grandparents live together. The number of multigenerational families is growing; some 19 percent of the U.S. population lived in households with multiple generations in 2014, up from 1 7 percent just 5 years earlier. The number of multigenerational fami lies grew in part because of the economic downturn in 2008, as well as increases in the cost of housing (Carrns, 2016).

Multigenerational families can make for a rich living experience for children, but there is also the potential for conflict if "layers" of adults act as disciplinarians without coordinating what they do.

The prevalence of three-generation families who live together is greater among African Americans than among Caucasians. In addition, African American families, which are more likely than Caucasian families to be headed by single parents, often rely substantially on the help of grandparents in everyday child care, and cultural norms tend to be highly supportive of grandparents taking an active role (Oberlander, Black, & Starr, 2007; Pittman & Boswell, 2007; Kelch-Oliver, 2008). LIVING IN BLENDED FAMILIES For many children, the aftermath of divorce in cludes a remarriage. In more than 1 0 million households in the United States, at least one spouse has remarried. More than 5 million remarried couples have at least one stepchild with them in what have come to be called blended families. Overall, 16 percent of all children in the United States live in blended families (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2001; Bengtson et al., 2004; PEW Research Center, 2015).

Children in a blended family face challenges. They often have to deal with role ambiguity, in which roles and expectations are unclear. They may be uncertain about

their responsibilities, how to behave toward stepparents and stepsiblings, and how to make a host of tough everyday decisions. For instance, they may have to choose which parent to spend holidays and vacations with, or decide between conflicting advice from biological parent and stepparent. Some find the disruption of routine and of established family relationships difficult. For instance, a child used to her mother 's complete attention may find it hard to see her mother showing interest and affection to a stepchild (Belcher, 2003; Guadalupe & Welkley, 2012; Mundy & Wofsy, 2017).

Blended families occur when previously married husbands and wives with children

Still, school-age children in blended families often adjust relatively smoothly especially compared with adolescents-for several reasons. For one thing, the family's financial situation is often improved after a

remarry.

Middle Chi ld hood 251

parent remarries. In addition, there are usually more people to share the burden of household chores. Finally, the higher "population" of the family increases opportuni ties for social interaction (Greene, Anderson, & Hetherington, 2003; Hetherington & Elmore, 2003).

Families blend most successfully when the parents create an environment that supports self-esteem and a climate of family togetherness. Generally, the younger the children, the easier the transition (Kirby, 2006; Jeynes, 2007).

FAMILIES WITH GAY, LESBIAN, AND TRANSGENDER PARENTS An increasing number of children have two mothers or two fathers. Estimates suggest that between 1 million and 5 million families are headed by two lesbian or two gay parents in the United States, and some 6 million children have lesbian or gay parents (Patterson 2007, 2009; Gates, 2013).

In the past, gays, lesbians, transgender and other non-heterosexual individuals have faced significant barriers to adopting children. Many adoption agencies had ex plicit rules prohibiting adoptions by non-heterosexual parents, and in some states such adoptions were illegal. However, with the legalization of gay and lesbian marriage, these barriers are falling. Furthermore, researchers have begun to look at children raised in homes by gay and lesbian parents and, as we discuss in the From Research to Practice box, the consequences are largely positive.

RACE AND FAMILY LIFE Although there are as many types of families as there are individuals, research finds some consistencies related to race. For example, African American families often have a particularly strong sense of family, offering welcome and support to extended family members in their homes. Because there is a relatively

Fro m Research to Practi c e

Two M o rn s , Two Dads: How D o C h i l d ren Fare with Gay, Lesbian, and Tra nsgender Parents?

How do children in lesbian, gay, and transgender households fare? Although there is l ittle data on the effects of a transgender parent on children, a growing body of research on the effects of same-sex parenting on children shows that ch i ldren develop si mi larly to the ch ildren of heterosexual families. Their sexual orientation is unrelated to that of their parents, their behavior is no more or less gender-typed, and they seem equally well adjusted (Fulcher, Sutfin, & Patterson, 2008; Patterson, 2009; Goldberg, 201 Oa). One large-scale analysis examined 33 studies of the effects of parental gender and sexual identity on their children's outcomes. No overall effects were found for children's sexual orientation cog nitive abilities or gender identity. There were some d ifferences in terms of parent-child relationships, in wh ich the relationship between parent and chi ld was perceived to better among same-gender parents, compared with different gender parents. The research also found that children of same-gender parents showed more typical gender play and behavior than childre n of different-gender parents. Finally, chi ldren with lesbian or gay parents had higher levels of psycho logical adjustment than children with heterosexual parents (Fedewa, Black, & Ahn, 201 5).

Other research shows that ch ildren of lesbian and gay parents have similar relationsh ips with their peers as children of heterosexual parents. They also relate to adults- both those

who are gay and those who are straight-no differently from children whose parents are heterosexual. And when they reach adolescence, their romantic relationships and sexual behavior are no different from those of adolescents living with opposite sex parents (Patterson, 2009; Golombok et al., 2003; Wainright, Russell, & Patterson, 2004; Wainright & Patterso n, 2008).

I n short, research shows that there i s little developmental difference between children whose parents are gay and lesbian and those who have heterosexual parents. There is insufficient research to make the same statement about transgender parenting; more studies need to be conducted before conclusions can be drawn. What is clearly d ifferent for children with same-sex parents is the possibil ity of discrim i nation and prejudice due to their parents' sexual orientation, although U.S. society has become consid erably more tolerant of such unions. I n fact, the 201 5 U.S. Supreme Court ruling legalizing same-sex marriages should accelerate the trend of acceptance of such unions (Davis, Saltzburg, & Locke, 2009; Biblarz & Stacey, 201 O; Kantor, 201 5 ; Miller, Kors, & Macfie, 201 7).

Shared Writing Prompt: How might gay and lesbian parents prepare their chi ldren to deal w ith the prejudice and discrimination that they potentially may face?

252 Chapter 5

self-care children children who let themselves into their homes after school and wait alone until their caretakers return from work; previously known as latchkey children

high level of female-headed households among African Americans, extended families often lend crucial social and economic support. In addition, there is a relatively high proportion of families headed by older adults, such as grandparents, and some studies find that children in grandmother-headed households are particularly well adjusted (Taylor, 2002; Parke, 2004).

Hispanic families tend to regard family life and community and religious organi zations highly. Children are taught to value their family ties and to see themselves as a central part of an extended family. Ultimately, their sense of self stems from the family. Hispanic families also tend to be larger, with an average size of 3.70, compared to 3.08 for Caucasian families and 3.32 for African American families (Cauce & Domenech Rodriguez, 2002; Halgunseth, Ispa, & Rudy, 2006; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2017).

Although relatively little research has been conducted on Asian American fami lies, emerging findings suggest that fathers are apt to be powerful figures who main tain discipline. In keeping with the collectivist orientation of Asian cultures, children tend to believe that family needs have a higher priority than personal needs, and males, in particular, are expected to care for their parents throughout their lifetimes (Ishi-Kuntz).

Challenges to Family Life

LO 5.18 Describe the challenges to family life posed by work, divorce, and poverty.

Tamara's mother, Brenda, waited outside her daughter's second-grade classroom for the end of the school day. Tamara came over to greet her mother as soon as she spotted her. "Mom, can Anna come over to play today?" Tamara demanded. Brenda had been looking forward to spending some time alone with Tamara, who had spent the last 3 days at her dad's house. But, Brenda reflected, Tamara hardly ever got to ask kids over after school, so she agreed to the request. Unfortunately, it turned out today wouldn't work for Anna's fam i ly, so they tried to find an alternate date. "How about Thursday?" Anna's mother sug gested. Before Tamara could reply, her mother reminded her, "You' l l have to ask your dad. Yo u're at his house that night." Tamara's face fell. "OK," she mumbled.

How will Tamara's adjustment be affected from dividing her time between the two homes where she lives with her divorced parents? What about the adjustment of her friend, Anna, who lives with both her parents, both of whom work outside the home? These are just a few of the questions we need to consider as we look at the ways that children's home life affects their lives during middle childhood.

HOME AND ALONE: WHAT DO CHILDREN DO?

When 1 0-year-old Joh netta Colvin comes home after a day at Martin Luther King Elementary School , the first thing she does is grab a few cookies and turn to her phone. She spends some time texting with her friends and then typically spends an hour watch ing television. During commercials , she looks at her homework.

What she doesn't do is chat with her parents. She's home alone.

Johnetta is a self-care child, the term for children who let themselves into their homes after school and wait alone until their parents return from work. Some 12 to 14 percent of children in the United States between the ages of 5 and 12 spend some time alone after school, without adult supervision Moreover, three states have a minimum age for leaving a child home alone. Illinois law requires children to be 14 years old; in Maryland the minimum age is 8, while in Oregon, children must be 10 before being left home alone (Berger, 2000; Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2013).

In the past, such children were called latchkey children, a term connoting sad ness, loneliness, and neglect. Today a new view is emerging. According to sociologist Sandra Hofferth, given the hectic schedule of many children's lives, a few hours alone may provide a helpful period of decompression. Furthermore, it may give children an opportunity to develop autonomy (Hofferth & Sandberg, 2001).

Research has identified few differences between self-care children and others. Although some children report negative experiences (such as loneliness), they do not

seem emotionally damaged by the experience. In addition, if they stay by themselves rather than "hanging out" unsupervised with friends, they may avoid activities that can lead to difficulties (Goyette-Ewing, 2000; Klein, 2017).

The time alone also gives children a chance to focus on home work and school or personal projects. In fact, children with employed parents may have higher self-esteem because they feel they are con tributing to the household (Goyette-Ewing, 2000; Ruiz-Casares & Heymann, 2009).

Some parents have taken the concept of self-care one step further, ar guing that children should have the opportunity to explore their neighbor hoods on their own. Free-range parenting is a parenting style that seeks to foster children's independence by allowing them to travel unsupervised to areas in their neighborhood. Caregivers practicing free-range parent ing have sometimes run afoul of child neglect laws, and there have been some well-publicized instances of parents being arrested for allowing their school-age children to play by themselves or walk to a neighborhood store. The legal issues have yet to be sorted out, and it remains a contro

versial topic (Vota, 2017).

Middle Childhood 253

DIVORCE Having divorced parents is no longer distinctive. Only around half the children in the United States spend their entire childhood in the same household with both parents. The rest will live in single-parent homes or with stepparents, grandparents, or other nonparental relatives; and some end up in foster care (Harvey & Fine, 2004; Nicholson et al., 2014).

Self-care children spend time after school alone

while their parents are at work.

How do children react to divorce? The answer is complex. For 6 months to 2 years following a divorce, children and parents may show signs of psychological maladjustment such as anxiety, depression, sleep disturbances, and phobias. Even though most children stay with their mothers, the quality of the mother-child rela tionship mostly declines, often because children feel caught in the middle between their mothers and fathers (Lansford, 2009; Maes, De Mol, & Buysse, 2012; Weaver & Schofield, 2015).

During the early stage of middle childhood, children often blame themselves for the breakup. By age 10, they feel pressure to choose sides and experience some degree of divided loyalty (Ripke, Wolchik, & Sandler, 2010).

The longer-term consequences of divorce are less clear. Some studies have found that 18 months to 2 years later, most children begin to return to their predivorce state of adjustment. For many children, long-term consequences are minimal (Guttmann & Rosenberg, 2003; Harvey & Fine, 2004; Schaan & Vogele, 2016).

Other evidence suggests that the fallout from divorce lingers. For example, com pared with children from intact families, twice as many children of divorced parents enter psychological counseling (although sometimes counseling is mandated by a judge as part of the divorce). In addition, people who have experienced parental di vorce are more at risk for experiencing divorce themselves later in life (Uphold-Carrier & Utz, 2012; South, 2013; Mahrer & Wolchik, 2017).

How children react to divorce depends on several factors. One is the economic standing of the family the child is living with. In many cases, divorce brings a decline in both parents' standards of living. When this occurs, children may be thrown into poverty (Ozawa & Yoon, 2003; Fischer, 2007; Seijo et al., 2016).

In other cases, the negative consequences of divorce are less severe because the divorce reduces the hostility and anger in the home. If the household before the di vorce was overwhelmed by parental strife-as is the case in around 30 percent of divorces-the greater calm of a postdivorce household may be beneficial to children. This is particularly true for children who maintain a close, positive relationship with the parent with whom they do not live. Still, in the 70 percent of divorces where the predivorce level of conflict is not high, children may have a more difficult time ad justing (Faber & Wittenborn, 2010; Finley & Schwartz, 2010; Lansford, 2009; Amato & Afifi, 2006).

254 Chapter 5

From a health-care provider's perspective: How might the development of self-esteem in middle childhood be affected by a divorce? Can constant hostil ity and tension between parents lead to a child's health problems?

POVERTY AND FAMILY LIFE Regardless of race, children in economically disad vantaged families face hardships. Poor families have fewer everyday resources, and there are more disruptions in children's lives. For example, parents may be forced to look for less expensive housing or a different job. As a result, parents may be less responsive to their children's needs and provide less social support (Evans, 2004; Duncan, Magnuson, & Votruba-Drzal, 2014).

The stress of difficult family environments, along with other stress in the lives of poor children-such as living in unsafe neighborhoods with high rates of violence and attending inferior schools-ultimately takes its toll. Economically disadvan taged children are at risk for poorer academic performance, higher rates of aggres sion, and conduct problems. In addition, declines in economic well-being are linked to physical and mental health problems. Specifically, the chronic stress associated with poverty makes children more susceptible to cardiovascular disease, depres sion, and diabetes (Morales & Guerra, 2006; Tracy et al., 2008; Duncan, Magnuson, & Votruba-Drzal, 2014).

GROUP CARE: ORPHANAGES IN THE 21ST CENTURY The term orphanage evokes stereotypical images of grim institutional life. The reality today is different. Group homes or residential treatment centers (the word orphanage is rarely used) typically house a relatively small number of children whose parents are no longer able to care for them adequately. They are usually funded by a combination of federal, state, and local aid. Nearly a half million children in the United States live in foster care (Jones-Harden, 2004; Bruskas, 2008; Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2017).

About three-quarters of children in group care have suffered neglect and abuse prior to being placed in group care. Each year, 300,000 are removed from their homes, most of whom can be returned to their homes after social service agencies intervene with their families. But the remaining one-quarter are so psychologically damaged that they are likely to remain in group care throughout childhood. Adoption (or even temporary foster care) is not an option for most of these children, who have devel oped severe emotional and behavior problems, such as high levels of aggression or anger (Bass, Shields, & Behrman, 2004; Chamberlain et al., 2006; Leloux Opmeer, 2016).

Group care is neither inherently good nor bad.

Although orphanages of the early 1900s were crowded and institutional

(top), today the equivalent, called group homes or residential trea tment

centers (bottom), are much more pleasant.

The outcome depends on the staff of the group home and whether child- and youth-care workers know how to develop an effective, stable, and strong emotional bond with a child. If a child is unable to form a mean ingful relationship with a worker in a group home, the setting may well be harmful (Hawkins-Rodgers, 2007; Knorth et al., 2008; McCall et al., 2018).

Review, C h eck, and Apply

Review

LO 5.13 Summarize how children's view of themselves changes in middle childhood, and explain how this shift affects their self-esteem.

According to Erikson, children at this time are in the industry-versus-inferiority stage. In middle childhood, children begin to use social comparison, and self-concepts are based on psychological rather than physical characteris tics. Children increasingly develop their own internal stan dards of success and measure how well they compare to those standards.

LO 5.14 Identify the six stages in Kohlberg's theory of moral development, and compare and contrast them with Gilligan's sequence of stages.

According to Kohlberg, moral development proceeds from a concern with rewards and punishments, through a focus on social conventions and rules, toward a sense of universal moral principles. Gilligan has suggested, however, that girls may follow a different progression of moral development, one based on responsibility to ward individuals and compassion rather than broad principles.

LO 5.15 Identify Damon's stages of friendship, and explain the factors that determine popularity in middle childhood.

Children's understanding of friendship changes from the sharing of enjoyable activities, through the consideration of personal traits that can meet their needs, to a focus on in timacy and loyalty. Friendships in childhood display status hierarchies. Improvements in social problem-solving and social information processing can lead to better interper sonal skills and greater popularity.

Middle Chi ld hood 255

LO 5.16 Explain how gender and race affect friendships at this age.

Boys and girls engage increasingly in same-sex friend ships, with boys' friendships involving group relation ships and girls' friendships characterized by pairings of girls with equal status. As children age there is a decline in the number and depth of friendships outside their own racial group.

LO 5 . 1 7 Identify the variety of family constellations, and assess their impact on children.

Children may grow up in traditional two-parent, mom and-dad families, but many children today are part of single-parent families, multigenerational families, blended families, and gay- and lesbian-parented families. The impact on children's well-being in such nontraditional families de pends on the economic status of the household, society's acceptance, and the absence or presence of tension in the adult(s).

LO 5.18 Describe the challenges to family life posed by work, divorce, and poverty.

In two parent or single-parent households where all the adults work full-time, many children spend time alone after school, without adult supervision. These self-care children may experience loneliness at times but many also develop in dependence and enhanced self-esteem from their experience. How divorce affects children depends on such factors as fi nancial circumstances and the comparative levels of tension in the family before and after the divorce. Poverty increases the disruptions in a child's life, and parents are often too con sumed with the basics of survival to devote much time to their children's other needs. Children of poverty are at risk for poorer academic performance and higher rates of aggression.

256 Chapter 5

Check Yourself 1. As children develop a better self-understanding in middle

childhood, they begin to view themselves less in terms of physical attributes and more in terms of their ___ _

a. familial relationships b. psychological traits c. environmental characteristics d. motor skills

2. According to , people pass through a se- ries of six stages as their sense of justice and their level of reasoning evolves with age and cognitive development.

a. Freud c. Kohlberg b. Piaget d. Skinner

Applying Lifespan Development

3. is the evaluation of the role or person by other relevant members of the group and is usu ally discussed in reference to children and their peer groups.

a. Dominance hierarchy b. Social competence c. Friendship d. Status

4. A child's response to divorce many include ____ _ a. schizophrenia, violent outbursts, and academic failure b. increased anxiety, sleep disturbances, and depression c. phobias, schizophrenia, and gender confusion d. violent outbursts, depression, and self-mutilation

Politicians often speak of "family values." How does this term relate to diverse family situations such as divorced parents,

single parents, blended families, working parents, self-care children, and children in group care?

Middle Chi ld hood 257

C h apter 5 S u m m ary Putting It All Together: Middle Childhood

JAN (the student we met in the chapter prologue) successfully tried out ifl for her local Little League team, the Yanke es. She was excited to play the f sport she loved, but her teammates-all boys-let her know in subtle and !,Uf not-so-subtle ways that they weren't thrilled about having a girl in the

� !!l!::;;:!!==_.._....:::11� lineup. At Jan's first game, the shortstop and first-base player seemed to � collude to freeze her out of the action. She was unhappy about it, but she ·;; _...;... __________ __,_� stayed in the game, and used both her skills and intelligence to make a great play that won the game for her team. As

a result, she gained her teammates' approval and acceptance. It was a much-deserved happy moment.

MODULE 5.1

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

• Steady growth and increased abilities characterized Jan's physi cal development in these years. (pp. 204-205)

• Jan's gross and fine motor skills developed as her muscle coordi nation improved and she prac ticed new skills. Her abilities were very similar to the boys on the team. (pp. 207-208)

• Good eating habits and the regu lar exercise Jan got from play ing ball helped to keep her at a healthy weight. (pp. 205-206)

MODULE 5.2

COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

• Jan's ability to grasp the relation ship between speed and direction on the ball field showed that she had entered the stage of concrete operational thought. (p. 216)

• Jan's growing sophistication with language helped her to regulate her behavior during the ballgame. Instead of running off the field when her teammates seemed to exclude her, she was able to remind herself that she had earned a spot on the team and could play the game well if she got the opportunity. (pp. 219--220)

• Jan displayed both fluid and crys tallized intelligence on the field, and the development of her intel lectual skills was aided by partici pation in Little League. (p. 229)

What wou l d a

PAR E N T do?

What strategies would you use to help Jan retain

her self-esteem in the

face of her teammates' skepticism about a girl

ballplayer? How would

you encourage her? How

would you deal with her

frustration?

What wou l d a

H EALTH-CARE

WO RKER do?

What would YOU do?

How would you deal with

a situation in which your

daughter was confronted by

prejudice against her gender? How would you encourage

her to act when people suggest

she is not qualified to do some

thing because she is a girl?

8, £- E a. ,., � " 8' c3 2 &l a. 0 0 0

115 2 §. e; w () E _j '.::; _j

What suggestions would you make to

Jan regarding diet

and exercise to keep

her healthy and

improve muscular

strength?

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MODULE 5.3

SOCIAL AND PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

• In this period, characterized by Erikson as the industry-versus-in feriority stage, Jan showed a readi ness to take on the challenges pre sented by her peers and their biased view of girls in sports. (p. 236)

• That Jan tried out for Little League shows a healthy level of self esteem. Although she was disap pointed at her teammates' initial reaction to having a girl in the lineup, she stayed in the game and gave it her best. (p. 237)

• The acceptance and approval of her teammates helped provide emotional support for Jan. Sticking it out in Little League and making the winning play improved her social status. (pp. 244-245)

What would an EDUCATOR do?

How would you promote gender equality

in the classroom? How would you deal

with the fact that it is normal for boys and

girls in middle childhood to socialize in same-sex groupings, and to avoid or poke

fun at each other? What activities could you design to increase mutual respect be

tween boys and girls?

8, E ,., " c3 � .,, � $ � a; ::;;

258

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Chapter 6 Adolescence

In middle school, Julie Jacobs had one goal: to be popular. She ditched her "nerdy" grade

school friends, bought a new wardrobe from the trendiest stores at the mall, and started

shadowing the kids from the in crowd. She laughed at their jokes and boosted their egos

at every opportunity. Soon, she began getting friended on Facebook by some of the girls.

Then she was invited to a cool party where one of the boys on the football team asked her

to dance.

Julie felt she was on her way. But then, she started drinking. It was just something the cool

kids did. By ninth grade, she was drinking a lot. "I felt carefree and funny when I was drink

ing," she recalls. "I felt like nothing really mattered." Her grades began dropping from As to

Bs, then down to Cs and worse. She fought with her parents constantly. They grounded her

when she came home late. They checked her room for liquor. "The more they pried, the cra

zier I got," she recalls. It took failing her junior year to wake up. "I realized I wasn't going to

graduate with my class, wasn't going to get into college," Julie says. "I'd treated high school

like a joke because that was the cool attitude, but I'd always thought of myself as smart.

Having to repeat my junior year was devastating."

Julie signed up with a substance abuse counselor and a therapist. She changed schools,

opting for one that specializes in the arts. She'd always been a good writer so she joined a

fiction writing club. "I saw kids my age doing amazing work and it made me want to do my

best," Julie says. The next summer, she attended a month-long workshop for teen writers.

The director was impressed with her work. He introduced her to a New York agent. Julie 's

first book earned 52 rejections, but her next book scored a contract. It will be out at the end

of her second year of college. "I finally figured out that I have to define what's cool for me,"

she says, "because if I fail, I'm the one who takes the rap."

In this chapter we study adolescence, the transitional stage between childhood and adulthood. Adolescents face many challenges in all aspects of their life. Physically, their bodies are maturing quickly-sometimes distressingly quickly. Adolescents become sexually interested, and many of them face worries about their bodies. We will look at some of the issues that sometimes plague adolescents like Julie, including those relating to obesity and nutrition, harmful substances, and sexually transmitted infections (STis).

Beyond the physical aspects of development, adolescents grow cognitively as well. The most notable change we will discuss is adolescents' growing awareness of their own thought processes. We also consider how adolescents deal with the institu tion that occupies a great deal of their waking time-school-and discuss the growing impact of the Internet on adolescents' lives, learning, and relationships.

Finally, we tum to the changes that adolescents undergo in their relationships with others. We begin with a consideration of the ways in which they create their con cepts of themselves and how they form and protect their self-esteem and identity. We discuss their relationships with parents as adolescents redefine their place within the family. Finally, we discuss dating and sex, which achieve central importance during this period and which encompass issues of intimacy.

Module 6 . 1 Physical Development in Adolescence

LO 6. 1 Describe the physical changes that adolescents experience. LO 6.2 Analyze the nutritional needs and concerns of adolescents. LO 6.3 Explain the relationship between brain development and cognitive growth in

adolescents. LO 6.4 Describe major threats to adolescents from substance use and abuse. LO 6.5 Describe the dangers that adolescent sexual practices can present.

Module 6.2 Cognitive Development in Adolescence

LO 6.6 Analyze Piaget's account of adolescent cognitive development. LO 6.7 Explain the information processing view of adolescent cognitive

development. LO 6.8 Describe major factors that affect adolescent school performance. LO 6.9 Explain the nature and consequences of the use of media by adolescents.

Module 6.3 Social and Personality Development in Adolescence

LO 6.10 Describe how adolescents develop their self-concept and self-esteem. LO 6.1 1 Analyze diverse theoretical approaches to understanding identity formation. LO 6.12 Explain why anxiety, depression, and suicide are important issues in

adolescence. LO 6.13 Analyze how the parent-child relationship changes during adolescence. LO 6.14 Analyze the nature and importance of peer relationships during adolescence. LO 6.15 Describe the functions and characteristics of dating during adolescence. LO 6. 1 6 Explain how sexuality develops in the adolescent years.

M o d u l e 6 . 1 Physical Development in Adolescence

Changing Circumstances

Adolescence 259

Gavin Wyman is locked in an argument with his dad. Though it's not "Grandpa was 18 when he went south to fight for civil rights," Gavin 's

the ir first battle, it's the biggest one to date. Fifteen-year-old Gavin is father reminds him, "and I was 20 when I went to Guatemala." "But

set on traveling to Puerto Rico next month at the end of the school I'm almost 1 6," Gav in cries, his voice cracking. "Besides, kids grow

year to help with disaster relief after a recent hurricane. His dad is up a lot faster today." Gavin's dad looks at his son, who now towers

equally set against the idea. "Grandpa was a Freedom Rider," Gavin several inches over him, and sees a boy just one year out of middle

argues. "And you went to Guatemala with Habitat for Humanity." school asking to tra vel far from home on his own. Gavin looks at

260 Chapter 6

his dad and sees a jailer bent on limiting Gavin's life and treating him like a child. The argument is once again in stalemate, but Gavin

is determined. He falls asleep that night, imagining himself doing

heroic deeds in Puerto Rico: helping people to build a new and better

life, maybe even saving lives. In Puerto Rico, he thinks, people will apprec iate him, look up to him.

Adolescence is the deve lopmental stage between childhood and adulthood. It is generally said to start just before the teenage

years, and end just after them . Considered neither chi ldren nor

ad ults , adolescents are in a transition al stage marked by considerable

growth.

This module focuses on physical growth during adolescence.

Like Gavin, many adolescents crave independence and feel that

their parents fail to see how much they've matured. They are keenly

aware of their changi ng bodies and their increasingly complex

cog nitive ab ilities. Every day, they deal with careenin g emotions,

social networks that are in constant flux, and the temptations of

sex, alcohol, and drugs. In this pe riod of life that evokes excitement,

anxiety, glee, and despai r, they - like Gavin - are eager to prove th ey

can h andle whatever challenges come their way.

We first consider the extraord in ary physical matu ration that occurs

during adolescence, triggered by the onset of puberty. We then

discuss the consequences of early and late maturation and how

they differ for males and females. We also consider nutrition . After

examinin g the causes -and consequences-of obesity, we discuss

eating disorders, which are surprisingly common at th is stage.

The module concludes with a discussion of several major threats

to adolescents' wel l-being - d rugs, alcohol, tobacco, and STls.

adolescence the developmental stage that lies between childhood and adulthood

puberty the period during which the sexual organs mature

Physical Maturation For young males of the Awa tribe, adolescence begins with an elaborate and-to Western eyes-gruesome ceremony to mark the passage from childhood to adulthood. The boys are whipped for 2 or 3 days with sticks and prickly branches. Through the whipping, the boys atone for their previous infractions and honor tribesmen who were killed i n warfare.

Most of us probably feel gratitude that we did not have to endure such physical trials when we entered adolescence. But members of Western cultures have their own rites of passage, admittedly less fearsome, such as bar mitzvahs and bat mitzvahs at age 13 for Jewish boys and girls, and confirmation ceremonies in many Christian denomina tions (Eccles, Templeton, & Barber, 2003; Hoffman, 2003; Pankalla & Kosnik, 2018).

From an educator's perspective: Why do you think many cultures re gard the passage to adolescence as a significant transition that calls for unique ceremonies?

Regardless of their nature, the underlying purpose of these ceremonies tends to be the same across cultures: symbolically celebrating the physical changes that transform a child's body into an adult body capable of reproduction.

Growth During Adolescence: The Rapid Pace of Physical and Sexual Maturation

LO 6.1 Describe the physical changes that adolescents experience.

In only a few months, adolescents can grow several inches as they are transformed, at least physically, from children to young adults. During such a growth spurt-a pe riod of very rapid growth in height and weight-boys, on average, grow 4.1 inches a year and girls 3.5 inches. Some adolescents grow as much as 5 inches in a single year (Tanner, 1972; Caino et al., 2004).

Boys' and girls' growth spurts begin at different ages. As you can see in Figure 6-1, girls' spurts begin around age 10, and boys start around age 12. At age 11, girls tend to be taller than boys. But by 13, boys, on average, are taller than girls-a state that persists for the remainder of the life span.

Puberty, the period when the sexual organs mature, begins when the pituitary gland in the brain signals other glands to begin producing the sex hormones, androgens (male hormones) or estrogens (female hormones), at adult levels. (Males and females produce both types of sex hormones, but males have higher levels of androgens and females have higher levels of estrogens.) The pituitary gland also signals the body to

Adolescence 261

Figure 6 - 1 Growth Patterns Patterns of growth are depicted i n two ways. The first figure shows height at a given age, and the second shows the height increase that occurs from birth through the end of adolescence. Notice that girls begin their growth spurt around age 1 0, whereas boys begin their growth spurt at about age 1 2 . However, by age 1 3 , boys tend to be tal ler than gi rls. What are the social consequences of bei ng taller or shorter than average for boys and girls?

SOURCE: Adapted from Cratty, 1 986.

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produce more growth hormones. These interact with the sex hormones to cause the growth spurt and puberty. The hormone leptin also appears to play a role in the onset of puberty.

Like the growth spurt, puberty begins earlier for girls, starting at around age 11 or 12, whereas boys begin at about age 13 or 14. However, this varies widely. Some girls begin puberty as early as 7 or 8 or as late as age 16.

PUBERTY IN GIRLS Although it is not clear why puberty begins when it does, envi- ronmental and cultural factors play a role. For example, menarche, the onset of men- menarche

1 3 1 5

struation and probably the most obvious sign of puberty in girls, varies greatly around the onset of menstruation

the world. In poorer, developing countries, menstruation begins later than in more economically advantaged countries. Even within wealthier countries, more affluent girls begin to menstruate earlier than less affluent girls.

It appears that girls who are better nourished and healthier tend to start menstrua tion earlier than those suffering from malnutrition or chronic disease. Some studies have suggested that weight or the proportion of fat to muscle in the body play a key role in the onset of menarche. For example, in the United States, athletes with a low percentage of body fat may start menstruating later than less active girls. Conversely, obesity-which increases the secretion of leptin, a hormone related to the onset of menstruation-leads to earlier puberty (Sanchez-Garrido & Tena-Sempere, 2013; Shen et al., 2016; Kyweluk et al., 2018).

Other factors can affect the timing of menarche. For example, environmental stress from parental divorce or intense family conflict can result in an early onset (Ellis, 2004; Belsky et al., 2007; Allison & Hyde, 2013).

Over the past century or so, girls in the United States and other cultures have been entering puberty at earlier ages. In the late 19th century, menstruation began, on aver age, around age 14 or 15, compared with today's 11 or 12. The average age for other indicators of puberty, such as the attaining of adult height and sexual maturity, has also dropped, probably as a result of reduced disease and improved nutrition (Harris, Prior, & Koehoorn, 2008; James et al., 2012; Sun et al., 2017).

• • • • • •• .,

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262 Chapter 6

secular trend a pattern of change occurring over several generations

primary sex characteristics characteristics associated with the development of the organs and structures of the body that directly relate to reproduction

secondary sex characteristics the visible signs of sexual maturity that do not directly involve the sex organs

The earlier start of puberty is an example of a significant secular trend. Secular trends occur when a physical characteristic changes over the course of several genera tions, such as earlier onset of menstruation or increased height resulting from better nutrition over the centuries.

Menstruation is one of several changes in puberty related to the development of primary and secondary sex characteristics. Primary sex characteristics are associated with the development of the organs and body structures related directly to reproduc tion. Secondary sex characteristics are the visible signs of sexual maturity that do not involve the sex organs directly.

In girls, developing primary sex characteristics involves changes in the vagina and uterus. Secondary sex characteristics include the development of breasts and pubic hair. Breasts begin to grow around age 10, and pubic hair appears at about age 11. Underarm hair appears about 2 years later.

For some girls, signs of puberty start unusually early. One out of seven Caucasian girls develops breasts or pubic hair by age 8. For African American girls, the figure is one out of two. The reasons for this earlier onset are unclear, and what defines normal and abnormal onset is a controversy among specialists (Ritzen, 2003; Mensah et al., 2013; Mrug et al., 2014). PUBERTY IN BOYS Boys' sexual maturation follows a somewhat different course. Growth of the penis and scrotum accelerates around age 12, reaching adult size about 3 or 4 years later. As boys' penises enlarge, other primary sex characteristics develop. The prostate gland and seminal vesicles, which produce semen (the fluid that carries sperm), enlarge. A boy's first ejaculation, known as spermarche, usually occurs around age 13, more than a year after the body begins producing sperm. At first, the semen contains relatively few sperm, but the sperm count increases significantly with age. Secondary sex characteristics are also developing. Pubic hair begins to grow around age 12, followed by the growth of underarm and facial hair. Finally, boys' voices deepen as the vocal cords become longer and the larynx enlarges. (Figure 6-2 summarizes the changes that occur in sexual maturation during early adolescence.)

Figure 6 - 2 Sexual Matu ration The changes i n sexual maturation that occur for males and females during early adolescence.

SOURCE: Based on Patton & Viner, 2007.

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The surge in hormones that triggers puberty also may lead to rapid mood swings. Boys may have feelings of anger and annoyance associated with higher hormone levels. In girls, higher levels of hormones are associated with depression as well as anger (Fujisawa & Shinohara, 2011; Sun et al., 2016).

BODY IMAGE: REACTIONS TO PHYSICAL CHANGES IN ADOLES CENCE Unlike infants, who also un dergo rapid growth, adolescents are aware of what is happening to their bodies, and they may react with horror or joy. Few, though, are neutral about the changes they are witnessing.

Adolescence 263

Some of the changes of adolescence carry psychological weight. In the past, girls tended to view menarche with anxi ety because Western society emphasized the negative aspects of menstruation, in

Note the changes that have occurred in just a few years in these pre- and post-puberty photos of the same boy.

cluding its cramps and messiness. Today, however, society views menstruation more positively, in part because more open discussion has demystified it; for example, television commercials for tampons are commonplace. As a result, menarche now typically increases self-esteem, enhances status, and provides greater self-awareness because girls see themselves as young adults (Matlin, 2003; Yuan, 2012; Chakraborty & De, 2014).

A boy's first ejaculation is roughly equivalent to menarche. However, al though girls generally tell their mothers about the onset of menstruation, boys rarely mention their first ejaculation to their parents or even their friends. Why? One reason is that mothers provide the tampons or sanitary napkins girls need. For boys, the first ejaculation may be seen as a sign of their budding sexuality, an area they feel both uncertain about and reluctant to discuss with others (Janssen, 2007).

Menstruation and ejaculations occur privately, but changes in body shape and size are quite public. Teenagers frequently are embarrassed by these changes. Girls, in particular, are often unhappy with their new bodies. Western ideals of beauty call for an extreme thinness at odds with the actual shape of most women. Puberty consider ably increases the amount of fatty tissue, and enlarges the hips and buttocks-a far cry from the pencil-thin body society seems to demand (Kretsch et al., 2016; Senin Calder6n et al., 2017; de Haan et al., 2018).

How children react to the onset of puberty depends in part on when it happens. Girls and boys who mature either much earlier or later than most of their peers are

especially affected.

THE TIMING OF PUBERTY: THE CONSEQUENCES OF EARLY AND LATE MATURATION There are social consequences for early or late maturation. And these social consequences are important to adolescents.

Early Maturation For boys, early maturation is largely a plus. Early maturing boys tend to be more successful athletes, presumably because of their larger size. They also tend to be more popular and to have a more positive self-concept.

Early maturation in boys, though, does have a downside. Boys who mature early are more apt to have difficulties in school and to become involved in delinquency and substance abuse. Being larger in size, they are more likely to seek the company of older boys and become involved in age-inappropriate activities. Early maturers are also more conforming and lacking in humor, although they are more responsible and co operative in adulthood. Overall, though, early maturation is positive for boys (Lynne et al., 2007; Mensah et al., 2013; Beltz et al., 2014).

264 Chapter 6

The story is a bit different for early maturing girls. For them, the obvious changes in their bodies-such as the development of breasts-may lead them to feel uncom fortable and different from their peers. Moreover, because girls, in general, mature earlier than boys, early maturation tends to come at a young age in the girl's life. Early maturing girls may have to endure ridicule from their less mature classmates (Hubley & Arim, 2012; Skoog & Ozdemir, 2016; Su et al., 2018).

Early maturation, though, is not a completely negative experience for girls. Those who mature earlier are more often sought as dates, and their popularity may enhance their self-concept. This can be psychologically challenging, however. Early maturers may not be socially ready for the kind of one-on-one dating situations that most girls deal with at a later age. Moreover, their obvious deviance from their later-maturing peers may produce anxiety, unhappiness, and depression (Kaltiala-Heino, Kosunen, & Rimpela, 2003; Galvao et al., 2013).

Consequently, unless a young girl who has developed secondary sex character istics early can handle the disapproval she may encounter when she conspicuously displays her growing sexuality, the outcome of early maturation may be negative. In countries in which attitudes about sexuality are more liberal, the results of early matu ration may be more positive. For example, in Germany, which has a more open view of sex, early maturing girls have higher self-esteem than such girls in the United States. Furthermore, the consequences of early maturation vary even within the United States, depending on the views of girls' peer groups and on prevailing community standards regarding sex (Petersen, 2000; Giire, U;anok, & Sayil, 2006). Late Maturation As with early maturers, the situation for late maturers is mixed, al though here boys fare worse than girls. Boys who are smaller and lighter tend to be considered less attractive. Being small, they are at a disadvantage in sports activities. They may also suffer socially because boys are expected to be taller than their dates. If these difficulties diminish a boy's self-concept, the disadvantages of late maturation could extend well into adulthood. Coping with the challenges of late maturation may actually help males, however. Late-maturing boys grow up to be assertive and insight ful, and are more creatively playful than early maturers (Kaltiala-Heino, Kosunen, & Rimpela, 2003; Skoog, 2013; Benoit, Lacourse, & Claes, 2014).

The picture for late-maturing girls is generally positive even though they may be over looked in dating and other mixed-sex activities during junior high and middle school and may have relatively low social status. In fact, late-maturing girls may suffer fewer emo tional problems. Before they reach lOth grade and have begun to mature visibly, they are more apt to fit the slender, "leggy" body type society idealizes than their early maturing peers, who tend to look heavier in comparison (Karninaga, 2007; Leen-Feldmer et al., 2008).

The reactions to early and late maturation paint a complex picture. As we have seen, an individual's development is affected by a constellation of factors. Some devel opmentalists suggest that changes in peer groups, family dynamics, and particularly schools and other societal institutions may determine an adolescent's behavior more than age of maturation and the effects of puberty in general (Mendle et al., 2007; Spear, 2010; Hubley & Arim, 2012).

Nutrition, Food, and Eating Disorders: Fueling the Growth of Adolescence

LO 6.2 Analyze the nutritional needs and concerns of adolescents.

At 1 6, Ariel Porter was pretty, outgoing, and popular. But when a boy she liked kidded her about having thighs like "tree trunks," she took it seriously. She began to obsess about food , using her mom's food scale to weigh everything that went into her mouth. She kept charts to portion sizes and calories, cutting her food into tiny morsels and then leaving most of it on her plate.

In a few months, Ariel went from 1 1 0 pounds to 90. Her hi ps and ri bs became clearly vis ible, and her fingers and knees ached constantly. She stopped menstruating, and her fin gernails broke easily. Still, Ariel insisted she was overweight. It wasn't until her older sister returned from college that Ariel believed she had a problem. Her sister took one look at her, gasped audibly, and broke down crying.

Ariel 's problem was a severe eating disorder, anorexia nervosa. As we have seen, the cultural ideal of slim and fit favors late-developing girls. But when development does occur, how do girls, and increasingly, boys, cope with an image in the mirror that deviates from the pop ular media ideal?

Adolescence 265

The rapid physical growth of adolescence is fueled by an increase in food consumption. Particularly during the growth spurt, adolescents eat substantial quantities of food, increasing their intake of calories rather dramati cally. During the teenage years, the average girl requires some 2,200 calories a day, and the average boy requires 2,800. Of course, not just any calories nourish this growth. Several nutrients are essential, particularly calcium and iron. Milk and certain vegetables provide calcium for bone growth, and calcium may prevent osteoporosis the thinning of bones-that affects 25 percent of women in later life. Iron is also necessary because iron-deficiency anemia is not uncommon among teenagers.

Obesity has become the most common nutritional concern during

adolescence. In addition to issues of health, what are some psychological

concerns about obesity in adolescence?

For most adolescents, the major issue is eating a sufficient balance of nutritious foods. Two extremes of nutrition concern a substantial minority and can create real threats to health: obesity and eating disorders like the one afflicting Ariel Porter.

OBESITY The most common nutritional concern in adolescence is obesity. One in five adolescents is overweight (having a body mass index-BMI-between the 85th and 95th percentile of adolescents of the same age and sex, and 1 in 20 can be classified as obese (a BMI at or above the 95th percentile for adolescents of the same age and sex). The pro portion of females who are classified as obese increases over the course of adolescence (Kimm et al., 2003; Mikulovic et al., 2011; U.S. Preventive Services Task Force, 2017).

Adolescents are obese for the same reasons as younger children, but special con cerns with body image may have severe psychological consequences at this age. The potential health consequences of obesity during adolescence are also problematic. Obesity taxes the circulatory system, increasing the risk of high blood pressure and diabetes. Obese adolescents also have an 80 percent chance of becoming obese adults (Huang et al., 2013; Morrison et al., 2015; Gowey et al., 2016).

Lack of exercise is a major culprit. One survey found that by the end of the teen age years, few females get much exercise outside of school physical education classes. In fact, the older they get, the less they exercise. This is especially true for older black female adolescents, more than half of whom report no physical exercise outside of school, compared with about a third of white adolescents (Nicholson & Browning, 2012; Puterman et al., 2016; Kornides et al., 2018).

Additional reasons for the high rate of obesity during adolescence include the easy availability of fast foods, which deliver large portions of high-calorie, high-fat cuisine at prices adolescents can afford. Furthermore, many adolescents spend a significant proportion of their leisure time inside their homes watching television, playing video games, and surfing the Web. Such sedentary activities not only keep adolescents from exercising, but they often are accompanied by snacks of junk foods (Thivel et al., 2011;

Laska et al., 2012; Bailey-Davis et al., 2017).

ANOREXIA NERVOSA AND BULIMIA NERVOSA Fear of fat and of growing obese can create its own problems-for example, Ariel Porter suffered from anorexia nervosa, a severe eating disorder in which individuals refuse to eat. A troubled body image leads some adolescents to deny that their behavior and appearance, which may become skeletal, are out of the ordinary.

Anorexia is a dangerous psychological disorder; some 15 to 20 percent of its victims starve themselves to death. It primarily afflicts women between the ages of 12 and 40; intelligent, successful, and attractive white adolescent girls from afflu ent homes are the most susceptible. Anorexia is also becoming a problem for boys; about 10 percent of victims are male. This percentage is rising and is often associated with the use of steroids. Because of cultural expectations, males are less likely to seek

anorexia nervosa a severe eating disorder in which in dividuals refuse to eat, while denying that their behavior and appearance, which may become skeletal, are out of the ordinary

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This young woman suffers from

anorexia nervosa, a severe eating

disorder in which people refuse to eat,

while denying that their behavior and

appearance are out of the ordinary.

bulimia nervosa an eating disorder characterized by binges on large quantities o f food, followed b y purges of the food through vomiting o r the use of laxatives

treatment for eating disorders (Schecklmann et al., 2012; Herpertz-Dahlmann, 2015; Austen & Griffiths, 2018).

Though they eat little, anorexics tend to focus their lives on food. They may shop often, collect cookbooks, talk about food, or cook huge meals for others. They may be incredibly thin but their body images are so distorted that they see them selves as disgustingly fat and try to lose more weight. Even when they grow skeletal, they cannot see what they have become.

Bulimia nervosa, another eating disorder, is characterized by binge eating, con suming large amounts of food, followed by purging through vomiting or the use of laxatives. Bulimics may eat an entire gallon of ice cream or a whole package of tor tilla chips, but then feel such powerful guilt and depression that they intentionally rid themselves of the food. The disorder poses real risks. Though a bulimia nervosa sufferer 's weight remains fairly normal, the constant vomiting and diarrhea of the binge-and-purge cycles may produce a chemical imbalance that triggers heart failure.

Why eating disorders occur is not clear, but several factors may be at work. Dieting often precedes the onset of eating disorders because society exhorts even normal-weight individuals to be ever thinner. Losing weight may lead to feelings of control and success that encourage more dieting. Girls who mature early and have a higher level of body fat are more susceptible to eating disorders in later adolescence as they try to trim their mature bodies to fit the cultural ideal of a thin, boyish physique. Adolescents who are clinically depressed are also prone to develop eating disorders later (Wade & Watson, 2012; Schvey, Eddy, & Tanofsky-Kraff, 2016; Paans et al., 2018).

Some experts suggest that a biological cause may underlie both anorexia ner vosa and bulimia nervosa. Twin studies suggest genetic components are involved. In addition, hormonal imbalances sometimes occur in sufferers (Baker et al., 2009; Keski Rahkonen et al., 2013; Xu et al., 2017).

Other attempts to explain eating disorders emphasize psychological and social factors. For instance, some experts suggest that the disorders are a result of perfection istic, overdemanding parents or by-products of other family difficulties. Culture also plays a role. Anorexia nervosa, for instance, is found primarily in cultures that idealize slender female bodies. Because in most places such a standard does not hold, anorexia is not prevalent outside the United States (Bennett, 2008; Bodell, Joiner, & Ialongo, 2012; Lewis et al., 2018).

For example, anorexia is relatively rare in Asia, with the exceptions of areas in which Western influence is greatest. Furthermore, anorexia nervosa is a fairly recent disorder. It was not seen in the 17th and 18th centuries, when the ideal of the female body was a plump corpulence. The increasing number of boys with anorexia in the

United States may be related to a growing emphasis on a mus cular male physique that features little body fat (Mangweth,

Figure 6 - 3 Pruning Gray Matter Hausmann, & Walch, 2004; Greenberg, Cwikel, & Mirsky, As ch ildren grow into adulthood, gray matter is pruned from the 2007; Pearson, Combs, & Smith, 2010). brai n . These composite scans show changes i n gray matter and other physical changes i n the cortex from age 4 through 2 1 .

SOURCE: Gogtay et al., 2004.

Brain Development and Thought: Paving the Way for Cognitive Growth

LO 6.3 Explain the relationship between brain development and cognitive growth in adolescents.

Teenagers tend to assert themselves more as they gain greater independence. This independence is, in part, the result of changes in the brain that bring significant advances in cogni tive abilities. As the number of neurons (the cells of the ner vous system) continues to grow, and their interconnections become richer and more complex, adolescent thinking be comes more sophisticated (Toga & Thompson, 2003; Petanjek et al., 2008; Blakemore, 2012).

The brain produces an oversupply of gray matter dur ing adolescence, which is later pruned back by 1 to 2 per cent each year (see Figure 6-3). Myelination-the process

of insulating nerve cells with fat cells-increases, making the transmission of neural messages more efficient. Both pruning and increased myelination contribute to the growing cognitive abilities of ad olescents (Sowell et al., 2003; Mychasluk & Metz, 2016; Oyefiade et al., 2018).

The prefrontal cortex of the brain, which is not fully developed until the early 20s, undergoes con siderable development during adolescence. The prefrontal cortex allows people to think, evaluate, and make complex judgments in a uniquely human way. It underlies the increasingly complex intellectual achievements that are possible during adolescence.

At this stage, the prefrontal cortex becomes in creasingly efficient in communicating with other parts of the brain, creating a communication system that is more distributed and sophisticated, which permits the different areas of the brain to process information more effectively (Scherf, Sweeney, & Luna, 2006; Hare et al., 2008; Wiggins et al., 2014).

The prefrontal cortex also provides impulse con trol. An individual with a fully developed prefrontal cortex is able to inhibit the desire to act on such emo tions as anger or rage. In adolescence, however, the prefrontal cortex is biologically immature; the ability to inhibit impulses is not fully developed (Weinberger, 2001; Steinberg & Scott, 2003; Eshel et al., 2007; Cao et al., 2018).

Adolescence 267

This brain immaturity may lead to some of the risky and impulsive behaviors that are characteristic of adolescence. Furthermore, some researchers theo rize that not only do adolescents underestimate the

The prefrontal cortex, the area of the brain responsible for impulse control,

is biologically immature during adolescence, leading to some of the risky

and impulsive behavior associated with the age group.

risks of risky behavior, but they also overestimate the rewards that will come from the behavior. A number of areas of the brain in developing adolescents make them more sensitive to social stimuli, which in turn makes risky behavior more rewarding, as well as making them more susceptible to the influence of their peers. It is not until they reach adulthood that adolescents learn to demonstrate greater self-regulation (Albert, Chein, & Steinberg, 2013; Smith, Chein, & Steinberg, 2013; Blankenstein et al., 2018).

SLEEP DEPRIVATION With increasing academic and social demands, adolescents go to bed later and get up earlier, leaving them sleep deprived. This deprivation coin cides with a shift in their internal clocks. Older adolescents have a need to go to bed later and to sleep later in the morning, requiring 9 hours of sleep to feel rested. Yet half of adolescents sleep 7 hours or less each night, and almost one in five gets less than 6 hours. Because they typically have early morning classes but don't feel sleepy until late at night, they end up getting far less sleep than their bodies crave (Wolfson & Richards, 2011; Dagys et al., 2012; Cohen-Zion et al., 2016).

Sleep-deprived teens have lower grades, are more depressed, and have greater dif ficulty controlling their moods. They are also at great risk for auto accidents (Roberts, Roberts, & Duong, 2009; Luo, Zhang, & Pan, 2013; de Bruin et al., 2017).

Threats to Adolescents' Well-Being It took a car crash to wake Tom Jansen u p - l iterally and figuratively. The police called at 1 2 :30 a.m. and told him to pick up his 1 3-year-old daughter at the hospital . The accident wasn't seri ous, but what Tom learned that night might have saved Roni's l ife. The pol ice found alcohol on her breath and on that of every other occupant of the car, including the driver.

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Tom always knew that someday he'd have to have the "alcohol and drug talk" with Roni, but h e had hoped it would be in high school, not midd le school. Thinki ng back, he now saw that he had been wrong to chalk up the classic signs of a drug or alcohol proble m school absences, declining grades, general l istlessness-to "adolescent angst." It was time to face facts.

He and Roni met with a counselor weekly for several months. At first Roni was hostile, but one evening she started sobbing while they were doing the dishes. Tom simply held her, never saying a word. But from that moment, he knew his Roni was back.

Tom Jansen learned that alcohol was not the only drug Roni was using. As her friends later admitted, Roni had all the signs of becoming what they called a "garbage head" - someone who would try anything. Had the accident never happened, Roni might have gotten into serious trouble or even lost her life.

Drugs, Alcohol, and Tobacco

LO 6.4 Describe major threats to adolescents from substance use and abuse.

Few cases of adolescent alcohol use produce such extreme results as mentioned in Roni's story, but the use of alcohol, as well as other kinds of substance use and abuse, is one of several health threats in adolescence, usually one of the healthiest periods of life. Although the extent of risky behavior is unknown, drugs, alcohol, and tobacco pose serious threats to adolescents' health and well-being.

DRUG ABUSE How commonly do adolescents use drugs during adolescence? Very. For example, 1 in 15 high school seniors smokes marijuana on a daily or near-daily basis. Furthermore, marijuana usage has remained at fairly high levels over the past decade, and attitudes about its use have become more positive as marijuana has been legalized in a number of states for adult usage (Johnston et al., 2016; Lipperman-Kreda & Grube, 2018; also see Figure 6-4).

Adolescents use drugs for many reasons. Some seek to get high and elevate their mood. Others hope to escape the pressures of everyday life, however temporarily. Some adolescents try drugs simply for the thrill of doing something illegal.

Other adolescents get hooked on drugs after being prescribed painkillers by phy sicians to treat a medical condition, and then find it difficult to stop. The drug use of well-known role models, such as movie stars and athletes, may also be enticing. And peer pressure plays a role: Adolescents are especially influenced by their peer groups (Nation & Heflinger, 2006; Young et al., 2006; Pandina, Johnson, & White, 2010).

Sometimes drugs are used illegally in an effort to enhance academic perfor mance. A growing number of high school students are using drugs such as Adderall,

Figure 6 - 4 Marijuana Use Remains Steady According to an annual survey, the proportio n of students reporti ng marijuana use over the past 1 2 months has remained steady at fairly high l evels.

SOURCE: Schulenberg et al., 2017.

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an amphetamine prescribed for attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. Adderall users assume it increases focus, and they think it increases the ability to study and allows them to study for long hours (Schwarz, 2012; Munro et al., 2017).

addictive drugs

Adolescence 269

The use of drugs poses several dangers. Some drugs are addictive. Addictive drugs produce a biological or psychological dependence, leading users to increasingly crave them.

With a biological addiction, the drug's presence becomes so common that the body cannot function in its absence. Addiction causes actual physical-and potentially lingering-changes in the nervous system. The drug may no longer provide a "high," but may be necessary to maintain the perception of normalcy (Hauser et al., 2017).

drugs that produce a biological or psychological dependence in users, leading to increasingly powerful cravings for them

Drugs also can produce psychological addiction. People grow to depend on drugs to cope with everyday stress. If used as an escape, drugs may prevent adolescents from confronting-and solving-the problems that led to drug use in the first place. Even casual use of less hazardous drugs can escalate to dangerous forms of substance abuse.

Adolescent drug use makes up a large part of the current opioid epidemic that is affecting the United States. As we will discuss later in the book, the rate of overdoses due to opioid use has increased dramatically in the past decade. (Opioids include both legally prescribed drugs such as codeine, fentanyl, and OxyContin, and illegal drugs such as heroin.) Almost 100 Americans die every day from an opioid overdose, and the number of drug overdose deaths among 15- to 19-year-olds increased 15 percent for males from 2014 to 2015, and 35 percent for females from 2013 to 2015 (Katz, 2017).

Whatever the reason for using drugs in the first place, drug addiction is among the most difficult of all behaviors to modify. Even with extensive treatment, addictive cravings are hard to suppress.

ALCOHOL: USE AND ABUSE Sixty-two percent of college students have something in common: They've consumed at least one alcoholic drink during the past 30 days. One third say they've had five or more drinks within the past 2 weeks, while 1 in 25 re port having 15 or more. High school students, too, are drinkers: More than 60 percent of high school seniors report having consumed alcohol by the end of high school, and 42 percent have done so by 8th grade. About 45 percent of 12th graders and quarter of 8th graders say that they have been drunk at least once in their lives (Ford, 2007; Johnston et al., 2016; Schulenberg et al., 2017).

Binge drinking is a particular problem on college campuses. Binge drinking is de fined for men as drinking five or more drinks in one sitting; for women, who tend to weigh less and whose bodies absorb alcohol less efficiently, binge drinking is defined as four drinks in one sitting. Surveys find that almost 40 percent of male college stu dents and 35 percent of female college students say they participated in binge drink ing during the previous 2 weeks (see Figure 6-5) (Cheng & Anthony, 2018; National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, 2018; Johnston et al., 2018).

Binge drinking affects even those who don't drink or drink very little. Two-thirds of lighter drinkers reported that they have been disturbed by drunken students while sleeping

Figure 6 - 5 Bi nge Drinking Among College Students Although bi nge drin ki ng has declined slightly si nce figures first began to be collected i n the 1 980s (at least among males), the overall percentage of 1 9- to 22-year-old college students who report having engaged i n binge drin king i n the past 2 weeks remains high. Why is binge drinking so common?

SOURCE: Johnston et al., 2 0 1 8.

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270 Chapter 6

alcoholics people with alcohol problems who have learned to depend on alco hol and are unable to control their drinking

or studying. Around a third have been insulted or humiliated by a drunken student, and 25 percent of women between the ages of 18 and 24 report experiencing alcohol-related sexual assault or date rape (Squeglia et al., 2012; Herman-Kinney & Kinney, 2013; Spear et al., 2013; National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, 2018).

Furthermore, brain scans show damaged tissue in teenage binge drinkers com pared to non-binge drinkers. They have thinner and lower-volume regions in the pre frontal cortex and cerebellar regions, and their white matter is reduced. Such findings suggest that that alcohol has toxic effects on the brain during a period in which the brain is particularly susceptible to damage, and it may lead to permanent damage to the structure of neurons in the brain (Cservenka & Brumback, 2017; Kaarre et al., 2018).

There are many reasons adolescents drink. For some-especially male athletes, who tend to drink more than their peers-drinking is a way to prove their prow ess. As with drug use, others drink to release inhibitions and tension, and to reduce stress. Many begin because they believe everyone else is drinking heavily, something known as the false consensus effect (Dunn et al., 2012; Archimi & Kuntsche, 2014; Drane, Modecki, & Barber, 2017).

Some adolescents cannot control their alcohol use. Alcoholics learn to depend on alcohol and are unable to stop drinking. They develop an increasing tolerance for it, and they need to drink ever-larger amounts to get the positive effects they crave. Some drink throughout the day, and others go on binges.

Why some adolescents become alcoholics is not fully understood. Genetics plays a role: Alcoholism runs in families, though not all alcoholics have family members with alcohol problems. For adolescents with an alcoholic parent or family member, alcohol ism may be triggered by efforts to deal with the stress (Berenson, 2005; Clarke et al., 2008; Kendler et al., 2018).

Of course, the origins of an adolescent's alcohol or drug problems matter less than getting help. Parents, teachers, and friends can help a teen-if they realize there is a

problem. Some of the telltale signs are described in the Development in Your Life box.

Deve l o p m e nt i n Yo u r Life

Hooked on Drugs or Alcohol?

It is not always easy to know if an adolescent is abusing drugs or alcohol , but there are signals . Among them are the following:

Identification with the drug culture

• Drug-related magazines or slogans on clothi ng

• Conversation and jokes that involve drugs

• Hostility when discussing drugs

• Collection of beer cans

Signs of physical deterioration

• Memory lapses, short attention span, difficulty concen trating

• Poor physical coord ination , slurred or incoherent speech

• Unhealthy appearance, ind ifference to hygiene and grooming

• Bloodshot eyes, d ilated pupi ls

Dramatic changes in school performance

• Marked downturn in grades -not just from Cs to Fs, but from As to Bs and Cs; assignments not completed

• I n creased absenteeism or tardiness

Changes in behavior

• Chronic disho nesty (lying, stealing, cheating); trouble with the police

• Changes in friends; evasiveness i n talking about new friends

• Possession of large amounts of money

• Increasing and inappropriate anger, hostility, irritabi l ity, secretiveness

• Reduced motivation, energy, self-d isci pline, s elf-esteem

• Diminished interest in extracurricular activities and hobbies

(Adapted from Franck & Brownstone, 1 991 ; Johnston et al., 2007) If an adolescent-or anyone else-fits any of these descriptors, help is probably needed. Call the national hotline run by the National Institute on Drug Abuse at (800) 662-4357 or visit the Web site at www.nida.nih.gov. Yo u can also find a local listing for Alcoholics Anonymous online.

TOBACCO: THE DANGERS OF SMOKING Despite an awareness of the dangers of smoking, many adolescents indulge in it. Recent figures show that, overall, smoking is declining among adolescents, but the numbers remain substantial, and within cer tain groups, the numbers are increasing. Smoking is on the rise among girls, and in several countries, including Austria, Norway, and Sweden, more girls than boys are smoking. There are racial differences, too: White children and those of lower socioeco nomic status are more likely to experiment with cigarettes and to start smoking earlier than black children and those of higher socioeconomic status. Also, significantly more white males of high school age smoke than do their black male peers, although the dif ference is narrowing (Baker, Brandon, & Chassin, 2004; Fergusson et al., 2007; Proctor, Barnett, & Muilenburg, 2012).

Smoking is becoming a habit that is harder to maintain because there are growing social sanctions against it. It's becoming more difficult to find a comfortable place to smoke: More places, including schools and places of business, have become "smoke free." Even so, a good number of adolescents still smoke, despite knowing the dangers of smoking and of secondhand smoke. Why, then, do adolescents begin to smoke and maintain the habit?

One reason is that for some adolescents, smoking is seen as a rite of passage, a sign of growing up. In addition, seeing influential models, such as film stars, parents, and peers, smoking increases the chances that an adolescent will take up the habit. Cigarettes are also addictive. Nicotine, the active chemical ingredient of cigarettes, can produce biological and psychological dependency quickly. Although one or two ciga rettes do not usually produce a lifetime smoker, it takes only a little more to start the habit. In fact, people who smoke as few as 10 cigarettes early in their lives stand an 80 percent chance of becoming habitual smokers (Wills et al., 2008; Holliday & Gould, 2016; Azagba, 2018).

One of the newest trends in smoking is the use of e-cigarettes, known as vap ing. E-cigarettes are battery-powered cigarette-shaped devices that deliver nicotine that is vaporized to form a mist. Vaping has become quite prevalent among ado lescents; around one-fifth of 12th graders report vaping in the past year (Johnston et al., 2018).

Vaping appears to be less harmful than traditional cigarettes. However the health effects of vaping are unclear, although some research suggests that vaping during ado lescence increases the likelihood of smoking tobacco later in life, and the U.S. govern ment has sought to regulate the sale of e-cigarettes (Lanza, Russell, & Braymiller, 2017; Dunbar et al., 2018; Lee et al., 2018).

Sexually Transmitted Infections

LO 6.5 Describe the dangers that adolescent sexual practices can present.

One out of four adolescents contracts a sexually transmitted infection (STI) before graduating from high school. Four in 1 0 sexually active teenage girls have had an STI that has the potential for causing infertility. Overall, around 2.5 million teenagers con tract an STI each year (Forhan et al., 2009; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2017; also see Figure 6-6).

The most common STI is human papilloma virus (HPV). HPV can be transmitted through genital contact without intercourse. Most infections do not have symptoms, but HPV can produce genital warts and, in some cases, can lead to cervical cancer. A vaccine that protects against some kinds of HPV is now available. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends it be routinely administered to girls and boys 11 to 12 years of age-a recommendation that has provoked considerable politi cal reaction (Schwarz et al., 2012; Wilson et al., 2017).

Another common STI is trichomoniasis, an infection in the vagina or penis, which is caused by a parasite. Initially without symptoms, it can eventually cause a painful discharge. Chlamydia, a bacterial infection, starts with few symptoms, but later causes burning urination and a discharge from the penis or vagina. It can lead to pelvic inflammation and even to sterility. Chlamydia can be treated with antibiotics (Nockels & Oakshott, 1999; Fayers et al., 2003).

Adolescence 271

sexually transmitted infection {ST!) an infection that is spread through sexual contact

272 Chapter 6

Figure 6 - 6 Sexually Transm itted Infections (STls) Among Ado lescents Most new cases of sexually transmitted infections occur in youth and young adults.

SOURCE: Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, 2014.

Chlamydia, by age 40+ 4%

20-24 40%

Total new cases in 2012 = 1.422,976

Gonorrhea, by age

Total new cases in 2012 = 334,826

HIV diagnosis, by age

Total cases diagnosed in 201 1

= 49,273

Genital herpes is a virus not unlike the cold sores that appear around the mouth. Its first symptoms are often small blisters or sores around the genitals, which may break open and become quite painful. Although the sores may heal after a few weeks, the infection often recurs and the cycle repeats itself. When the sores reappear, this incur able infection is contagious.

Gonorrhea and syphilis are the oldest known STis, with cases recorded by ancient historians. Both infections were deadly before antibiotics, but they can now be treated effectively. Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome, or AIDS, is the deadliest of sexually transmitted diseases and a leading cause of death among young people. AIDS has no permanent cure, but treatments have improved greatly in recent years, and AIDS is no longer the sure death sentence that it used to be. Although it began as a prob lem that primarily affected homosexuals, it has spread to other populations, includ ing heterosexuals and intravenous drug users. Minorities have been particularly hard hit: African Americans and Hispanics account for 70 percent of new AIDS cases, and African American males have almost eight times the prevalence of AIDS as Caucasian males. Already, more than 35 million people have died from AIDS worldwide, and people living with the disease number 36 million worldwide (UNAIDS, 2018).

From a health-care provider's perspective: Why do adolescents' increased cognitive abilities, including the ability to reason and to think experi mentally, fail to deter them from abusing drugs and alcohol, using tobacco, and contracting STis? How might you use these abilities to design a program to pre vent these problems?

Short of abstinence, there is no certain way to avoid STis. However, there are ways to make sex safer; these are listed in Table 6-1.

Even with substantial sex education, the use of safer sex practices is far from uni versal. Teenagers believe their chances of contracting STis are minimal. This is particu larly true when they view their partner as "safe"-someone they know well and with whom they have had a relatively long-term relationship (Widman et al., 2014; Doull et al., 2017).

Unfortunately, unless one knows a partner's complete sexual history and STI sta tus, unprotected sex remains a risk. And that information is difficult to get. Not only is it embarrassing to ask, partners may not be accurate reporters, whether from igno rance of their own exposure, embarrassment, forgetfulness, or a desire for privacy. As a result, STis remain a significant problem.

Adolescence 273

Table 6-1 Safer Sex Practices

The only foolproof method of avoiding a sexually transmitted infection (STI) is abstinence. However, by following the "safer sex" practices listed, one can significantly reduce the risk of contracting an STI :

• Know your sexual partner-well. Before having sex with someone, learn about his or her sexual history. • Use condoms. For those in sexual relationships, condoms are the most reliable means of preventing

transmission of STls. In addition, dental dams (also called vaginal dams) can provide a precautionary barrier during oral sex.

• Avoid the exchange of bodily fluids, particularly semen. In particular, avoid anal intercourse. The AIDS virus in particular can spread through small tears in the rectum, making anal intercourse without con doms particularly dangerous. Oral sex, once thought relatively safe, is now viewed as potentially dangerous for contracting the AIDS virus.

• Stay sober. Using alcohol and drugs impairs judgment and can lead to poor decisions-and it makes using a condom correctly more difficult.

• Consider the benefits of monogamy. People in long-term, monogamous relationships with partners who have been faithful are at a lower risk of contracting STls.

Review, C h eck, and Apply

Review

LO 6.1 Describe the physical changes that adolescents experience.

Adolescence is a period of rapid physical growth, includ ing the changes puberty brings. Adolescents' responses to puberty range widely-from confusion to increased self esteem. Both boys and girls face positive as well as nega tive consequences regarding early and late maturation.

LO 6.2 Analyze the nutritional needs and concerns of adolescents.

Adequate nutrition is essential to fuel adolescents' physi cal growth. Changing physical needs and environmental pressures can cause obesity or eating disorders.

LO 6.3 Explain the relationship between brain develop- ment and cognitive growth in adolescents.

Changes in the brain during adolescence, including the ongoing development of the prefrontal cortex, bring sig nificant advances in cognitive abilities. For all its growth, though, the adolescent brain is not yet fully mature, lead ing to the conclusion that people younger than age 18 should not be subject to the death penalty.

Check Yourself

1. Which of the following is an example of a primary sex characteristic?

a. Growth of pubic hair b. Development of breasts c. Changes in the uterus d. Sudden increase in height

2. The most common nutritional concern in adolescence is ____ _

a. anorexia nervosa b. sleep deprivation c. bulimia nervosa d. obesity

LO 6.4 Describe major threats to adolescents from substance use and abuse.

The use of illegal drugs and alcohol is prevalent among adolescents as a way to find pleasure, avoid pressure, or gain the approval of peers. Some drugs popular among adolescents are addictive, producing either a physical or a psychological dependence. Binge drinking is a prob lem for drinkers and those around them, causing brain damage in the drinker and irresponsible or dangerous behavior toward others. The negative health effects of tobacco use are well-established. Despite this, adoles cents often smoke to enhance their image or to emulate adults.

LO 6.5 Describe the dangers that adolescent sexual practices can present.

One out of four adolescents contracts an STI before grad uating from high school. AIDS is the most serious of the STis. Safe sex practices or abstinence can prevent AIDS, but adolescents often ignore these strategies.

3. Adolescents may grow to depend on drugs to cope with the stresses they encounter every day. This is known as ____ _

a. binge drinking b. biological dependence c. compensatory drug use d. psychological dependence

4. _____ is the most common sexually transmitted infection.

a. Syphilis b. Human papilloma virus (HPV) c. Chlamydia d. Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS)

27 4 Chapter 6

Applying Lifespan Development

How might adolescents' concerns about self-image contribute to smoking and alcohol use?

M o d u l e 6 . 2 Cognitive Development in Adolescence

She grew up to be a lawyer, district attorney, and ultimately a Justice

of the Supreme Court, but Sonia Sotomayor did not start life at the

top. Born in New York City to Puerto Rican parents, Sotomayor lost

her father when she was 9. Although she was raised in poverty, she

excelled academically and graduated from Princeton University and Yale

Law School. After a distinguished legal career, she was appointed to the

Supreme Court, becoming the first Hispanic Justice.

The extrao rdinary success of Sonia Sotomayor is but one example of the

impressive inte llectual g rowth that occu rs du ring adolescence. I n fact, by

the end of this stage, adolescents match adults i n cognitive abilities in

majo r respects.

In this module, we examine adolescents' cognitive development. We

first consider the Piagetian approach, d iscussing how adolescents use

formal operatio ns to solve problems. We then look at a different viewpoint:

the increasing ly i nfluential information processing perspectives . We

consider the growth of metacognitive abi lities, through which ado lescents

gain awareness of their own thinking processes . We also look at th e

ways i n wh ich metacognition leads t o egocentrism and t h e invention of

personal fables.

The module then exami nes school perfo rmance . After discussi ng

the profou nd impact that socioeconomic status has on school

achievement, we consider school performance and ethnicity. We then

look at the impact cyberspace has on education, the ski lls students

must learn to use the Internet effectively, and the dangers posed by the

Internet. We close with a discussion of the role socioeconomic status

p lays in high school dropout rates.

Cognitive Development Ms. M ej ia smiled as she read a highly creative paper. As part of her eighth-grade American Government class, she asked students to write about what their lives would be like i f America had not won its war for independence from Britain. She had tried a similar task with her sixth graders, but many of them were unable to i magine anything other than what they knew. Her eighth graders, however, were inventi ng some interesting scenarios. One boy imagined himself as Lord Lucas; a girl imagined that she would serve a rich land owner; another that she would plot to overthrow the government.

What is it that sets adolescents' thinking apart from that of younger children? One of the major changes is the ability to think beyond the concrete, current situation to what might or could be. Adolescents are able to keep in their heads a variety of abstract pos sibilities, and they can see issues in relative, as opposed to absolute, terms. Instead of viewing problems as having black-and-white solutions, they are capable of perceiving shades of gray.

Once again we can use several alternate approaches, based on different theories, to explain adolescents' cognitive development. We'll begin by returning to Piaget's theory, which has had a significant influence on how developmentalists think about thinking during adolescence.

Piagetian Approaches to Cognitive Development: Using Formal Operations

LO 6.6 Analyze Piaget's account of adolescent cognitive development.

Leigh, age 14, is asked to solve a problem: What determines the speed at which a pen dulum moves back and forth? Leigh is given a weight hanging from a string and told that she can vary several things: the length of the string, the weight of the object, the amount of force used to push the string, and the height to which the weight is raised in an arc before it is released.

Leigh doesn't remember, but she was asked to solve the same problem at age 8 as part of a longitudinal research study. She was then in the concrete operational period, and her efforts were not successful. Her haphazard approach showed no systematic plan of action. For instance, she simultaneously tried to push the pendulum harder and shorten the length of the string and increase the weight on the string. Because she varied so many factors at once, when the pendulum's speed changed, she had no way of knowing what had made the difference.

Now, Leigh is more systematic. Rather than immediately pushing and pulling at the pendulum, she stops to think about which factors to consider. She ponders how she might test which factor is important, forming a hypothesis. Then, just as a scientist conducts an experiment, she varies only one factor at a time. By examining each vari able separately and systematically, she comes to the correct solution: The length of the string determines the speed of the pendulum.

USING FORMAL OPERATIONS TO SOLVE PROBLEMS Leigh's approach to the pendulum question, a problem devised by psychologist Jean Piaget, shows she has moved into the formal operational period of cognitive development (Piaget & Inhelder, 1958). In the formal operational stage people develop the ability to think abstractly. Piaget suggested that people reach it at the start of adolescence, around age 12.

Adolescents can consider problems in abstract rather than concrete terms by using formal principles of logic. They can test their understanding by systematically conducting rudimentary experiments and observing the results. Thus, the adolescent Leigh could think about the pendulum problem abstractly, and she understood how to test her hypotheses.

Adolescents are able to use formal reasoning, starting with a general theory about what causes a certain outcome and then deducing explanations for the situations in which that outcome occurs. Like scientists who form hypotheses, discussed in Chapter 1, they can test their theories. What distinguishes this kind of thinking from previous stages is the ability to start with the abstract and move to the concrete; in previous stages, children are tied to the concrete present. At age 8, Leigh just moved things around to see what would happen in the pendulum problem, a concrete approach. At age 12, she began with the abstract idea that each variable should be tested separately.

Adolescents also can use propositional thought during this stage. Propositional thought is reasoning that uses abstract logic in the absence of concrete examples. Such thinking allows adolescents to understand that if certain premises are true, then a conclusion must also be true. For example:

All men are mortal. Socrates is a man. Therefore, Socrates is mortal.

[premise] [premise] [conclusion]

Adolescents understand that if both premises are true, then so is the conclusion. They are capable of using similar reasoning when premises and conclusions are stated more abstractly, as follows:

All As are B. C is an A. Therefore, C is a B.

[premise] [premise] [conclusion]

Although Piaget proposed that the formal operational stage begins at the onset of adolescence, he also hypothesized that-as with all the stages-full cognitive

Adolescence 275

formal operational stage the period at which people develop the ability to think abstractly

276 Chapter 6

capabilities emerge gradually through a combi nation of physical maturation and environmental experiences. It is not until around age 15, Piaget says, that adolescents fully settle into the formal operational stage.

In fact, evidence suggests that many people hone these skills at a later age, and some never fully employ them at all. Most studies show that only 40 to 60 percent of college students and adults achieve formal operational think ing completely, with some estimates as low as 25 percent. But many adults who do not use formal operational thought in every domain are fully competent in some respects (Sugarman,

e 1988; Keating, 2004). � The culture in which they are raised affects

Like scientists who form hypotheses, adolescents in the formal operational how adolescents use formal operations. People

stage use systematic reasoning. They start with a general theory about what with little formal education, who live in iso- produces a particular outcome and then deduce explanations for specific lated, technologically unsophisticated societies, situations in which they see that particular outcome. are less likely to use formal operations than for-

mally educated people in more sophisticated societies (Segall et al., 1990; Commons, Galaz-Fontes, & Morse, 2006; Asadi, Amiri, & Molavi, 2014).

It is not that adolescents (and adults) from cultures using few formal opera tions are incapable of attaining them. It is more likely that what characterizes formal operations-scientific reasoning-is not equally valued in all societies. If everyday life does not require or promote a certain type of reasoning, it is not likely that people will use such reasoning when confronting a problem (Gauvain, 1998).

THE CONSEQUENCES OF ADOLESCENTS' USE OF FORMAL OPERATIONS The ability to reason abstractly, to use formal operations, changes adolescents' everyday behavior. Whereas before they may have blindly accepted rules and explanations, their increased abstract reasoning abilities may lead to strenuous questioning of their parents and other authority figures.

In general, adolescents become more argumentative. They enjoy using abstract reasoning to poke holes in others' explanations, and their increased critical thinking abilities zero in on parents' and teachers' perceived shortcomings. For instance, they may see their parents' arguments against using drugs as inconsistent if their parents used drugs in adolescence without consequence. But adolescents can be indecisive, too, because they are able to see the merits of multiple sides to issues (Elkind, 1996; Alberts et al., 2007; Knoll et al., 2017).

Coping with these new critical abilities can be challenging for parents, teachers, and other adults who deal with adolescents. But it makes adolescents more inter esting because they actively seek to understand the values and justifications they encounter.

EVALUATING PIAGET'S APPROACH Each time we've considered Piaget's theory, several concerns have arisen. Let's summarize some of them here:

• Piaget suggests that cognitive development proceeds in universal, step-like stages. Yet significant differences exist in cognitive abilities from one person to the next, especially when we compare individuals from different cultures. We also find in consistencies within the same individual. People indicate they have reached a cer tain level of thinking in some tasks but not others. If Piaget were correct, a person ought to perform uniformly well on reaching a given stage (Siegler, 2007).

• The Piagetian notion of stages suggests that cognitive growth occurs in relatively rapid shifts from one stage to the next. Many developmentalists, however, argue that cognitive development is more continuous-increasing in quantitative accu mulations rather than qualitative leaps forward. They also contend that Piaget's theory better describes behavior at a given stage than explains why the shift to a new stage occurs (Case, 1999; Birney & Sternberg, 2006).

• Citing the nature of the tasks Piaget used to measure cognitive abilities, critics suggest that he underestimated the age at which certain abilities emerge. It is now widely accepted that infants and children are more sophisticated than Piaget as serted (Siegler, 2007; Siegler & Lin, 2010).

• Some developmentalists argue that formal operations are not the epitome of thinking and that more sophisticated forms do not emerge until early adulthood. Developmental psychologist Giesela Labouvie-Vief (2006) argues that a complex society requires thought not necessarily based on pure logic. Instead, thinking must be flexible, allow for interpretive processes, and reflect the subtlety of cause and effect in real world events-something that Labouvie-Vief calls postformal thinking (Labouvie-Vief, 2006; Hamer & Van Rossum, 2016). These criticisms regarding Piaget's approach to cognitive development have

genuine merit. Yet Piaget's theory has inspired countless studies on the develop ment of thinking capacities and processes, and it also has spurred much class room reform. His bold statements about the nature of cognitive development sparked opposition that brought forth new approaches, such as the information processing perspective we examine next (Taylor & Rosenbach, 2005; Kuhn, 2008; Bibace, 2013).

Information Processing Perspectives: Gradual Transformations in Abilities

LO 6.7 Explain the information processing view of adolescent cognitive development.

From an information processing perspective, adolescents' cognitive abilities grow gradually and continuously. Unlike Piaget's view that increasing cognitive sophisti cation is a reflection of stagelike spurts, the information processing approach sees changes in adolescents' cognitive abilities as gradual transformations in the capacity to take in, use, and store information. Multiple progressive changes occur in the ways people organize their thinking, develop strategies to deal with new situations, sort facts, and advance in memory capacity and perceptual abilities (Pressley & Schneider, 1997; Wyer, 2004).

METACOGNIDON: THINKING ABOUT THINKING Adolescents' general intelligence- as measured by traditional IQ tests-remains stable, but dramatic improvements occur in the specific abilities that underlie intelligence. Verbal, mathematical, and spatial abilities in crease. Memory capacity grows, and adolescents become adept at handling more than one stimulus at a time-as when they study for a biology test while streaming music.

As Piaget noted, adolescents grow increasingly sophisticated in understanding problems, grasping abstract concepts and hypothetical thinking, and comprehending the possibilities inherent in situations. This permits them, for instance, to endlessly dissect the course their relationships might hypothetically take.

Adolescents know more about the world, too. Their store of knowledge increases as the amount of material they are exposed to grows and their memory capacity en larges. In sum, mental abilities markedly improve during adolescence (Kail, 2004; Kail & Miller, 2006; Atkins et al., 2012).

According to information processing theories of cognitive development, one of the main reasons for adolescents' advances in mental abilities is the growth of metacogni tion. Metacognition is the knowledge of one's own thinking processes and the ability to monitor one's own cognition. Although younger children can use some metacogni tive strategies, adolescents are much more adept at understanding their own mental processes.

For example, as their understanding of their memory capacity improves, adoles cents can better gauge how long they need to memorize given material for a test. They also can judge when the material is fully memorized much more accurately than in younger days. Their improved metacognition permits adolescents to comprehend and master school material more effectively (Rahko et al., 2016; Zakrzewski, Johnson, & Smith, 2017; Shute et al., 2018).

Adolescence 277

information processing approach the model that seeks to identify the way that individuals take in, use, and store information

metacognition the knowledge that people have about their own thinking processes and their ability to monitor their cognition

278 Chapter 6

adolescent egocentrism a state of self-absorption in which the world is viewed from one's own point of view

imaginary audience an adolescent's belief that his or her own behavior is a primary focus o f others' attention and concerns

personal fables the view held by some adolescents that what happens to them is unique, exceptional, and shared by no one else

These new abilities also can make adolescents deeply introspective and self conscious-two characteristics which, as we see next, may produce a high degree of egocentrism.

EGOCENTRISM IN THINKING: ADOLESCENTS' SELF-ABSORPTION Carlos thinks his parents are "control freaks"; he cannot figure out why they insist he call and let them know where he is when he borrows the car. Jeri views Molly's purchase of earrings just like hers as the ultimate compliment, even though Molly may have been unaware Jeri had a similar pair when she bought them. Lu is upset with his biology teacher for giving a long, difficult midterm exam on which he did poorly.

Adolescents' newly sophisticated metacognitive abilities make them readily imagine that others are focused on them, and they may create elaborate scenarios about others' thoughts. This is the source of the egocentrism that can dominate ado lescents' thinking. Adolescent egocentrism is a state of self-absorption in which the world is seen as focused on oneself. This egocentrism makes adolescents highly critical of authority figures, hostile to criticism, and quick to find fault with others' behavior (Schwartz, Maynard, & Uzelac, 2008; Inagaki, 2013; Rai et al., 2014; Lin, 2016).

Adolescents may develop an imaginary audience, fictitious observers who pay as much attention to their behavior as they do themselves. Unfortunately, these scenarios suffer from the same kind of egocentrism as the rest of their thinking. For instance, a student sitting in a class may be sure a teacher is focusing on her, and a teenager at a basketball game may be convinced that everyone is staring at the pimple on his chin.

Egocentrism leads to a second distortion in thinking: that one's experiences are unique. Adolescents develop personal fables, the view that what happens to them is unique, exceptional, and shared by no other. Teenagers whose romantic relationships have ended may feel that no one has ever hurt the way they do, that no one was ever treated so badly, and that no one can understand their pain (Alberts et al., 2007; Rai et al., 2016).

From a social worker's perspective: In what ways does egocentrism complicate adolescents' social and family relationships? Do adults entirely outgrow egocentrism and personal fables?

Personal fables may make adolescents feel invulnerable to the risks that threaten others. They may see no need to use condoms during sex because, in the personal fables they construct, pregnancy and STis only happen to other kinds of people, not to them. They may drink and drive because in their personal fables they are careful driv

ers, always in control (Greene et al., 2000; Vartanian, 2000; Reyna & Farley, 2006).

School Performance

Adolescents' personal fables may lead them to feel invulnerable and to

engage in risky behavior, like these Brazilian boys (known as "surfistas")

riding on the roof of a high-speed train.

Jared Camber is annoyed. His iPhone has stopped synching to the Web and now he has to pull out his earbuds, put his calculus textbook down, and pause the game he's playing on his PlayStation 4. He fiddles with the iPhone and finally gets it working. As he puts his earbuds back in and returns to his calculus book and video game, he shouts to his fa ther to find out the score of the basketball game he hears playing in the next room. To his surprise, his father answers that he doesn't know because he's been reading a book instead of paying attention. Jared rolls his eyes and silently judges his dad a bit dimwitted for being unable to do both things at the same time.

Adolescent School Performance: A Complex Picture

LO 6.8 Describe major factors that affect adolescent school performance.

Jared's ability at age 17 to listen to music, do his homework, and play a video game all at the same time may or may not signal some kind of advance over his father's limited focus on one thing at a time. In part, Jared's talent for multitasking is surely as a result of the different eras in which he and his father were raised, but it may also be partly attributable to the cognitive changes that accompanied his advance into adolescence. Think of it this way: It is possible that Jared actually can perform more mental tasks simultaneously than his father, but it is certain that he can do more tasks well than he could do just a few years earlier.

Do the advances in adolescents' metacognition, reasoning, and other cognitive abilities lead to improved school performance? If we use grades as the measure of performance, the answer is yes. High school students' grades have risen in the past decade. The mean high school grade point average went up from 3.27 to 3.38 from 1998 to 2016. And the greatest amount of grade inflation occurred in high schools with students who are wealthier, and where most students are white (College Board, 2005; Buckley, Letukas, & Wildavsky, 2018).

At the same time, independent measures of achievement, such as SAT scores, have not risen. A more likely explanation for the higher grades is the phenomenon of grade inflation: Students have not changed; instead, instructors are awarding higher grades for the same performance (Cardman, 2004).

Further evidence for grade inflation comes from the relatively poor achievement of students in the United States when compared to students in other countries. For instance, students in the United States score lower on standardized math and science tests when compared to students in other industrialized countries (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development [OECD], 2014; Desilver, 2017; see Figure 6-7).

There is no single reason for this achievement gap, but a combination of factors, such as less class time and less intensive instruction, is at work. The broad diversity of the U.S. school population also may affect performance relative to other countries in which the school population is more homogeneous and affluent (Stedman, 1997; Schemo, 2001).

Figure 6- 7 U . S . Math Perfo rmance Compared with Other Countries When compared to the math performance of students across the world , U.S. students perform at below-average levels.

SOURCE: Based on Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development [OECD], 2014.

Shanghai Korea Japan

Switzerland Netherlands

Finland Canada

Germany Austria

Australia Denmark

New Zealand France

U.K. Iceland

Norway U.S.

Sweden 0 100 200 300 400

554 536 531

523 5 1 9 5 1 8 5 1 4

506 504 500 500 495 494

I 493

I 489 I

481 478

500 600

6 1 3

700

Adolescence 279

280 Chapter 6

The poorer accomplishments of U.S. students is also reflected in high school graduation rates. Although the United States once stood first in the percentage of the population graduating from high school, it has dropped to 24th among industrialized countries. Only 79 percent of U.S. high school students graduate-a rate considerably lower than those of other developed countries. Certainly, as we discuss next, differences in socioeconomic status are reflected in school performance within the United States (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development [OECD], 1998, 2001, 2014).

SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS AND SCHOOL PERFORMANCE: INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN ACHIEVEMENT All students are entitled to an equal education, but some groups enjoy more advantages than others, as the relationship between educational achievement and socioeconomic status (SES) clearly indicates.

Middle- and high-SES students, on average, earn higher grades, score higher on standardized achievement tests, and complete more years of school than students from lower-SES homes. This disparity does not start in adolescence; the same findings hold for children in lower grades. However, by high school, the effects of socioeco nomic status are more pronounced (Tucker-Drob & Harden, 2012; Roy & Raver, 2014; Li, Allen, & Casillas, 2017).

Why do children from middle- and high-SES homes show greater academic suc cess? Children living in poverty lack many of the advantages of their more affluent peers. Moreover, their nutrition and health may be poorer. If they live in crowded conditions or attend inadequate schools, they may have few places to study. Their homes may lack the books and computers common in more affluent households (Chiu & McBride-Chang, 2006; Wamba, 2010; Cross et al., 2018).

For these reasons, impoverished students may be disadvantaged from their first day of school. As they grow up, their school performance may continue to lag and, in fact, the difference may snowball. High school success builds heavily on basic skills presumably learned previously. Children who experience early problems may find themselves falling ever further behind (Biddle, 2001; Hoff, 2012; Duncan, Magnuson,

& Votruba-Drzal, 2017). ETHNIC AND RACIAL DIFFERENCES IN SCHOOL ACHIEVEMENT Significant achievement differences between ethnic and racial groups paint a troubling picture of American education. School achievement data indicate that, on average, African American and Hispanic students perform at lower levels, receive lower grades, and score lower on standardized achievement tests than Caucasian students. In con trast, Asian American students tend to earn higher grades than Caucasian students (Frederickson & Petrides, 2008; Shernoff & Schmidt, 2008; Byun & Park, 2012; Kurtz Costes, Swinton, & Skinner, 2014).

Socioeconomic factors create much of the ethnic and racial differences in academic achievement. More African American and Hispanic families live in poverty, and this fact may affect their children's school performance. In fact, when we compare different eth nic and racial groups at the same socioeconomic level, achievement differences diminish but do not vanish (Meece & Kurtz-Costes, 2001; Cokley, 2003; Guerrero et al., 2006).

Anthropologist John Ogbu argues that certain minority groups may perceive school success as relatively unimportant. They may believe societal prejudice in the workplace dictates that they will not succeed, no matter how hard they try. They may conclude that effort in school will have no eventual payoff (Ogbu, 1992; Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012).

Ogbu suggests that minority group members who enter a new culture voluntarily are more likely to succeed in school than those brought into a new culture against their will. He notes that the sons and daughters of voluntary Korean immigrants to the United States tend to be quite successful in school. In contrast, Korean children in Japan, whose parents were forced to immigrate during World War II and work as forced laborers, tend to do poorly in school. Involuntary immigration apparently leaves lasting scars, reducing the motivation to succeed in subsequent generations. Ogbu suggests that in the United States, the involuntary immigration as slaves of the ancestors of many African American students might be related to their motivation to succeed (Ogbu, 1992; Toldson & Lemmons, 2013; Ogunyemi, 2017).

From an educator's perspective: Why might descendants of people who were forced to immigrate to a country be less successful academically than those who came voluntarily? What approaches might be used to overcome this obstacle?

Another factor has to do with attributions for academic success. As we discussed previously, students from many Asian cultures tend to relate achievement to situa tional factors such as their effort. In contrast, African American students are apt to at tribute success to external causes beyond their control, such as luck or societal biases. Students who believe effort leads to success, and expend that effort, are likely to do better in school than students who do not believe effort matters (Saunders, Davis, & Williams, 2004; Hannover et al., 2013).

Adolescents' beliefs about the consequences of poor school performance may also contribute to racial and ethnic differences. Specifically, African American and Hispanic students may believe they can succeed despite poor performance. This be lief can cause them to expend less effort. In contrast, Asian American students may believe that they must do well in school to get a good job and be successful. Asian Americans, then, are motivated to work hard for fear of the consequences (Murphy et al., 2010).

DROPPING OUT OF SCHOOL Most students complete high school, but some half a million students each year drop out before graduating. The consequences are severe. High school dropouts earn 42 percent less than graduates, and their unemployment rate is 50 percent.

Adolescents leave school for a variety of reasons. Some leave because of preg nancy or problems with the English language. Some must leave for economic reasons, needing to support themselves or their families.

Dropout rates differ according to gender and ethnicity. Males are more likely to drop out than females. Although the dropout rate for all ethnicities has been declin ing in recent decades, Hispanic and black students still are less likely to finish high school than non-Hispanic white students. However, not all minority groups show higher dropout rates; for example, Asians drop out at a lower rate than Caucasians (Bowers, Sprott, & Taff, 2013; U.S. Department of Education, 2015; National Center for Educational Statistics, 2016a).

Poverty largely determines whether a student completes high school. Students from lower-income households are three times more likely to drop out than those from middle- and upper-income households. Because economic success is so dependent on education, dropping out often perpetuates a cycle of poverty (National Center for Education Statistics, 2016b).

Adolescents' Media Use: Screen Time in the Digital Age

LO 6.9 Explain the nature and consequences of the use of media by adolescents.

Most adolescents make use of social media and other technologies to a staggering de gree. According to a comprehensive survey using a sample of boys and girls 8 to 18 years old conducted by the Kaiser Family Foundation (a well-respected think tank), young people spend an average of 6.5 hours a day with media. Furthermore, because around a quarter of the time they are using more than one form of medium simultane ously, they are actually being exposed to the equivalent of 8.5 hours per day (Rideout, Foehr, & Roberts, 2010; Twenge, Martin, & Spitzberg, 2018).

The amount of media use can be extraordinary. For example, some teenagers send nearly 30,000 texts a month, often carrying on multiple conversations simul taneously. The use of texting often supplants other forms of social interaction, such as telephone calls or even face-to-face interactions. In fact, one recent survey found that two-thirds of teenagers report preferring to communicate with their friends via a text than in person (Lenhart, 2010; Richtel, 2010; Rideout & Robb, 2018; see Figure 6-8).

Adolescence 281

282 Chapter 6

Figure 6 - 8 Don't Talk to Me, Text Me Instead Adolescents are also likely to use multiple

social platforms, with Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat being most popular. There are also gender differences; boys are more likely to use Facebook, while girls are more likely to

In 2 0 1 8 , more teenagers say they would rather text a friend than talk with them i n person, a significant change from 201 2 .

SOURCE: R ideout & Robb, 2018.

0 % 1 0

Texting

In person

Video chatting

Talking on the phone

Other

20 30 40 50 use visually oriented platforms such as Tumblr, Pinterest, and Instagram. Both boys and girls have few privacy concerns: Surveys show that nearly all share their names, birthdates, and photos of themselves. Finally, adolescents use social media to advance their romantic interests (Lenhart, Smith, & Anderson, 2015; Office of Adolescent Health, 2016).

!'.] 2012 • 2018

For many adolescents, another form of social media involves engagement in online video games. In addition to their gaming as pects, video games provide a means to com municate with peers. Furthermore, some research suggests that video games provide cognitive stimulation. For example, even vio lent types of action or "shooter" video games produce improvements in attention, visual

processing, spatial skills, and mental rotation abilities (Green & Bavelier, 2012; Uttal et al., 2013; Kowal et al., 2018).

There are clear downsides to the social media use of adolescents. For example, some developmentalists suggest that the high frequency of social media use is related to a decline in face-to-face social competence. In this view, online involve ment reduces the opportunities to learn social skills. However, some aspects of social media use may actually help adolescents learn certain types of social skills and thereby enhance their overall social competence (Yang & Brown 2015; Reich, 2017).

Furthermore, some forms of online activities can be mean-spirited. For example, some teenagers make use of the Web to bully others-a process in which victims are repeatedly texted or e-mailed hurtful messages. The source of such cyberbullying can remain anonymous, and the messages may be particularly abusive. Although they do not inflict physical harm, they can be psychologically damaging (Best, Manktelow, & Taylor, 2014; Bartlett et al., 2017; Hood & Duffy, 2018).

The omnipresence of the Web allows adolescents to tap into a vast array of in formation. However, it is not yet obvious how Web access will change education or whether the impact will be uniformly positive. For instance, schools have had to change their curricula to include specific instruction in a key skill for deriving value from the Web: learning to sort through huge bodies of information to identify what is most useful and discard what is not. To obtain the full benefits of the Web, then, stu dents must obtain the ability to search, choose, and integrate information in order to create new knowledge (Trotter, 2004; Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2015).

Despite the substantial benefits of the Web, its use also has a downside. The Web makes material available that many parents and other adults find highly objectionable. In addition, there is a growing problem of Internet gambling. High school and college students can easily bet on sports events and participate in games such as poker on the Web using credit cards (King, Delfabbro, & Griffiths, 2010; Derevensky, Shek, & Merrick, 2010; Giralt et al., 2018).

The use of computers also presents a challenge involving socioeconomic status, race, and ethnicity. Poorer adolescents and members of minority groups have less access to computers than more affluent adolescents and members of socially advan taged groups-a phenomenon known as the digital divide (Olsen, 2009; Broadbent & Papadopoulos, 2013; Gonzales, 2016).

Review, C h eck, and Apply

Review

LO 6.6 Analyze Piaget's account of adolescent cognitive development.

Adolescence corresponds to Piaget's formal operations pe riod, a stage characterized by abstract reasoning and an ex perimental approach to problems. Because of their ability to reason abstractly, adolescents begin to question author ity and often become argumentative.

LO 6.7 Explain the information processing view of adolescent cognitive development.

According to the information processing perspective, cognitive advances in adolescence are quantitative and gradual because many aspects of thinking and memory improve. Growth in metacognition enables the moni toring of thought processes and mental capacities. Adolescents are susceptible to egocentrism and the perception that their behavior is constantly observed by an imaginary audience. They are likely to construct personal fables about their uniqueness and immunity to harm.

Check Yourself

1. Fifteen-year-old Wyatt is able to solve the physics problem from class in abstract rather than in concrete terms. According to Piaget, Wyatt is now capable of

a. preoperational thought b. formal operational thought c. egocentrism d. sensorimotor thought

2. is the knowledge that people have about their own thinking processes and their ability to moni tor their cognition.

a. Metacognition b. Postformal thinking c. Egocentrism d. Sensorimotor thought

Applying Lifespan Development

Adolescence 283

LO 6.8 Describe major factors that affect adolescent school performance.

Academic performance is linked in complex ways to socioeco nomic status, race, and ethnicity. Poorer performance by some groups of students is linked to lower socioeconomic status, which often leads to a lack of resources essential to learning. Both gender and ethnicity affect the incidence of dropping out, which is at a surprisingly high level in the United States.

LO 6.9 Explain the nature and consequences of the use of media by adolescents.

Adolescents spend a large amount of time using digital media. There are both benefits and risks in this phenomenon. Benefits include increased access to information and culture; risks include access to inappropriate and harmful materials and behaviors. A key problem with the growing importance of media in schools is the inequality of access to computers and the Internet. Poorer adolescents and members of minor ity groups usually have less access than more affluent ado lescents and members of more advantaged groups.

3. Because of the unfavorable comparison of U.S. stan dardized test scores to the scores of other countries, the gradual shift upward of adolescents' grades in the past decade has been attributed to ___ _

a. increased immigration b. grade inflation c. achievement deflation d. decreased motivation

4. The unequal access that adolescents have to educa tional computers and technology, depending on their socioeconomic status, race, and ethnicity, has been termed ___ _

a. the achievement gap b. cyberbullying c. the opportunity trap d. the digital divide

What sorts of external factors (i.e., not attributable to the students) might negatively affect the performance of U.S. students on international achievement tests?

284 Chapter 6

M o d u l e 6 . 3 Social and Personality Development i n Adolescence

Could satel lites in space h elp the visually impaired navigate through

daily life?

That's what Ameen Abdulrasool, when he was an 1 8-year-old

hig h school student, figured wh en he invented a system th at promises

independence for the visually impaired. Ameen , who attended high

school in Chicago, was inspired by automobi le navigation systems

that use Global Positioning System satell ites to help car drivers avoid

gettin g lost.

Ameen, whose fath er and several other relatives are blind ,

wanted to devise a system that would let the visually impaired know

where they were and how to reach particular destinations. To do

this, he put together an iPod-size instrument that would receive the

satellite signals, bracelets to be worn on each arm, and earphones.

After users prog ram in a destination , they receive voice commands

telling them what direction to turn . At the same time , the bracelets

vibrate to ind icate the right direction .

It took 3 years of trial and error, but the system has proven highly

effective. It prom ises to expand the world of the visually impaired ,

who now may be able to plot a course th rough the world as never

before (Kem ker, 20 1 7).

What drove Ameen to invent his device? What was it about

his personality and identity that led him to try to want to hel p his

b lind relatives? What inspired h im to act in a se lfless and even

heroic way?

In this mod u le , we discuss personality and social development

during adolescence.

We begin by considering how adolescents form their views

of themselves. We look at self-co ncept, self-esteem , and identity

development. We also examine three major psychological difficulties:

anxiety, depression , and suicide .

Next, we discuss relationsh ips . We consider how adolescents

reposition themselves within the fami ly and how the influence of

family members declines i n some sph eres as peers take on new

importance. We also examine the ways in wh ich adolescents i nteract

with their friends, and the ways in which popularity is determined.

Finally, th e module considers dati ng and sexual behavior. We

look at the role of dating and close relationships in adolescents' lives,

and we consider sexual behavior and the standards that govern

adolesce nts' sex lives. We conclude by looking at teenage pregnancy

and at programs that seek to prevent u nwanted pregnancy.

Identity: Asking "Who Am I ? " "You have n o idea how much pressure a 1 3-year-old has to deal with. Yo u've got to look cool, act cool, wear the right clothes, wear your hair a certain way-and your friends have different ideas about all these things than your parents, know what I mean? And you've got to have friends or you're nobody. And then some of your friends say you're not cool if you don't drink or do drugs, but what if you don't want that?" -Anton Merced

The thoughts of 13-year-old Anton Merced demonstrate a clear awareness-and self consciousness-regarding his new place in society. During adolescence, questions like "Who am I?" and "Where do I belong in the world?" begin to take a front seat.

Self-Concept and Self-Esteem

LO 6. 1 0 Describe how adolescents develop their self-concept and self-esteem.

One reason issues of identity become so important is that adolescents' intellectual ca pacities become more adult-like. They see how they stack up to others and realize they are individuals, separate from everyone else. The dramatic physical changes of puberty make adolescents acutely aware of their own bodies and aware that others are reacting to them in new ways. Whatever the cause, adolescence brings major changes in teenagers' self-concepts and self-esteem-in sum, their views of their own identity.

SELF-CONCEPT: WHAT AM I LIKE? Valerie describes herself this way: "Others look at me as laid-back, relaxed, and not worrying too much. But really, I'm often nervous and emotional."

The fact that Valerie distinguishes others' views from her own represents a devel opmental advance. In childhood, she would have characterized herself by traits that would not differentiate her view from others'. However, when adolescents describe who they are, they take into account both their own and others' views (Preckel et al., 2013; McLean & Syed, 2015; Griffin, Adams, & Little, 2017).

This broader view of themselves is one aspect of adolescents' increasing sense of identity. They can see various aspects of the self simultaneously, and this view becomes

more organized and coherent. They look at the self from a psychological perspective, viewing traits not as concrete entities but as abstractions (Adams, Montemayor, & Gullotta, 1996). For example, teenagers are more likely than younger children to define themselves by their ide ology (e.g., 'Tm an environmentalist") than by physical characteristics (e.g., "I'm the fastest runner in my class").

In some ways, this broader, multifaceted self-concept can be a mixed blessing, especially during early adolescence. At that time, adolescents may be troubled by the complexity of their personalities. Younger adolescents may want to view themselves in a certain way ('Tm a sociable person and love to be with people"), and they may become concerned when their behavior contradicts that view ("Even though I want to be sociable, sometimes I can't stand being around my friends and just want to be alone"). By the end of adolescence, however, teenagers find it easier to accept that behaviors and feelings change with the situation (Trzesniewski, Donnellan, & Robins, 2003; Hitlin, Brown, & Elder, 2006).

SELF-ESTEEM: HOW DO I LIKE MYSELF? Although adolescents increasingly perceive who they are (their self-concept), this does not mean they like themselves (their self-esteem). Their increasingly ac curate self-concept permits them to see themselves fully-warts and all. It's what they do with these perceptions that determines their self-esteem.

Adolescence 285

The same cognitive sophistication that differentiates various as- Adolescents' sense of who they are takes their own

pects of the self also leads adolescents to evaluate those aspects in dif- and others' views into account. ferent ways (Chan, 1997; Cohen, 1999). An adolescent may have high self-esteem regarding academic performance, but lower self-esteem in relationships. Or the opposite may apply, as this adolescent notes:

"Do I like myself? What a question! Well, let's see. I like some of what I am, like I'm a good listener and a good friend, but I don't like other things, like my jealous side. I'm no genius at schoolwork-my parents would like me to do better-but if you're too smart you don't have a lot of friends. I'm pretty good at sports, especially swimming. But the best thing about me is that I'm a good friend, you know, loyal. I'm pretty well known for that, and pretty popular."

GENDER DIFFERENCES IN SELF-ESTEEM Several factors determine an adoles cent's self-esteem, among them gender. Notably in early adolescence, girls' self-esteem tends to be lower and more vulnerable than boys' (Makinen et al., 2012; Ayres & Leaper, 2013; Jenkins & Demaray, 2015).

Compared to boys, girls tend to worry more about physical appearance and social success-as well as academic achievement. Although boys care about these things, their attitudes are often more casual. Stereotypical societal messages suggesting brains and popularity do not mix pose a difficult bind for girls: If girls do well academically, they jeopardize their social success. No wonder their self-esteem is more fragile than boys' (Ayres & Leaper, 2013; Jenkins & Demaray, 2015; Ra & Cho, 2017).

Although self-esteem tends to be higher in boys, they have their vulnerabilities too. Gender stereotypes may lead boys to believe they should always be confident, tough, and fearless. Boys facing difficulties (e.g., not making a sports team or being rejected for a date) may feel incompetent as males as well as miserable about their defeat (Pollack, Shuster, & Trelease, 2001; Witt, Donnellan, & Trzesniewski, 2011; Levant et al., 2016).

SES AND RACE DIFFERENCES IN SELF-ESTEEM Socio economic status (SES) and race also influence self-esteem. Adolescents of higher SES tend to have higher self-esteem than those of lower SES, especially in middle and later adolescence.

A strong sense of racial identity during adolescence is tied to

higher levels of self-esteem.

286 Chapter 6

identity-versus-identity-confusion stage the period during which teenagers seek to determine what is unique and distinctive about themselves

Social status factors that enhance one's standing and self-esteem, such as having more expensive clothes or a car, may become more conspicuous at this time (Dai et al., 2012; Cuperman, Robinson, & Ickes, 2014).

Race and ethnicity also influence self-esteem, but their impact has declined as prejudicial treatment of minorities has eased. Early studies found that minority status led to lower self-esteem. African Americans and Hispanics, researchers explained, had lower self-esteem than Caucasians because society's prejudice made them feel disliked and rejected, and this was incorporated into their self-concepts. Subsequent research, however, suggests that black adolescents differ little from whites in their levels of self-esteem. One explanation is that social movements within the African American community to bolster racial pride have helped. Research finds that a stronger sense of racial identity is related to higher self-esteem in African Americans and Hispanics (Phinney, 2008; Kogan et al., 2014; Benner et al., 2018).

Another reason for a similarity in self-esteem between adolescents of different ra cial groups is that teenagers tend to focus their preferences and priorities on what they excel at. Consequently, African American youths may concentrate on what they most enjoy and gain self-esteem from their successes in that domain (Yang & Blodgett, 2000; Phinney, 2005; Aoyagi, Santos, & Updegraff 2017).

Self-esteem may be influenced not by race alone, but by a complex combination of factors. Some developmentalists have considered race and gender simultaneously, coining the term ethgender to refer to their joint influence. One study that took both race and gender into account found that African American and Hispanic males had the highest levels of self-esteem, whereas Asian and Native American females had the lowest levels (Biro et al., 2006; Adams, 2010; Guo et al., 2012).

Perspectives on Identity Formation

LO 6.1 1 Analyze diverse theoretical approaches to understanding identity formation.

Developmental psychologists agree that the adolescent quest for identity is a serious issue that must be resolved before further development is possible. There is general consensus that religion and spirituality often play a role in defining one's identity and that the racial and ethnic background of the individual make a significant difference. We look at these issues in the following sections.

ERIK ERIKSON: RESOLVING THE IDENTITY CRISIS According to Erik Erikson, the search for identity inevitably leads some adolescents to an identity crisis involving substantial psychological turmoil (Erikson, 1963). Erikson's theory of this stage, which is summarized with his other stages in Table 6-2, suggests teenagers try to figure out what is unique and distinctive about themselves-a task they manage with increasing sophistication because of the cognitive gains of adolescence.

Erikson argues that adolescents strive to discover their strengths and weaknesses and the roles that best suit their future lives. This often involves "trying on" differ ent roles or choices to see if they fit their capabilities and views about themselves. In this process, adolescents seek to understand who they are by narrowing and making choices about their personal, occupational, sexual, and political commitments. Erikson calls this the identity-versus-identity-confusion stage.

In Erikson's view, adolescents who do not find a suitable identity may go off course in several ways. They may adopt socially unacceptable roles to express what they do not want to be. Forming and maintaining lasting, close relationships may elude them. In general, their sense of self becomes "diffuse," failing to organize around a unified core identity.

In contrast, those who forge an appropriate identity set a foundation for future psychosocial development. They learn their unique capabilities and believe in them, and they develop an accurate sense of self. They are prepared to take full advantage of their unique strengths (Allison & Schultz, 2001). Societal Pressures and Reliance on Friends and Peers Societal pressures are also high during the identity-versus-identity-confusion stage. Adolescents feel pressure

Table 6-2 A Summary of Eri kson's Stages

Stage Approximate Age Positive Outcomes Negative Outcomes

Trust versus mistrust Birth-1 .5 years Feelings of trust from Fear and concern re- others' support garding others

Autonomy versus shame 1 .5-3 years Self-sufficiency if explo- Doubts about self; lack and doubt ration is encouraged of independence

I nitiative versus guilt 3-6 years Discovery of ways to Guilt from actions and initiate actions thoughts

I ndustry versus inferiority 6-1 2 years Development of sense Feelings of inferiority; of competence little sense of mastery

Identity versus identity Adolescence Awareness of uniq ue- Inability to identify ap- confusion ness of self; knowledge propriate roles in life

of roles

I ntimacy versus isolation Early adulthood Development of loving, Fear of relationships with sexual relationships and others close friendships

Generativity versus Middle adulthood Sense of contribution to Trivialization of one's stagnation continuity of life activities

Ego-integrity versus Late adulthood Sense of unity in life's Regret over lost oppor- despair accomplishments tunities of life

SOURCE: Erikson, 1 963.

from parents and friends to decide whether their post-high school plans include work or college and, if the former, which occupation to follow. Up to this point, their edu cational lives have followed a universal track, laid out by U.S. society. However, the track ends at high school, leaving adolescents with difficult choices about which path to follow.

During this period, friends and peers are increasingly sought as sources of infor mation. Dependence on adults declines. As we discuss later, this increasing depen dence on peers enables adolescents to forge close relationships. Comparing themselves to others helps to clarify their own identities.

This reliance on peers in defining their own identities and learning to form rela tionships links this stage of psychosocial development and the next stage Erikson proposed, known as intimacy versus isolation. It also relates to gender differences in identity formation. Erikson suggested that males and females move through the identity-versus-identity-confusion period differently. He argued that males are more likely to experience the social development stages in the order shown in Table 6-2, devel oping a stable identity before committing to an intimate relationship. In contrast, he sug gested that females reverse the order, seeking intimate relationships and then defining their identities through these relationships. These ideas largely reflect the social condi tions at the time he was writing, when women were less likely to go to college or estab lish their own careers and instead often married early. Today, the experiences of boys and girls seem relatively similar during the identity-versus-identity-confusion period.

Psychological Moratorium Because of the pressures of the identity-versus-identity confusion period, Erikson suggested that many adolescents pursue a psychological moratorium, a period during which they take time off from the upcoming responsibili ties of adulthood to explore various roles and possibilities. For example, many college students take a semester or year off to travel, work, or find another way to examine their priorities.

Many adolescents, for practical reasons, cannot pursue a psychological morato rium to leisurely explore various identities. For economic reasons, some must work part-time after school and then take jobs immediately after high school, leaving them little time to experiment. Such adolescents need by no means be psychologically dam aged. Successfully holding a part-time job while attending school may offer a psycho logical reward that outweighs the lack of opportunity to try out various roles.

Limitations of Erikson's Theory Erikson has been criticized for using male identity development as the standard against which to compare female identity. He saw males

Adolescence 287

288 Chapter 6

identity achievement the status of adolescents who com mit to a particular identity following a period of crisis during which they consider various alternatives

identity foreclosure the status of adolescents who pre maturely commit to an identity with out adequately exploring alternatives

moratorium the status of adolescents who may have explored various identity alter natives to some degree, but have not yet committed themselves

identity diffusion the status of adolescents who con sider various identity alternatives, but never commit to one or never even consider identity options in any conscious way

Table 6 - 3 Marcia's Four Categories of Adolescent Development

z 0

� g CL (il (;j Vi a: 0

PRESENT

ABSENT

Commitment

Present Absent

Identity achievement

"I enjoyed working at an advertising company the last two summers, so I plan to go into advertising."

Identity foreclosure

"My dad says I 'm good with kids and would be a good teacher, so I guess that's what I'll do."

Moratorium

" I 'm taking a jo b at my mom's bookstore until I figure out what I really want to do."

Identity diffusion

"Frankly, I have no idea what I'm going to do."

SOURCE: Based on Marcia, 1 980.

as developing intimacy only after achieving a stable identity, which is viewed as the norm. To critics, Erikson's view is based on male-oriented concepts of individuality and competitiveness. Alternatively, psychologist Carol Gilligan suggests that women develop identity while establishing relationships. In this view, the building of caring networks between herself and others is key to a woman's identity (Gilligan, Brown, & Rogers, 1990; Gilligan, 2004; Kroger, 2006).

MARCIA'S APPROACH: UPDATING ERIKSON Using Erikson's theory as a springboard, psychologist James Marcia suggests that identity can be seen in terms of which of two characteristics-crisis or commitment-is present or absent. Crisis is a period in which an adolescent consciously chooses between various alternatives and makes decisions. Commitment is psychological investment in a course of action or an ideology. One adolescent might careen from one activity to another, with noth ing lasting beyond a few weeks, whereas another becomes totally absorbed in vol unteering at a homeless shelter (Peterson, Marcia, & Carpendale, 2004; Marcia, 2007; Crocetti, 2017).

After conducting lengthy interviews with adolescents, Marcia proposed four cat egories of identity (see Table 6-3).

1. Identity achievement. Teenagers in this category have successfully explored and thought through who they are and what they want to do. Following a period of crisis during which they considered various alternatives, these adolescents have committed to a particular identity. Teens who have reached this identity status tend to be psychologically healthier, and higher in achievement motivation and moral reasoning than adolescents of any other status.

2. Identity foreclosure. These are adolescents who have committed to an identity without passing through a period of crisis in which they explored alternatives. Instead, they accepted others' decisions about what was best for them. Typical of this category is a son who enters the family business because it is expected, or a daughter who becomes a physician because her mother is one. Foreclosers are not necessarily unhappy, but they tend to have something called "rigid strength": Happy and self-satisfied, they have a high need for social approval and tend to be authoritarian.

3. Moratorium. Adolescents in this category have explored some alternatives but made no commitments. As a result, Marcia suggests, they show relatively high anxiety and experience psychological conflict, though they are often lively and appealing, seeking intimacy with others. Such adolescents typically settle on an

identity, but only after a struggle. 4. Identity diffusion. These adolescents neither explore nor commit to various alter

natives. They tend to shift from one thing to the next. While appearing carefree, according to Marcia, their lack of commitment impairs their ability to form close relationships. They are often socially withdrawn.

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Some adolescents shift among the four categories; for example, moving between moratorium and iden tity achievement in what is called a "MAMA" cycle (moratorium-identity achievement-moratorium identity achievement). Or, a forecloser who selected a career path without much thought in early adoles cence may reassess and make a more active choice later. For some individuals, identity formation takes place beyond adolescence. However, for most peo ple, identity gels in the late teens and early 20s (Al Owidha, Green, & Kroger, 2009; Duriez et al., 2012; Mrazek, Harada, & Chiao, 2015).

From a social worker's perspective: Do you believe that all four of Marcia's identity statuses can lead to reassessment and different choices later in life? Are there stages in Marcia's theory that may be difficult to achieve for adoles cents who live in poverty? Why?

According to Marcia's approach, psychologically healthy identity devel

opment can be seen in adolescents who choose to commit to a course of

action or ideology.

In some ways, Marcia's identity status perspective foreshadows what other re searchers have called emerging adulthood. Emerging adulthood is the period beginning in the late teenage years and extending into the mid-20s. It is a transitional stage be tween adolescence and adulthood that spans the third decade of life (Arnett, 2011; 2016).

As we will discuss in greater detail when we consider early adulthood in the next chapter, emerging adulthood is a period in which teenagers have left adolescence, al though brain growth continues and neural circuits become more complex. But it is typically a period of uncertainty, in which post-adolescents are working to determine who they are and their path forward (Verschueren et al., 2017).

RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY IN IDENTITY FORMATION Consider the following:

I Ever wonder why God made mosqu itoes? How about why God gave Adam and Eve the abil ity to rebel if H e knew how much of a mess it would cause? Can someone be saved and later lose their salvation? Do pets go to heaven? As exemplified in this blog post, questions of religion and spirituality begin to be asked during adolescence. Religion is important to many people because it offers a for mal means of satisfying spirituality needs. Spirituality is a sense of attachment to some higher power such as God, nature, or something sacred. Although spirituality needs are typically tied to religious beliefs, they may be independent. Many people who con sider themselves to be spiritual individuals do not participate in formal religious prac tices or are not tied to any particular religion. Because their cognitive abilities increase during adolescence, teenagers are able to think more abstractly about religious mat ters. Furthermore, as they grapple with general questions of identity, religious identity may be questioned. After having accepted their religious identity in an unquestioning manner during childhood, adolescents may view religion more critically and seek to distance themselves from formal religion. In other cases, they may be drawn more closely to their religious affiliation because it offers answers to such abstract questions as "Why am I here on this earth?" and "What is the meaning of life?" Religion pro vides a way of viewing the world and universe as having intentional design-a place that was created by something or someone (Yonker, Schnabelrauch, & DeHaan, 2012; Levenson, Aldwin, & Igarashi, 2013; Longo, Bray, & Kim-Spoon, 2017).

According to James Fowler, our understanding and practice of faith and spiritual ity proceeds through a series of stages that extend throughout the life span. During childhood, individuals hold a fairly literal view of God and Biblical figures. For ex ample, children may think of God as living at the top of the earth and being able to see what everyone is doing (Fowler & Dell, 2006; Boyatzis, 2013).

emerging adulthood the period from the late teenage years extending to the mid-20s in which people are still sorting out their options for the future

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In adolescence, the view of spirituality becomes more abstract. As they build their identity, adolescents typically develop a core set of beliefs and values. On the other hand, in many cases, adolescents do not consider their views either in depth or systematically, and it is not until later that they become more reflective.

As they leave adolescence, people typically move into the individuative-reflective stage of faith in which they reflect on their beliefs and values. They understand that their view is one of many, and that multiple views of God are possible. Ultimately, the final stage of faith development is the conjunctive stage, in which individuals develop a broad, inclusive view of religion and all humanity. They see humanity as a whole, and they may work to promote a common good. In this stage, they may move beyond formal religion and hold a unified view of people across the globe.

THE ROLE OF RACE AND ETHNICITY IN IDENTITY FORMATION Forming an identity is often difficult for adolescents, but it is especially challenging for members of racial and ethnic groups that face discrimination. Society's contradictory values tell adolescents that society should be color blind, that race and ethnic background should not affect opportunities and achievement, and that if they do achieve, society will ac cept them. Based on a traditional cultural assimilation model, this view says individual cultural identities should be assimilated into a unified culture in the United States the melting-pot model.

In contrast, the pluralistic society model suggests that U.S. society is made up of diverse, coequal cultural groups that should preserve their individual features. This model grew from the belief that cultural assimilation denigrates the heritage of mi norities and lowers their self-esteem.

According to this view, then, racial and ethnic factors become a central part of adolescents' identity and are not submerged in an attempt to assimilate into the ma jority culture. From this perspective, identity development includes development of racial and ethnic identity-the sense of membership in a racial or ethnic group and the feelings that are associated with that membership. It includes a sense of commitment and ties with a particular racial or ethnic group (Phinney, 2008; Umana-Taylor et al., 2014; Wang, Douglass, & Yip, 2017).

The middle ground says minority group members can form a bicultural identity, drawing from their own culture while integrating themselves into the dominant cul ture. This view suggests that an individual can hold two cultural identities, without having to prefer one over the other (Shi & Lu, 2007; Hayes & Endale, 2018).

The choice of a bicultural identity is increasingly common. In fact, the number of people who identified themselves as belonging to more than one race is considerable and increased 134 percent from 2000 to 2010 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2011).

The process of identity formation is always complex and may be doubly so for mi nority group members. Racial and ethnic identity takes time to form. For some, it may require a prolonged period, but the result can be a rich, multifaceted identity Gensen, 2008; Klimstra et al., 2012; Yoon et al., 2017).

Anxiety, Depression, and Suicide: Psychological Difficulties in Adolescence

LO 6 . 1 2 Explain why anxiety, depression, and suicide are important issues in adolescence.

One day in ninth grade it struck Leanne Taunton that she was stuck without hope inside a dreadful world. "It was like the air was a big weight pressing i n on me from all sides. I couldn't shake the feeling, and I couldn't i gnore it. There was nothing I could do."

A friend l i stened to her sympathetically and invited her to her basement. "We started doing drugs, using whatever was in the medicine cabinet," her friend recalls. "At first it seemed to offer some relief, but in the end we both had to go home again, if you know what I mean."

For Leanne, the relief also proved short. Too short. One day she grabbed her father's razor, filled up the tub, and slashed her wrists. At the ripe age of 1 5 she had had enough.

Although the vast majority of teenagers weather the search for identity-as well as other challenges of the age-without major psychological difficulties, some find ad olescence particularly stressful, and some develop severe psychological problems. Three of the most serious are adolescent anxiety, depression, and suicide.

ADOLESCENT ANXIETY All adolescents occasionally experience anxiety, a feeling of apprehension or tension in reaction to stressful situations; it is a totally normal reac tion to stress.

In some cases, though, adolescents develop anxiety disorders, which are the most prevalent psychological disorder in the age group, striking around 8 percent of the population. Anxiety disorders occur when anxiety occurs without external justification, and it impacts normal, everyday functioning. Sometimes anxiety occurs as a result of exposure to a specific stimulus, such as fear of a specific animal or insect, or a fear of crowded places or heights. In other cases, though, anxiety is less specific and may be caused, for instance, by a fear of social situations in general (Merikangas, Nakamura, & Kessler, 2009; Stopa et al., 2013).

Adolescents with anxiety disorders can be hypervigilant, worried that their anxiety will be triggered by something in their environment and seeking to avoid situations that can produce anxiety. Moreover, if they cannot avoid anxiety-producing circumstances, they may become overwhelmed and experience physical symptoms such as panic attacks that produce a range of symptoms, including sweating, faintness,

or gastric distress (Carleton et al., 2014).

ADOLESCENT DEPRESSION No one is immune to sadness and bad moods, includ ing adolescents. The end of a relationship, failure at an important task, the death of a loved one-all may produce profound feelings of sadness, loss, and grief. In such situ ations, depression is a typical reaction.

More than a quarter of adolescents report feeling so sad or hopeless for 2 or more weeks in a row that they stopped doing their normal activities. Almost two-thirds of teenagers say they have experienced such feelings at some point. In contrast, only a small minority of adolescents-some 3 percent-experience major depression, a full blown psychological disorder that is severe and lingers for long periods (Grunbaum, Lowry, & Kahn, 2001; Galambos, Leadbeater, & Barker, 2004; Thapar et al., 2012).

Gender, ethnic, and racial differences also affect depression rates. As is true for adults, adolescent girls experience depression more often than boys. Some studies show black adolescents having a higher rate of depression than white adolescents, though not all re search supports this conclusion. Native Americans, too, have higher rates of depression (Verhoeven, Sawyer, & Spence, 2013; English, Lambert, & Ialongo, 2014; Blom et al., 2016).

In cases of severe, long-term depression, biological factors are often involved. Some adolescents do seem genetically predisposed to experience depression, but en vironmental and social factors related to the extraordinary changes in their social lives also have an impact. An adolescent who loses a loved one to death, for example, or who grows up with an alcoholic or depressed parent is at a higher risk of depression. Being unpopular, having few close friends, and experiencing rejection are also associ ated with adolescent depression (Eley, Liang, & Plomin, 2004; Zalsman et al., 2006; Herberman Mash et al., 2014).

Why the depression rate is higher for girls than boys is puzzling. There is little evi dence of a link to hormone differences or a particular gene. Some psychologists specu late that stress is greater for girls in adolescence because of the many, often conflicting, demands of the traditional female role. Recall the girl, quoted in our discussion of self esteem, who feared academic achievement would endanger her popularity. Such con flict may make her feel helpless. Add to this the fact that traditional gender roles still give higher status to men than women (Gilbert, 2004; Hyde, Mezulis, & Abramson, 2008; Chaplin, Gillham, & Seligman, 2009).

Girls' higher levels of depression in adolescence may reflect gender differences in coping with stress, rather than differences in mood. Girls may be more likely to react to stress by turning inward, resulting in a sense of helplessness and hopelessness. In con trast, boys more often externalize the stress and act more impulsively or aggressively, or

turn to drugs and alcohol (Wu et al., 2007; Brown et al., 2012; Anyan & Hjemdal, 2016).

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ADOLESCENT SUICIDE Adolescent suicide in the United States has tripled in the past 30 years. Overall, one teenage suicide occurs every 90 minutes, for an annual rate of 12.2 suicides per 100,000 adolescents. Of the 21 million college students in the United States, 2.2 million have had serious thoughts of suicide, 336,000 have attempted suicide, and 1,400 have actually died of suicide in the previous year (American College Health Association, 2018).

The reported rate of suicide may actually understate the true number; parents and medical personnel often prefer to report a death as an accident rather than suicide. Even so, suicide is the second-most common cause of death for 15- to 24-year-olds, after accidents. For white children and teenagers between 10 and 17, the rate of suicide was up 70 percent between 2006 and 2016. And although black children in the same age group kill themselves at lower rates, the rate of increase was higher, at 77 per cent (Conner & Goldston, 2007; Healthychildren.org, 2016; Morbidity Mortality Weekly Report, 2017).

The rate of adolescent suicide is higher for boys, although girls attempt suicide more frequently. Attempts among males are more likely to be fatal because boys tend to use more violent means, such as guns, whereas girls tend to choose less violent means, such as drug overdose. Some estimates suggest there are as many as 200 at tempted suicides by both sexes for every successful one (Dervic et al., 2006; Pompili et al., 2009; Paya-Gonzalez et al., 2015).

The reasons for the increase in adolescent suicide are unclear. The most obvious explanation is that adolescent stress has increased. But why should stress have in creased particularly for teenagers? The suicide rate for other age groups has remained fairly stable over the same period.

Several theories in addition to stress have sought to explain the increase in sui cide. One theory suggests that depression is a root cause. Depressed teenagers who feel profound hopelessness are at greater risk for suicide (although most depressed individuals do not commit suicide). Social inhibition, perfectionism, and high levels of stress and anxiety are also related to an increased risk. Another theory is that the easy availability of guns-more prevalent in the United States than in other industrialized nations-as well as relatively easy access to illegal drugs contributes to the suicide rate as well (Arnautovska & Grad, 2010; Hetrick et al., 2012; Wiederhold, 2014).

In addition, teenage brains are more prone to risk-taking, potentially accounting for some suicides. Also, some suicide cases are associated with family conflicts and relationship or school difficulties. Some stem from a history of abuse and neglect. The rate of suicide among drug and alcohol abusers is also relatively high (Wilcox, Conner, & Caine, 2004; Xing et al., 2010; Jacobson et al., 2013).

Some suicides appear to be caused by exposure to the suicide of others. In cluster suicide, one suicide leads to attempts by others to kill themselves. For instance, some high schools have experienced a se ries of suicides following a well-publicized case. As a result, many schools have estab lished crisis intervention teams to counsel students when one student commits sui cide (Daniel & Goldston, 2009; Abrutyn & Mueller, 2014; Milner, Too, & Spittal, 2018).

There are several warning signs of potential suicide. Among them are the following (also see the Development in Your Life box):

• Direct or indirect talk about suicide, such as "I wish I were dead" or "You won't have me to worry about any longer"

The rate of adolescent suicide has tripled in the past 30 years. These individuals mourn

following the suicide of a family member.

• School difficulties, such as missed classes or a decline in grades

Deve l o p m e n t i n You r Life

Preventing Adolescent Suicide

If you suspect an adolescent, or anyone else, is contemplating suicide, act! Here are several suggestions:

• Tal k to the person. Listen with understanding and without judging.

• Tal k specifically about suicidal thoughts; ask questions such as: Do you have a plan? Have you bought a gun? Where is it? Have you stockpi led pi ll s? Where are they? The Publ ic Health Service notes that, "contrary to popu lar belief, such candor will not give a person dangerous ideas or encourage a su icidal act."

• Try to distinguish between general upset and more seri ous danger, as when suicide plans have been made. If the crisis is acute, do not leave the person alone.

• Be su pportive, let the person know you care, and try to break down his or her feelings of isolation.

• Take charge of finding help. Do not fear invading the per son's privacy. Do not try to handle the problem alone. Get professional help immed iately.

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• Make the environment safe, removing (not just h idi ng) weapons such as guns, razors, scissors, medication, and other potentially dangerous items.

• Do not keep suicide talk or threats secret; these are calls for help and call for immedi ate action.

• Do not challenge, dare, or use verbal shock treatment on the person to correct his or her thinking.

• Make a contract with the person, getting a promis e or comm itment, preferably in writi ng, not to attempt suicide until you have talked further.

• Don't be overly reassured by a sudden improvement of mood. Such quick "recoveries" may be merely the rel i ef of decid ing to commit su icide o r the temporary release of talki ng to someone; most l i kely, the underlying prob lems have not been resolved.

For immediate help with a suici de-related problem, call (800) 273-8255 (the National Suicide Preventio n Lifeline) or text them at 7 4 1 7 41 . Yo u will reach trained counselors. You can also contact the Lifeline Crisis chat l i n e at http:! /chat. suicid epreventionlifeline.org/GetHel p/LifelineChat.aspx.

• Making arrangements as if preparing for a long trip, such as giving away prized possessions or arranging for the care of a pet

• Writing a will • Loss of appetite or excessive eating • General depression, including a change in sleeping patterns, slowness and leth

argy, and uncommunicativeness

• Dramatic changes in behavior, such as a shy person suddenly acting outgoing • Preoccupation with death in music, art, or literature

Relationships: Family and Friends When Paco Lizzagara entered junior high school, his good relationship with his par ents changed drastically. Paco felt his parents were always "on his case." Instead of giving him the freedom he felt he deserved at age 13, they seemed to be more restric tive. Paco's parents saw things differently. They felt that they were not the source of tension in the house-he was. In their eyes, Paco, with whom they'd always enjoyed a stable, loving relationship, suddenly seemed transformed. They saw him shutting them out, and when he did speak with them, he criticized their politics, their dress, and their preferences in TV shows. To his parents, Paco's behavior was upsetting and bewildering.

Family Ties: Changing Relations with Relations

LO 6. 1 3 Analyze how the parent-child relationship changes during adolescence.

The social world of adolescents is far wider than that of younger children. As relation ships outside the home grow in significance, interactions with family evolve, taking on a new, and sometimes difficult, character (Collins & Andrew, 2004).

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autonomy having independence and a sense of control over one's life

THE QUEST FOR AUTONOMY Parents are sometimes angered, and more fre quently puzzled, by adolescents' conduct. Children who previously accepted their parents' judgments, declarations, and guidelines begin to question-and sometimes rebel against-their parents' views.

One cause of these clashes is the shifting roles children and parents confront during adolescence. Adolescents seek autonomy, independence and a sense of con trol over their lives. Most parents intellectually view this shift as a normal part of adolescence-a primary developmental task of the period-and in many ways they welcome it as a sign of growth (Hare et al., 2015; Campione-Barr et al., 2015).

However, the day-to-day realities of adolescents' increasing autonomy may prove difficult for parents to deal with. Intellectually appreciating this growing indepen dence and allowing a teen to attend an unsupervised party are two different things. To the adolescent, her parents' refusal indicates a lack of trust or confidence. To the parents, it's simply good sense: "I trust you," they may say. "It's the others who will be there that I worry about."

In most families, teenagers' autonomy grows gradually over the adolescent years. One study of adolescents' changing views of their parents found that as au tonomy increases, parents are seen more realistically as people in their own right. For example, rather than seeing their parents as authoritarian disciplinarians mind lessly reminding them to do their homework, adolescents may come to see their parents' emphasis on excelling in school as evidence of parental regrets about their own lack of education and a wish to see their children have more options in life. At the same time, adolescents come to depend more on themselves and to feel more like separate individuals.

The increase in adolescent autonomy changes the parent-child relationship, which tends to be asymmetrical in early adolescence, when parents hold most of the power and influence. By the end of adolescence, power and influence are more bal anced; the relationship is more egalitarian, although parents typically retain the upper hand (Goede, Branje, & Meeus, 2009; Inguglia et al., 2014; Kiang & Bhattacharjee, 2018).

CULTURE AND AUTONOMY The degree of autonomy achieved varies from one family to the next. Cultural factors play a role. In Western societies, which value in dividualism, adolescents seek autonomy at a relatively early stage. In contrast, Asian societies are more collectivistic, believing the welfare of the group is above that of the individual. In such societies, adolescents' aspirations to autonomy are less pronounced (Supple et al., 2009; Perez-Brena, Updegraff, & Umana-Taylor, 2012; Czerwiriska Jasiewicz, 2017).

From a social worker's perspective: In what ways do you think parents with different styles-authoritarian, authoritative, permis sive, and uninvolved-react to attempts to establish autonomy during adolescence? Are the styles of parenting different for a single parent? Are there cultural differences?

Compared with adolescents from more individualistic societies, adolescents

from more collectivistic cultures tend to feel greater obligation to their

families.

A sense of obligation to family also varies among cultures. In collectivistic cultures, adoles cents tend to feel a greater obligation to fulfill their family's expectations-to provide assistance, show respect, and offer financial support. In such societies, the push for autonomy is weaker and its develop ment is slower (Leung, Pe-Pua, Karnilowicz, 2006; Chan & Chan, 2013; Hou, Kim, & Wang, 2016).

The extended timetable for autonomy in col lectivistic cultures appears to have no negative

consequences for adolescents. What matters is the match between cultural expecta tions and developmental patterns, not the specific timetable (Zimmer-Gembeck, & Collins, 2003; Updegraff et al., 2006).

Gender also plays a role. In general, male adolescents are permitted more auton omy at an earlier age than females. This is consistent with traditional gender stereo types, in which males are seen as more independent and females as more dependent on others. In fact, parents who hold traditional views on gender are less likely to encourage their daughters' autonomy (Bumpus, Crouter, & McHale, 2001; Fousiani et al., 2014).

THE MYTH OF THE GENERATION GAP Teen movies often depict adolescents and their parents in total opposition, victims of a generation gap, a deep divide in attitudes, values, aspirations, and worldviews. For example, the parent of an environmentalist might turn out to own a polluting factory. These exaggerations are funny because they contain a truth-parents and teenagers often see things differently.

The reality, however, is another matter. The generation gap, when it exists, is really quite narrow. Adolescents and their parents tend to agree on many things. Republican parents generally have Republican children; members of the Christian right have chil dren with similar views; parents who advocate for abortion rights have children who are pro-choice. On social, political, and religious issues, parents and adolescents tend to be in sync, and children's worries mirror those of their parents. Adolescents' con cerns about society's problems reflect those of many adults (Knafo & Schwartz, 2003; Smetana, 2005; Grnnh0j & Th0gersen, 2012).

Most adolescents and their parents get along quite well. Despite their quest for autonomy and independence, most teenagers have deep love, affection, and respect for their parents-as their parents do for them. Although some parent-adolescent rela tionships are seriously troubled, the majority are positive and help adolescents avoid the kind of peer pressure discussed later in the module (Black, 2002; Riesch et al., 2010; Coleman, 2014).

Even though teenagers spend less time with their families in general, the amount of time they spend alone with each parent remains remarkably stable across adoles cence. There is no evidence that suggests family problems are worse in adolescence than at other stages of development, and in fact, the more time spent with parents, the fewer the adolescents' behavioral problems (Granic, Hollenstein, & Dishion, 2003; Milkie et al., 2015; see Figure 6-9).

CONFLICTS WITH PARENTS Of course, if most adolescents get along with their parents most of the time, that means sometimes they don't. No relationship is always smooth. Parents and teens may agree about social and political issues, but they often differ on matters of personal taste, such as music and clothing. Also, parents and chil dren may disagree when children act on their autonomy and independence sooner

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generation gap a divide between parents and adoles cents in attitudes, values, aspirations, and worldviews

than parents feel is right. Consequently, parent-child conflicts are more likely to occur during adolescence, particularly in the early stages, although not every family is affected to the same degree (Arnett, 2000; Smetana, Daddis, & Chuang, 2003; Garcia-Ruiz et al., 2013).

Figure 6 - 9 T i m e Spent w it h Parents and Magnitude of Behavioral Problems The more time adolescents are i nvolved with activities with both thei r parents, the less likely they are to exhibit behavioral

According to developmental psychologist Judith Smetana, problems.

conflict is greater in early adolescence because of differing defi- souRcE: M ilkie et al., 201 5. nitions of, and rationales for, appropriate and inappropriate conduct. Parents may frown on multiple ear piercings because society traditionally deems it inappropriate, whereas adolescents may view the issue as one of personal choice (Smetana, 2005, 2006; Rote et al., 2012).

The newly sophisticated reasoning of adolescents (discussed in the previous module) leads them to regard parental rules in more complex ways. Arguments that might convince a school-age child ("Do it because I tell you to do it.") are less compelling to an adolescent.

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reference groups groups o f peopl e with whom one compares oneself

The argumentativeness and assertiveness of early adolescence may at first in crease conflict, but they play a key role in the evolution of parent-child relationships. Although parents may initially react defensively to their children's challenges and grow inflexible and rigid, in most cases they come to realize their children are growing up and they want to support them in that process.

As parents realize that their children's arguments are often compelling and fairly reasonable, and that they can be trusted with more freedom, they become more yield ing, allowing and perhaps even encouraging independence. As this process occurs in mid-adolescence, the conflict of the early years declines.

This does not hold true for all adolescents. The majority of teenagers maintain stable relations with their parents, but as many as 20 percent pass through a fairly rough time (Dmitrieva et al., 2004; Branje, 2018).

CULTURAL DIFFERENCES IN PARENT-CHILD CONFLICTS DURING ADOLESCENCE Parent-child conflicts are found in every culture, but there does seem to be less conflict between parents and teenagers in "traditional," preindustrial cultures. Teens in such cultures experience fewer mood swings and instances of risky behavior than teens in industrialized countries (Eichelsheim et al., 2010; Jensen & Dost-Gozkan, 2014; Shah et al., 2016).

The reason may be the degree of independence that adolescents expect and adults permit. In more industrialized societies, with an emphasis on individualism, indepen dence is expected of adolescents. Consequently, adolescents and their parents must negotiate the amount and timing of that independence-a process that often leads to strife. In more traditional societies, individualism is less valued; therefore, adolescents are less inclined to seek independence. The result is less parent-child conflict (Dasen, 2000, Dasen & Mishra, 2002; Griffith & Grolnick, 2014).

Relationships with Peers: The Importance of Belonging

LO 6.14 Analyze the nature and significance of peer relationships during adolescence.

For many parents, the most fitting symbol of adolescence is the cell phone, on which incessant texting occurs. For their children, communicating with friends is an indis pensable lifeline, a compulsive need that underscores their significance at this stage. Continuing the trend from middle childhood, adolescents spend increasing hours with their peers as these relationships grow in importance. In fact, there is probably no period of life in which peer relationships matter as much as in adolescence (Bukowski, Laursen, & Rubin, 2018).

SOCIAL COMPARISON Peers become more important for many reasons. They enable adolescents to compare and evaluate opinions, abilities, and even physical changes-a process called social comparison. Because the physical and cognitive changes of this age are so unique and so pronounced, especially in early puberty, adolescents turn to others who share and can shed light on their own experiences. Parents, being well beyond these changes, cannot provide social comparison. Adolescents' question ing of adult authority and their desire for autonomy also render parents-and adults in general-inadequate sources of knowledge (Li & Wright, 2013; Schaefer & Salafia, 2014; Tian, Yu, & Huebner, 2017).

REFERENCE GROUPS As noted, adolescence is a time of trying out new identi ties, roles, and conduct. Peers provide information about what roles and behavior are most acceptable by serving as a reference group. Reference groups are people with whom one compares oneself. Just as a professional ballplayer compares his per formance to that of other pro players, so do teenagers compare themselves to peers similar to them.

Reference groups offer a set of norms, or standards, by which abilities and social success can be judged. A teenager need not belong to a group for it to serve as a refer ence. Unpopular adolescents, belittled and rejected by members of a popular group, may yet use it as a reference group.

CLIQUES AND CROWDS: BELONGING TO A GROUP Increased cognitive sophisti cation allows adolescents to group others in more discriminating ways. Even if others do not belong to the teen's reference group, they typically are part of some identifiable group. Rather than defining people in concrete terms by what they do ("football play ers" or "musicians") as a younger child might, adolescents use more abstract terms ("jocks" or "skaters" or "stoners") (Brown, 2004).

Adolescents form two types of groups: cliques and crowds. Cliques are groups of from 2 to 12 people whose members have frequent social interactions with one another. Crowds are larger, comprising individuals who share certain characteristics but do not necessarily interact. "Jocks" and "nerds" represent crowds found in many high schools.

Membership in a clique or a crowd is determined by the degree of similarity with other members. One key similarity is substance use; adolescents tend to choose friends whose alcohol and drug use matches their own. Their friends often mirror their academic success and general behavior patterns, although this is not always true. For instance, in early adolescence, peers who are aggressive may be more attractive than those who are well behaved (Kupersmidt & Dodge, 2004; Hutchinson & Rapee, 2007; Kiuru et al., 2009).

The emergence of distinct cliques and crowds at this stage reflects adolescents' increased cognitive capabilities. Group labels are abstractions, requiring teens to judge people they may seldom interact with and have little direct knowledge about. It is not until mid-adolescence that teenagers are cognitively able to make the subtle judg ments that distinguish between different cliques and crowds (Brown & Klute, 2003; Witvliet et al., 2010; also see the From Research to Practice box).

GENDER RELATIONS As children enter adolescence, their social groups are com posed almost universally of same-sex friends. Boys hang out with boys; girls hang out with girls. This sex segregation is called the sex cleavage.

Fro m Research to Practi c e

Adolescence 297

cliques groups of from 2 to 12 people whose members have frequent social inter actions with one another

crowds larger groups than cliques, composed of individuals who share particular characteristics but who may not in teract with one another

sex cleavage sex segregation in which boys interact primarily with boys and girls primarily with girls

I s Anyone " Li ki n g " Me? Social Comparison and Self-Esteem

in the D i g ital Age

Social networkin g sites l i ke Facebook have become a part of daily life. In fact, it's likely that you are reading this chapter on your laptop or smartphone while also checking your social media feed as well as those of your friends. But the quick pace of technology has left researchers racing to study how these social networking sites affect us. And not all of the news is good, as research has uncovered a "dark side" to soci al media use. For example, a recent review of 23 different studi es of frequent and consi stent Facebook users found a sign ificant association with increased psychological distress. Sim i larly, one longitudinal study found that Facebook use over time led to lower self-ratings of life satisfact io n and well-being (Kross et al., 2 0 1 3 ; Marino et al . , 2 0 1 8).

But what could be the cause of the relationship between our use of social networking sites and our psycholog ical well-being? One group of researchers gathered data from college students to find out how social comparison might affect self-esteem. In their study, participants were asked to view a fictitious social media profile of another student at their u niversity. One group viewed a social media profi le that consisted of photos of the person during a recent vacation. This profile showed "high activity," with a h igh number of " likes" and comments. The other group viewed a "low activity" version of the same profile and photos with many fewer " likes" and comments (Vogel et al., 201 4).

The researchers hypothesized that self-esteem would be lower i n those partici pants who made an upward social comparison to the high-activity profile than in those participants who made a downward social comparison to the low-activity profile. I n fact, this was the case: Participant self esteem was lower in those who had viewed the fictitious high activity profile with more " l i kes" and comments. So as our personal relationshi ps become reflected in the digital world of social networking sites, it seems that a symbol ic thumbs-up is a key ingredient to one's self-esteem - for better or worse.

The practical im pl ications of this research are many. For example, counselors working with teens or adults with depression should assess their client's social media use and how it might be negatively affecting their mood. And in turn, counselors could educate their clients regarding more adaptive social networking site practices. This research is also important to parents, teachers, counselors, and school psychologists, as they teach kids adaptive ways to use social networking sites and how to appropriately cope with online bullying or rejection.

Sh ared Writ i n g Prompt: How d o you think that receiving more " l i kes" and comments on one's social media posts affects people 's relationshi ps w ith others as well as their feelings about themselves?

298 Chapter 6

The situation changes with the onset of puberty. Boys and girls experience the hor monal surge that causes the sex organs to mature. At the same time, society suggests it is time for romantic involvement. These developments change the ways the opposite sex is viewed. Where a 10-year-old is likely to see every member of the other sex as "annoying" and "a pain," heterosexual teenage boys and girls regard each other's per sonality and sexuality with greater interest. (For gays and lesbians, pairing off holds other complexities, as we will see when we discuss adolescent dating.)

In early puberty, boys' and girls' cliques, previously on parallel but separate tracks, begin to converge. Adolescents attend boy-girl dances or parties, although the boys still tend to socialize with boys, and the girls with girls. Soon, adolescents spend more time with the other sex. New cliques emerge, composed of both genders. Not everyone participates initially: Early on, the leaders of the same-sex cliques and those with the highest status lead the way. Eventually, however, most teenagers belong to mixed-gender cliques. At the end of adolescence, cliques and crowds become less in fluential. Many dissolve as pairing off occurs (Manning et al., 2014). Furthermore, they are affected by diversity issues, as we discuss in the Cultural Dimensions feature.

C u lt u ra l Di m e n s i o n s

Race Segregation: The G reat Divide o f Adolescence

When Robert Corker, a student at Tufts University, first

stepped into the gym, he was immediately pulled into a

pick-up basketball game. "The guys thought I'd be good at

basketball just because I'm tall and black. Ac tually, I stink at

sports and quickly changed their minds. Fortunately we all

laughed about it later," Robert says.

When Sandra Cantu, a Puerto Rican nursing student at the

University of Alabama, entered the cafeteria wearing her

hospital whites, two female students assumed she was a

cafeteria worker and asked her to clear off their table.

Race relations are no easier for white students to manage.

Ted Connors, a white senior at Southern Methodist, recalls the

day he asked a student in his dorm for help with his Spanish

homework. "He laughed in my face," Ted recalls, "I assumed

he spoke Spanish just because his name was Hector Gonzalez.

Actually, he had grown up in Michigan and spoke only English.

It took quite a while to live that one down."

The pattern of racial misunderstanding experienced by these students is repeated over and over in schools and colleges throughout the United States. Even when they attend desegregated schools with significant diversity, people of different ethnicities and races interact very little. Moreover, even if they have a friend of a different ethnicity within the confines of a school, most adolescents don't interact with that friend outside of school (Hamm, Brown, & Heck, 2005; Benner & Wang, 201 7).

It doesn't start out this way. During elementary school and early adolescence, integration is common among students of d iffering ethn icities. However, by midd le and late adolescence, students segregate (Knifsend & Juvonen, 201 4; Tatum, 201 7).

Why is racial and ethnic segregation the rule, even i n schools that have long been desegregated? O n e reason i s that minority students may seek support from others who share their status (where "m inority," used in its sociological sense, indicates a subordinate group lacking power compared to a domi nant group). By associating with others of their own group, members of m inority groups are able to affirm their own identity.

Members of different racial and ethnic groups may be segregated in the c lassroom as well. As d iscussed previously, members of groups that have experienced discrimination tend to be less successful in school . Thus, ethnic and racial segregation in high school may be based on academic achievement rather than ethnicity.

Lower academ ic performance may place minority students in classes with fewer majority students, and vice versa. Such class assignment practices may maintain and promote racial and ethnic segregation, especially in schools where rigid academ ic tracking assigns students to "low," "medium," and "high" tracks depending on their prior achievement (Lucas & Berends, 2002).

Segregation in school may also reflect prejudice, both perceived and real, toward members of other groups. Students of color may feel that the white majority is discriminatory and hostile, and thus prefer to stick to same-race groups. White students may assume that minority students are antagonistic and unfriendly. Such mutually destructive attitudes make meaningful interaction difficult (Phinney, Ferguson, & Tate, 1 997; Tropp, 2003).

Is this voluntary racial and ethn ic segregation inevitable? No. Adolescents who have interacted regularly and extensively with other races in childhood are more l ikely to have friends of different races. Schools that actively promote integration in classes create an environment that fosters cross-race friendships. Furthermore, having friends of another race helps m inority group members deal with discrimination they may encounter (Hewstone, 2003; Davies et al., 201 1 ; Benner & Wang, 201 7).

Adolescence 299

Figure 6 - 1 0 The Social World of Adolescence An adolescent's popularity can fall into one of four categories, depending on the opinions of his or her peers. Popularity is related to differences in status, behavior, and adjustment.

Have more close friends; POPULAR f .............. 1 Mostly liked

CONTROVERSIAL Liked by some,

I � High status

engage more frequently in activities with peers; disclose more of themselves to others;

involved more in extracurricular activities; well aware of their popularity;

disliked by others less lonely than rejected and neglected peers

REJECTED Uniformly disliked ··. Have fewer friends; f f ... Neither liked

· · ·· ···· · ··� . . ...

.. . ·

Low status engage in social activities less frequently; have less contact with opposite gender;

see themselves as less popular; NEGLECTED nor disliked

POPULARITY AND REJECTION Most adolescents are highly tuned in to who is popular and who is not. In fact, for some, popularity-or lack of it-is the central focus of their lives.

The social world of adolescents is more complex than who is popular or unpopular. Some adolescents are controversial. In contrast to popular adolescents, who are mostly liked, controversial adolescents are liked by some and disliked by others. A contro versial adolescent may be highly popular within a particular group, such as the string orchestra, but less so among other classmates. There are also rejected adolescents, who are uniformly disliked, and neglected adolescents, who are neither liked nor disliked (see Figure 6-10)-whose status is so low everyone overlooks them.

In most cases, popular and controversial adolescents tend to enjoy a higher status, and rejected and neglected teenagers share a lower status. Popular and controversial ado lescents have more close friends, engage in more activities with their peers, and disclose more about themselves than less popular students. They participate in more extracurricu lar school activities. Well aware of their own popularity, they are less lonely than their less popular classmates (Becker & Luthar, 2007; Closson, 2009; Estevez et al., 2014).

The social world of rejected and neglected adolescents is far less pleasant. They have fewer friends, engage in fewer social activities, and have less contact with the opposite sex. They see themselves-accurately-as less popular, and they are more likely to feel lonely (McElhaney, Antonishak, & Allen, 2008; Woodhouse, Dykas, & Cassidy, 2012).

are more likely to feel lonely

controversial adolescents children who are liked by some peers and disliked by others

rejected adolescents children who are actively disliked and whose peers may react to them in an obviously negative manner

neglected adolescents children who receive relatively little attention from their peers in the form of either positive or negative interactions

The sex segregation of childhood continues during the

early stages of adolescence. However, by the time of middle

adolescence, this segregation decreases, and boys' and girls'

cliques begin to converge.

Unpopular adolescents fall into several categories. Controversial

adolescents are liked by some and disliked by others; rejected

adolescents are uniformly disliked; and neglected adolescents are

neither liked nor disliked.

300 Chapter 6

Table 6-4 High School Status

According to College Men According to College Women

High-status high school girls: High-status high school boys: High-status high school girls: High-status high school boys:

1 . Are good-looking 1 . Take part in sports 1 . Have high grades and are 1 . Take part in sports intelligent

2. Have high grades and are 2. Have high grades and are 2. Participate in sports 2. Have high grades and are intelligent intelligent intelligent

3. Take part in sports 3 . Are popular with girls 3. Are sociable 3. Are sociable

4. Are sociable 4 . Are sociable 4. Are good-looking 4. Are good-looking

5. Are popular with boys 5. Have nice cars 5. Have nice clothes 5. Participate in school clubs or government

Note: Results are based on responses from students at Louisiana State University, Southeastern Louisiana U niversity, State University of New York at Albany, State University of New York at Stony Brook, University of Georgia, and the University of New Hampshire.

SOURCE: Based on Suitor, Minyard, & Carter, 2001.

peer pressure the influence of one's peers to con form to their behavior and attitudes

undersocialized delinquents adolescent delinquents who are raised with little discipline or with harsh, uncaring parental supervision

As illustrated in Table 6-4, men and women differ in their ideas of what determines status in high school. College men suggest that appearance is what most determines a girl's status, whereas college women believe it is her grades and intelligence (Suitor, Minyard, & Carter, 2001).

CONFORMITY: PEER PRESSURE IN ADOLESCENCE Whenever Aldos Henry said he wanted a particular brand of sneakers or a certain style of shirt, his parents blamed it on peer pressure and told him to think for himself.

In arguing with Aldos, his parents were taking a view prevalent in U.S. society: that teenagers are highly susceptible to peer pressure, the pressure to conform to the behavior and attitudes of one's peers. Were his parents correct?

Adolescents are highly susceptible to the influence of their peers when consider ing what to wear, whom to date, and what movies to see. Wearing the right clothes, down to the right brand, can be a ticket to popularity. It shows you know what's what. But when it comes to nonsocial matters, such as choosing a career path or try ing to solve a problem, they are more likely to consult an adult (Closson, Hart, & Hogg, 2017).

Especially in middle and late adolescence, teenagers look to those they see as experts. For social concerns, they turn to the experts-their peers. For arenas where adults hold the knowledge, teenagers tend to ask their advice and accept their opin ions (Perrine & Aloise-Young, 2004; Choo & Shek, 2013).

Overall, susceptibility to peer pressure does not suddenly soar in adolescence. Instead, adolescence changes the source of influence. Whereas children conform fairly consistently to their parents, pressures to conform to peers increase in adolescence as teens establish an identity apart from their parents'.

Ultimately, adolescents conform less to both peers and adults as their autonomy increases. As their confidence grows and they are able to make their own decisions, adolescents are apt to act independently and to reject pressures from others. Before they learn to resist peer pressure, however, teenagers may get into trouble, often along with their friends (Cook, Buehler, & Henson, 2009; Monahan, Steinberg, & Cauffman, 2009; Meldrum, Miller, & Flexon, 2013).

JUVENILE DELINQUENCY: THE CRIMES OF ADOLESCENCE Adolescents, along with young adults, commit more crimes than any other age group. This is a some what misleading statistic: Because certain behaviors (such as drinking) are illegal for adolescents, it is easy for them to break the law. But even disregarding such crimes, adolescents are disproportionately responsible for violent crimes, such as murder, as saults, and rape, as well as property crimes involving theft, robbery, and arson.

What steers adolescents toward criminal activity? Some offenders, known as undersocialized delinquents, were raised with little discipline or by harsh, uncar ing parents. Although they are influenced by peers, their parents did not teach them appropriate social behavior or how to regulate their own conduct. Undersocialized

delinquents typically begin criminal activities well before the onset of adolescence (Hoeve et al., 2008; Barrett & Katsiyannis, 2017).

Undersocialized delinquents share several characteristics. They tend to be ag gressive and violent early in life, leading to peer rejection and academic failure. They are more likely to have been diagnosed with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder as children, and they tend to be less intelligent than average (Silverthorn & Frick, 1999; Rutter, 2003; Peach & Gaultney, 2013).

Undersocialized delinquents often suffer from psychological problems, and as adults they fit a pattern called antisocial personality disorder. They are unlikely to be successfully rehabilitated, and many undersocialized delinquents live on the mar gins of society their entire lives (Frick et al., 2003; Peach & Gaultney, 2013).

A larger group of adolescent offenders are socialized delinquents. Socialized delinquents know and subscribe to the norms of society; they are fairly normal psy chologically. For them, offenses committed in adolescence do not lead to a life of crime. Instead, most socialized delinquents engage in some petty crimes (such as shoplifting) during adolescence, but do not continue into adulthood.

Socialized delinquents are typically highly peer influenced, their delinquency often occurring in groups. Some research also suggests that their parents supervise their behavior less than other parents. But these minor delinquencies are often a re sult of giving in to group pressure or seeking to establish one's identity as an adult

(Fletcher et al., 1995; Thornberry & Krohn, 1997).

Dating, Sexual Behavior, and Teenage

Pregnancy It took him almost a month, but Sylvester Chiu finally got up the courage to ask Jackie Durbin, via a carefu lly crafted text, to the movies. It was hardly a surprise to Jackie, though. Sylvester had first told h is friend Erik about his plans, and Erik had told Jackie's friend Cynthia, who had in turn told Jackie, who was primed to say "yes" when Sylvester finally texted.

Welcome to the complex world of adolescent dating, an important ritual in the liturgy of adolescent relationships.

Dating: Close Relationships in the 21st Century

LO 6. 1 5 Describe the functions and characteristics of dating during adolescence.

Changing cultural factors largely determine when and how adolescents begin to date. Until recently, exclusive dating was a cultural ideal, viewed in the context of romance. Society encouraged dating as a way for adolescents to explore relationships that might lead to marriage. Today, some adolescents believe that dating is outmoded and limit ing, and in some places hooking up-a vague term that covers everything from kissing to sexual intercourse-is regarded as more appropriate. Still, despite changing cultural norms, dating remains the dominant form of social interaction that leads to intimacy among adolescents (Denizet-Lewis, 2004; Manning, Giordano, & Longmore, 2006; Bogle, 2008; Rice, McGill, & Adler-Baeder, 2017).

THE FUNCTIONS OF DATING Dating is a way to learn how to establish intimacy with another individual. It can provide entertainment and, depending on the status of the person one is dating, prestige. It even can be used to develop a sense of one's own identity (Friedlander et al., 2007; Paludi, 2012; Kreager et al., 2016).

Unfortunately, dating, at least in early and middle adolescence, does not serve the function of developing intimacy very well. On the contrary, it is often a super ficial activity in which the participants rarely let down their guards and never ex pose themselves emotionally. Psychological intimacy may be lacking even when sex is part of the relationship (Collins, 2003; Furman & Shaffer, 2003; Tuggle, Kerpelman, & Pittman, 2014).

Adolescence 301

Undersocialized delinquents are raised

with little discipline or by harsh,

uncaring parents, and they begin an

tisocial activities at a relatively early

age. In contrast, socialized delinquents

know and usually follow the norms of

society, and they are highly influenced

by their peers.

socialized delinquents adolescent delinquents who know and subscribe to the norms of so ciety and who are fairly normal psychologically

302 Chapter 6

masturbation sexual self-stimulation

True intimacy becomes more common during later adolescence. At that point, both participants may take dating more seriously as a way to select a possible mate for marriage.

For adolescents who identify as LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer or questioning), dating presents special challenges. In some cases, blatant homo phobic prejudice expressed by classmates may lead gays and lesbians to date members of the other sex in an effort to fit in. If they do seek relationships with others with simi lar identities, they may find it difficult to find partners, because others may not openly express their sexual orientation. LGBTQ couples who do openly date face possible harassment, making the development of a relationship all the more difficult (Savin Williams, 2003, 2006; Dentato, Arguello, & Smith, 2018). DATING, RACE, AND ETHNICITY Culture influences dating patterns among ado lescents of different racial and ethnic groups, particularly those whose parents have immigrated from other countries. Foreign-born parents may try to control dating be havior to preserve traditional values or confine dating to their own racial or ethnic group.

Some immigrant parents may hold especially conservative attitudes because they themselves may be living in an arranged marriage and may never have experienced dating. They may insist that there will be no dating without chaperones, a position that will inevitably lead to conflict with their children (Hoelter, Axinn, & Ghimire, 2004; Lau et al., 2009; Shenhav, Campos, & Goldberg, 2017).

Sexual Relationships

LO 6 . 1 6 Explain how sexuality develops in the adolescent years.

The hormonal changes of puberty trigger not only the maturation of the sexual organs, but also a new range of feelings. Sexual behavior and thoughts are among the central concerns of adolescents, occupying the minds of almost all adolescents a good deal of the time (Kelly, 2001; Ponton, 2001). MASTURBATION Often the first sex act in which adolescents engage is solitary sex ual self-stimulation, or masturbation. By age 15, 80 percent of teenage boys and 20 percent of teenage girls report that they have masturbated. In males, frequency is high in the early teens and then begins to decline, whereas in females, frequency is lower initially and increases throughout adolescence. There are also racial differences. For example, black men and women masturbate less than whites (Schwartz, 1999; Hyde & DeLamater, 2004).

Although masturbation is widespread, it still may produce feelings of shame and guilt. There are several reasons for this. One is that adolescents may believe that mas turbation signifies the inability to find a sexual partner-an erroneous assumption, since statistics show that three-quarters of married men and two-thirds of married women report masturbating between 10 and 24 times a year. For some, the sense of shame about masturbation is the result of a lingering legacy of misguided views of masturbation, in part based on religious prohibitions, cultural and social norms, and bad science (Das, 2007; Gerressu et al., 2008; Colarusso, 2012).

Today, experts on sexual behavior view masturbation as a normal, healthy, and harmless activity. In fact, some suggest that it provides a useful way to learn about

one's own sexuality (Levin, 2007; Hyde & Delamater, 2013). SEXUAL INTERCOURSE Although it may be preceded by many different types of sexual intimacy, including deep kissing, massaging, petting, and oral sex, sexual inter course remains a major milestone in the perceptions of most heterosexual adolescents. Consequently, the main focus of researchers investigating sexual behavior has been on the act of heterosexual intercourse.

The average age at which adolescents first have heterosexual intercourse has been steadily declining over the past 50 years, and about one in five adolescents have had sex before the age of 15. Overall, the average age of first sexual intercourse is 17, and around three-quarters of adolescents have had sex before the age of 20

Adolescence 303

Figure 6 - 1 1 Adolescents and Sexual Activity (see Figure 6-11). At the same time, though, many teenagers are postponing sex, and the number of adolescents who say they have never had sexual intercourse increased by 13 percent from 1991 to 2007 (Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 2008; Guttmacher Institute, 2012).

The age at which adolescents have sexual intercourse for the first time is decl i ni ng, and about three-quarters have had sex before the age of 20.

There also are racial and ethnic differences in timing of initial sexual intercourse: blacks generally have sex for the first time earlier than do Puerto Ricans, who have sex earlier than do whites. These racial and ethnic differences likely reflect differences in socioeconomic conditions, cultural values, and family structure (Singh & Darroch, 2000; Hyde & Delamater, 2008).

SOURCE: Finer & Philbin , 2013.

)( QI Ill "O 80 .. J: QI > .. J: 60 0 ..c: � "' ... c: 40 QI ..., "' QI 0 "O <( 20 ..... 0 :.'!. 0

Strong societal norms govern sexual con duct. A few decades ago the prevailing norm was the double standard: Premarital sex was permissible for males but not females, and men should be sure to marry virgins. Today the double standard has begun to give way to per missiveness with affection. Under this standard, premarital intercourse is permissible for both men and women in the context of a long-term, committed, or loving relationship (Hyde & Delamater, 2004; Earle et al., 2007).

1 0 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 Age

I� Female • Male I

From the perspective of a health-care provider: A parent asks you how to prevent her 14-year-old son from engaging in sexual activity until he is older. What would you tell her?

The demise of the double standard is far from complete. Attitudes toward sexual conduct are still typically more lenient for males than for females, even in socially liberal cultures. And in some cultures, the standards for men and women are quite distinct. For example, in North Africa, the Middle East, and the majority of Asian countries, women are expected to abstain from sexual intercourse until they are mar ried. In Mexico, males are considerably more likely than females to have premarital sex. In contrast, in sub-Saharan Africa, women are more likely to have sexual inter course before marriage, and intercourse is common among unmarried teenage women (Wellings et al., 2006; Ghule, Balaiah, & Joshi, 2007; Riyani & Parker, 2018).

SEXUAL ORIENTATION AND IDENTITY: LGBTQ AND MORE When we consider adolescents' sexual development, the most frequent pattern is heterosexuality, sexual attraction and behavior directed to the other sex. Yet some teenagers are homosexual, in which their sexual attraction and behavior is oriented to members of their own sex. (Most male homosexuals prefer the term gay and female homosexuals the label lesbian because they refer to a broader array of attitudes and lifestyles than the term homosexual, which focuses on the sexual act.) Other people find they are bisexual, sexu ally attracted to people of both sexes. And others see their sexual identity as fluid, or are questioning their identities.

Many teens experiment with homosexuality and other sexual identities. For exam ple, around 20 to 25 percent of adolescent boys and 10 percent of adolescent girls have at least one same-sex sexual encounter. In fact, homosexuality and heterosexuality are not completely distinct sexual orientations. Allred Kinsey, a pioneering sex researcher, argued that sexual orientation should be viewed as a continuum in which "exclusively homosexual" is at one end and "exclusively heterosexual" is at the other. In between are people who show both homosexual and heterosexual behavior. Although accurate

1 7 1 8 1 9 20

304 Chapter 6

figures are difficult to obtain, most experts believe that between 4 percent and 10 per cent of both men and women are exclusively homosexual during extended periods of their lives (Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948; Diamond, 2003a, 2003b; Russell & Consolacion, 2003).

Sexuality is further complicated by the distinction between sexual orientation, which refers to a person's sexual interests, and gender identity-the gender a person believes he or she is psychologically. Sexual orientation and gender identity are not necessarily related to one another: A man with a strong masculine gender identity may be attracted to other men, and traditional "masculine" or "feminine" behavior is not necessarily related to a person's sexual orientation or gender identity (Hunter & Mallon, 2000; Greydanus & Pratt, 2016).

Some individuals identify as transgender. Transgender is an umbrella term for those whose gender identity and/ or gender expression is different from the typical cultural expectations based on their sex assignment at birth. It does not imply a partic ular sexual orientation. Therefore, a transgender individual may also identify as gay, lesbian, bisexual, straight, or something else.

In some cases, transgender individuals may feel that they are trapped in the body of the other gender, and they may seek sex-change operations in which their genitals are surgically removed and the genitals of the desired sex are created. It is a difficult path, one involving counseling, hormone injections, and living as a member of the desired sex for several years before surgery. Ultimately, though, the outcome can be quite positive.

Transgender individuals are different from those who are called intersex or the older term hermaphrodite. An intersex person is born with an atypical combination of sexual organs or chromosomal or gene patterns. For instance, they may be born with both male and female sex organs, or with ambiguous organs. Only one in 4,500 births

are intersex infants (Diamond, 2013).

WHAT DETERMINES SEXUAL ORIENTATION? The factors that induce people to develop a particular sexual orientation and identity are not well understood. Evidence suggests that genetic and biological factors play a central role. Identical twins are more likely to both be homosexual than pairs of siblings who don't share their genetic makeup. Other research finds that various structures of the brain are different accord ing to sexual orientation, and hormone production also seems to be linked to sexual orientation (Ellis et al., 2008; Fitzgerald, 2008; Santtila et al., 2008).

In the past, some theoreticians suggested that family or peer environmental fac tors play a role. For example, Freud argued that homosexuality was the result of inap propriate identification with the opposite-sex parent (Freud, 1922/1959). The difficulty with Freud's theoretical perspective and other, similar perspectives that followed is that there simply is no research evidence to suggest that any particular family dynamic or childrearing practice is consistently related to sexual orientation. Similarly, explana tions based on learning theory, which suggest that homosexuality arises because of re warding, pleasant homosexual experiences and unsatisfying heterosexual ones, are not supported by research (Bell & Weinberg, 1978; Isay, 1990; Golombok & Tasker, 1996).

In short, there is no accepted explanation of why some adolescents develop a het erosexual orientation and others a homosexual orientation. Most experts believe that sexual orientation develops out of a complex interplay of genetic, physiological, and

environmental factors (Le Vay & Valente, 2003; Mustanski, Kuper, & Greene, 2014). CHALLENGES FACING ADOLESCENTS WITH LGBTQ SEXUAL ORIENTATIONS AND IDENTITIES Adolescents who have nontraditional sexual orientations and identities face a more difficult time than other teens. For example, U.S. society still harbors ignorance and prejudice about homosexuality, insisting that people have a choice in the matter-which they do not. Gay, lesbian, and transgender teens may be rejected by their family or peers and harassed or even assaulted by others. As a result, adolescents who have nontraditional sexual orientations are at greater risk for depres sion, with suicide rates significantly higher than for heterosexual adolescents. Gays and lesbians who do not conform to gender stereotypes are particularly susceptible to victimization, and they have lower rates of adjustment (Toomey et al., 2010; Madsen & Green, 2012; Mitchell, Ybarra, & Korchmaros, 2014).

Most people ultimately come to grips with their sexual orientation and become comfortable with it. Although lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender adolescents may experience mental health difficulties as a result of the stress, prejudice, and discrimina tion they face, homosexuality is not considered a psychological disorder by any major psychological or medical association. All of them endorse efforts to reduce discrimina tion against homosexuals. Furthermore, society's attitudes toward homosexuality are changing, particularly among younger individuals. For example, a majority of U.S. cit izens support gay marriage, which became legal in the United States in 2015 (Baker & Sussman, 2012; Patterson, 2013; Hu, Xu, & Tornello, 2016; Platt, Wolf, & Scheitle, 2018).

TEENAGE PREGNANCY Feedings at 3:00 am, diaper changes, and visits to the pe diatrician are not part of most people's vision of adolescence. Yet, every year, tens of thousands of adolescents in the United States give birth. The good news, though, is that the number of teenage pregnancies has decreased significantly in the past two decades. In fact, in 2014, the birth rate for U.S. teenagers was the lowest level ever reported in the seven decades that the government has been tracking pregnancies (see Figure 6-12). Birth rates declined to historic lows in all racial and ethnic groups, but disparities remain, with the rate of births higher for non-Hispanic black and Hispanic teens than for whites. Overall, the rate of teen births is 20.3 per 1,000 births (Colen, Geronimus, & Phipps, 2006; Hamilton, Martin, & Ventura, 2009; Hamilton & Ventura, 2012; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018).

Several factors explain the drop in teenage pregnancies:

• New initiatives have raised awareness of the risks of unprotected sex. For exam ple, about two-thirds of U.S. high schools have comprehensive sex education pro grams (Villarosa, 2003; Corcoran & Pillai, 2007).

• The rates of sexual intercourse among teenagers have declined. The percentage of teenage girls who have ever had sexual intercourse dropped from 51 percent in 1988 to 43 percent in 2006-2010 (Martinez, Copen, & Abma, 2011; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018; Kann et al., 2018).

• The use of condoms and other forms of contraception has increased. For example, virtually all sexually experienced girls ages 15-19 have used some method of con traception. Among sexually active adolescents, 54 percent report that either they or their partner had used a condom during their last sexual intercourse (Martinez, Copen, & Abma, 2011; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018; Kann et al., 2018).

Figure 6 - 1 2 U.S. Teen Preg nancy Rates The rate of teenage pregnancies has dropped dramatically si nce the early 1 990s.

SOURCE: Hamilton, Rossen, & Chong, 2018.

U.S. Births

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Adolescence 305

306 Chapter 6

• Substitutes for sexual intercourse may be more prevalent. For example, data from the 1995 National Survey of Adolescent Males found that about half of 15- to 19-year-old boys reported having received oral sex, an in crease of 44 percent since the late 1980s. It is possible that oral sex, which many teenagers do not even consider "sex," may increasingly be viewed as an alternative to sexual intercourse (Bernstein, 2004; Chandra, et al., 2011).

One thing that apparently hasn't led to a reduction in teenage pregnan cies is asking adolescents to take a virginity pledge. These public pledges a centerpiece of some forms of sex education-apparently are ineffective. In one study of 12,000 teenagers who had taken the pledge, 88 percent reported eventually having premarital sexual intercourse. However, pledges did delay the start of sex an average of 18 months (Bearman & Bruckner, 2004).

An unintended pregnancy can be devastating to mother and child.

This 16-year-old mother and her child are

representative of a major social problem:

teenage pregnancy. Why is teenage pregnancy

a greater problem in the United States than in

other countries?

Teenage mothers today are much less likely than in previous years to be mar ried. In many cases, mothers care for their children without the help of the father. Lacking financial and emotional support, the mother may have to abandon her own education and be relegated to unskilled, poorly paying jobs for the rest of her life. In some cases, she may develop long-term dependency on welfare. Furthermore, her physical and mental health may suffer as she faces unrelenting stress from the continual demands on her time (Gillmore et al., 2006; Oxford et al., 2006; Pirog, Jung, & Lee, 2018).

Review, C h eck, and Apply

Review

LO 6 . 1 0 Describe how adolescents develop their self-concept and self-esteem.

Self-concept grows more differentiated as the view of the self becomes more organized, broader, and more abstract, and takes account of the views of others. During this pe riod, adolescents develop both their self-concept and their self-esteem. Both gender and socioeconomic status affect the assessment of self-esteem.

LO 6.1 1 Analyze diverse theoretical approaches to understanding identity formation.

Both Erikson's identity-versus-identity-confusion stage and Marcia's four identity statuses focus on the adoles cent's struggle to determine an identity and a role in soci ety. Spirituality plays a role in many adolescents' identity definition, as do race and ethnicity.

LO 6 . 1 2 Explain why anxiety, depression, and suicide are important issues in adolescence.

Some adolescents experience anxiety disorders, which de velop when anxiety occurs without external justification, and it impacts normal, everyday functioning. Anxiety disorders are the most prevalent psychological problem in adolescence. Other adolescents question their identity and self-worth, which can lead to feelings of confusion and depression. Depression affects girls more than boys. Although reasons for increased suicide rates among ado lescents are unclear, depression has been found to be one risk factor.

LO 6.13 Analyze how the parent-child relationship changes during adolescence.

The search for autonomy may change relations between teenagers and their parents, temporarily creating conflict in some cases, but the generation gap is narrower than is generally thought.

LO 6.14 Analyze the nature and importance of peer relationships during adolescence.

Peers, by providing social comparison and reference groups, enable adolescents to gauge appropriate behavior and attitudes. Cliques and crowds are particularly impor tant in this regard. Adolescents generally sort themselves into degrees of popularity, including popular, controver sial, rejected, and neglected adolescents. Racial separation increases in adolescence, bolstered by differences in socio economic status, academic experiences, and attitudes. Sex cleavage eventually dissolves as most teenagers join mixed gender cliques. Peer groups can create pressure among ad olescents to conform views and actions to those of others. Some adolescents may engage in criminal activity.

LO 6.15 Describe the functions and characteristics of dating during adolescence.

Dating in adolescence serves a number of functions, including intimacy, entertainment, and prestige. For LGBTQ adolescents, dating presents particular chal lenges as dating practices clash with stereotypical views of relationships.

LO 6.16 Explain how sexuality develops in the adoles- cent years.

Sexual intercourse among heterosexual adolescents is a major milestone that most people reach during this period. The age of first intercourse reflects cultural differences and

Check Yourself

1. Andrew plans to become a lawyer and is now study ing hard to earn good grades so he can eventually enter law school. He has pursued this course largely because his father and mother are both prominent at torneys who always expected him to follow in their footsteps. According to James Marcia, Andrew is an example of ____ _

a. identity achievement b. identity foreclosure c. moratorium d. identity diffusion

2. The people with whom adolescents compare them- selves are referred to as ___ _

a. cliques b. in-groups c. crowds d. reference groups

Applying Lifespan Development

Adolescence 307

has been declining over the past 50 years. Sexual orien tation, which is most accurately viewed as a continuum rather than categorically, develops as the result of a com plex combination of factors.

3. Which of the following is not typically a function of dating in the early adolescent years?

a. Selecting a marriage partner b. Earning prestige c. Providing entertainment d. Understanding one's identity

4. People who feel they are trapped in the body of a per- son of the other gender are referred to as ____ _

a. homosexual b. bisexual c. transgender d. intersexual

What aspects of the social world of adolescents work against the achievement of true intimacy in dating?

C h apter 6 S u m m ary Putting It All Together: Adolescence

FROM AGES 13 TO 18, Julie, the young woman we met in the chapter opener, evolved from a young adolescent consumed with � her social status to a mature teenager capable of defining her own � "cool." In mid-adolescence, she abused alcohol and let her grades as go down in order to be popular, but she got a wake-up call when � she failed her junior year. She knew she was smart, so she began ,f1 making smart choices. She left her old school for one that special- � ized in the arts and joined a club dedicated to something she was o good at-fiction writing. She enrolled in a summer workshop for teen writers, where she connected with adults who could help her. She completed a novel. When it was rejected, she wrote another and started college. Her second book won a con tract. Julie had weathered adolescence successfully.

308 Chapter 6

MODULE 6.1

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

• Adolescents have many physical issues to deal with. (pp. 260-264)

• Julie's concern about her appear ance is typical in adolescence, es pecially for girls, when the body changes and the normal weight gain puberty brings can cause anxiety. (pp. 260-264)

• Adolescent brain development, including the growth of the pre frontal cortex of the brain, per mitted Julie to think about and evaluate the behavior of her old friends in comparison to the new identity she wished to have. Such complex thinking, emerging in adolescence, can sometimes lead to confusion. (pp. 266-268)

• The pressure to be popular led Julie to abuse alcohol-a major threat to the well-being of adoles cents. (p. 268-271)

MODULE 6.2

COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

• Adolescents' personal fables can make them feel invulner able to risk, as Julie felt when she started drinking to be cool. (p. 278)

• Julie's awareness of what she values in herself and her abil ity to reflect on what gives her the most joy exemplify adoles cents' advanced mental abilities. (pp. 276-279)

What would a

PAR E NT do?

What would a H EALTH

CARE WO R K E R do?

What would

YO U do?

MODULE 6.3

SOCIAL AND PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT I N ADOLESCENCE

• Julie's devotion to connecting with the in crowd typifies the great importance of peer relationships in adolescence. (pp. 296-297)

• Though Julie knows her parents love her, she was annoyed when they checked her room for alco hol and fought with her about her dropping grades in school. Such conflicts often occur in early adolescence when teens are strug gling for autonomy and indepen dence. (pp. 293-296)

• For Julie, being smart and making independent choices became posi tive, key aspects of her identity, answering the question, "Who am I?" (pp. 284-293)

• Julie thinks she has to be part of the in crowd to have high self esteem, but her social status is not the only factor that affects her feel ings about herself. (pp. 285-286)

• Julie's enrollment in a fiction writing workshop and her subse quent decision to publish a novel is an example of Marcia's identity achievement. (pp. 288-289)

What would an

E D UCATOR do?

Was Julie's parents' anger at their daughter's late hours and drinking the best response to the problem? In what ways

did they show their love for Julie? In what ways might they have been more supportive?

Julie's concern with popularity

drove her to make poor deci sions about using alcohol. How could a health-care provider help Julie to understand the risks she was taking? Should suggestions include advice about how to socialize without drinking when alcohol is read ily available?

If you were Julie's friend, how would you offer encouragement and sup port for the independent decisions she's mak-

If you were Julie's writing

instructor, how would you help her prepare for a career in fiction writing? Would you advise her to develop other interests and experi ment more before choosing a career path?

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Chapter 7 Early Adulthood

Petra Tarkif, 27, and Mo Wright, 28, work as sales associates for an office supply chain.

They've been living together for 4 years. Both of them are college graduates with degrees

that, as Mo says, "have absolutely no relationship with what we 're doing."

Says Petra, "We're almost 30 with nothing to show for it but a couple of low-level jobs. We

should be doing something better with our lives."

"Right," Mo chimes in. "We want to get married and have kids, but before that we'd really

like to buy a house, which we can't afford. We could move to a bigger city and look for better

jobs, but houses are even more expensive in big cities."

"Meanwhile the clock is ticking," says Petra. "We want to be parents while we're still young

ish." She looks at Mo. "You've talked about business school, and I'd like to learn computer

coding, but going back to school would take more time and money than we can afford."

Mo pulls out some papers. "Maybe there's a way. I talked to Doug, our manager. He says the

company offers career training for management and technical jobs. He thinks we're good

candidates for the program and he 'll recommend both of us, if we want. That would be a step

in the right direction."

309

3 1 0 Chapter 7

Early adulthood, the period from approximately age 20 to 40, is a time of contin ued development. In fact, young adults like Petra and Mo face some of the most pressing questions they will ever face and experience considerable stress as they answer them.

At their physical peak in their 20s, they are on the threshold of the worrisome 30s, when the body begins to send messages of decline and to exact a price for ex cess and inattention. Cognitively, most people have stopped their formal learning, but some want to take it up again either in college or in some other setting. Socially, young adults are often settling into a career, and sometimes they have to consider whether the path they are on is right for them after all. And they still have to answer the really big questions about marriage and children. Staring so many weighty decisions in the face can cause a great deal of stress in young adults.

In fact, some psychologists believe that the beginning of early adulthood can be characterized as a special stage of development known as emerging adulthood. Emerging adulthood is the period beginning in the late teenage years and extending into the mid-20s. Although they are no longer adolescents, people in their early 20s are not fully adults because they haven't fully taken on the responsibilities of adulthood. Instead, they are still seeking to identify who they are and what course their life will follow (Tanner, Arnett, & Leis, 2009; Arnett, 2016).

In this chapter, we'll look at the physical, cognitive, and social and personality changes that accompany young adulthood. This period of life, in which people are too often considered "developed" rather than "developing," in fact harbors many changes. Like Petra and Mo, young adults continue to develop throughout the period.

Module 7 . 1 Physical Development in Early Adulthood

LO 7.1 Describe the physical changes that occur in early adulthood, and identify the barriers people with physical disabilities face.

LO 7.2 Summarize the impact of fitness and diet on general health in early adulthood, and identify other health hazards for this age group.

LO 7.3 Identify the origins of stress, and explain its consequences. LO 7.4 Identify strategies for coping with stress.

Module 7.2 Cognitive Development in Early Adulthood

LO 7.5 Identify and summarize the various approaches to postformal thinking. LO 7.6 Discuss the different types of intelligence, and explain how each affects the

career success of young adults. LO 7.7 Summarize the demographic makeup of college students in the United

States, and describe how that population is changing. LO 7.8 Discuss how gender bias and stereotypes affect the college performance of

women and students of color.

Module 7 . 3 Social and Personality Development in Early Adulthood

LO 7.9 Discuss the concept of emerging adulthood. LO 7 . 1 0 Explain how young adults respond to the need for intimacy and friendship

and how liking turns to loving. LO 7 . 1 1 Differentiate the different kinds of love. LO 7.12 Identify the factors that influence young adults' choice of partner, and give

examples of how these are affected by gender and culture. LO 7 . 1 3 Summarize the sorts of relationships people enter into in early adulthood,

and identify the characteristics of a successful marriage. LO 7 . 1 4 Identify the factors that influence a couple's decision to have children, and

summarize the impact children have on a marriage. LO 7 . 1 5 Explain Vaillant's stage of career consolidation, and identify the

motivations-other than money-people have for seeking a job. LO 7.16 Summarize Ginzberg's career choice theory, Holland's personality type

theory, and how gender affects work choices.

Early Adulthood 31 1

M o d u l e 7 . 1 Physical Development in Early Adulthood

Kaneesha Davis graduated near the top of her class with a degree in

economics. Her dream was to find work helping poor and struggling

middle-class people achieve their dreams -starting a business, buy

ing a home, and even tually having a family But Kaneesha graduated

from college $90,000 in debt. She felt forced to take a job in the loan

department of a Chicago bank that she really didn 't want, but which

paid well. "I think they hired me because they could tick off two boxes

on their 'diversity' chart: Black and female," Kaneesha says. "It cer

tainly wasn 't because we share goals."

stress as they launch themselves into the adult world . Significant

changes- and challenges - occur as new opportunities arise and

people choose to take on (or to forgo) a new set of roles as spouse,

parent, and worker.

Kaneesha's difficulty in finding a job that matches her talents and her

dreams is not at all unusual for young people today. People in early

adulthood are at the height of their phys ical abilities, and general ly

enjoy good health, but they also can experie nce tremendous

This module focuses on physical development during this

period . It begins with a look at the physical changes that extend

into early adu lthood . Though more subtle than the physical changes

of adolescence, growth continu es and various motor skills change

as well. We also look at physical disab ilities and the ways people

deal with them. Next, we look at diet and weight, exam ining the

prevalence of obesity in this age group. We consider what other

health risks young ad ults face. Finally, we discuss stress and coping

during the early years of adulthood .

Physical Development and Health Grady McKinnon grinned as his mountain bi ke left the ground briefly. The 27-year-old financial auditor was delighted to be out for a campi ng and bi king weekend with four of his college buddies. Grady had been worried that an upcoming deadline at work wou ld make h i m miss this trip. When they were still in school, Grady and his friends used to go biking nearly every weekend. But jobs and marriage-and even a ch ild for one of the guys- started taking u p a lot of their attention. This was their only trip this summer. He was sure glad he hadn't missed it.

Grady and his friends were probably in the best physical condition of their lives when they began mountain biking regularly in college. Even now, as Grady's life becomes more complicated and sports start to take a back seat to work and other personal de mands, he is enjoying one of the healthiest periods of his life. Still, Grady has to cope with the stress produced by the challenges of adult life.

Physical Changes and Challenges

LO 7.1 Describe the physical changes that occur in early adulthood, and identify the barriers people with physical disabilities face.

In most respects, physical development and maturation are complete at early adult hood. Most people have attained their full height, with limbs proportional to their size, rendering the gangliness of adolescence a memory. People in their early 20s tend to be healthy, vigorous, and energetic. Although senescence, the natural physical de cline brought about by increasing age, has begun, age-related changes are not usually obvious until later in life. At the same time, some growth continues; for example, some people, particularly late maturers, continue to gain height in their early 20s.

Other parts of the body also reach full maturity. The brain grows in both size and weight, reaching its maximum during early adulthood (and then contracting later in life). The gray matter continues to be pruned back, and myelination (the process in which nerve cells are insulated by a covering of fat cells) continues to increase. These brain changes help support the cognitive advances of early adulthood. Furthermore, the changes in the brain means that young adults' minds are still malleable and adaptive to new experiences. For ex ample, learning a new language, musical instrument, or job skill is easier for young adults than it is for older adults (Li, 2012; Schwarz & Bilbo, 2014; Knezevic & Marinkovic, 2017).

THE SENSES: SUBTLE SHIFTS The senses are as sharp as they will ever be. Although there are changes in the elasticity of the eye-a process that may begin as early as

senescence the natural physical decline brought about by aging

31 2 Chapter 7

Despite the passage of the

Americans with Disabilities Act

(ADA), people with physical dis

abilities still cannot gain access to

many older buildings.

age 10-they are so minor that they produce no deterioration in vision. Hearing, too, is at its peak, although women can detect higher tones more readily than men (McGuinness, 1972). Under quiet conditions, the average young adult can hear the ticking of a watch 20 feet away. The other senses, including taste, smell, and sensitivity to touch and pain, maintain their acuity throughout early adulthood.

MOTOR FUNCTIONING If you are a professional athlete, you are generally consid ered over the hill by the end of your 20s. Although there are notable exceptions, even athletes who train constantly tend to lose their physical edge once they reach their 30s. In some sports, the peak passes even sooner. Swimmers are at their best in their late teens and gymnasts even younger (Schultz & Curnow, 1988).

Our psychomotor abilities also peak during early adulthood. Reaction time is quicker, muscle strength greater, and eye-hand coordination better than at any other period (Mella, Fagot, & Ribaupierre, 2016). PHYSICAL DISABILITIES: COPING WITH PHYSICAL CHALLENGE Beyond these physical changes, more than 50 million people in the United States are physically or mentally challenged, according to the official definition of disability-a condition that substantially limits a major life activity such as walking or vision. People with disabili ties are in large part an undereducated and underemployed minority group. Fewer than 10 percent of people with major handicaps have finished high school, fewer than 25 percent of disabled men and 15 percent of disabled women work full-time, and unem ployment rates are high. In addition, the jobs that people with disabilities find are often routine and low-paying positions (Albrecht, 2005; Power & Green, 2010; Foote, 2013).

Some barriers to a full life are physical. Despite passage in 1990 of the landmark Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), which mandates full access to public estab lishments such as stores, office buildings, hotels, and theaters, people in wheelchairs still cannot gain access to many older buildings.

From a social worker's perspective: What sorts of interpersonal barriers do people with disabilities face? How can those barriers be removed?

Another barrier is prejudice. People with disabilities sometimes face pity or avoid ance as nondisabled people focus so much on the disability that they overlook other characteristics. Others treat people with disabilities as if they were children. This can take its toll on the way people with disabilities think about themselves.

Fitness, Diet, and Health

LO 7.2 Summarize the impact of fitness and diet on general health in early adulthood, and identify other health hazards for this age group.

Aidan Tindell, accustomed to the shaving mirror in his own apartment, got a shock when he glimpsed his image in a friend's full-length mirror. It was not a pretty sight. Aidan had somehow developed a belly-and a pretty good-sized one. As if in a vision, he conjured up the long evenings he spent in a local sports bar with his friends, down ing beers and burgers. Aidan knew something had to give, and he was afraid it was going to be his lifestyle.

The fitness of early adulthood doesn't come naturally or to everyone. To reach their physical potential, people must exercise and maintain a proper diet.

PHYSICAL FITNESS Only a small time commitment is needed to yield significant health benefits. According to the American College of Sports Medicine and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, people should accumulate at least 150 minutes of moderate-intensity physical activity per week. Exercise time can be continuous or in bouts of at least 10 minutes, as long as the daily total reaches 30 minutes. Moderate intensity activity includes walking briskly at 3 to 4 mph, biking at speeds up to 10 mph, golfing while carrying or pulling clubs, fishing by casting from shore, playing ping pong, or canoeing at 2 to 4 mph. Even common household chores, such as weeding,

Early Adulthood 313

vacuuming, and mowing with a power mower, provide moderate exercise (American College of Sports Medicine, 2011; DeBlois & Lefferts, 2017). Figure 7 -1 The Result of Fitness: Longevity

From an educator's perspective: Can people be taught the lifelong advantages of regular exercise? Should school-based physical education programs be changed to foster a lifelong commitment to exercise?

The greater the fitness level, as measured by adherence to the Health and Human Services (HHS) guideli nes, the higher the gains in life expectancy due to physical activity.

SOURCE: N ational Cancer Institute, 2012.

4.5 �--------------� The advantages of exercise are many. Exercise increases cardiovascu

lar fitness, meaning that the heart and circulatory system operate more efficiently. Furthermore, lung capacity increases, raising endurance. Muscles become stronger, and the body is more flexible. The range of movement is greater, and the muscles, tendons, and ligaments are more elastic. Moreover, exercise during this period helps reduce osteoporosis, the thinning of the bones, in later life.

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50% 100% 200% 300%

Exercise also may optimize the immune response of the body, help ing it fight off disease. It may even decrease stress and anxiety and re duce depression. It can provide a sense of control over the body and a feeling of accomplishment. Regular exercise offers the possibility of an other, ultimately more important, reward: It is associated with increased longevity (Jung & Brawley, 2010; Treat-Jacobson, Bronas, & Salisbury, 2014; see Figure 7-1).

Percentage of HHS Guidelines Met

GOOD NUTRITION: NO SUCH THING AS A FREE LUNCH? According to guide lines provided by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, people can achieve good nutri tion by eating foods that are low in fat, including vegetables, fruits, whole-grain foods, fish, poultry, lean meats, and low-fat dairy products. In addition, whole-grain foods and cereal products, vegetables (including dried beans and peas), and fruits are ben eficial in another way: They help people raise the amount of complex carbohydrates and fiber they ingest. Milk and other sources of calcium are also needed to prevent os teoporosis. Finally, people should reduce salt intake (U.S. Department of Agriculture, 2006; Jones et al., 2012; Tyler et al., 2014; Allison, 2018).

Adolescents don't suffer too much from a diet high in Figure 7 - 2 Rising Obesity junk foods and fat because they are undergoing tremendous growth. The body is less forgiving to young adults, who must reduce their caloric intake to maintain their health.

Despite greater awareness of the i mportance of good nutrition, the percentage of adults with weight prob lems in the U nited States has risen dramatically over the past few decades. Why do you think this

OBESITY The adult population of the United States is growing-in more ways than one. Obesity, defined is defined as a BMI at or above the 95th percentile for adults of the same age and sex, is on the rise in the United States. Just over 36 percent of adults are obese, a percentage that has nearly tri pled since the 1960s. Furthermore, as age increases, more and more people are classified as obese. Approximately 70 percent of adults age 20 and over are overweight (National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, 2014 Ogden et al., 2015; Chapuis-de-Andrade, de Araujo, & Lara, 2017; see Figure 7-2).

Although obesity is an issue for countries around the world, the United States stands out. The world average weight for adults is 137 pounds; in the United States, the average is 180 (Walpole, 2012; see Figure 7-3).

HEALTH Health risks in general are slight during early adulthood. People are less susceptible to colds and other minor illnesses than they were as children, and they recover quickly from those that they do catch.

Adults in their 20s and 30s stand a higher risk of dying from accidents, primarily car accidents, than from most other causes. But there are other killers: Among the leading

rise has occurred?

SOURCE: National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, 201 4.

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3 1 4 Chapter 7

sources of death for people 25 to 34 are AIDS, cancer, heart disease, and suicide. Amid the grim statistics of mortality, the age 35 represents a significant milestone. It is at that point that illness and disease overtake accidents as the leading cause of death-the first time this is true since infancy.

Not all people fare equally well during early adulthood. Lifestyle decisions, such as the use-or abuse-of alcohol, tobacco, or drugs, or engaging in unprotected sex, can hasten secondary aging, physical declines brought about by environmental factors or behavioral choices. These substances can also increase the mortality risk from the causes just mentioned.

Cultural factors, including gender and race, are related to the risk of dying. For instance, men are more apt to die than women, primarily in automobile accidents. Furthermore, African Americans have twice the death rate of Caucasians, and minori ties in general have a higher likelihood of dying than their Caucasian peers.

Another major cause of death for men in this age group is violence. The murder rate is significantly higher in the United States than in any other developed country. Racial factors are also related to the homicide rate in the United States. Although ho micide is the third most frequent cause of death for white males between the ages of 20 and 34, it is the most frequent cause of death for black males and the second most frequent cause of death for Hispanic males in the same age range.

Cultural factors also influence young adults' lifestyles and health-related behav ior, as discussed in the Cultural Dimensions feature.

C u lt u ra l Di m e n s i o n s

H o w Cu ltural Bel iefs I nfluence Health a n d Health Care

Gisella recen tly had a mild stroke. Although she recovered

from it, she was advised by her physician to change her

diet and to exercise more, or else she would be at an

increased risk for another stroke. Gisel/a followed the

advice, but she also spent more time at church, praying

for good health. She found that she never felt better, and

her physician commented on her good health at a routine

visit 6 months later.

Why do you think Gisella's health improved? Was it because she changed her eating and exercise habits? Did she become a better person? Was God testing her faith? Or was it si mply that her physician's recommendations were helpful?

When asked in a survey, more than two-thirds of Latino immigrants from Central America, South America, or the Caribbean believed that "God was testing her faith" had a moderate or great effect on her recovery, although most also agreed that a change in eating and activity habits was important (Murguia, Peterson , & Zea, 1997; Gurung, 2010; Yang et al., 2016).

The findings of this study help explain why Lati nos are the least likely of any Western ethnic group to seek the help of a physician when they are ill. According to psychologists Alejandro Murguia, Rolf Peterson , and Maria Zea (1 997), cultural health beliefs, along with demographic and psychological barriers, reduce people's use of physicians and medical care.

Specifically, they suggest that Latinos, as well as members of some non-Western groups, are more likely than non-Hispanic whites to believe in supernatural causes of illness. For instance, mem bers of these groups may attribute illness to a punishment from God, a lack of faith, or a hex. Such beliefs may reduce the

motivation to seek medical care from a physician (Landrine & Klonoff, 1 994; Yang et al., 2016; Srivastava, 201 7).

Finances also play a role. Lower soci oeconomic status reduces the ability to pay for traditional med ical care, which is expensive and may indirectly encourage the continued reliance on less traditional and less expensive methods. In addition, the lower level of involvement in the mai nstream culture that is characteristic of recent immigrants to the United States is associated with a lower li kel ihood of visiting a physician and obtain ing mainstream medical care (Antshel & Antshel, 2002; Abe et al., 201 8).

Furthermore, cultural differences play a role in how psychological d isorders are viewed and experienced. For example, members of some Plains Indians tribes commonly hear the voices of the dead calling to them from the afterlife, and that is seen as normal in their culture. Similarly, anorexia nervosa-an eating disorder in which people become obsessed with their weight and body image and sometimes may starve themselves-is seen primari ly in cultures that hold strict societal standards relating to weight and sli mness. In cultures in which body standards are different, anorexia nervosa is not seen (Jacob, 201 4 ; Munro, Randell, & Lawrie, 201 7).

Health-care providers need to take cultural beliefs into account when treating members of different cultural groups. For example, if a patient believes that the source of his or her i l l ness is a spell cast by a jealous romantic rival, the patient may not comply with medical regimens that ignore that perceived source. To provide effective health care, then, health-care providers must be sensitive to such cultural health beliefs.

Stress and Coping: Dealing with Life's Challenges

It's 5 p.m. and Rosa Convoy, a 25-year-old single mother, has just finished her work as a re ceptionist at a dentist's office and is on her way home. She has exactly 2 hours to pick up her daughter Zoe from child care, get home, make and eat dinner, pick up and return with a baby sitter from down the street, say goodbye to Zoe, and get to her 7 p.m. programming class at a local community college. It's a marathon she runs every Tuesday and Thursday night, and she knows she doesn't have a second to spare if she wants to reach the class on time.

Rosa Convoy is experiencing stress, the physical and emotional response to events that threaten or challenge us. Our lives are crowded with events and circumstances, known as stressors, that threaten our equilibrium. Stressors need not be unpleasant events: Even the happiest events-starting a long-sought job or planning a wedding can produce stress (Shimizu & Pelham, 2004; Aschbacher et al., 2013).

Researchers in the field of psychoneuroimmunology (PNl}-the study of the rela tionship among the brain, the immune system, and psychological factors-have exam ined the outcomes of stress. The most immediate is a biological reaction, as hormones secreted by the adrenal glands cause a rise in heart rate, blood pressure, respiration rate, and sweating. In some situations, these immediate effects are beneficial because the "emergency reaction" they produce in the sympathetic nervous system enables people to defend themselves from a sudden, threatening situation Oanusek, Cooper, & Mathews, 2012; Irwin, 2015; Moraes et al., 2018).

At the same time, long-term, continuous exposure to stressors may result in a re duction of the body's ability to deal with stress. As stress-related hormones are con stantly secreted, the heart, blood vessels, and other body tissues may deteriorate. As a consequence, people become more susceptible to diseases as their ability to fight off germs declines. In short, both acute stressors (sudden, one-time events) and chronic stressors (long-term, continuing events) have the potential to produce significant phys iological consequences (Wheaton & Montazer, 2010; Rohleder, 2012; Maimari, 2017).

The Origins and Consequences of Stress

LO 7 .3 Identify the origins of stress, and explain its consequences.

Experienced job interviewers, college counselors, and owners of bridal shops all know that not everyone reacts the same way to a potentially stressful event. Researchers agree: They have found that people move through two stages as they determine whether (and how) they experience stress (Lazarus, 1991; Folkman, 2010).

Early Adulthood 3 1 5

stress the physical and emotional response to events that threaten or challenge us

psychoneuroimmunology (PNI) the study of the relationship among the brain, the immune system, and psychological factors

Although we commonly thillk of negative events, such as car mishaps, as leading to stress, even welcome events, like getting married, can be stressful.

31 6 Chapter 7

primary appraisal the assessment o f an event to deter mine whether its implications are positive, negative, or neutral

secondary appraisal the assessment of whether one's coping abilities and resources are ad equate to overcome the harm, threat, or challenge posed by the potential stressor

Primary appraisal-the individual's assessment of an event to determine whether its implications are positive, negative, or neutral-is the first step. If a person sees the event as primarily negative, he or she appraises it in terms of the harm that it has caused in the past, how threatening it is likely to be, and how likely it is that the challenge can be resisted successfully. For example, you are likely to feel differently about an upcoming French test if you passed the last one with flying colors than you would if you did poorly.

The second step is secondary appraisal. Secondary appraisal is the person's an swer to the question, "Can I handle it?" -an assessment of whether the coping abilities and resources on hand are adequate. If resources are lacking and the threat is great, the person will feel stress. A traffic ticket is always upsetting, but if you can't afford the fine, the stress is greater.

Stress varies with the person's appraisal, and that appraisal varies with the per son's circumstances. For example, events and circumstances that produce negative emotions produce more stress. Similarly, situations that are uncontrollable or unpre dictable produce more stress than those that are more predictable (Taylor, 2014).

From the perspective of a health-care provider: Are there periods of life that are relatively stress free, or do people of all ages experience stress? Do stress ors differ from age to age?

Over the long run, the constant wear and tear of fighting off stress can have formi dable costs. Headaches, backaches, skin rashes, indigestion, chronic fatigue, and even the common cold are stress-related illnesses (Kalynchuk, 2010; Andreotti et al., 2014; Wisse & Sleebos, 2016).

In addition, the immune system-the organs, glands, and cells that are the body's line of defense against disease-may be damaged by stress. Stress can interfere with the immune system's ability to stop germs from reproducing or cancer cells from spreading (Caserta et al., 2008; Liu et al., 2012; Menard et al., 2017).

To get a sense of how much stress you have in your own life, complete the ques tionnaire in Table 7-1.

Table 7-1 How Stressed Are You? The statements below will help you determine your level o f stress. Mark the appropriate number in each box, then add u p those numbers t o find your score. Your answers should reflect your experiences in the last month only. To help you rate the extent of your stress, use the key at the bottom.

1 . I become upset when something happens unexpectedly.

D 0 = never, 1 = almost never, 2 = sometimes, 3 = fairly often, 4 = very often 2. I feel I 'm unable to control the things that are most important in my life.

D 0 = never, 1 = almost never, 2 = sometimes, 3 = fairly often, 4 = very often 3. I feel nervous and "stressed ."

D 0 = never, 1 = almost never, 2 = sometimes, 3 = fairly often, 4 = very often 4. I feel confident about my ability to handle my personal problems.

D 4 = never, 3 = almost never, 2 = sometimes, 1 = fairly often, O = very often 5. In general , I feel things are going my way.

D 4 = never, 3 = almost never, 2 = sometimes, 1 = fairly often, 0 = very often How Do You Measure Up?

6. I'm able to control irritations in my life.

D 4 = never, 3 = almost never, 2 = sometimes, 1 = fairly often, 0 = very often 7. I feel I cannot cope with all the things I need to do.

D 0 = never, 1 = almost never, 2 = sometimes, 3 = fairly often, 4 = very often 8. Generally, I feel on top of things.

D 4 = never, 3 = almost never, 2 = sometimes, 1 = fairly often, 0 = very often 9. I get angry at things that are beyond my control.

D 0 = never, 1 = almost never, 2 = sometimes, 3 = fairly often, 4 = very often 1 0. I feel problems pile up to such an extent that I cannot overcome them.

D 0 = never, 1 = almost never, 2 = sometimes, 3 = fairly often, 4 = very often Stress levels vary from person to person, but you can compare your total score to the averages below:

Age 1 8-29 . . . . . . . . . . " " " " " " " " " " " " 14.2

30-44 . . . . .

45-54

55-04

65 & over

" " " 1 3.0

, , , , , ,, . . . . . . 2.6

" " " " ' "' 1 1 .9

.. . . .. 1 2.0

Gender Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . 1 2 . 1

Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . 1 3.7

SOURCE: Based on Sheldon Cohen, Dept. o f Psychology, Carnegie Mellon Un iversity.

Marital Status Widowed . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . .. . .

Married or living with.

Single or never wed . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . .

Divorced .

Separated . .

" 1 2.6

" " 1 2.4

"" 1 4. 1

"" 1 4.7

"" 1 6.6

Coping with Stress

LO 7.4 Identify strategies for coping with stress.

Stress is a normal part of every life. But some young adults are better than oth ers at coping, the effort to control, reduce, or learn to tolerate the threats that lead to stress (Kam, Perez Torres, & Steuber Fazio, 2018; Farrell, Ollendick, & Muris, 2019). What's the secret to coping? It turns out that people use a variety of strategies.

Some people use problem-focused coping-managing a threatening situation by directly changing it to make it less stressful. For example, a man having difficul ties on the job may ask his boss to change his responsibilities, or he may look for another job.

Other people employ emotion-focused coping-the conscious regulation of emotion. For instance, a mother having trouble finding appropriate care for her child while she is at work may tell herself that she should look at the bright side: At least she has a job (Master et al., 2009; Gruszczynska, 2013; Pow & Cashwell, 2017).

Sometimes, people acknowledge that they are in a stressful situation that cannot be changed, but they cope by managing their reactions. For example, they may take up meditation or exercise to reduce their physical reactions.

Coping is also aided by the presence of social support, assistance and comfort sup plied by others. Turning to others can provide both emotional support (in the form of a shoulder to cry on) and practical, tangible support (such as a temporary loan). In addition, others can provide information, offering specific advice on how to deal with stressful situations (Green, DeCourville, & Sadava, 2012; Se<;:kin, 2013; Vallejo-Sanchez & Perez-Garcia, 2015; Falgares et al., 2018).

Finally, even if people do not consciously cope with stress, some psychologists suggest that they may unconsciously use defensive coping mechanisms. Defensive coping involves unconscious strategies that distort or deny the true nature of a situa tion. For instance, people may trivialize a life-threatening illness or tell themselves that failing a major test is unimportant.

Deve l o p m ent i n You r Life

Coping with Stress

Early Adulthood 3 1 7

coping the effort to control, reduce, or learn to tolerate the threats that lead to stress

defensive coping coping that involves unconscious strategies that distort or deny the true nature of a situation

Some general guidelines can help people cope with stress, includ ing the fol lowing (B ionna, 2006; Taylor, 2 0 1 4) :

bers, a n d even telephone hotlines staffed b y trained counselors can provide sign ificant support.

• Seek control over the situation. Taking charge of a situa tion that is producing stress can take you a long way toward coping with it. For example, if you are feeling stress about a test, do something about it - such as starting to study.

• Redefine ''threat'' as "challenge!' Changing the definition can make a situation seem less threatening. "Look for the silver lining" is not bad advice. For example, if you're fired , look at it as an opportunity to get a new and better job.

• Use mindfulness. M indfulness stress reduction techniques involve learn ing to become aware of one's surrou ndings, making every moment count, and observ ing one's thoughts and feelings without judging them. Research has demonstrated that getting into a mindful state helps people manage and reduce stress responses (Meland et al., 201 5; Ramasubramanian, 201 7).

• Find social support. Almost any d ifficulty can be faced more easily with the help of others. Friends, family mem-

• Use relaxation techniques. Reducing the physiologi cal arousal brought about by stress can be effective i n coping with stress. Tech niques that produce relaxation, such as transcendental meditation, Zen and yoga, progressive muscle relaxation, and hypnosis, have been shown to be effective. One that works parti cularly well was devised by physician Herbert Benson and is ill ustrated in Table 7-2 (Benson & Proctor 201 1 ) .

• Maintain a healthy lifestyle that will reinforce your body's natural coping mechanisms. Exercise, eat nutritiously, get enough sleep, and avoid or reduce the use of alcohol, tobacco, or other drugs.

• Take a break. It can be useful to even temporari ly remove yourself from a situation that's causing stress.

• If all else fails, keep in mind that a life with out stress would be dull. Stress is natural, and successful l y coping with it can be gratifyi ng.

3 1 8 Chapter 7

Table 7-2 How to Elicit the Relaxation Response

Some general advice on regular practice of the relaxation response:

• Try to find 1 0 to 20 minutes in your daily routine; before breakfast is a good time. • Sit comfortably. • For the period you will practice, try to arrange your life so you won't have distractions. Put on the

answering machine, and ask someone else to watch the kids. • Time yourself by glancing periodically at a clock or watch (but don't set an alarm) . Commit yourself to a

specific length of practice, and try to stick to it.

There are several approaches to eliciting the relaxation response. Here is one standard set of instructions:

Step 1 . Pick a focus word o r short phrase that's firmly rooted i n your personal belief system . For examp le, a nonreligious individual might choose a neutral word like one or peace or love. A Christian per son desiring to use a prayer could pick the opening words of Psalm 23, The Lord is my shepherd;

Step 2.

Step 3.

Step 4.

Step 5.

Step 6.

a Jewish person could choose Shalom. Sit quietly in a comfortable position. Close your eyes. Relax your muscles. Breathe slowly and naturally, repeating your focus word or phrase silently as you exhale . Throughout, assume a passive attitude. Don 't worry about how well you're doing. When other thoughts come to mind, simply say to yourself, "Oh, well,'' and gently return to the repetition.

Step 7. Continue for 1 O to 20 minutes. You may open your eyes to check the time, but do not use an alarm. When you finish, sit quietly for a minute or so, at first with your eyes closed and later with your eyes open. Then do not stand for 1 or 2 minutes.

Step 8. Practice the technique once or twice a day.

SOURCE: Benson and Scribner, 2 0 1 1 .

In some cases, people use drugs or alcohol to escape from stressful situations. Like defensive coping, drinking and drug use do not help address the situation causing the stress, and they can increase a person's difficulties. For example, people may be come addicted to the substances that initially provided them with a pleasurable sense of escape. (See the Development in Your Life box on how to cope with stress.)

Review, C h eck, and Apply

Review

LO 7.1 Describe the physical changes that occur in early adulthood, and identify the barriers people with physical disabilities face.

By young adulthood, the body and the senses are at their peak, but growth still proceeds, particularly in the brain. People with physical disabilities face not only physi cal barriers but also psychological barriers caused by prejudice.

LO 7.2 Summarize the impact of fitness and diet on gen eral health in early adulthood, and identify other health hazards for this age group.

Exercise and diet become important in young adulthood; even short time commitments to exercise and improved nutrition yield significant health benefits. Obesity is in creasingly a problem for this age group. Accidents present the greatest risk of death. In the United States, violence is also a significant risk during young adulthood, particu larly for non-white males.

Check Yourself

1. is the natural physical decline brought about by aging.

a. Maturation c. Senescence b. Plasticity d. Lateralization

LO 7.3 Identify the origins of stress, and explain its consequences.

Our appraisal of the level of stress caused by an event or situation varies by individual temperament and circum stances. Origins of stress include: events that produce neg ative emotions; unexpected or uncontrollable situations; ambiguous or confusing events; and having to accomplish too many tasks simultaneously. Stress, which is healthy in small doses, can be harmful to the body and mind if it is fre quent or long lasting. Long-term exposure to stressors may cause deterioration in the heart, blood vessels, and other body tissues. Stress is linked to many common ailments.

LO 7.4 Identify strategies for coping with stress. Strategies for coping with stress include problem-focused cop ing, emotion-focused coping, and the use of social support. Using the relaxation technique can also be helpful. Another strategy, defensive coping, which relies on avoidance, can pre vent a person from dealing with the reality of the situation.

2. At the age of illness and disease overtake accidents as the leading cause of death.

a. 25 c. 40

b. 35 d. 45

Early Adulthood 319

3. Researchers in the field of study the rela- tionship among the brain, the immune system, and psychological factors, and have found that stress can produce several outcomes.

4. Avoiding thinking about a stressful situation by drink ing, taking drugs, or just denying the true nature of a

a. psychoanalysis b. chronic disease management c. resilience analysis d. psychoneuroimmunology

Applying Lifespan Development

situation are all examples of coping.

a. defensive b. problem-focused c. secondary d. somatic

In what circumstances can stress be an adaptive, helpful response? In what circumstances is it maladaptive?

M o d u l e 7 . 2 Cognitive Development in Early Adulthood

Paul Galesko was an "A-list" student in high school-popular, a member regarded adulthood as an inconsequential p lateau , we will examine

of the drama society and the marching band, and at the top of his class. some new theories that suggest that significant cognitive growth

Paul had been a driven student since his first year, challenging himself occurs during the period . We also cons ider the impact of life events

each semester with a strict diet of advanced and honors classes. Paul's on cognitive development and the nature of adult intelligence .

parents had instilled in him the value of education as a way to a better The last part of the module examines college, an institution that life; their lives had been difficult because they lacked a college education shapes intellectual growth . We consider who goes to college, and how

and had decided to have children while they were still young and not yet gender and race can infiuence achievement. We end by examining

financially established. some of the adjustment problems that college students face.

Paul was excited when he got into his first-choice college, but

things didn 't go as he expected that first year. Actually, he hadn 't

known what to expect at all. Because no one in his family had gone

to college, he was exploring new territory. He tried to do it all-tough

classes, weekend parties, a job at the student union, writing for the

campus newspaper, and more. Finally, the pressure wore him down

and he showed up at the campus infirmary with signs of exhaustion.

Although Paul was, in his own words, "exploring new territory" by going

to college, he and his parents shared a belief in the value of h igher

education . The different paths taken by Paul and his parents represent

the i ncreasing diversity in family background , socioeco nomic status,

race, and ethnicity that characterizes coll ege populations today.

This module focuses on cognitive development during early

adulthood. Althoug h traditional approaches to cognitive development

Cognitive Development and Intelligence

I Ben is known to be a heavy drinker, especially when he goes to parties. Tyra, Ben's wife, warns him that if he comes home drunk one more time, she will leave him and take the children. Tonight Ben is out late at an office party. H e comes home drunk. Does Tyra leave Ben? To the typical adolescent this case (drawn from research by Adams and Labouvie-Vief, 1986) is open and shut: Tyra leaves Ben. But in early adulthood, the answer is less clear. People become less concerned with sheer logic and instead take into account real-life concerns that may influence and temper behavior.

Intellectual Growth and Postformal Thought

LO 7 .5 Identify and summarize the various approaches to postformal thinking.

If we subscribed to the traditional view of cognitive development, we would expect to find little intellectual growth in early adulthood. Piaget argued that by the time

320 Chapter 7

Fro m Research to Pract ice

How Long Do Young Adult Bra i ns Continue to Develop?

Once you have reached young adulthood , you're free to explore a variety of new experiences from which society shields children and adolescents because their so-called i mpressionable minds are sti ll developing. Parental guidance, consent, and supervision are no longer required. Yo ur access to very violent movies, bars and nightclubs, and all kinds of other adult-only situations is increasingly unfettered. But is your brain really done developing?

wonder, then, that the greatest risks to health and well-being i n this stage of life mainly involve poor judgment- motor vehicle accidents, violence, drug abuse, and excessive drinking chief among them. But it's also a time of opportu nity when young adults can insti ll such highly beneficial traits as resi l ience, self-contro l , and self- regu latio n (Raznahan et al., 201 1 ; Giedd, 2 0 1 2 ; Steinberg, 2014).

What you do with this time can have im portant i m pl ications going forward . For example, some research has found that the more that young adults used Facebook, the worse they felt at the time and the more their satisfaction with life declined over time. This fits with a broader concern expressed by scienti sts who study young adult brain deve lopment: The choice of activities in young adulthood can have lasting consequences, for better or worse (Beck, 2 0 1 2 ; G iedd, 2 0 1 2 ; Kross e t al., 201 3).

Research ind icates that it actually isn 't, and it won't be until later i n your 20s. Rather than being fully grown, the young adult brai n continues to grow new neural connections and to prune away unused pathways. This i s generally a good th ing-it means that young adults' minds are still malleable and adaptive to new experiences. For example, learn ing a new language, musical instrument, or job skill is easier for young adults than it is for older adults (Whiting, Chenery, & Copland, 201 1 ).

One part of the brain i n particular, the prefrontal cortex, doesn 't mature until well into young adulthood. This region is responsib le for such higher-order mental functions as planning , decision making, and i m p ulse contro l . It's little

Shared Writ i n g Prompt: What could young adults do to optimize their ongoing

brain development?

postformal thought thinking that acknowledges that adult predicaments must sometimes be solved in relativistic terms

The nature of thought changes qual

itatively during early adulthood.

people left adolescence, their thinking, at least qualitatively, had largely become what it would be for the rest of their lives. They might gather more information, but the ways in which they thought about it would not change.

Was Piaget's view correct? Increasing evidence suggests that he was mistaken.

POSTFORMAL THOUGHT Developmental psychologist Gisela Labouvie-Vief sug gests that the nature of thinking changes during early adulthood. She asserts that thinking based solely on formal operations (Piaget's final stage, reached during ado lescence) is insufficient to meet the demands placed on young adults. The complex ity of society, which requires specialization, and the challenge of finding one's way through that complexity require thought that transcends logic to include practical experience, moral judgments, and values (Labouvie-Vief, 2006; 2009; Lemieux, 2013; Hamer & van Rossum, 2017).

Young adults exhibit what is called postformal thinking. Postformal thought is thinking that goes beyond Piaget's formal operations. Rather than being based on purely logical processes, with absolutely right and wrong answers to problems, post formal thought acknowledges that adult predicaments must sometimes be solved in relativistic terms.

PERRY'S APPROACH TO POSTFORMAL THINKING To psychologist William Perry (Perry, 1981), the developmental growth of early adulthood involves mastering new ways of understanding the world. In examining intellectual and moral growth dur ing college, Perry found that students entering college tended to use dualistic thinking in their views of the world: Something was either right or wrong; people were either good or bad; others were either for them or against them.

However, as these students encountered new ideas and points of view from other students and their professors, their dualistic thinking declined. Consistent with post formal thinking, students began to accept that issues can have more than one plausible side. Furthermore, they understood that it is possible to hold multiple perspectives on an issue. Their attitude toward authorities also changed: Instead of assuming that experts had all the answers, they began to realize that their own thinking had validity if their position was well thought out and rational.

In fact, according to Perry, they had reached a stage in which knowledge and val ues were regarded as relativistic. Rather than seeing the world as having absolute stan dards and values, they argued that different societies, cultures, and individuals could have different standards and values, and all of them could be equally valid.

From an educator's perspective: Do you think it is possible for adolescent students to learn postformal thinking (e.g., by direct instruction on breaking the habit of dualistic thinking)? Why or why not?

SCHAIE'S STAGES OF DEVELOPMENT Developmental psychologist K. Warner Schaie offers another perspective on postformal thought. Taking up where Piaget left off, Schaie suggests that adults' thinking follows a set pattern of stages (illustrated in Figure 7-3). But Schaie focuses on the ways in which information is used during adult hood, rather than on changes in the acquisition and understanding of new information, as in Piaget's approach (Schaie & Willis, 1993; Schaie & Zanjani, 2006; Schaie, 2016).

Schaie suggests that before adulthood, the main cognitive developmental task is acquisition of information. Consequently, he labels the first stage of cognitive devel opment, which encompasses all of childhood and adolescence, the acquisitive stage. Information gathered before we grow up is largely squirreled away for future use. In fact, much of the rationale for education during childhood and adolescence is to pre pare people for future activities.

The situation changes considerably in early adulthood when the focus shifts from the future to the here and now. According to Schaie, young adults are in the achiev ing stage, applying their intelligence to attain long-term goals regarding their careers, family, and contributions to society. During the achieving stage, young adults must confront and resolve several major issues, and the decisions they make-such as what job to take and whom to marry-have implications for the rest of their lives.

During the late stages of early adulthood and in middle adulthood, people move into the responsible and executive stages. In the responsible stage, middle-aged adults are mainly concerned with protecting and nourishing their spouses, families, and careers.

Sometime later, further into middle adulthood, many people (but not all) enter the executive stage in which they take a broader perspective, becoming more concerned about the larger world. People in the executive stage put energy into nourishing and sustaining societal institutions. They may become involved in town government, religious congregations, service clubs, charitable groups, and factory unions organizations that have a larger purpose in society.

Figure 7 - 3 Schaie's Stages of Adult Development SOURCE: Based on Schaie, 1 977-1978.

Childhood and Adolescence

Young Adulthood Middle Adulthood

Early Adulthood 321

acquisitive stage according to Schaie, the first stage of cognitive development, encompass ing all of childhood and adolescence

achieving stage the point reached by young adults in which intelligence is applied to specific situations involving the attainment of long-term goals re garding careers, family, and societal contributions

responsible stage the stage where the major concerns of middle-aged adults relate to their personal situations, including pro tecting and nourishing their spouses, families, and careers

executive stage the period in middle adulthood when people take a broader perspective than previously, including concerns about the world

Late Adulthood

322 Chapter 7

Profound events such as the birth of

a child or the death of a loved one

can stimulate cognitive develop

ment by offering an opportunity to

reevaluate our place in the world.

What are some other profound

events that might stimulate cogni

tive development?

reintegrative stage the period of late adulthood during which the focus is on tasks that have personal meaning

triarchic theory of intelligence Sternberg's theory that intelligence is made up of three major components: componential, experiential, and contextual

Finally, the reintegrative stage is the period of late adulthood during which peo ple focus on tasks that have personal meaning. They no longer focus on acquiring knowledge to solve potential problems that they may encounter. Instead, they acquire information about issues that specifically interest them. Furthermore, they have less interest in-and patience for-things that they do not see as having some immediate application to their lives.

LIFE EVENTS AND COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT Marriage. The death of a parent. Starting a first job. The birth of a child. Buying a house.

Milestones such as these, whether welcome or unwanted, can cause stress. But do they also cause cognitive growth? Some research evidence-spotty and largely based on case studies-suggests that the answer may be yes. For instance, the birth of a child may trigger fresh insights into the nature of relationships-one's place in the world and one's role in perpetuating humanity. Similarly, the death of a loved one may cause a reevaluation of what is important and a new look at the way life should be led (Kandler et al., 2012; Andersson & Conley, 2013; Karatzias, Yan, & Jowett, 2015). Experiencing the ups and downs of life may lead young adults to think about the world in novel, more complex and sophisticated, less rigid ways. They are now capable of using postformal thought to see and grasp trends and patterns, personalities, and choices. This allows them to deal effectively with the complex social worlds of which they are a part.

COMPARING THE THEORIES OF POSTFORMAL THOUGHT We've considered a number of theoretical approaches to postformal thought. Is there one particular theory that is most accurate in describing the way people's thinking changes during adult hood? Not really, because it turns out that the theories are not mutually exclusive. Instead, Labouvie-Vief's focus on postformal thinking, Perry's views on dualistic and relativistic thinking, and Schaie's focus on the stages of adult thought are concerned with different aspects of the changes we see in adult thinking.

However, there is one exception to the generalization that the theories looking at adult thought are not mutually exclusive, and that relates to Piaget's theory. In con trast to the theories that see thinking developing throughout adulthood, Piaget be lieved that the qualitative changes in adult thought were minimal once we reached adolescence. Based on decades of research, it seems clear that Piaget underestimated the changes that occur post-adolescence, and that thinking continues to advance in both qualitative and quantitative ways throughout adulthood.

Intelligence: What Matters in Early Adulthood?

LO 7.6 Discuss the different types of intelligence, and explain how each affects the career success of young adults.

Yo u've had a pretty good year at your job. You've got two assistants who help you; one is quite good, but the other doesn't work very hard. Although you're well-liked in the com pany, there's not much to distinguish you from your peers. Although you want to move up quickly in the company and become an executive, you're just not sure how you can you meet your goals .

The way adults address this scenario may affect their future success. The situation is one of a series designed to assess a particular type of intelligence that may have more of an impact on future success than the IQ measured by traditional tests.

Many researchers argue that the kind of intelligence measured by IQ tests is not the only valid kind. Depending on what one wants to know about individuals, other theories of intelligence-and other measures of it-may be more appropriate.

In his triarchic theory of intelligence, psychologist Robert Sternberg, who is re sponsible for the executive question just posed, suggests that intelligence is made up of three major components: componential, experiential, and contextual. The compo nential aspect involves the mental components used to solve problems (e.g., select ing and using formulas, choosing problem-solving strategies, and in general mak ing use of what has been learned in the past). The experiential component refers to the relationship between intelligence, prior experience, and the ability to cope with

new situations. This is the insightful aspect of intelligence, which allows people to relate what they already know to a new situation and facts never before encountered. Finally, the contextual component of intelligence takes account of the demands of ev eryday, real-world environments. For instance, the contextual component is involved in adapting to on-the-job professional demands (Sternberg, 2005, 2015).

Traditional IQ tests tend to focus on the componential aspect. Yet increasing evi dence suggests that a more useful measure, particularly when comparing and pre dicting adult success, is the contextual component-the aspect of intelligence that has come to be called practical intelligence.

PRACTICAL AND EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE According to Sternberg, tradi tional IQ scores relate quite well to academic success but not to other types of achieve ment, such as career success. Although it is clear that success in business requires some level of the IQ sort of intelligence, the rate of career advancement and the ultimate success of business executives is only marginally related to IQ scores (Sternberg, 2006; Grigorenko et al., 2009; Ekinci, 2014).

Sternberg contends that success in a career necessitates practical intelligence. Whereas academic success is based on knowledge obtained largely from reading and listening, practical intelligence is learned primarily by observing others and model ing their behavior. People with practical intelligence have good "social radar." They understand and handle even new situations effectively, reading people and circum stances insightfully based on their previous experiences.

There is another, related type of intelligence. Emotional intelligence is the set of skills that underlies the accurate assessment, evaluation, expression, and regulation of emotions. Emotional intelligence is what enables people to get along well with others, to understand what they are feeling and experiencing, and to respond appropriately to their needs. Emotional intelligence is of obvious value to career and personal success as a young adult (Kross & Grossmann, 2012; Crowne, 2013; Wong, 2016; Szczygiel & Mikolajczak, 2017).

From an educator's perspective: Do you think educators can teach people to be more intelligent? Are there components or varieties of intelligence that might be more "teachable" than others? If so, which: componential, experiential, contextual, practical, or emotional?

CREATIVITY: NOVEL THOUGHT The hundreds of musical compositions of Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, who died at the age of 35, were largely written during early adulthood. This pattern-major works produced during early adulthood-is true of many other creative individuals. Many mathematicians and physicists produce their major works during early adulthood. Overall, creative productivity seems to peak in the late 30s and early 40s, and then slowly decline. But there are many excep tions, and the most creative people maintain their creativity throughout their life span (Simonton, 2017; Nikolaidis & Barbey, 2018; see Figure 7-4).

One reason for the higher creative output of early adulthood may be that after this period creativity can be stifled by the fact that the more people know about a subject, the less likely they are to be creative. Early adulthood may be the peak of creativity because many problems encountered professionally are novel. In addition, as we age we become less flexible in our thinking, and we are less likely to adopt unfamiliar hy potheses and assumptions (Gopnik et al., 2017).

On the other hand, many people do not reach their pinnacle of creativity until much later in life. For instance, Frank Lloyd Wright designed the Guggenheim Museum in New York at age 70. Charles Darwin was still writing influential works well into his 70s, and Pablo Picasso was painting in his 90s. Furthermore, overall productivity, as op posed to the period of a person's most important output, remains fairly steady through out adulthood, particularly in the humanities (Simonton, 2009; Hanna, 2016).

Overall, the study of creativity reveals few consistent developmental patterns. One reason is the difficulty of determining just what constitutes creativity, which is

Early Adulthood 323

practical intelligence according to Sternberg, intelligence that is learned primarily by observing others and modeling their behavior

emotional intelligence the set of skills that underlie the accurate assessment, evaluation, ex pression, and regulation o f emotions

creativity the combination of responses or ideas in novel ways

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Figure 7 -4 Creativity and Age The period of maximum creativity differs depending on the particular field . The percentages refer to the total lifetime major works produced during the partic ular age period. Why do poets peak earlier than novel ists?

SOURCE: Based on Dennis, 1966.

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defined as combining responses or ideas in novel ways. Because definitions of what is "novel" may vary from one person to the next, it is hard to identify a particular behav ior unambiguously as creative.

This hasn't stopped psychologists from trying. One suggested component of cre ativity is a person's willingness to take risks that may yield high payoffs. Creative peo ple are like successful stock market investors who follow the "buy low, sell high" rule. Creative people develop and endorse ideas that are unfashionable or regarded as wrong ("buying low"), assuming that eventually others will see their value and embrace them ("selling high"). According to this theory, creative adults take a fresh look at ideas that were initially discarded, particularly if the problem is a familiar one. They are flexible enough to move away from tried-and-true ways of doing things and to consider new approaches (Sternberg, Kaufman, & Pretez, 2002; Sternberg, 2009; Sawyer, 2012).

College: Pursuing Higher Education As soon as the class ends at 3:30, Laura Twombly, restarti ng co llege at age 30, packs her books and rushes to her car. She speeds to reach her job by 4 p.m .. anxious to avoid another warning from her s upervisor. After her shift, she picks up her son, Derek, from her mother's house and hurries home.

From 8:30 to 9:30 Laura spends time with Derek before putting him to bed. At 1 0 , she starts studying for her busi ness ethics test. She gives up at 1 1 , setting the alarm for 5 a.m. so she can finish studying before Derek wakes around 7. Then she dresses and feeds him and herself and hurries to drop Derek off at her mother's house and start an other round of classes, work, study, and mothering.

Laura Twombly, one of the one-third of college students who are older than 24, faces unusual challenges as she pursues her college degree. Older students like her repre sent just one aspect of the increasing diversity-in family background, socioeconomic status, race, and ethnicity-that characterizes college campuses today.

For any student, though, attending college is a significant accomplishment. College attendance is not commonplace: Nationwide, high school graduates who enter college are in the minority.

The Demographics of Higher Education: Who Attends College?

LO 7.7 Summarize the demographic makeup of college students in the United States, and describe how that population is changing.

What types of students enter college? As in the U.S. population as a whole, U.S. college students are primarily white and middle class. About 51 percent of the college popula tion is white, compared with 18 percent Hispanic, 13 percent black, 6 percent Asian, and 12 percent other races or ethnicities. Furthermore, as total enrollment in college increased by 12 percent during the 10-year period from 2006 to 2016, minority enroll ment increased by almost 40 percent (see Figure 7-5; U.S. Department of Education, 2016; Diversity in Academe, 2018).

For students who do not attend or complete college, the consequences can be sig nificant. Higher education is an important way for people to improve their economic well-being. Just 3 percent of adults who have a college education live below the pov erty line. Compare that with high school dropouts: They are 10 times more likely to be living in poverty.

THE GENDER GAP IN COLLEGE ATTENDANCE A higher proportion of women at tend college than men. Seventy-one percent of female high school graduates enrolled in college the fall following graduation, compared with only 61 percent of males. The gender gap is even greater for minority students, with 69 percent of black women enrolled compared to 57 percent of black men, and 76 percent of Hispanic women enrolled compared to 62 percent of Hispanic men. Furthermore, projections show that the gap between women and men is expected to grow over the next decade (Adebayo, 2008; Lopez & Gonzalez-Barrera, 2014).

Figure 7 - 5 Change in Enrollment by Race and Eth n i c ity Diversity in college student enrollment increased significantly between 2006 and 2016.

I I I I I I

Note: Education Department data for 2006 does not classify Asian and Native Hawaiian/other Pacific Islander separately as they do for 2016; therefore, these two 2016 catgories are added together

here. The "two or more" category is not included in this calculation because the 2006 Education Department data do not include it.

-25.9

Early Adulthood 325

326 Chapter 7

Why the gender gap? It may be that men have more job opportunities when they graduate from high school. For instance, the military, trade unions, and jobs that re quire physical strength may be both more available and more attractive to men. Furthermore, women often have better high school academic records than men, and they may be admitted to college at greater rates (Buchmann & DiPrete, 2006; England & Li, 2006; Rocheleau, 2016).

The number of older students starting or returning to college continues

to grow. More than a third of college students are 24 years old or older.

Why are so many older, nontraditional students taking college courses?

THE CHANGING COLLEGE STUDENT: NEVER TOO LATE TO GO TO COLLEGE? If the phrase "average college student" brings to mind an image of an 18- or 19-year-old, you should begin to rethink your view. Increasingly, students are older. In fact, from 2000 to 2016, the enrollment of students 25 years and older, like Laura Twombly, the 30-year-old student profiled previ

ously, increased 27 percent. Almost half of all community college students are age 22 or older, and of those, 1 0 percent are older than 40 years old. (American Association of Community Colleges, 2018; Snyder, 2018).

Why are so many older, nontraditional students taking college courses? One rea son is economic. A college degree is becoming increasingly important for obtaining a job. Many employers encourage or require workers to undergo college-based training to learn new skills or update old ones.

In addition, as young adults age, they begin to feel the need to settle down with a family. This change in attitude can reduce their risk-taking behavior and make them focus more on acquiring the ability to support their family-a phenomenon that has been labeled maturation reform.

From an educator's perspective: How does the growing number of older, nontraditional students affect the college classroom, given what you know about human development? Why?

The Effects of Gender Bias and Negative Stereotypes on College Performance

LO 7.8 Discuss how gender bias and stereotypes affect the college performance of women and students of color.

I registered for a calculus course my first year at DePauw. Even 20 years ago I was not timid, so on the very first day I raised my hand and asked a question. I still have a vivid memory of the professor rolling his eyes, hitting his head with his hand in frustration, and announcing to everyone, "Why do they expect me to teach calculus to girls?" (Sadker & Sadker, 1 994, p. 1 62)

Although such blatant sexism is less likely today, prejudice and discrimination di rected at women is still a fact of college life.

GENDER BIAS The next time you are in class, consider the gender of your classmates-and the subject matter of the class. Although men and women attend college in roughly equal proportions, they tend to take different courses. Classes in education and the social sciences, for instance, typically have a larger proportion of women than men; classes in engineering, the physical sciences, and mathematics tend to have more men than women.

Even women who start out in mathematics, engineering, and the physical sciences are more than twice as likely as men to drop out or change majors. And although the number of women seeking graduate degrees in science and engineering has been increasing, women still lag behind men (National Science Foundation, Division of Resource Statistics, 2002; York, 2008; Halpern, 2014).

The differences in gender distribution and attri tion rates across subject areas are no accident. They reflect the powerful influence of gender stereotypes that operate throughout the world of education and beyond. For instance, when women in their first year of college are asked to name a likely career choice, they are much less apt to choose careers that have traditionally been dominated by men, such as engineering or computer programming, and more likely to choose professions that have traditionally been populated by women, such as nursing and so cial work. Furthermore, even when they do choose to enter math- and science-related fields, they may face sex discrimination (Ceci & Williams, 2010; Lane, Goh, & Driver-Linn, 2012; Heilbronner, 2013).

Early Adulthood 327

Both male and female college professors treat men and women differently, even though the differ ent treatment is largely unintentional and the profes sors are unaware of their actions. Professors call on men more frequently than women and make more

As a result of the powerful influence of gender stereotypes in the world of

education, women are underrepresented in the areas of physical science,

math, and engineering. What can be done to reverse this trend?

eye contact with men than with women. Furthermore, male students are more likely to receive extra help. Finally, the quality of the responses received by male and female students differs, with male students receiving more positive reinforcement for their comments than female students (Sadker & Silber, 2007; Riley, 2014).

Although some cases of unequal treatment represent hostile sexism in which people treat women in a way that is overtly harmful, in other cases women are the victims of benevolent sexism. In benevolent sexism, women are placed in stereotyped and restric tive roles that appear, on the surface, to be positive.

For instance, a male college professor may compliment a female student on her good looks or offer to give her an easier research project so she won't have to work so hard. Although the professor may feel that he is merely being thoughtful, in fact he may be making the woman feel that she is not being taken seriously, and he may be undermining her view of her competence. Benevolent sexism can be just as harmful as hostile sexism (Glick & Fiske, 2012; Rudman & Fetterolf, 2014; Chonody, 2016). STEREOTYPE THREAT AND DISIDENTIFICATION WITH SCHOOL African Americans don't do well in academic pursuits. Women lack ability in math and science.

These erroneous and damaging stereotypes about African Americans and women still persist, and they play out in vicious ways. For instance, when African Americans start elementary school, their standardized test scores are only slightly lower than those of Caucasian students, and yet a 2-year gap emerges by the sixth grade. And even though more African American high-school graduates are enrolling in college, the eventual undergraduate graduation rate for blacks is far lower at 41 percent than for whites at 63 percent (U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 2017).

Analogously, even though boys and girls perform virtually identically on stan dardized math tests in elementary and middle school, this changes when they reach high school. At that level, and even more so in college, males tend to do better in math than females. In fact, when women take college math, science, and engineering courses, they are more likely to do poorly than men who enter college with the same level of preparation and identical SAT scores (Dennehy, 2018).

According to psychologist Claude Steele, the reason behind the declining levels of performance for both women and African Americans is the same: academic disidentifica tion, a lack of personal identification with an academic domain. For women, disiden tification is specific to math and science; for African Americans, it is more generalized across academic domains. In both cases, negative societal stereotypes produce a state of stereotype threat, obstacles to performance that come from awareness of the stereo types held by society about academic abilities (Carr & Steele, 2009; Ganley et al., 2013; Shapiro, Aronson, & McGlone, 2016).

stereotype threat obstacles to performance that come from awareness o f the stereotypes held by society about academic abilities

328 Chapter 7

first-year adjustment reaction a cluster of psychological symptoms, including loneliness, anxiety, with drawal, and depression, relating to the college experience suffered by first-year college students

For instance, women seeking to achieve in fields that rely on math and science may worry about the failure that society predicts for them. They may decide, para doxically, that failure in a male-dominated field, because it would confirm societal ste reotypes, presents such great risks that the struggle to succeed is not worth the effort, and they may not try very hard (Inzlicht & Ben-Zeev, 2000; Johnson et al., 2012; Pietri et al., 2018).

Similarly, African Americans may work under the pressure of feeling that they must disconfirm the negative stereotype regarding their academic performance. The pressure can be anxiety provoking and threatening and can reduce their performance below their true ability level. Ironically, stereotype threat may be most severe for bet ter, more confident students, who have not internalized the negative stereotype to the extent of questioning their own abilities (Carr & Steele, 2009; Steele, 2012).

Rather than ignoring negative stereotypes, women and African Americans may perform less well and, ultimately, disidentify with schooling and academic pursuits relevant to the stereotype. This is exactly what a recent longitudinal study of African Americans found (O'Hara et al., 2012).

COLLEGE ADJUSTMENT: REACTING TO THE DEMANDS OF COLLEGE LIFE It's not only members of underrepresented groups who face challenges in college. Many students, particularly recent high school graduates living away from home for the first time, have problems adjusting during their college years.

The first year of college is particularly difficult for some. The first-year adjustment reaction is a cluster of psychological symptoms, including loneliness, anxiety, and de pression, relating to the college experience. Although any first-year student may expe rience this reaction, it is particularly prevalent among students who were unusually successful, either academically or socially, in high school. When they begin college, their sudden change in status may cause distress.

First-generation college students, who are the first in their families to attend college, are particularly susceptible to difficulties during their first year of college. They may arrive at college without a clear understanding of how the demands of college differ from those of high school, and the social support they have from their families may be inadequate. In addition, they may be less well-prepared for college work (Barry et al., 2009; Crede & Niehorster, 2012; Glover, Jenkins, & Troutman, 2019).

Most often, the first-year adjustment reaction passes as students make friends, experience academic success, and integrate themselves into campus life. In other cases, though, the problems remain and may fester, leading to more serious psychological difficulties (see the Development in You r Life box).

Students who have been successful and popular in high school are

particularly vulnerable to the first-year adjustment reaction in college.

Counseling, as well as increasing familiarity with campus life, can help a

student adjust.

Early Adulthood 329

Deve l o p m e n t i n You r Life

When Do College Students Need Professional Help with Their Problems?

How can you tell if a student who is feeling depressed and unhappy may need professional hel p? Although there are no hard-and-fast rules, there are signals that indicate that professional h el p is warranted. Among them:

• psychological distress that l i ngers and interferes with a person's sense of well-being and ability to functi on

• feelings that one is unable to cope effectively with the stress

• hopeless or depressed feelings, with no apparent reason

• the inabil ity to build close relationships

• physical symptoms-such as headaches, stomach cramps, or skin rashes-that have no apparent underlying cause

Figure 7 - 6 Col lege Problems

If some of these signals are present, it would be h el pful to discuss them with a help provider, such as a counseling psychologist, clinical psycholog ist, or other mental hea lth worker. The best place to start is the campus med ical center. A personal physician, neig hborhood clinic, or local board of health can also provide a referral.

How prevalent are psychological problems? S u rveys find that almost half of college students report having at least one significant psychological issue. Other research finds that almost a third of students reported being depressed (see Figure 7-6; Benton et al., 2003; Gruttadaro & Crudo, 201 2).

The percentage of students reporting psychological difficulties at a campus counsel ing center.

SOURCE: Novotney ' 2014.

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Rev i ew, C h eck, and Apply

Review

LO 7.5 Identify and summarize the various approaches to postformal thinking.

2010

Cognitive development continues in young adulthood with the emergence of postformal thought, which goes

201 1 2012 2013

beyond logic to encompass interpretive and subjective thinking. Labouvie-Vief suggests that young adults' think ing must develop to handle ambiguous situations. Perry suggests that people move from dualistic thinking to

330 Chapter 7

relativistic thought during early adulthood. According to Schaie, people pass through five stages in the way they use information: acquisitive, achieving, responsible, executive, and reintegrative. Major life events contribute to cognitive growth by providing opportunities and incentives to re think one's self and one's world.

LO 7.6 Discuss the different types of intelligence, and explain how each affects the career success of young adults.

New views of intelligence encompass the triarchic the ory, practical intelligence, and emotional intelligence . People who score high on all three components of the triarchic theory of intelligence will be able to solve prob lems, use prior experience to cope with new situations, and adapt to the demands of the real world. People with practical intelligence learn by observing others and mod eling their behavior. Like people with emotional intelli gence, they have good social radar and read people well. Creativity seems to peak during early adulthood, with young adults viewing even long-standing problems as novel situations.

Check Yourself

1. The idea that problem solving in adulthood has to con sider previous experiences, logical thinking, and the relative benefits and costs to a decision is also known as ___ _

a. formal operational thought b. concrete operational thought c. postformal thought d. dualistic thinking

2. Sternberg's triarchic theory of intelligence suggests that intelligence is made up of three major compo- nents: ___ _

a. componential, experiential, and contextual b. emotional, practical, and experiential c. practical, social, and creative d. creative, intuitive, and executive

Applying Lifespan Development

LO 7.7 Summarize the demographic makeup of college students in the United States, and describe how that population is changing.

Rates of college enrollment differ across gender, racial, and ethnic lines. The majority of college students are white and middle class. Although the absolute number of minority students attending college has increased, the overall pro portion of the minority population entering college has decreased. The average age of college students is steadily increasing as more adults return to college.

LO 7.8 Discuss how gender bias and stereotypes affect the college performance of women and students of color.

The phenomena of academic disidentification and stereo type threat help explain the lower performance of women and African Americans in certain academic domains. First generation college students may lack a clear understanding of the demands of college and may be less prepared for the work. First-year students may experience first-year adjust ment reaction, characterized by a cluster of psychological symptoms, including loneliness, anxiety, and depression.

3. High school dropouts are times more likely to live below the poverty line as adults who have a col lege education.

a. 3 b. 5 c. 10 d. 20

4. Failing to identify oneself as successful in a certain academic domain such as math and science for women and academics in general for African Americans is known as ___ _

a. stereotype threat b. academic disidentification c. inadequate orientation d. bias stereotype

How would you educate college professors who behave differently toward male and female students? What factors contribute to this phenomenon? Can this situation be changed?

M o d u l e 7 . 3 Social and Personality Development in Early Adulthood

Grace Kennedy is an exuberant 26-year-old who shares an apartment

with three other young adults in Brooklyn, New York. When not work

ing at the local food co-op, Grace plays rock violin in two area bands

and composes on the piano. Her apartment is often full of music ians,

some of them composers like Grace, and the conversation is a/ways

lively, alternating between the serious and the humorous with ease.

Grace's siblings are all married, including her younger sister,

but Grace has had a string of lovers. Her current boyfriend, Jones,

plays bass in her retro art-rock band. "Jones and I really connect,

but who knows if that will last, and I don 't see why it needs to,"

says Grace. When her sister Kate, who is married with three chil

dren, asks her if she ever longs for a home of her own and a fam

ily, Grace replies, "/ find the idea of shutting myself away in my

own little home depressing. I like living, loving, and working with a

variety of people. Society should realize that happiness comes in

many shapes."

Early Adulthood 331

Is Grace an example of a young woman who has difficulties with

intimacy, or is she part of a larger trend in how women and men in

their 20s are approaching the comp lexities of adulthood?

In either case, early adulth ood is a period that poses a variety

of developmental tasks (see Table 7-3). We come to grips with the

notion that we are no longer simp ly other people's children , and we

begin to perceive ourselves as adu lts, full members of society with

sign ificant responsibilities (Tanner, Arnett, & Leis, 2009; Arnett, 2 0 1 0).

Finally, we move to careers, another major preoccupation of

young adults. We see how identity during early adulthood is often

tied to one's job and how people decide on the kind of work they do.

The modu le ends with a discussion of the reasons people work and

ways to choose a career.

This modu le examines th ose challenges, concentrating on

relationships with others . First , we consider the concept of emerg ing

adulthood , which some developmentalists consider a separate stage

of the life span. Next, we look at love in its many varieties , in cl uding

gay and lesbian relationships. We consider how people choose

partners, influenced by societal and cultural factors.

Then we examine marriage, including the choice of whether to

marry and the factors that influence the success of marriage. We

consider how children affect marital happiness , and we look at the

roles children p lay in a marriage for heterosexual , gay, and lesbian

couples. Also, we discuss the factors that influence family size

today, which reflect the complexity of issues young ad ults face in

relationshi ps.

Table 7 - 3 The Developmental Tasks of Adulthood

Adulthood (Ages 2Q-40) Middle Adulthood (Ages 40-60) Late Adulthood (Ages 60+)

• Taking responsibility for yourself • Understanding that you have a unique

history and that it is not permanent • Managing the separation from your

parents • Redefining the relationship with you r

parents • Gaining and i nterpreting your sexual

experiences • Becoming capable of intimacy with

another (non-family) person • Managing money • Developing skills that can lead to a

career • Considering career possibilities • Considering parenthood and possibly

becoming a parent • Defining your values • Finding a place in society

SOURCE: Based on Colarusso & Nemiroff, 1981 .

• Understanding that time is passing and accepting it • Accepting that you are aging • Accepti ng changes in your body, including appearance

and health • Develo ping an acceptable work identity • Becoming a member of society • Understanding that society is constantly changing • Keeping old friends and making new ones • Coping with changes in your sexuality • Continuously reworking your spousal or partner

relationship • Altering your relationship with your children as they age • Passing on knowledge, skills, and values to the next

generation • Managing money effectively for short- and long-term

goals • Experiencing the illness and death of persons close to

you, especially parents • Finding a place in society

Forging Relationships : Intimacy, Liking, and Loving During Emerging and Early Adulthood

Dianne Maher swept Thad Ramon off his feet - l iterally. "I was setting u p the cafeteri a for a dance and she was sweepi ng the floor. Next thing I knew a push broom was under my heels and down I went. I didn't hurt myself or anything, and my pride wasn't injured, but you could say my heart took a beating. There she was, s l y grin on her face, and all I could do was stare and laugh. We started talking and laugh in g some more and soon we discovered we had a lot more than si l liness in common. We've been together ever since."

• Spending time well • Remaining social rather than isolated • Making friends and new con nections • Adjusting to changing sexuality • Staying healthy • Managing physical pain, ailments, and

limitations

• Making life without work a comfortable lifestyle

• Using time wisely for engag ing work and recreation

• Managing finances effectively for yourself and your dependents

• Focusing on the present and future, not dwelling on the past

• Adjusting to ongoing losses of close connections

• Accepting care from child ren and grandchildren

Thad followed his heart and in his senior year of college publicly proposed to Dianne in that same cafeteria. They plan to get married beside the college duck pond and at the end of the ceremony march beneath crossed push brooms held by their ushers and bridesmaids.

Not everyone falls in love quite as easily as Thad and Dianne. For some, it is tor tuous, meandering through soured relationships and fallen dreams; for others, it is a

332 Chapter 7

emerging adulthood the period from the late teenage years extending to the mid-20s in which people are still sorting out their options for the future

road never taken. For some, love leads to marriage and the storybook picture of home, children, and long years together. For many, it leads to a less happy ending, to divorce and custody battles.

Emerging Adulthood

LO 7.9 Discuss the concept of emerging adulthood.

Do you feel as though you're not really an "adult," despite having reached an age where you are legally an adult? Are you still unsure of who you are and what you want to do with your life, and feeling unready to go out in the world on your own? If so, what you're experiencing is a developmental period known as emerging adulthood-a tran sitional stage between adolescence and adulthood that spans the third decade of life. Researchers are increasingly considering emerging adulthood to be a distinct develop mental period during which the brain is still growing and modifying its neural path ways. It's typically a time of uncertainty and self-discovery during which the emerging adult is still figuring out the world and his or her place in it (Arnett, 2014a, 2016).

Emerging adulthood is marked by five features. Identity exploration entails learning to make important decisions about love, work, and one's core beliefs and values. In one comprehensive survey of over 1,000 diverse emerging adults age 18 to 29 throughout the United States, 77 percent agreed with the statement "This is a time of life for finding out who I really am." Another feature of emerging adulthood is instability, which can be represented as changes in life plans or goals, fluctuating career and educational paths, rocky relationships, and even shifts in ideologies. In the survey, 83 percent of respon dents agreed that "This time of my life is full of changes" (Arnett, 2014b).

A third feature of emerging adulthood is selfjocus: It's a time of life that comes between parental control and the obligations of child-raising and career. With fewer people to answer to, emerging adults enjoy the luxury of focusing on themselves for a while before making any serious commitments. "This is a time of my life for focusing on myself" was a statement with which 71 percent of respondents to the survey agreed. Given all this, it's probably not surprising that a fourth feature of emerging adulthood is feeling in-between, a sense of being no longer an adolescent but not yet really an adult either. For some emerging adults the feeling is enhanced by remaining dependent in some ways on their parents, and for others it's more a sense of uncertainty and hesita tion in accepting full adulthood just yet. Half of the respondents to the survey were unwilling to agree completely that they had reached adulthood (Arnett, 2014b).

Finally, despite the stress and anxiety that are associated with the uncertainties of emerging adulthood, it is also a time of optimism. Nearly 90 percent of survey respon dents agreed that "I am confident that someday I will get what I want out of life" and 83 percent agreed "At this time of my life, anything is possible." Part of the reason for this optimism is the tendency for young adults today to be better educated than their parents were, such that their optimism has a basis in reality. And happily, by the time they are 30, most emerging adults have found their way and have settled more com fortably into their adult roles (Arnett, 2014b, 2015; Ozmen, Brelsford, & Danieu, 2017).

The existence of the period of emerging adulthood is driven by the nature of eco nomic changes in industrialized countries in the last several decades. As these econo mies have shifted toward technology and information, an increasing time has to be spent becoming educated. Furthermore, the age of marriage has risen, as has the tim ing of the birth of children (Arnett, 2016).

Furthermore, both men and women have increasing ambivalence about becoming adults. Surveys show that people in their late teens and early 20s respond with "yes and no" most frequently when asked if they have reached adulthood (Arnett, 2006, 2016; Verschueren et al., 2017).

Intimacy, Friendship, and Love

LO 7. 1 0 Explain how young adults respond to the need for intimacy and friendship and how liking turns to loving.

Intimacy and relationships are major considerations during emerging and early adult hood. Relationships are the core of young adults' happiness, and many worry whether

they are developing serious relationships "on time." Even those who are not interested in forming long-term relationships typically are focused, to some extent, on connect ing with others.

SEEKING INTIMACY: ERIKSON'S VIEW OF YOUNG ADULTHOOD Erik Erikson regarded young adulthood as the time of the intimacy-versus-isolation stage, which spans the period of postadolescence into the early 30s. During this period, the focus is on developing close, intimate relationships with others.

Erikson's idea of intimacy comprises several aspects. One is selflessness, the sacri fice of one's own needs to those of another. Another is sexuality, the experience of joint pleasure from focusing not just on one's own gratification but also on that of one's partner. Finally, there is deep devotion, marked by efforts to fuse one's identity with the identity of a partner.

According to Erikson, those who experience difficulties during this stage are often lonely, isolated, and fearful of relationships. Their difficulties may stem from a previ ous failure to develop a strong identity. In contrast, young adults who are able to form intimate relationships on a physical, intellectual, and emotional level successfully re solve the crisis of this stage of development.

Although Erikson's approach has been influential, it's troubling today because he limited healthy intimacy to heterosexuality. Same-sex partnerships, couples who are childless by choice, and other relationships different from Erikson's ideal were regarded as less than satisfactory. Furthermore, Erikson focused more on men than women and did not consider racial and ethnic identity, greatly limiting the applicabil ity of his theory (Yip, Sellers, & Seaton, 2006; Kimmel, 2015).

Still, Erikson's work has been influential historically because of its emphasis on examining the continued growth and development of personality through out the life span. Furthermore, it inspired other developmentalists to consider psychosocial growth during young adulthood and the range of intimate relation ships we develop, from friendship to mates for life (Whitbourne, Sneed, & Sayer, 2009 ) .

FRIENDSHIP Most o f our relationships are friendships, and main taining them is an important part of adult life. Why? One reason is that people have a basic need for belonging that leads them in early adulthood to establish and maintain at least a minimum number of relationships that foster a sense of belonging with others (Wrzus et al., 2017).

But how do particular people end up becoming our friends? One of the most important factors is proximity-people form friendships with others who live nearby and with whom they have frequent con tact. People who are nearby can obtain the rewards of friendship, such as companionship, social approval, and the occasional helping hand, at relatively little cost.

Similarity also plays an important role in friendship formation. Birds of a feather do flock together: People are more attracted to oth ers who hold attitudes and values similar to their own (Preciado et al., 2012; Mikulincer et al., 2015; Ilmarinen, Lonnqvist, & Paunonen, 2016).

The importance of similarity becomes evident when we consider cross-race friendships. As we noted in our discussion of adolescence, the number of cross-race close friendships dwindles throughout the life span. In fact, although most adults claim to have a close friend of a different race, when they are queried regarding the names of close friends, few include a person of a different race.

Early Adulthood 333

intimacy-versus-isolation stage according to Erikson, the period of postadolescence into the early 30s that focuses on developing close, in timate relationships with others

We also choose friends for their personal qualities. What's most important? According to results of surveys, people are most attracted to others who keep confidences and are loyal, warm, and affectionate. In addition, people like those who are supportive, frank, and have a good sense of humor (You & Bellmore, 2012).

People are most attracted to those who can keep confi

dences and are loyal, warm, and affectionate.

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passionate (or romantic) love a state of powerful absorption in someone

companionate love the strong affection for those with whom our lives are deeply involved

labeling theory of passionate love the theory that individuals experi ence romantic Jove when two events occur together: intense physiological arousal and situational cues suggest ing that the arousal is as a result of love

FALLING IN LOVE: WHEN LIKING TURNS TO LOVING

After a few chance encounters at the laundromat where they wash their clothes each week, Rebecca and Jerry begin talking. They find they have a lot in common, and they begin to look forward to what are now semiplanned meetings. After several weeks, they go out on their first offi cial date and d iscover that they are well suited to each other.

If such a pattern seems predictable, it is: Most relationships develop by following a surprisingly regular progression (Burgess & Huston, 1979; Berscheid, 1985):

• Two people interact more often and for longer periods, and the range of settings increases.

• They increasingly seek each other's company.

• They open up more and more, disclosing more intimate information. They begin to share physical intimacies.

• They are more willing to share both positive and negative feelings, and they may offer criticism in addition to praise.

• They begin to agree on their goals for the relationship.

• Their reactions to situations become more similar.

• They begin to feel that their own psychological well-being is tied to the success of the relationship, viewing it as unique, irreplaceable, and cherished.

• Finally, their definition of themselves and their behavior changes: They begin to see themselves and act as a couple, rather than as two separate individuals.

The Faces of Love

LO 7.1 1 Differentiate the different kinds of love.

Is "love" just a lot of "liking"? Most developmental psychologists would say no; love not only differs quantitatively from liking, it represents a qualitatively different state. For example, love, at least in its early stages, involves relatively intense physiological arousal, all-encompassing interest, recurrent fantasies, and rapid swings of emotion. Furthermore, compared to liking, love includes closeness, passion, and exclusivity (Ramsay, 2010; Barsade & O'Neill, 2014; Silton & Ferris, 2017).

Not all love is the same. We don't love our mothers the same way we love girl friends or boyfriends, brothers or sisters, or lifelong friends. What distinguishes these different types of love? Some psychologists suggest that our love relationships can fall into two different categories: passionate or companionate.

PASSIONATE AND COMPANIONATE LOVE: THE TWO FACES OF LOVE Passionate (or romantic) love is a state of powerful absorption in someone. It includes intense physiological interest and arousal, and caring for another's needs. In comparison, companionate love is the strong affection that we have for those with whom our lives are deeply involved (Hendrick & Hendrick, 2003; Acevedo, 2018).

What is it that fuels the fires of passionate love? According to one theory, strong emotions-even negative ones such as jealousy, anger, or fear of rejection-may be the source of deepening passionate love.

In psychologists Elaine Hatfield and Ellen Berscheid's labeling theory of passionate love, individuals experience romantic love when two events occur to gether: intense physiological arousal and situational cues that indicate that "love" is the appropriate label for the feelings being experienced (Berscheid & Walster, 1974). The physiological arousal can be produced by sexual arousal, excitement, or even negative emotions such as jealousy. If that arousal is subsequently labeled as "I must be falling in love" or "he really turns me on," the experience is attributed to passionate love.

The theory helps to explain why people may feel deepened love even in the face of rejection or hurt. If negative emotions produce strong physiological arousal and this arousal is interpreted as "love," then people may decide that they are even more in love than they were before they experienced the negative emotions.

But why should people label an emotional experience "love" when there are so many alternative explanations? One answer is that in Western cultures, romantic love is seen as possible, acceptable, and desirable. The virtues of passion are extolled in songs, commercials, TV shows, and films. Young adults are primed and ready to expe rience love in their lives (Florsheim, 2003; Karandashev, 2017).

This is not universal across cultures; in many cultures, passionate, romantic love is a foreign concept. Marriages are arranged on the basis of economic and status con siderations. Even in Western cultures, the concept of romantic love was not "invented" until the Middle Ages, when social philosophers first suggested that love ought to be a requirement for marriage. Their goal was to provide an alternative to the raw sexual desire that had served as the primary basis for marriage before (Haslett, 2004; Moore & Wei, 2012). STERNBERG'S TRIANGULAR THEORY: THE THREE FACES OF LOVE To psycholo gist Robert Sternberg, love is more complex than a simple division into passionate and companionate types. He suggests instead that love is made up of three components: intimacy, passion, and decision/ commitment. The intimacy component encompasses feelings of closeness, affection, and connectedness. The passion component comprises the motivational drives relating to sex, physical closeness, and romance. The decision/ commitment component embodies both the initial cognition that one loves another person and the longer-term determination to maintain that love (Sternberg, 2006; Sternberg, 2014).

These components can be combined to form eight different types of love depend ing on which of the three components is either present or missing from a relationship (see Table 7-4). For instance, nonlove refers to people who have only the most casual of relationships; it consists of the absence of the three components of intimacy, passion, and decision/ commitment. Liking develops when only intimacy is present; infatuated love exists when only passion is felt; and empty love exists when only decision/ commit ment is present.

Other types of love involve a mix of two or more components. For instance, romantic love occurs when intimacy and passion are present, and companionate love when intimacy and decision/ commitment occur jointly. When two people experience romantic love, they are drawn together physically and emotionally, but they do not necessarily view the relationship as lasting. Companionate love, on the other hand, may occur in long-lasting relationships in which physical passion has taken a backseat.

Fatuous love exists when passion and decision/ commitment, without intimacy, are present. Fatuous love is a kind of mindless loving in which there is no emotional bond between the partners.

Finally, the eighth kind of love is consummate love. In consummate love, all three com ponents of love are present. But don't assume that consummate love is the "ideal" love.

Table 7 -4 The Combinations of Love

Component

Type of Love Intimacy Passion Decision/Commitment Example

Early Adulthood 335

intimacy component according to Sternberg, the com ponent of love that encompasses feelings of closeness, affection, and connectedness

passion component according to Sternberg, the com ponent of love that comprises the motivational drives relating to sex, physical closeness, and romance

decision/commitment component according to Sternberg, the third aspect of love that embodies both the initial cognition that one loves another person and the longer-term determination to maintain that love

Nonlove Absent Absent Absent The way you might feel about the person who takes your ticket at the movies.

Liking Present Absent Absent Good friends who have lunch together at least once or twice a week.

I nfatuated love Absent Present Absent A "fl ing" or short-term relationship based only on sexual attraction.

Empty love Absent Absent Present An arranged marriage or a couple who have decided to stay married "for the sake of the children."

Romantic love Present Present Absent A couple who have been happily dating a few months, but have not made any plans for a future together.

Companionate love Present Absent Present A couple who enjoy each other's company and their relationship, al- though they no longer feel much sexual interest in each other.

Fatuous love Absent Present Present A couple who decides to move i n together after knowi ng each other for only 2 weeks.

Consummate love Present Present Present A loving, sexually vibrant, long-term relationship.

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Many long-lasting and entirely satisfactory relationships are based on other types of love. Furthermore, the type of love that predominates in a relationship varies over time. In strong, loving relationships the level of decision/ commitment peaks and re mains fairly stable. By contrast, passion tends to peak early in a relationship, but then declines and levels off. Intimacy also increases fairly rapidly but can continue to grow over time.

Stemberg's triangular theory of love emphasizes both the complexity of love and its dynamic, evolving quality. As people and relationships develop, so does their love.

Choosing a Partner: Recognizing Mr. or Ms. Right

LO 7 . 1 2 Identify the factors that influence young adults' choice of partner, and give examples of how these are affected by gender and culture.

For many young adults, the search for a partner is a major pursuit during early adulthood. Society offers a wealth of advice, as a glance at the magazines at super market check-out counters confirms. Still, the road to identifying a life partner is not always easy.

SEEKING A SPOUSE: IS LOVE THE ONLY THING THAT MATTERS? Most people have no hesitation in declaring that the major factor in choosing a spouse is love. Most people in the United States, that is: If we ask people in other societies, love becomes a secondary consideration. For instance, in some cultures, love is seen as a possible positive outcome of a good marriage, but not as a necessary precondition for getting married in the first place. Furthermore, one survey of college students asked if they would marry someone they did not love. Hardly anyone in the United States, Japan, or Brazil would consider it. On the other hand, a high proportion of college students in Pakistan and India would find it acceptable to marry without love (Levine, 1993; Bruckner, 2013; Kottak, 2019).

What else matters? The characteristics differ considerably from one culture to an other. For instance, a survey of nearly 10,000 people from around the world found that in China, men ranked good health most important and women rated emotional stabil ity and maturity most critical. In South Africa, men from a Zulu background rated emotional stability first, and Zulu women rated dependable character the greatest con cern (Buss et al., 1990; Buss, 2003).

Yet there are commonalities across cultures. For instance, love and mutual attrac tion, even if not at the top of a specific culture's list, were relatively highly desired across all cultures. Furthermore, traits such as dependability, emotional stability, pleas ing disposition, and intelligence were highly valued almost universally.

Certain gender differences were similar across cultures (Sprecher, Sullivan, & Hatfield, 1994). Men, more than women, prefer a potential marriage partner who is physically attractive. In contrast, women, more than men, prefer a potential spouse who is ambitious and industrious.

One explanation for cross-cultural similarities in gender differences rests on evo lutionary theory. According to psychologist David Buss (2006), human beings, as a species, seek out certain characteristics in their mates that are likely to maximize the availability of beneficial genes. He argues that males in particular are genetically pro grammed to seek out mates with traits that indicate they have high reproductive ca pacity. Consequently, physically attractive, younger women might be more desirable because they are more capable of having children over a longer time period.

In contrast, women are genetically programmed to seek out men who have the potential to provide scarce resources to increase the likelihood that their offspring will survive. Consequently, they are attracted to mates who offer the highest potential of providing economic well-being (Li et al., 2002; Fletcher et al., 2017).

The evolutionary explanation for gender differences has come under heavy fire. Not only is the explanation untestable, but the similarities across cultures relating to different gender preferences may also simply reflect similar patterns of gender ste reotyping that have nothing to do with evolution. In addition, although some of the gender differences in what men and women prefer are consistent across cultures, there are numerous inconsistencies as well.

Early Adulthood 337

Finally, some critics of the evolutionary approach suggest that the finding that women prefer a partner who has good earn ing potential may have nothing to do with evolution and every thing to do with the fact that men generally hold more power, status, and other resources fairly consistently across different cul tures. Consequently, it is a rational choice for women to prefer a high-earning-potential spouse. On the other hand, because men don't need to take economic considerations into account, they can use more inconsequential criteria-like physical attractiveness in choosing a spouse. In short, the consistencies that are found across cultures may be the result of the realities of economic life that are similar throughout different cultures (Eagly & Wood, 2003; Wood & Eagly, 2010).

Figure 7- 7 Filtering Potential Marriage Partners According to one approach, we screen potential mates through successively finer-grained fi lters to settle on an appropriate spouse.

SOURCE: Based on Janda & Klenke-Hamel , 1980.

Total Field of Potential Partners

People Who Live in Proximity

Potential Field of Partners Similar and Complementary Views

Filter FILTERING MODELS: SIFTING OUT A SPOUSE Although sur veys help to identify valued characteristics, they are less helpful in illuminating how individual partners are chosen. According to the filter explanation, people seeking a mate screen potential candidates through successively finer-grained filters. The explanation assumes that people first filter for factors relating to broad determinants of attractiveness. Once these early screens have done their work, more

Homogamous Potential Partners

Physical Attractiveness Filter . '

Eligible Individuals Attracted to Each Other

sophisticated types of screening are used (see Figure 7-7). The end result is a choice based on compatibility between the two individu- als (Janda & Klenke-Hamel, 1980; Lauer & Lauer, 2019).

What determines compatibility? People often marry accord ing to the principle of homogamy. Homogamy is the tendency to marry someone who is similar in age, race, education, religion, and other basic demographic characteristics. Homogamy, long the dominant standard for U.S. marriages, has been declining recently, particularly among certain ethnic groups. For example, the rate of marriage between African American men and women of other races increased significantly. Still, for other groups-such as Hispanic and Asian immigrants-the principle of homogamy still has considerable influence (Fu & Heaton, 2008; Mu & Xie, 2014; Horwitz et al., 2016).

Another important societal standard is the marriage gradient, the tendency for men to marry women who are slightly younger, smaller, and lower in status, and women to marry men who are slightly older, larger, and higher in status (Pyke & Adams, 2010; Olson, DeFrain, & Skogrand, 2019).

From a social worker's perspective: How do the principles of homogamy and the marriage gradient work to limit options for high-status women? How do they affect men's options?

The marriage gradient has important, and unfortunate, effects on partner choice. For one thing, it limits the number of potential mates for women, especially as they age, while allowing men a wider choice of partners throughout life. But it is unfortu nate for low-status men, who do not marry because they cannot find women of low enough status or cannot find women of the same or higher status who are willing to accept them as mates. Consequently, they are, in the words of sociologist Jessie Bernard (1982), "bottom of the barrel" men. On the other hand, some women will be unable to marry because they are higher in status or seek someone of higher status than anyone in the available pool of men-" cream of the crop" women, in Bernard's words.

The marriage gradient makes finding a spouse particularly difficult for well educated African American women who would prefer to marry an African American man. Fewer African American men attend college than African American women, making the potential pool of men who are suitable-as defined by society and the marriage gradient-relatively small. The pool of men is further limited because of the relatively higher rate of incarceration of black males (which is six times greater

Co?1patibility �ilter Eligible Partners

Married Couples

homogamy the tendency to marry someone who is similar in age, race, education, re ligion, and other basic demographic characteristics

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C u lt u ra l Di m e n s i o n s

Gay a n d Lesb ian Relationships: M e n with M e n a n d Women with Women

Most developmental research has examined heterosexual relationships, but an increasing number of studies have looked at gay and lesb ian relationships. The findings suggest that gay and lesbian relationships are similar to straight re lati onships. (There is almost n o research yet on relationships of couples with transgender partners.)

For example, gay men describe successful relationships i n much the same way heterosexual couples do. They believe that successful relationships involve greater appreciation for the partner and the couple as a whole, less conflict, and more positive feel ings toward the partner. Sim i larly, lesbian women in a relationship show high levels of attachment, caring, intimacy, affection, and respect (Beals, lmpett, & Peplau, 2002; Kurdek, 2006).

Furthermore, the age preferences expressed in the marriage gradient for heterosexuals al so extend to gay men, who also prefer partners who are the same age or younger. On the other hand, lesbians' age preferences fall somewhere between those of heterosexual women and heterosexual men (Conway et al., 201 5).

Finally, despite the stereotype that gay males, in particular, find it d ifficult to form relationships and are interested in only sexual alliances, the reality is different. Most gays and lesbians seek lovi ng, long-term, and meaningful relationships that differ little qual itatively from those desired by heterosexuals. Although some research suggests that homosexual relationships are less long-lasting than heterosexual relationships, the factors that lead to relationship stab ility- partners' personality traits, support for the relationsh i p from others, and dependence on the relationsh ip -are similar for homosexual and heterosexual

couples (Diamond & Savi n-Williams, 2003; Kurdek, 2008; Savin-Williams, 201 6).

Opinions on very few soci al issues have changed as much as attitudes toward same-sex marriage, which the Supreme Court ruled legal in the U n ited States in 201 5. Just over 6 0 percent of Americans say same-sex couples should be able to marry legally, a significant shift i n sent iment over the past 2 0 years. Furthermore, there are sign ificant generational differences: whereas two-thirds of people younger than 30 support same-sex marriage, only 38 percent of those older than 65 support the legal ization of gay marriage (Pew Research Center, 201 4b; Vandermaas-Peel er et al., 201 8).

Research finds that the quality of lesbian and gay relationships

differs little from that of heterosexual relationshjps.

than that of whites). Consequently, relative to women of other races, African American women are more apt to marry men who are less educated than they are-or not marry at all (Willie & Reddick, 2003; Johnson, 2011; Olson, DeFrain, & Skogrand, 2019; also see the Cultural Dimensions box).

Some psychologists believe that our attachment style as infants

is repeated in the quality of our intimate relationshlps as adults.

ATTACHMENT STYLES AND ROMANTIC RELATIONSHIPS: DO ADULT LOVING STYLES REFLECT ATTACHMENT IN INFANCY? "I want a girl just like the girl that married dear old Dad." So go the lyrics of an old song, suggesting that the songwriter would like to find someone who loves him as much as his mother did. Is there a kernel of truth in this sentiment? Put more broadly, is the kind of attachment that people experience during infancy reflected in their adult romantic relationships?

Increasing evidence suggests that it very well may be. As we discussed previously, attachment refers to the positive emotional bond that develops between a child and a particular individual. Most infants fall into one of three attachment categories: securely attached infants, who have healthy, positive, trusting relation ships with their caregivers; avoidant infants, who are relatively indifferent to caregivers and avoid interactions with them; and ambivalent infants, who show great distress when separated from a caregiver but appear angry on the caregiver's return.

According to psychologist Phillip Shaver and his colleagues, attachment styles continue into adulthood and affect the nature of romantic relationships (Dinero et al., 2008; Frias, Shaver, & Mikulincer, 2015; Shaver et al., 2017). For instance, consider the following statements:

1. I find it relatively easy to get close to others and am comfortable depending on them and having them depend on me. I don't often worry about being aban doned or about someone getting too close to me.

2. I am somewhat uncomfortable being close to others; I find it difficult to trust them completely, difficult to allow myself to depend on them. I am nervous when anyone gets too close, and often love partners want me to be more intimate than I feel comfortable being.

3. I find that others are reluctant to get as close as I would like. I often worry that my partner doesn't really love me or won't want to stay with me. I want to merge completely with another person, and this desire sometimes scares people away (Shaver, Hazan, & Bradshaw, 1988). Agreement with the first statement reflects a secure attachment style. Adults who

agree with this statement readily enter into relationships and feel happy and confi dent about the future success of their relationships. Most young adults-slightly more than half-display the secure style of attachment (Luke, Sedikides, & Carnelley, 2012; Molero et al., 2016).

In contrast, adults who agree with the second statement typically display an avoid ant attachment style. These individuals, who make up about a quarter of the popula tion, tend to be less invested in relationships, have higher break-up rates, and often feel lonely.

Finally, agreement with the third category is reflective of an ambivalent attachment style. Adults with an ambivalent style have a tendency to become overly invested in relationships, have repeated break-ups with the same partner, and have relatively low self-esteem. Around 20 percent of adults fall into this category (Li & Darius, 2012).

Attachment style is also related to the care that adults give their romantic partners when they need assistance. Secure adults tend to provide more sensitive and support ive care, responding to their partner 's psychological needs. In contrast, anxious adults are more likely to provide compulsive, intrusive (and ultimately less helpful) assis tance. Attachment style is also related to parenting: Mothers' relationships with their infants reflect the mother's attachment style (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2009; Shaver et al., 2017; Stern et al., 2018).

In short, there are similarities between infants' attachment styles and their behav ior as adults. People who are having difficulty in relationships might look back to their infancy as a root of their problems (Berlin, Cassidy, & Appleyard, 2008; Draper et al., 2008; Simpson & Rholes, 2015).

The Course of Relationships Relationships are especially challenging in early adulthood. One of the primary ques tions young adults face is whether and when to marry.

Cohabitation, Marriage, and Other Relationship Choices: Sorting Out the Options of Early Adulthood

LO 7 . 1 3 Summarize the sorts o f relationships people enter into in early adulthood, and identify the characteristics of a successful marriage.

For some people, the primary issue is not whom to marry, but whether to marry. Although surveys show that most heterosexuals (and a growing number of homo sexuals) say they want to get married, a significant number choose some other route. For instance, the past three decades have seen both a decline in the number of mar ried couples and a significant rise in couples living together without being married, a

Early Adulthood 339

340 Chapter 7

Figure 7 -8 Cohabitation status known as cohabitation (see Figure 7-8). In

The number of u nmarried couples living together has increased significantly i n every adult age group.

fact, today, some 7.5 million people are cohabiting in the United States. Married couples now make up a minority of households: 48 percent of all U.S. households contained a married couple, a histori cally low figure. In comparison, in 1950, 78 percent of households were occupied by a married couple

SOURCE: U .S. Bureau of the Census, 2010; Pew Research Center, 2017.

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(Roberts, 2006; Jay, 2012). Most young adults will live with a romantic

partner for at least one period of time during their 20s. Furthermore, most marriages today occur after a period in which the couple has cohabited.

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Why do so many couples choose to cohabit rather than to marry? Some feel they are not ready to make a lifelong commitment. Others feel that cohabitation provides "practice" for marriage. (This is more likely for women than men. Women tend to see cohabitation as a step toward marriage; men are more likely to view it as a way to test a relationship (Jay, 2012; Perelli Harris & Styrc, 2017).)

cohabitation couples living together without being married

Age Group Some couples reject marriage altogether. They

believe that marriage is outmoded and that it is un realistic to expect a couple to spend a lifetime together (Miller, Sassler, & Kus-Appough, 2011; Pope & Cashwell, 2013).

Those who feel that cohabiting increases their chances of a happy marriage are in correct. In fact, the chances of divorce are higher for those who have previously cohab ited, according to data collected in both the United States and western Europe (Rhoades, Stanley, & Markman, 2009; Tang, Curran, & Arroyo, 2014; Perelli-Harris et al., 2017).

MARRIAGE Despite the prevalence of cohabitation, most people view marriage as the preferred option during early adulthood. Many see marriage as the appropriate cul mination of a loving relationship, whereas others feel it is the "right" thing to do after reaching a particular age. Others seek marriage because spouses fill many roles, in cluding economic, sexual, therapeutic, and recreational. Marriage is also the only fully accepted way to have children. Finally, marriage offers legal benefits and protections.

Although marriage remains important, it is not a static institution. For example, fewer U.S. citizens are now married than at any time since the late 1890s. Part of this decline in marriage is attributable to higher divorce rates, but the decision of people to marry later in life is also a contributing factor. The median age of first marriage in the United States is now 29.5 years for men and 27.4 years for women-the oldest ages for both genders since national statistics were first collected more than a century ago (see Figure 7-9; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2017).

Many European countries offer legal alternatives to marriage. For instance, France offers "Civil Solidarity Pacts," in which couples receive many of the same legal rights as married couples. What differs is the lack of a legal lifetime commitment; Civil Solidarity Pacts can be dissolved more easily than marriages (Lyall, 2004; Fitzpatrick, 2018).

Does this mean that marriage is losing its viability as a social institution? Probably not. Some 90 percent of people eventually marry, and on national polls almost ev eryone agrees that a good family life is important. In fact, about 60 percent of never married men and women say they would like to get married (Strong & Cohen, 2013).

From a social worker's perspective: Why do you think society has estab lished such a powerful norm in favor of marriage? What effects might such a norm have on a person who prefers to remain single?

WHAT MAKES MARRIAGE WORK? Successful marriages share several characteris tics. The partners visibly show affection and communicate relatively little negativity.

Early Adulthood 341

Figure 7 - 9 Postponing Marriage Medi an age at first marriage: 1 890-201 7. The age of first marriage is the hi ghest since national statistics were first collected in the late 1 800s. What factors account for this?

SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 201 7 .

1890 1900 1 9 1 0 1920 1930 1 940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1 990 2000 201 0 20 1 7

They tend t o perceive themselves a s a n interdependent couple rather than a s two inde pendent individuals. They experience social homogamy, having similar interests and agreeing on role distribution-such as who takes out the garbage and who takes care of the children (Huston et al., 2001; Stutzer & Frey, 2006; Cordova, 2014).

The increasing understanding of the components of successful marriages has not prevented an epidemic of divorce. The statistics are grim: Only about half of U.S. mar riages remain intact. More than 800,000 U.S. marriages end in divorce each year, and there are 43.2 divorces for every 1,000 individuals. This is a decline from the mid-1970s peak of 5.3 divorces per 1,000 people, and most experts think that the rate is leveling off (National Center for Health Statistics, 2017; see Figure 7-10).

EARLY MARITAL CONFLICT Conflict in marriage is not unusual. According to some sta tistics, nearly half of newly married couples experience a significant degree of conflict. One of the major reasons is that partners may initially idealize one another, but as reality sets in they become more aware of flaws. In fact, spousal perceptions of marital quality over the first 10 years of marriage decline in the early years, followed by a period of stabilization, and then additional decline (Karney & Bradbury, 2005; Kilmann & Vendemia, 2013).

Common sources of marital conflict include difficulty making the transition from adolescence to adulthood; trouble developing a separate identity; Figure 7 - 1 0 Divorce Around the World and the challenge of allocating time across spouse, Countries around the world have substantial divorce rates, although in some friends, and family members (Murray, Bellavia, & places the rate is decli ning. Rose, 2003; Madigan, Plamondon, & Jenkins, 2017).

Still, most married couples view the early years of marriage as deeply satisfying. In negotiating changes in their relationship and learning more about each other, many couples find themselves more deeply in love than before. In fact, the newlywed period is for many couples one of the happiest of their married lives, despite the challenges they may face (McNulty & Karney, 2004; McNulty et al., 2013; Lavner et al., 2018). STAYING SINGLE: I WANT TO BE ALONE For some people, living alone is the right path, con sciously chosen, through life. In fact, singlehood, living

SOURCE: Adapted from Population Council Report, 2009.

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342 Chapter 7

alone without an intimate partner, has increased significantly in the past several decades, encompassing around 20 percent of women and 30 percent of men. Almost 20 percent will probably spend their entire lives in singlehood (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2012).

People who choose singlehood give several reasons for their decision. One is that they view marriage negatively. Rather than seeing marriage in idealized terms, they focus more on high divorce rates and marital strife. Ultimately, they conclude that the risks of forming a lifetime union are too high.

Others view marriage as too restrictive, valuing their personal change and growth, and reasoning that growth would be impeded by the stable, long-term commitment of marriage. Finally, some people simply do not meet anyone with whom they wish to spend their lives. Instead, they value their independence and autonomy (DePaulo & Morris, 2006; DePaulo, 2018).

Despite the advantages of singlehood, there are also drawbacks. Society often stig matizes single individuals, particularly women, by holding up marriage as the ide alized norm. Furthermore, there can be a lack of companionship and sexual outlets, and singles may feel that their future is less secure financially (Byrne, 2000; Schachner, Shaver, & Gillath, 2008).

Parenthood: Choosing to Have Children

LO 7.14 Identify the factors that influence a couple's decision to have children, and summarize the impact children have on a marriage.

What makes a couple decide to have children? Certainly not economics: According to the U.S. government, a middle-class family with two children spends around $233,000 for each child by the time the child reaches the age of 18. Add in the costs of college, and the figure comes to more than $300,000 per child. And if you take into account the cost of care provided by families for their children, the total costs of caring for children are at least twice as high as the government estimates (Folbre, 2012; Lino et al., 2017).

The most commonly cited reasons for having children are psychological. Parents ex pect to derive pleasure from helping their children grow, fulfillment from their children's accomplishments, satisfaction from seeing them become successful, and enjoyment from forging a close bond with them. For some there may also be a self-serving element in the decision, focusing on the hope that their children will provide for them in their old age, maintain a family business or farm, or offer companionship. Others have children because of a strong societal norm: More than 90 percent of married couples have at least one child.

In some cases children are unplanned, the result of the failure or absence of birth control. If the couple had planned to have children in the future, the pregnancy may be welcome. But in families that had actively not wanted children, or already had "enough" children, the pregnancy can be problematic (Leathers & Kelley, 2000; Pajulo, Helenius, & Ma Yes, 2006).

The couples most likely to have unwanted pregnancies are often the most vulnerable-younger, poorer, and less educated couples. Fortunately, there has been a dramatic rise in the use and effectiveness of contraceptives, and the incidence of un desired pregnancies has declined in recent decades (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2005; Villarosa, 2003).

For many young adults, the decision to have children is independent of marriage. Although overall most women (59 percent) are married when they have children, more than half of births to women in the United States younger than 30 now occur outside of marriage. The only demographic group for which this is not true is young adult women with a college education; they overwhelmingly still choose to be married before having children (DeParle & Tavernise, 2012).

FAMILY SIZE The availability of effective contraceptives has also dramatically de creased the number of children in the average American family. Almost 70 percent of Americans polled in the 1930s agreed that the ideal number of children was three or more, but by the 1990s the percentage had shrunk to less than 40 percent. Today, most families seek to have no more than two children-although most say that three or more is ideal if money is no object (see Figure 7-11) (Gallup Poll, 2004; Saad, 2011; Olson, DeFrain, & Skogrand, 2019).

Figure 7 - 1 1 Smaller Is Better Continuing trends over the past 75 years, U.S. parents continue to prefer families with fewer children. What do you thi n k is the ideal number of children for a family to have?

SOURCE: Based on Saad, L. (201 1 , June 30). Americans' preference for smal ler fami lies edges higher. Princeton, NJ: Gal lup Pol l.

Americans' Ideal Number of Children for a Family, 1 936-201 1

1: 50 ., .... � 40

1 0 1935 1941 1 947 1953 1 959 1 965 1 971 1977 1983 1989 1995 2001 2007 2013

These preferences have been translated into changes in the actual birth rate. In 1957, the fertility rate reached a post-World War II peak in the United States of 3.7 children per woman and then began to decline. Today, the rate is at 1.9 children per woman, which is less than the replacement level, the number of children that one generation must produce to be able to replenish its numbers. In contrast, in some underdeveloped countries, the fertility rate is much higher-as high as 6.5 in Niger (World Bank, 2017).

What has produced this decline in the fertility rate? In addition to the availabil ity of birth control, increasing numbers of women have joined the workforce. The pressures of simultaneously holding a job and raising children have convinced many women to have fewer children.

Furthermore, many women who are developing their careers choose to have chil dren later. In fact, women between 30 and 34 are the only ones whose rate of births has actually increased over previous decades. Still, women who have their first child in their 30s do not have as many children as women who begin earlier. Also, research suggesting that there are health benefits for mothers who space their children apart may lead families to have fewer children (Marcus, 2004).

Financial considerations, particularly the increasing cost of college, may also act as a disincentive for bearing larger numbers of children. Finally, some couples doubt they will be good parents or simply don't want the work and responsibility involved in childrearing.

DUAL-EARNER COUPLES One of the major historical shifts affecting young adults began in the last half of the 20th century: a marked increase in the number of families in which both parents work. Close to three-quarters of married women with school aged children are employed outside the home, and more than half of mothers with children younger than age 6 are working. In the mid-1960s, only 17 percent of mothers of 1-year-olds worked full-time; now, more than 50 percent do. In the majority of fami lies, both husband and wife work (Barnett & Hyde, 2001; Matias et al., 2017).

For married couples who both work and have no children, the combined total of paid work (in the office) and unpaid work (the chores at home) is nearly identical, at 8 hours 11 minutes for men, and 8 hours 3 minutes for women. And even for those fami lies who have children younger than 18, women who are employed full-time do only 20 minutes more of combined paid and unpaid work (Konigsberg, 2011).

On the other hand, the nature of husbands' contributions to the household often differs from that of wives. For instance, husbands tend to carry out chores such as mowing the lawn or doing house repairs that are more easily scheduled in advance (or sometimes postponed), and often can be carried out on the weekend. In contrast, women's household chores tend to be devoted to things that need immediate attention,

Early Adulthood 343

As increasing numbers of women

have joined the workforce, more are

choosing to have fewer children and

to have them later.

344 Chapter 7

Figure 7 - 1 2 Division of Labor Although husbands and wives generally work at their payi ng jobs a simil ar number of hours each week, wives are apt to spend more time than their husbands doi ng home chores and in child-care activities. Why do you think this pattern exists?

SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012.

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Housework Food preparation and cleanup

• Men � Women

Lawn and Household Caring for Working and garden care management and helping work-related

Activity

household activities members

Note: Figures refer to average hours per day for persons who engaged in the activity.

such as child care and meal preparation, and often can't be scheduled on the weekend or put off. As a result, wives experience greater levels of anxiety and stress (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012; Ogolsky, Dennison, & Monk, 2014; see Figure 7-12). THE TRANSITION TO PARENTHOOD: TWO'S A COUPLE, THREE'S A CROWD? Consider this quote from a spouse who just became a parent:

We had no idea what we were getting into when our first child was born. We certainly pre pared for the event, read ing magazine art icles and books and even attend ing a class on child care. But when Sheanna was actually born, the sheer enormity of the task of taking care of her, her presence at every moment of the day, and the awesome responsibi lity of raising another human bei ng weighed on us like nothing we'd ever faced. Not that it was a burden. But it did make us look at the world with an entirely d ifferent perspective.

The arrival of a child alters virtually every aspect of family life. Spouses are suddenly placed in new roles-" mother" and "father"-which may overwhelm their older, con tinuing roles of "wife" and "husband." In addition, new parents face significant physi cal and psychological demands, including near-constant fatigue, new financial respon sibilities, and an increase in household chores (Meijer & van den Wittenboer, 2007).

Furthermore, in contrast with cultures in which childrearing is regarded as a communal task, Western culture's emphasis on individualism leaves parents to forge their own paths after the birth of a child, often without community support (Rubin & Chung, 2006; Lamm & Keller, 2007).

The consequence is that many couples experience the lowest level of marital satis faction of any point in their marriage. This is particularly true for women, who tend to be more dissatisfied than men with their marriages after the arrival of children. The most likely reason is that women often bear the brunt of childrearing, even if both parents seek to share these responsibilities (Laflamme, Pomerleau, & Malcuit, 2002; Lu, 2006).

Marital satisfaction does not decrease for all couples upon the birth of a child. According to work by John Cottman and colleagues, satisfaction can stay steady or even rise (Shapiro, Cottman, & Carrere, 2000; Cottman & Cottman, 2018).

Three factors permit couples to successfully weather the stress that follows the birth of a child:

• Working to build fondness and affection toward each other

• Remaining aware of events in each other's life, and responding to those events

• Considering problems as controllable and solvable

In addition, couples who are well satisfied with their marriages as newlyweds are more likely to be satisfied as they raise their children. Couples who harbor realistic expectations regarding the effort involved in childrearing also tend to be more satis fied after they become parents. Furthermore, parents who work together as a coparent ing team, thoughtfully adopting common childrearing goals and strategies, are more apt to be satisfied with their parenting roles (Schoppe-Sullivan et al., 2006; McHale & Rotman, 2007).

In short, having children can lead to greater marital satisfaction for couples al ready satisfied with their marriage. For dissatisfied couples, having children may make a bad situation worse (Driver, Tabares, & Shapiro, 2003; Lawrence et al., 2008; Holland & McElwain, 2013).

GAY AND LESBIAN PARENTS In increasing numbers, children are being raised in families with two morns or two dads. Some 20 percent of gay men and lesbian women are parents.

How do lesbian and gay households compare to heterosexual households? Studies of couples before children arrive show that, compared to heterosexual households, homosexual partners tend to divide labor more evenly and to more strongly hold the ideal of an egalitarian allocation of household work (Kurdek, 2003; Patterson, 2018).

However, the arrival of a child (usually through adoption or artificial insemi nation) changes the dynamics of household life considerably. As in heterosexual unions, role specialization develops. For instance, childrearing tends to fall more to one member of the couple, whereas the other spends more time in paid employment. Although both partners usually say they share household tasks and decision making equally, biological mothers are often more involved in child care (Fulcher et al., 2006; Goldberg, 2010b).

The evolution of homosexual couples when children arrive appears to be more similar to that of heterosexual couples than dissimilar, particularly in the increased role specialization occasioned by the requirements of child care. The experience for children of being in a household with two parents of the same sex is also similar. Most research suggests that children raised in households in which the parents are homo sexual show no differences in terms of eventual adjustment from those raised in het erosexual households. Although they may face greater challenges from a society in which the roots of prejudice against homosexuality are deep, children who have two morns or two dads ultimately seem to fare well (Goldberg, 2010b; Weiner & Zinner, 2015; Farr, 2017).

Work: Choosing and Embarking on a Career Why did I decide that I wanted to be a lawyer? The answer is em barrassing. When I got to my senior year of college, I began to worry about what I was going to do when I gradu ated. My parents kept asking what kind of work I was thinking about, and I felt the pres sure rising with each call from home. At the time, there was some big trial in the news, and it got me thinking about what it might be like to be an attorney. I had always been fascinated by Law and Order when it had been on television. For these reasons, and just about none other, I decided to take the law boards and apply to law school.

Early adulthood is a period of decisions with lifelong implications. One of the most critical is the choice of a career path. This decision influences financial prosperity, of course, but also status, the sense of self-worth, and the contribution that a person will make in life. Decisions about work go to the core of a young adult's identity.

The Role of Work

LO 7 . 1 5 Explain Vaillant's stage o f career consolidation, and identify the motivations-other than money-people have for seeking a job.

According to psychiatrist George Vaillant, the stage of development that young adults reach is called career consolidation. During career consolidation, which begins between the ages of 20 and 40, young adults become centered on their careers.

Early Adulthood 345

career consolidation a stage that is entered between the ages of 20 and 40, when young adults become centered on their careers

346 Chapter 7

extrinsic motivation motivation that drives people to ob tain tangible rewards, such as money and prestige

intrinsic motivation motivation that causes people to work for their own enjoyment, for personal rewards

IDENTITY DURING YOUNG ADULTHOOD Vaillant based his conclusion on a comprehensive longitudinal study of male graduates of Harvard, begun when they were freshmen in the 1930s (Vaillant & Vaillant, 1990; Vaillant, 2003).

In their early 20s, the men tended to be influenced by their parents' authority. But in their late 20s and early 30s, they started to act with greater autonomy. They married, had children, and began to focus on their careers-the period of career consolidation.

Vaillant draws a relatively uninspiring portrait of people in this stage. His par ticipants worked hard as they climbed the corporate ladder. They tended to be rule followers conforming to the norms of their professions. Rather than showing the inde pendence and questioning that they had displayed in college, they threw themselves unquestioningly into their work.

Vaillant argues that work plays such an important role that the career consolida tion stage should be seen as an addition to Erikson's intimacy-versus-isolation stage of psychosocial identity. In Vaillant's view, career concerns supplant the focus on in timacy, and the career consolidation stage marks a bridge between intimacy-versus isolation and generativity-versus-stagnation. (Generativity refers to an individual's contribution to society, as we discuss later.)

Reactions to Vaillant's viewpoint are mixed. Critics point out that Vaillant's sample, although relatively large, comprised a highly restricted, unusually bright group of men. Furthermore, societal norms have changed considerably since the 1930s, and people's views of the importance of work may have shifted. In addi tion, the lack of women in the sample and the fact that there have been major changes in the role of work in women's lives make Vaillant's conclusions even less generalizable.

Furthermore, research on what has been called the millennial generation-those born after 1980 and who entered young adulthood around the millennium in 2000- seem to have different views of work than earlier generations. They are much more likely to expect to change jobs multiple times; the idea of working for life for a single company is less attractive than to previous generations. They also have high (and sometimes unrealistic) expectations about how successful they will be, but don't nec essarily feel that they will need to work hard to achieve that success. In fact, work-life balance is of considerable importance to millennials, who see employment as just one facet of a well-rounded life (Kuron et al., 2015; Deal & Levenson, 2016).

Still, whatever their attitudes about work, it is clear that employment plays an im portant role in young adults' lives and that it makes up a significant part of both men's and women's identity-if for no other reason than that many people spend more time working than they do on any other activity. We turn now to how people decide what careers to follow-and the implications of that decision.

WHY DO PEOPLE WORK? MORE THAN EARNING A LIVING Beyond forming an identity through work, young adults express many reasons-well outside of earning money-for seeking a job.

Intrinsic and Extrinsic Motivation Certainly, people work to obtain concrete rewards, or out of extrinsic motivation. Extrinsic motivation drives people to obtain tangible rewards, such as money and prestige (Becker et al., 2018).

Extrinsic motivation drives people as a way of obtaining tangible rewards,

such as money, prestige, or an expensive automobile. How might extrinsic

motivation be illustrated in a less developed, non-Western culture?

But people also work for their own enjoyment, for personal rewards. This is known as intrinsic motivation. People in many Western societies tend to subscribe to the Puritan work ethic, the notion that work is important in and of itself. According to this view, working is a meaningful act that brings psycho logical well-being and satisfaction.

Work contributes to personal identity, as noted previously. Consider what people, at least in Western

society, say about themselves when they first meet someone. After their name and where they live, they typically tell what they do for a living. What they do is a large part of who they are.

Work may also be central to people's social lives as a source of friends and ac tivities. Work relationships can easily become personal friendships. In addition, work brings social obligations, such as dinner with the boss or the annual year-end party.

Finally, the kind of work people do helps to determine status, the evaluation by society of the role a person plays. Many jobs are associated with a particular status. For instance, traditionally physicians and college teachers are near the top of the status hierarchy, whereas ushers and shoe shiners occupy the bottom.

Satisfaction on the Job Status affects job satisfaction: The higher the status of the job, the more satisfied people tend to be. Furthermore, the status of the job of the major wage-earner can affect the status of the other members of the family (Schieman, McBrier, & van Gundy, 2003).

Of course, status isn't everything: Worker satisfaction depends on a number of factors, not the least of which is the nature of the job itself. For example, some people who work at computers are monitored on a minute-by-minute basis; supervisors can consistently see how many keystrokes they are entering. In some firms in which work ers use the telephone for sales or to take customer orders, conversations are monitored by supervisors. Workers' Web use and e-mail are also monitored or restricted by a large number of employers. Not surprisingly, such forms of job stress produce worker dissatisfaction (MacDonald, 2003).

Job satisfaction is higher when workers have input into the nature of their jobs and feel their ideas and opinions are valued. People also prefer jobs that offer variety over those that require only a few repeated skills. Finally, the more influence employees have over others, either directly as supervisors or more informally, the greater their job sat isfaction (Peterson & Wilson, 2004; Thompson & Prottas, 2006; Carton & Aiello, 2009).

Picking an Occupation: Choosing Life's Work

LO 7 . 1 6 Summarize Ginzberg's career choice theory, Holland's personality type theory, and how gender affects work choices.

Some people know from childhood what they want to do for a living; for others, the choice of a career is a matter of chance. Many of us fall somewhere in the middle.

GINZBERG'S CAREER CHOICE THEORY According to Eli Ginzberg (1972), peo ple typically move through stages in choosing a career. The first stage is the fantasy period, which lasts until around age 11. During the fantasy period, people make and discard career choices without regard to skills, abilities, or available job opportunities. A child may decide she wants to be a rock star-despite being unable to carry a tune (Ginzberg, 1972; Multon, 2000).

During the tentative period, which spans adolescence, people begin to think more practically about the requirements of various jobs and their own abilities and interests. They also consider how well a particular occupation might satisfy their personal val ues and goals.

Finally, in early adulthood, people enter the realistic period, in which they ex plore specific career options either through actual experience on the job or through training for a profession. After initially exploring what they might do, people begin to narrow their choices and eventually commit to a particular career.

Critics have charged that Ginzberg's theory oversimplifies the process of choos ing a career. Because it was based on subjects from middle socioeconomic levels, his theory may overstate the choices available to people in lower socioeconomic levels. Furthermore, the ages associated with the various stages may be too rigid. For instance, a person who begins to work immediately after high school most likely makes serious career decisions earlier than a person who attends college. In addition, economic factors cause many people to change careers at different points in their adult lives.

HOLLAND'S PERSONALITY TYPE THEORY Other theories of career choice em phasize how personality affects career decisions. According to John Holland, certain

Early Adulthood 347

status the evaluation of a role or person by other relevant members of a group or society

fantasy period according to Ginzberg, the period, lasting until about age 1 1 , when ca reer choices are made, and discarded, without regard to skills, abilities, or available job opportunities

tentative period the second stage of Ginzberg's the ory, which spans adolescence, when people begin to think more practi cally about the requirements o f vari ous jobs and how their own abilities might fit with them

realistic period the third stage of Ginzberg's theory, which occurs in early adulthood, when people begin to explore spe cific career options, either through actual experience on the job or through training for a profession, and then narrow their choices and make a commitment

348 Chapter 7

According to one theory, people

move through a series of life stages

in choosing a career. The first stage

is the fantasy period, which lasts

until a person is around 11 years old.

personality types match particularly well with certain careers. If the correspondence between personality and career is good, people will enjoy their careers more and be more likely to stay in them; but if the match is poor, they will be unhappy and more likely to shift to other careers (Holland, 1997; Wilson & Hutchison, 2014).

According to Holland, six personality types are important in career choice:

• Realistic. These are down-to-earth, practical problem solvers, physically strong but with mediocre social skills. They make good farmers, laborers, and truck drivers.

• Intellectual. Intellectual types are oriented toward the theoretical and abstract. Although not particularly good with people, they are well suited to careers in math and science.

• Social. People with this personality type have strong verbal skills and are good with people. They make good salespersons, teachers, and counselors.

• Conventional. Conventional types prefer highly structured tasks. They make good clerks, secretaries, and bank tellers.

• Enterprising. These are risk-takers and take-charge types. They are good leaders and may be particularly effective as managers or politicians.

• Artistic. These individuals use art to express themselves and often prefer the world of art to interactions with people. They are best suited to occupations in volving the arts.

Holland's theory suffers from a central flaw: Not everyone fits neatly into per sonality types. Furthermore, there are clear exceptions, with people holding jobs that are "wrong" for their personality type. Still, the basics of the theory have been vali dated, and they form the foundation of several of the "job quizzes" that people take to see what occupations they might be right for (Deng, Armstrong, & Rounds, 2007; Armstrong, Rounds, & Hubert, 2008; also see the Development in Your Life box.) GENDER AND CAREER CHOICES: WOMEN'S WORK A generation ago, many women entering early adulthood assumed that they would become housewives. Even women who sought work outside the home were relegated to certain professions. Until the 1960s, employment ads in U.S. newspapers were almost always divided into two sections: "Help Wanted: Male" and "Help Wanted: Female." The men's ads in cluded professions such as police officer, construction worker, and legal counsel; the women's ads were for secretaries, teachers, cashiers, and librarians.

Deve l o p m e nt i n Yo u r Life

Choosing a Career

One of the greatest challenges of early adulthood is making a decision that will have lifelong implications: the choice of a career. Although most people can be happy in a variety of jobs, choosing among the options can be daunting. Here are some guidelines for facing the career question.

• Systematically evaluate your choices. Online sites such as Linkedln.com and monster.corn contain a wealth of career information, and most colleges and u niversities have helpfu l career centers.

• Know yourself. Evaluate your strengths and weak nesses, perhaps by completing a questionnaire on your interests, skills , and values at a college career center.

• Create a "balance sheet" listing the gains and losses from a parti cular profession. First, list gains and losses for yourself and then for others, such as family mem bers. Next, write down your projected self-approval

or se lf-d isapproval from the potential career-and the projected social approval or disapproval you are l ikely to receive from others.

• "Try out" different careers through internships. By seeing a job firsthand, interns get a sense of what an occupa tion is truly like.

• Remember that there are no permanent mistakes. People today increasingly change careers in early adult hood and even beyond. No one should feel locked into a decision made previously i n life. As we have seen throughout this book, people develop substantially over the course of their lives.

• It i s reasonable to expect that shifting values, interests, ab il ities, and life c ircumstances might make a differ ent career more appropriate l ater in life than the one chosen during early adulthood.

The breakdown of jobs reflected society's view of what the two genders were best suited for. Traditionally, women were considered most appropriate for communal professions, occupations associated with relationships, such as nursing. In contrast, men were perceived as best suited for agentic professions. Agentic professions are associated with getting things accomplished, such as carpentry. It is probably no coin cidence that communal professions typically have lower status and pay than agentic professions (Trapnell & Paulhus, 2012; Wood & Eagly, 2015; Locke & Heller, 2017).

From a social worker's perspective: How does the division of jobs into communal and agentic relate to traditional views of male-female differences?

Although discrimination based on gender is far less blatant today than it was sev eral decades ago-it is now illegal, for instance, to advertise a position specifically for one gender-remnants of gender prejudice persist. Women are less likely to be found in traditionally male-dominated professions such as engineering and computer programming. In addition, as shown in Figure 7-13, despite significant progress in the past 40 years, women's earnings still lag behind those of men. Women earn an average of 82 cents for every dollar that men earn. Women who are members of certain minor ity groups are even worse off: Black women earn 63 cents for every dollar that white men earn. And women in many professions earn significantly less than men in identi cal jobs (Frome et al., 2006; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014, 2017).

More women are working outside the home than ever before. Between 1950 and 2010, the percentage of the female population (age 16 and older) in the U.S. labor force increased from 35 percent to close to 60 percent, and women today make up around 47 percent of the labor force. Almost all women expect to earn a living, and almost all do at some point in their lives. Furthermore, in 24 percent of U.S. households, women earn more than their husbands (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013; De Wolf, 2017).

Figure 7 - 1 3 The Gender-Wage Gap Women's weekly earnings as a percentage of men's have increased since 1 979 but are still only a bit more than 79 percent and have remained steady over the past three years.

SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 201 7.

Personal financial advisors

Insurance sales agents

Physicians and surgeons

Real estate brokers and sales agents

Securities, commodities, and financial services sales agents

Marketing and sales managers

Administrative services managers

Sales representatives, services, all other

Other teachers and instructors

Financial managers

0% 25% 50% 75% 100%

Early Adulthood 349

communal professions occupations that are associated with relationships , such as nursing

agentic professions occupations that are associated with getting things accomplished, such as carpentry

350 Chapter 7

Opportunities for women have improved considerably. Women are more likely to be physicians, lawyers, insurance agents, and bus drivers than in the past. However, within job categories gender differences persist. For example, female bus drivers are more apt to have part-time school bus routes, whereas men hold better-paying, full-time routes in cities. Female pharmacists are more likely to work in hospitals, and men work in higher paying jobs in retail stores (Paludi, Paludi, & DeSouza, 2011; Colella & King, 2018).

Women and minorities in high-status, visible professional roles often hit what has come to be called the glass ceiling. The glass ceiling is an invisible barrier in an organi zation that prevents individuals from being promoted beyond a certain level. It oper ates subtly, and often the people responsible for keeping the glass ceiling in place are unaware of how their actions perpetuate discrimination against women and minori ties (Dobele, Rundle-Thiele, Kopanidis, 2014; Ben-Noam, 2018).

Review, C h ec k , and Apply

Review

LO 7.9 Discuss the concept of emerging adulthood. Emerging adulthood is a period between adolescence and adulthood that spans the third decade of life. Researchers and theorists increasingly believe that emerging adulthood is a distinct period.

LO 7.10 Explain how young adults respond to the need for intimacy and friendship and how liking turns to loving.

Young adults face Erikson's intimacy-versus-isolation stage, with those who resolve this conflict being able to de velop intimate relationships with others.

LO 7 .1 1 Differentiate the different kinds of love. Passionate love is characterized by intense physiologi cal arousal, intimacy, and caring, whereas companionate love is characterized by respect, admiration, and affection. Sternberg's triangular theory identifies three basic com ponents (intimacy, passion, and decision/ commitment), which can be combined to form different types of love through which a relationship can evolve.

LO 7.12 Identify the factors that influence young adults' choice of partner, and give examples of how these are affected by gender and culture.

Many factors go into choosing a spouse, including love and mutual attraction, which in some cultures are rated behind good health and maturity. Men tend to rate physical attrac tiveness in a partner more highly than women do. Women give high marks to ambition and industriousness in a part ner. Evolutionary theories to account for these differences have been criticized. It may be that cross-cultural gender preferences reflect similar patterns of gender stereotyping. In general, the values applied to relationships by heterosex ual, gay, and lesbian couples are more similar than different.

LO 7.13 Summarize the sorts of relationships people enter into in early adulthood, and identify the characteristics of a successful marriage.

Although most young adults say they plan to marry, a significant number of young couples today are choosing cohabitation, and others prefer living alone without an

intimate partner. Success in marriage includes partners who visibly show affection and communicate relatively little negativity, perceive themselves as an interdependent couple instead of two independent individuals, share simi lar interests, and agree on role distribution.

LO 7 . 1 4 Identify the factors that influence a couple's decision to have children, and summarize the impact children have on a marriage.

The most common reasons for having children are psycho logical. Parents derive pleasure from helping their children grow, fulfillment from their accomplishments, and enjoy ment from forging a close bond with them. The birth of a child alters almost every aspect of family life. Spouses find themselves in new roles, faced with increased physical and psychological demands, and new financial responsibilities. Many marriages suffer from the strain, but marital hap piness remains steady or rises for couples who stay con nected, coparent, and work together to solve problems.

LO 7.15 Explain Vaillant's stage of career consolidation, and identify the motivations-other than money-people have for seeking a job.

According to Valliant, young adults reach the stage of career consolidation, where they focus mainly on their careers. People work because of both extrinsic and intrinsic motivational fac tors. The nature of a job, the degree of status it confers, and the variety it offers all contribute to job satisfaction. It's also impor tant to workers to feel their ideas and opinions are valued. LO 7.16 Summarize Ginzberg's career choice theory,

Holland's personality type theory, and how gender affects work choices.

Ginzberg offers a three-stage period of career development. Critics claim his theory oversimplifies the process of choos ing a career and may lack applicability to young adults from lower socioeconomic levels. According to Holland, certain personality types match well with certain careers. A close match may increase job satisfaction and make it more likely that a person will remain in the job long term. Gender-role prejudice and stereotyping remain a problem in the work place and in preparing for and selecting careers.

Check Yourself

1. According to Erikson, adults spend their early adult

years ___ _

a. consolidating careers b. developing their identities c. being industrious d. developing relationships with others

_____ love is the strong affection we have for those individuals with whom our lives are deeply involved.

a. Passionate c. Intimate b. Consummate d. Companionate

Applying Lifespan Development

Early Adulthood 351

3. When asked why they want to have children, most young adults cite reasons.

a. personal c. financial b. psychological d. societal

4. According to Vaillant, during young adulthood, indi viduals become centered on their careers. This stage is known as ____ _

a. career consolidation b. life comprehension c. professional attainment d. career comprehension

If Vaillant's study were performed today on women, in what ways do you think the results would be similar to or different from those of the original study?

352 Chapter 7

C h apter 7 S u m m ary Putting It All Together: Early Adulthood

PETRA TARKIF AND MO WRIGHT face many developmental issues typical of young adults. They have to consider the questions of health and aging, and the uncomfortable admission that they do not have all the time in the world. They have to look at their relationship and decide whether to marry. They have to face the questions they have about children and career. They have to reevaluate their wish to continue their education. Fortunately they have each other-and a considerable developmental arsenal of useful skills and abilities.

MODULE 7 . 1 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY ADULTHOOD

• Petra and Mo's bodies and senses are at their peak, with their physi cal development nearly complete. (p. 311)

• During this period, the couple will increasingly need to pay attention to diet and exercise. (pp. 312-313)

• Because they face so many im portant decisions, Petra and Mo are prime candidates for stress. (pp. 315-318)

MODULE 7.2 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY ADULTHOOD

• Petra and Mo are in Schaie's achieving stage, confronting major life issues, including career and marriage. (p. 321)

• They are able to apply postfor mal thought to the complex issues they face. (p. 320)

• Dealing with major life events, although causing stress, may also foster cognitive growth in both of them. (p. 322)

• Petra and Mo's idea about return ing to college is not unusual today, when colleges are serving a diver sity of students, including many older students. (pp. 324-326)

What would YOU do? What wou l d a CAR E E R

C O U N S E LO R d o ?

MODULE 7.3

SOCIAL AND PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT I N EARLY ADULTHOOD

• Petra and Mo are at a time when love relationships and friendship are of major importance. (pp. 331-333)

• The couple are likely to be experi encing a combination of intimacy, passion, and decision/ commitment. (pp. 334-336)

• Petra and Mo have been cohabiting and are now exploring marriage as a relationship option. (pp. 339-342)

• Petra and Mo are not unusual in decid ing about marriage and children decisions with major implications for the relationship. (pp. 342-345)

• The couple must also decide how to handle the possible shift from two jobs to one, at least temporarily a decision that is far more than financial. (pp. 342-344)

What would an

EDUCATO R d o ?

What w o u l d a

H EALTH-CARE

PROV I D E R do?

Given that Petra and Mo are young, in good health, and physically fit,

what strategies would you advise them to pursue to stay that way?

If you were a friend of Petra and Mo, what fac- tors would you advise them to consider as they contemplate moving from cohabitation to mar riage? Would your advice be the same if only Petra or Mo asked you?

Assuming Petra and Mo decide to have children, what advice would you give them about handling the major expenses they face and the impact of children on their careers? Would you advise one of them to put his or her career on hold and pursue childrearing full-time? If so, how would you counsel them to decide which career should be put on hold?

A friend of Mo' s has told him that he might "feel like an old man" if he pursues manage ment training or business school such a long time after getting his undergraduate degree. Do you agree? Would you advise Mo to pursue his studies right away, before he gets too old, or to wait until his life settles down?

Photodisc/Getty Images Laurence Mouton/PhotoAlto

Agency RF Collections/Getty

Images

Sheer Photo, Inc/

Stockbyte/Getty Images

Mel Yates/Cultura/Getty Images

Chapter 8 Middle Adulthood

Terri Donovan, 50, raised five kids while working full-time as an urban planner for the city of

New York. "It was not a cushy job," Terri says. "I raced about the city all day, and there were

meetings almost evety night. Zoning Board. Planning Board." Terri did her share of parenting,

too. "I never missed a school play or band concert. I read the bedtime stories most nights.

And we did evetything together on the weekends, even the laundty." Sometimes she felt she

would "go nuts." Yet, when her youngest child left home last year, she wandered around for

3 months, thinking, "What next?"

It was Brian who helped her figure out the answer. He booked a trip to Italy, their first real

vacation in more than a decade. "We went sightseeing and ate fabulous leisurely meals, but

most of all we focused on being together." Back home, she and Brian scheduled a weekly

date night. "We finally have time for sex and long walks," she says. Terri also started helping

out one night a week at the local soup kitchen.

The biggest change came when Terri decided to quit her job. "I wanted to help the people

in my community," she says. Now, she's running for a seat in the state legislature. And her

oldest daughter is pregnant. "When my kids left home, I real ized they'd been the center of my

life," Terri says. "So I'm looking forward to my grandchild -as long as my daughter and her

family don 't move in."

353

354 Chapter 8

M o d u l e 8 . 1

Middle adulthood is a time of significant transitions. Grown children leave home. People change the way they view their career. Sometimes, they change careers en tirely as Terri did. Marriages undergo reevaluation. Often, couples find this a period of strengthened ties, as the "empty nest" leaves them free for uninterrupted intimacy. But sometimes they divorce. Middle age is also a period of deepening roots. Family and friends ascend in importance as career ambitions begin to take a backseat. And there is more time for leisure activities.

In this chapter, we first look at the physical changes of middle adulthood and how people cope with them. Then, we consider sexuality and menopause and debate the use of hormone replacement drugs for women. We also look at health issues that become of increasing concern in midlife.

Next, we consider the changing intellectual abilities of middle-aged adults, and ask the question: Does intelligence decline over time? We investigate various types of intelligence and look at how each is affected by the aging process. We also look at memory. Finally, we look at social development and examine what changes and what remains stable over time in an adult's personality. We consider the evidence for the so called midlife crisis and discuss how family relationships change. We end by examin ing how people are spending their increased leisure time in middle age.

Module 8.1 Physical Development in Middle Adulthood

LO 8.1 Describe the physical changes that affect people in middle adulthood. LO 8.2 Analyze the changing nature of sexuality in middle adulthood. LO 8.3 Describe the health of the average person in middle adulthood. LO 8.4 Describe risk factors and preventive measures for heart disease and cancer in

middle adulthood.

Module 8.2 Cognitive Development in Middle Adulthood

LO 8.5 Analyze changes in the nature and use of intelligence in middle adulthood. LO 8.6 Describe how aging affects memory and how memory can be improved.

Module 8.3 Social and Personality Development in Middle Adulthood

LO 8.7 Explain varied perspectives on personality development during middle adulthood.

LO 8.8 Analyze whether personality is stable or changes over the life span. LO 8.9 Describe typical patterns of marriage and divorce in middle adulthood. LO 8.10 Analyze the effects and significance of changes in family patterns in middle

adulthood. LO 8 . 1 1 Describe causes and characteristics of family violence in the United States. LO 8.12 Describe the benefits and challenges of work life in middle adulthood. LO 8.13 Describe how people experience leisure time in middle adulthood.

Physical Development in Middle Adulthood

Fighting Against Time

Since she began racing 4 years ago, Deborah Thelonius has won not about to give up running. As she says, "It brings me a kind of

around a dozen long-distance competitions, including a 26-mile satisfaction that I can 't get from anything else. I'm going to keep at it

marathon. Her specialty is high-altitude running, and she holds the as long as my body holds out."

record at the Pike 's Peak Marathon, where she had to climb 20 miles

to a height of more than 14, OOO feet above sea level. Thelon ius's success at hig h-altitude runni ng is indicative of a revolution

Thelonius is 48. that is occurring in tenns of the physical activity of people in middle

But her running hasn't come without a price. She trains 6 days adulthood. People reaching the midcentury mark are joini ng health clubs

a week, and the arthritis in her knees create a lot of pain. But she's in record numbers, seeking to maintain their health and agility as they age.

Middle Adulthood 355

It is in middle adu lthood , roughly the period from age 40 to

65, that people often first notice and feel the effects of aging . Their

bodies and, to some extent, their cogn itive abi lities begin to change

in unwelcome ways. Looking at the physical , cog nitive, and social

chan ges of mid life, however, we see this is also a time when many

people reach the height of their capabilities, when they are engaged

in shapi ng their lives as never before.

We also look at sexuality in m iddle adulthood . We examine

the effects of change in hormone production for both men and

women - particularly, menopause - and the various therapies

availab le to ease this transition . We consider, too, the role attitude

plays.

We begin the module by considerin g physical deve lopment . We

consider changes i n height, weight, and strength, and discuss the

subtle declines in various senses.

We then examine both health and illness in midlife. We consider

the i mpact of stress and pay spec ial attention to two major health

problems- heart disease and cancer.

Physical Development and Sexuality Soon after turning 40, Sharon Boker-Tov noticed that it took longer to bounce back from minor illnesses such as colds and the flu. Then she noticed changes in her eyesight: She needed more light to read fine print, and she had to adjust how far she held newspapers from her face to read them easily. Finally, she couldn't deny that the gray strands in her hair, which had first appeared in her late 20s, were beco ming a virtual forest .

Physical Transitions: The Gradual Change in the Body's Capabilities

LO 8.1 Describe the physical changes that affect people in middle adulthood.

In middle adulthood, people become aware of the gradual changes in their bodies that aging brings. Some of these changes are the result of senescence, or naturally oc curring declines. Other changes, however, are related to lifestyle choices, such as diet, exercise, smoking, and alcohol or drug use. As we'll see, lifestyle choices can have a major impact on people's physical, and even cognitive, fitness in midlife.

Although physical changes occur throughout life, these changes take on new sig nificance in midlife, particularly in Western cultures that highly value a youthful ap pearance. The psychological significance of aging may far exceed the relatively minor and gradual changes a person experiences. Sharon Boker-Tov had gray hairs in her 20s, but in her 40s they multiplied to an extent she could not ignore. She was no longer young.

People's emotional reactions to midlife's physical changes depend in part on their self-concepts. When self-image is tied closely to one's physical attributes-as it often is for those who are athletic or are physically quite attractive-middle adulthood can be particularly difficult. The changes the mirror reveals signal aging and mortality as well as a loss of physical attractiveness. Those middle-aged adults, however, whose views of themselves are not so closely tied to physical attributes generally report no less satisfac tion with their body images than younger adults (Hillman, 2012; Murray & Lewis, 2014).

Physical appearance often plays an especially significant role in how women see themselves. This is particularly true in Western cultures, where women face strong so cietal pressures to retain a youthful look. Society applies a double standard to men and women regarding appearance: Older women tend to be viewed in unflattering terms, whereas older men are frequently seen as attractively "mature" (Andreoni & Petrie, 2008; Pruis & Janowsky, 2010; Hofmeier et al., 2017).

HEIGHT, WEIGHT, AND STRENGTH: THE BENCHMARKS OF CHANGE Most people reach their maximum height in their 20s and remain close to that height until around age 55. People then begin a "settling" process in which the bones attached to the spinal column become less dense. Although the loss of height is slow, women average a 2-inch decline and men a 1-inch decline over the rest of the life span (Bennani et al., 2009).

Women are more prone to this decline because they are at greater risk of osteopo rosis. Osteoporosis, a condition in which the bones become brittle, fragile, and thin, is often caused by a lack of calcium in the diet. Although it has a genetic component,

osteoporosis a condition in which the bones be come brittle, fragile, and thin, often brought about by a lack of calcium in the diet

356 Chapter 8

presbyopia a nearly universal change in eyesight during middle adulthood that results in some loss of near vision

glaucoma a condition in which pressure in the fluid of the eye increases, either because the fluid cannot drain prop erly or because too much fluid is produced

osteoporosis is one aspect of aging that can be affected by lifestyle choices. Women and men-can reduce the risk of osteoporosis by eating a calcium-rich diet (calcium is found in milk, yogurt, cheese, and some leafy greens) and by exercising regularly (Rizzoli, Abraham, & Brandi, 2014; Peng et al., 2016; Migliaccio et al., 2018).

Body fat tends to increase in middle adulthood. Even those who have always been slim may begin to gain weight. Because height is not increasing, and actually may be declining, these gains increase the incidence of obesity. This weight gain can often be avoided. Lifestyle choices play a major role. People who exercise regularly tend to avoid obesity, as do those who live in cultures where life is more active than it is in many Western cultures.

Declines in strength accompany height and weight changes. Strength gradually de creases, particularly in the back and leg muscles. By age 60, people average a 10 percent loss of their maximum strength. Still, such a loss is relatively minor, and most people are easily able to compensate for it. Again, lifestyle choices matter. Regular exercise tends to make people feel stronger and more able to compensate for any losses.

THE SENSES: THE SIGHTS AND SOUNDS OF MIDDLE AGE The vision changes Sharon Boker-Tov experienced are so common that reading glasses and bifocals have be come a stereotypical emblem of middle age. Like Sharon, most people notice changes in the sensitivity not only of their eyes but also of other sense organs. All the organs seem to shift at about the same rate, but the changes are particularly marked in vision and hearing.

Vision Starting at around age 40, visual acuity-the ability to discern fine spatial de tail in both close and distant objects-begins to decline. The shape of the eye's lens changes and its elasticity deteriorates, which makes it harder to focus images sharply onto the retina. The lens becomes less transparent, so less light passes through the eye (Yan, Li, & Liao, 2010).

A nearly universal change in midlife is the loss of near vision, called presbyopia. Even people who have never needed glasses or contact lenses find themselves hold ing print at an increasing distance to bring it into focus. Eventually, they need reading glasses. For those who were already nearsighted, presbyopia may require bifocals or two sets of glasses (Koopmans & Kooijman, 2006; Kemper, 2012; Donaldson et al., 2017).

Midlife brings other vision changes. Depth perception, distance perception, and the ability to see in three dimensions all decline. The loss of rods (a kind of receptor cell in the eye) and a decrease in lens transparency also impairs people's ability to adapt to darkness, making it more difficult to navigate a dark room and to drive at night (Andrews, d' Avossa, & Sapir, 2017).

Although normal aging brings changes in vision, in some cases disease is involved. One of the most frequent eye problems is glaucoma, which may, if left untreated, lead to blindness. Glaucoma occurs when pressure in the fluid of the eye increases, either because the fluid cannot drain properly or because too much is produced. Around 1 to 2 percent

of people older than age 40 are afflicted, and African Americans are particularly susceptible.

Initially, the increased pressure may constrict the neurons involved in pe ripheral vision and lead to tunnel vision. Ultimately, the pressure can become so high that all nerve cells are constricted, which causes complete blindness. Fortunately, with early detection, glaucoma can be treated. Medication can reduce the pressure, as can surgery to restore normal drainage of eye fluid (Lambiase et al., 2009; Jindal, 2013; Sentis et al., 2016).

Hearing Hearing declines in acuity in midlife, though the changes tend to be less evident than those affecting vision.

Environmental factors cause some of the hearing losses. People who work near loud noises-such as airplane mechanics and construction workers-are more apt to suffer debilitating and permanent hearing loss.

Beginning around age 40, visual acuity, the

ability to discern fine spatial detail, begins

to drop. Most people begin to suffer from

presbyopia, a decline in near vision.

Many changes are simply related to aging. Age brings a loss of cilia, or hair cells, in the inner ear, which transmit neural messages to the brain when vibrations bend them. Like the lens of the eye, the eardrum becomes less elastic with age, reducing sensitivity to sound (Wiley et al., 2005; Knight, Wigham, & Nigam, 2017; National Institute on Deafness and Other Communication Disorders, 2018).

The ability to hear high-pitched, high-frequency sounds usually declines first, a problem called presbycusis. Men are more prone to hearing loss than women, starting at around age 55 (Veras & Mattos, 2007; Gopinath et al., 2012; Koike, 2014).

Declines in hearing do not markedly affect most people in middle age. Many com pensate for any losses relatively easily-by asking people to speak up, turning up the volume of a television set, or paying closer attention to what others are saying.

Reaction Time One common concern is that people slow down once they reach middle adulthood. Such a worry is not valid in most cases. Reaction time does in crease (i.e., it takes longer to react to a stimulus), but usually the increase is mild and hardly noticeable. For instance, reaction time in responding to a loud noise increases by about 20 percent from age 20 to 60. Tasks requiring the coordination of various skills-such as driving a car-show less of an increase. Still, it takes more time to move the foot from the gas pedal to the brake when a driver faces an emer gency situation. Changes in the speed at which the nervous system processes nerve impulses increase reaction time (Roggeveen, Prime, & Ward, 2007; Godefroy et al., 2010).

Despite increased reaction time, middle-aged drivers have fewer accidents than younger ones, partly because they tend to be more careful and take fewer risks. Moreover, older drivers' greater experience benefits them. The minor slowing of reac tion time is compensated by their expertise (Cantin et al., 2009; Endrass, Schreiber, & Kathmann, 2012; Meador, Boyd, & Loring, 2017).

Lifestyle choices can retard the slowing down process. An active exercise program counteracts the effects of aging, improving health, muscle strength, and endurance (see Figure 8-1).

Figure 8 - 1 The Benefits of Exercise There are many benefits from mai ntaining a high level of physical activity throughout life.

SOURCE: DiGiovanna, 1 994.

The Advantages of Exercise

Muscle System

Slower decline in energy molecules, muscle cell thickness, number of muscle cells, muscle thickness, muscle mass, muscle strength, blood supply, speed of movement, stamina Slower increase in fat and fibers, reaction time, recovery time, development of muscle soreness

Nervous System

Slower decline in processing impulses by the central nervous system

Slower increase in variations in speed of motor neuron impulses

Circulatory System

Maintenance of lower levels of LDLs and higher HDL/cholesterol and HDULDL ratios

Decreased risk of high blood pressure, atherosclerosis, heart attack, stroke

Skeletal System

Slower decline in bone minerals

Decreased risk of fractures and osteoporosis

Psychological Benefits

Enhanced mood

Feelings of well-being

Reduces stress

Middle Adulthood 357

presbycusis loss of the ability to hear sounds of high frequency

358 Chapter 8

female climacteric the period that marks the transition from being able to bear children to being unable to do so

menopause the cessation of menstruation

Sexuality in Middle Adulthood: The True, the False, and the Controversial

LO 8.2 Analyze the changing nature of sexuality in middle adulthood.

At age 5 1 , E lain e was really looking forward to her postmenopausal life. Her youngest child had just left home to study art, and she had recently reduced her work schedule to a comfortable 30 hours a week. She envisioned the year to come as an opportunity for a "second honeymoon" with her husband, Greg, with no need for contraceptives or fears of becoming pregnant.

Her imagined honeymoon quickly evaporated in a heat wave of hot flashes and night sweats. Though Elaine recognized these as normal symptoms of menopause, she was having to change her clothing three or more times a day. And she was having more head aches. Her doctor prescribed hormone therapy to replace the estrogen she was losing through menopause. The drugs eased her symptoms. Four months later, she and Greg booked a month's getaway in Greece.

Although interest in sex remains high for many people in middle adulthood, as Elaine's story illustrates, the physical changes associated with aging, such as meno pause for women, can throw a curve ball at romance. We will look at some of the fac tors that affect men's and women's sexuality in midlife and the roles both attitude and prescription drugs can play in alleviating some of the problems commonly associated with this life stage.

THE ONGOING SEXUALITY OF MIDDLE AGE The frequency of sexual intercourse declines with age (see Figure 8-2), but sexual pleasure remains a vital part of most middle-aged adults' lives. About half of men and women age 45 to 59 report having sexual intercourse once a week or more. Close to three-quarters of men and more than half of women age 50 to 59 report masturbating. Half of men age 50 to 59 and a third of women in that age group have received oral sex from a different-sex partner in the past year. Similarly, sex remains an important activity for gay and lesbian couples dur ing middle adulthood (Herbenick et al., 2010; Koh & Sewell, 2015; Paine, Umberson, & Reczek, 2018).

For many, midlife brings a sexual enjoyment and freedom that were missing pre viously. With their children grown and away from home, married couples have more time for uninterrupted sex. Women who have gone through menopause no longer fear pregnancy or need to use birth control (DeLamater, 2012).

Both men and women may face challenges to their sexuality in midlife. A man often needs more time to achieve an erection, and it takes longer after an orgasm to have another. The volume of fluid that is ejaculated declines, as does the production of testosterone, the male sex hormone (Hyde & Delameter, 2017; Yarber & Sayad, 2019).

For women, the vaginal walls thin and grow less elastic. The vagina begins to shrink and its entrance becomes compressed, which can make intercourse painful.

For most women, though, the changes do not reduce sexual pleasure. Those women who do find intercourse less enjoyable can seek help from an increasing array of drugs, such as topi cal creams and testosterone patches, that are designed to increase sexual pleasure (Freedman & Ellison, 2004; Nappi & Polatti, 2009; Spring, 2015).

THE FEMALE CLIMACTERIC AND MENOPAUSE Women enter a period, around age 45, known as the climacteric that lasts for 15 to 20 years. The female climacteric marks the transition that ends the childbearing years.

The most notable sign of this transition is menopause.

Sexuality continues to be a vital part of most couples' lives in

middle adulthood.

Menopause is the cessation of menstruation. Menstrual periods begin to occur irregularly and less frequently during a 2-year pe riod starting at around age 47 or 48, although this may begin as

Middle Adulthood 359

early as age 40 or as late as age 60. Menopause is completed when a woman passes a year without a menstrual period.

Menopause is important because it marks the end of a woman's nat

Figure 8 - 2 Freq uency of Heterosexual Sexual I ntercourse in Middle and Late Adulthood

ural fertility (although eggs implanted in a postmenopausal woman can SOURCE: Karraker, Delamater, & Schwartz, 201 1 _

produce a pregnancy). In addition, estrogen and progesterone levels the female sex hormones-begin to drop (Schwenkhagen, 2007).

These changes in hormone production may produce a variety of symptoms, although this varies significantly for individuals. One of the

� 7 c 0 E 6 ...

most prevalent symptoms is "hot flashes," in which women experience a � surge of heat above the waist. A woman may get red and begin to sweat gi 5 when a hot flash occurs. Afterward, she may feel chilled. Some women ! 4 have hot flashes several times a day; others, not at all. �

During menopause, headaches, feelings of dizziness, heart palpita- � tions, and aching joints are relatively common, though not universal. In & 3 one survey, only half of the women reported having hot flashes, and only about one-tenth of all women experience severe distress during meno pause. Many women-perhaps as many as half-have no significant symptoms at all (Ishizuka, Kudo, & Tango, 2008; Strauss, 2013; Guerin,

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6.18

Goldfield, & Prud'homme, 2017). :::!: 0 L__----"':LL� For many women, menopause symptoms may begin a decade before

menopause actually occurs. Perimenopause describes this period before menopause when hormone production begins to change. It is marked by

Ages 44-59 years

sometimes radical fluctuations in hormone levels, resulting in some of the same symp toms found in menopause (Winterich, 2003; Shea, 2006; Shuster et al., 2010).

For some women, the symptoms of perirnenopause and menopause are considerable. Treating these problems, though, can be challenging, as we consider next.

THE DILEMMA OF HORMONE THERAPY: NO EASY ANSWER

Sandra Kendrick was certain she was having a heart attack. She had been weed ing her garden when suddenly she couldn't get enough air into her lungs. She felt as if she were on fire, becoming lightheaded and dizzy. A feeling of nausea came over her. She made it to the kitchen to call 91 1 and then fell to the floor. When the emergency team examined her, she was both relieved and em barrassed to learn that her symptoms indicated not a heart attack but her first hot flash.

A decade ago, physicians would have had a straightforward remedy for hot flashes and other uncomfortable symptoms caused by the onset of menopause: They would have prescribed regular doses of a hormone replacement drug.

For millions of women who experienced similar difficulties, it was a solution that worked. In hormone therapy (HT), estrogen and progesterone are administered to alleviate the worst of the symptoms experienced by menopausal women. HT clearly reduces a variety of problems, such as hot flashes and loss of skin elasticity. In addition, HT may reduce coronary heart disease by changing the ratio of "good" cholesterol to "bad" cholesterol. HT also decreases the thinning of the bones related to osteoporosis, which, as we discussed, becomes a problem for many people in late adulthood (Lisabeth & Bushnell, 2012; Engler-Chiurazzi, Singh, & Simpkins, 2016; Braden et al., 2017).

Furthermore, some studies show that HT is associated with reduced risks of stroke and colon cancer. Estrogen may improve memory and cognitive performance in healthy women and reduce depression. Finally, increased estrogen may lead to a greater sex drive (Cumming et al., 2009; Garcia-Portilla, 2009; Lambrinoudaki & Perez-Lopez, 2013).

Although HT may sound like a cure-all, there are risks involved. For instance, it increases the risk of breast cancer and blood clots. Furthermore, some women taking a combination of estrogen and progesterone have been found to be at higher risk for stroke, pulmonary embolism, and heart disease. Increased risk of stroke and pulmonary embolism also has been found to be associated with estrogen-alone

0 Men • women

Ages 57-72 years

360 Chapter 8

male climacteric the period of physical and psycho logical change relating to the male reproductive system that occurs dur ing late middle age

therapy. Consequently, some health-care providers believe that the risks of HT out weigh the benefits (Lobo, 2009; LaCroix et al., 2011).

The most recent thinking among medical experts is that it's not a simple all-or nothing proposition; some women are simply better candidates for HT than others. Although HT seems to be less appropriate for older, postmenopausal women because of the increased risk of coronary heart disease and other health complications, younger women at the onset of menopause and who are experiencing severe symptoms might still benefit from the therapy, at least on a short-term basis (Lewis, 2009; Beck, 2012; Martin & Barbieri, 2018).

THE PSYCHOLOGICAL CONSEQUENCES OF MENOPAUSE Traditionally, many people, including experts, believed that menopause was linked directly to depres sion, anxiety, crying spells, lack of concentration, and irritability. Some research ers estimated that as many as 10 percent of menopausal women suffered severe depression. It was assumed that physiological changes in menopausal women's bodies brought about such disagreeable outcomes (Soares & Frey, 2010; Mauas, Kopala-Sibley, & Zuroff, 2014).

Today, most researchers take a different view, regarding menopause as a normal part of aging that does not, by itself, produce psychological symptoms. Some women do experience psychological difficulties, but they do so at other times in life as well (Freeman, Sammel, & Liu, 2004; Somerset et al., 2006; Wroolie & Holcomb, 2010).

Research shows that a woman's expectations can significantly affect her ex perience of menopause. Women who expect to have difficulties are more likely to attribute every physical symptom and emotional swing to menopause, whereas those with more positive attitudes are less apt to do so. A woman's attribution of physical symptoms, then, may affect her perception of menopause-and thus her actual experience of the period (Breheny & Stephens, 2003; Bauld & Brown, 2009; Strauss, 2011).

From the perspective of a health-care provider: What cultural factors in the United States might contribute to a woman's negative experience of meno pause? How?

THE MALE CLIMACTERIC Do men experience the equivalent of menopause? Not really. Lacking anything akin to menstruation, they cannot experience its discon tinuation. But men do experience changes in midlife that are referred to as the male climacteric. The male climacteric is the period of physical changes in the reproductive system (which may be accompanied by psychological changes) that occurs late in midlife, typically in a man's 50s.

Because the changes are gradual, it is hard to pinpoint the exact period of the male climacteric. For instance, despite declines in testosterone levels and sperm count, men are able to father children throughout middle age. And it is no easier in men than in women to attribute psychological symptoms to subtle physiological changes.

One physical change that occurs frequently is enlargement of the prostate gland. By age 40, about 10 percent of men have enlarged prostates, and the percentage increases to half of all men by the age of 80. Enlargement of the prostate produces problems with urination, including difficulty starting urination or a need to urinate frequently at night.

Sexual problems also increase as men age. In particular, erectile dysfunction, in which men are unable to achieve or maintain an erection, becomes more common. Drugs such as Viagra®, Levitra®, and Cialis® often prove an effective treatment (Shamloul & Ghanem, 2013; Glina, Cohen, & Vieira, 2014; Wentzell, 2017).

Health It was a normal exercise session for Jerome Yanger. Up at 5:30 a.m., he climbed onto his exercise bike and began vigorously pedaling, hoping to meet, and exceed, his aver age speed of 1 4 miles per hour. Stationed in front of the television, he used the remote control to tune to the morning business news. Occasionally glancing up at the television, h e began reading a report he had begun the night before, silently cursing at some of the poor sales figures h e was seeing. By the time his half-hour of exercise was over, he had fin ished the report, signed a few letters his administrative assistant had typed for him, and left two voicemails for some colleagues.

Most of us would be ready for a nap after such a packed half hour. For Jerome Yanger, however, it was routine: He always tried to multitask, thinking it more efficient. Developmentalists might see it as symptomatic of a behavior style that puts Jerome at risk for coronary heart disease.

Although most people are healthy in middle adulthood, they also grow increas ingly susceptible to many health problems. We will look at some typical midlife health issues, focusing on coronary heart disease and cancer.

Wellness and Illness: The Ups and Downs of Middle Adulthood

LO 8.3 Describe the health of the average person in middle adulthood.

Health concerns become increasingly important to people in middle age. Surveys ask ing what worries adults show health-as well as safety and money-to be an issue of concern. More than half of adults say they are either "afraid" or "very afraid" of hav ing cancer (see Figure 8-3).

For most people, however, midlife is a period of health. According to census fig ures, the vast majority of middle-aged adults report no chronic health difficulties and face no limitations on their activities.

Figure 8 - 3 Worries of Adulthood As peopl e enter m iddle adulthood, financial , work, family, and health and safety concerns become i ncreasi ngly important.

SOURCE: American Psychological Association, 2015, reprinted by permission.

2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

Middle Adulthood 361

362 Chapter 8

In fact, in some ways health is better in middle adulthood than in previous pe riods of life. People ages 45 to 65 are less likely than younger adults to experience infections, allergies, respiratory diseases, and digestive problems. They may contract fewer of these diseases now because they have already experienced them and built up immunities.

Certain chronic diseases do begin to appear in middle adulthood. Arthritis typi cally begins after age 40, and diabetes is most likely to occur between ages 50 and 60, particularly in those who are overweight. Hypertension (high blood pressure) is one of the most frequent chronic disorders. Often called the "silent killer" because it is symptomless, hypertension, if left untreated, greatly increases the risk of strokes and heart disease. For such reasons, health providers recommend that adults have a variety of preventive and diagnostic medical tests during middle adulthood (see Table 8-1).

The onset of chronic diseases in middle age boosts the death rate above that of prior periods. Still, death remains rare: Only 2 women and 3 men out of every 100 40-year-olds are expected to die before age 50, and 5 women and 7 men out of every 100 50-year-olds are expected to die before age 60. And the death rate for people be tween 40 and 60 has declined dramatically over the past 50 years. There also are cul tural variations in health, as we consider in the Cultural Dimensions box (Social Security Administration, 2018).

Stress continues to have a significant impact on health, as it did in young adult hood, although the stressors may have changed. For example, parents may worry about their adolescent child's potential illicit drug use rather than whether their tod dler is ready to give up his pacifier.

No matter what events trigger stress, the results are similar. Psychoneuroimmunologists, who study the relationship between the brain, the immune system, and psychological

Table 8-1 Adult Preventive Health-Care Screening Recommendations

These are general guidelines for healthy adults who have no symptoms of disease.

Screening Description Ages 40-49 Ages 50-59 Age 60+

Blood Pressure

Cholesterol - Total/H DL

Eye Examination

Flexible Sigmoidoscopy or

Double Contrast Barium Enema or Colonoscopy

Fecal Occult Blood Screening

Rectal Exam (Digital)

Urinalysis Screeni ng

Immu nizations (Shots) Tetanus

Influenza (Flu)

Pneumococcal

Used to detect hypertension, which can lead to heart attack, stroke, or kidney disease.

Used to detect high cholesterol levels, which increase risk of heart disease.

Used to determine if glasses are required and to check for eye disease.

A procedure using a scope or X-ray to detect cancer of the colon and rectum .

Detects unseen blood in stool, which is an early warning sign for colon cancer.

Examination of prostate or ovaries to detect cancer.

Examination to detect presence of excess protein in uri ne.

Protection against infection after injury.

Protection against the infiuenza virus.

Protection against pneumonia.

Every 2 years. Every 2 years . Every 2 years; every year if family history of hypertension.

All adults should receive total cholesterol screening , HDL cholesterol, LDL cholesterol ,

and triglycerides AT LEAST ONCE. Cardiac risk factors and lipoprotein results will determine frequency of follow-up by your health-care provider.

Every 2-4 years. Every 2-4 years. Every 2-4 years. At age 65 Di abetics - every year. Diabetics - every year. and over, every 1-2 years.

Every 5 years.

Every 1 0 years.

Any person with chronic medical conditions such as heart disease, lung diseases, kidney disease, diabetes.

Baseline at age 50. Every 3-5 years after initial test.

Every year.

Diabetics- every year.

Every 3-5 years. Age to stop depends on health . Follow-up normal colonoscopy in 8-1 0 yrs.

Every year.

Every 5 years. Every 3-5 years.

Every 1 0 years. Every 10 years.

Annually, age 50 and Annually, age 65 and older. older.

At age 65, then every 6 years.

Note: Additional guidelines specific to women include breast exams, mammograms, pap smears, and pelvic exams; additional guidelines for men include prostate- specific antigen tests and testicular self-exams.

Middle Adulthood 363

C u lt u ral D i m e n s i o n s

I ndivi d u a l Variation i n Health: Socioeconomic Status and Gender Differences

Overall figures for the health of middle-aged adults mask vast individual differences. Although most people are healthy, some are beset by a variety of ail ments. Genetics play a role. For instance, hypertension often runs in families.

Social and environmental factors also affect health. For example, the death rate for middle-aged African Americans in the United States i s twice the rate for Caucasians. Why should this be true?

Socioeconom ic status (SES) is a significant factor. For whites and blacks of the same SES level , the death rate for blacks is actually lower than for whites. Members of lower income families, however, are more likely to experience a disabling illness, and at an earlier age. In fact, one study found that the gap in life expectancy between the richest 1 percent and poorest 1 percent was 1 4.6 years. As can be seen in Figure 8-4, the higher the i ncome level, the longer the life expectancy for both men and women (Chetty et al., 201 6 ; Link et al., 2017).

There are many reasons for this. People in lower-SES households are more apt to work in dangerous occupations, such as mining or construction work. Lower-income people also often have inferior health-care coverage . The crime rates and environmental poll utants are generally higher in lower income neig hborhoods. A higher incidence of accidents and health hazards, and thus a higher death rate, is l i n ked to lower levels of income (Hendren, Humiston, & Fiscella, 201 2 ; Borsch-supan e t al., 2 0 1 9) .

Figure 8 - 4 Life Expectancy and Income

Gender also makes a difference. Women 's overall mortal ity rate is lower than men's-a trend that holds true from birth - but the incidence of illness among midlife women is higher than for men.

Women are more susceptible to minor, short-term i l l ness and chronic but non-l ife-threatening diseases such as migraine headaches, whereas men are more susceptible to serious i l lnesses such as heart disease. Fewer women smoke than men, which reduces their risk for cancer and heart disease; women drink less alcohol than men, which lowers the incidence of cirrhosis of the liver and auto accidents; and they work at less dangerous jobs.

Another reason for the higher rate of illness in women may be that more medi cal research targets men and the disorders they suffer. The vast majority of medical research money goes to preventi ng l ife-threatening d iseases faced mostly by men, rather than to chronic conditions such as heart disease that may cause disability and sufferi ng, but not necessarily death. Typically, research on diseases that strike both men and women focuses on men as subjects rather than women. This bias is now being addressed in i n itiatives by the U.S. National Institutes of Health, but the h i storical pattern has been one of gender discrim ination by a male-dominated research community (Vidaver et al., 2000; Liu & Dipi etro Mager, 201 6).

For both men and women, the higher the income level , the longer the life span.

SOURCE: Adapted from Chetty et al., 2016.

Men 300,000 ---------------� .!!!

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85 88 Expected Age of Death

364 Chapter 8

Figure 8 - 5 The Conseq uences of Stress Stress produces three major consequences: direct physiological effects, harmfu l behavi ors, and ind irect health-related behaviors.

SOURCE: Adapted from Baum, 1994.

Stress

D i rect Physiological Effects Elevated blood pressure Decrease in immune system functioning Increased hormonal activity Psychophysiological conditions

Harmful Behaviors Increased use of nicotine, alcohol, and other drugs Decreased nutrition Decreased sleep Increased drug use

Indirect Health-Related Behaviors Decreased compliance with medical advice Increased delays in seeking medical care Decreased likelihood of seeking medical advice

factors, report that stress has three main consequences, summarized in Figure 8-5. First, stress has direct physiological effects, ranging from increased blood pressure and hor monal activity to decreased immune system response. Second, stress leads people to en gage in unhealthy behaviors, such as cutting back on sleep, smoking, drinking, or taking other drugs. Finally, stress has indirect effects on health-related behavior. People under a lot of stress may be less likely to seek out good medical care, to exercise, or to comply with medical advice. All of these can lead to or affect serious health conditions, including heart disease (Emery, Anderson, & Goodwin, 2013; de Frias & Whyne, 2015; Whittaker, 2018).

Heart Disease and Cancer: The Big Worries of Middle Adulthood

LO 8.4 Describe risk factors and preventive measures for heart disease and cancer in middle adulthood.

More men die in middle age from diseases relating to the heart and circulatory system than from any other cause. Women are less vulnerable, as we'll see, but they are not immune. Each year such diseases kill around 151,000 people younger than age 65, and they are responsible for more loss of work and disability days because of hospitaliza tion than any other cause (American Heart Association, 2010).

THE A'S AND B'S OF HEART DISEASE: HEALTH AND PERSONALITY Although heart and circulatory diseases are a major problem, some people have a much lower risk than others. The death rate in some countries, such as Japan, is only a quarter of the rate in the United States. A few other countries have a considerably higher death rate. Why?

The answer is both genetics and environment. Some people seem genetically predisposed to heart disease. If a person's parents suffered from it, the likelihood is greater that she or he will too. Similarly, sex and age are risk factors: Men are more likely to suffer from heart disease, and the risk rises as people age.

Environment and lifestyle choices are also important. Cigarette smoking, a diet high in fats and cholesterol, and a lack of physical exercise all increase the risk of heart dis ease. Such factors may explain country-to-country variations in the rate of heart disease. For example, the death rate from heart disease in Japan is relatively low and may be as a result of differences in diet: The typical Japanese diet is much lower in fat than it is in the United States (Scarborough et al., 2012; Platt et al., 2014; Hirsch & Morliere, 2017).

Diet is not the only factor. Psychological factors-particularly how stress is per ceived and experienced-appear to be related to heart disease. For instance, a set of personality characteristics, known as Type A behavior pattern, appears to be a factor in the development of coronary heart disease.

The Type A behavior pattern is characterized by competitive ness, impatience, and a tendency toward frustration and hostility. Type A people are extremely ambitious, and they engage in polypha sic activities-multiple activities carried out simultaneously. They are the true multitaskers whom you see talking on their phones while working on their laptop computers while riding the commuter train-and eating breakfast. Easily angered, they become both ver bally and nonverbally hostile if prevented from reaching their goals.

Middle Adulthood 365

In contrast, many people have virtually the opposite charac teristics in what is known as the Type B behavior pattern. The Type B behavior pattern is characterized by noncompetitiveness, pa tience, and a lack of aggression. In contrast to Type A personali ties, Type B personalities experience little sense of time urgency, and they are rarely hostile.

Type A and Type B behavior is significant because the distinc tion is related to the risk of coronary heart disease. Type A men have twice the rate of coronary heart disease, a greater number of fatal heart attacks, and five times as many heart problems as Type

In addition to being characterized as competitive, people with

Type A personalities also tend to engage in polyphasic activi

ties, or doing a number of things at once. Does a Type A per

sonality deal with stress differently from a Type B personality?

B men (Wielgosz & Nolan, 2000; Mohan & Singh, 2016). It's important to note that some critics believe that the evidence for the existence

of Type A and Type B behavior patterns is questionable. Moreover, some evidence sug gests that only certain components of Type A behavior are most involved in produc ing disease and not the entire constellation of behaviors associated with the pattern. Specifically, it seems as if the hostility and anger components of Type A behavior are the central link to coronary heart disease (Eaker et al., 2004; Kahn, 2004; Myrtek, 2007).

Although the relationship between at least some Type A behaviors and heart dis ease is relatively clear, this does not mean that all middle-aged adults who can be characterized as Type A are destined to suffer from coronary heart disease. Other types of negative emotions besides the hostility found in Type A behavior have been linked to heart disease. For example, psychologist Johan Denollet has identified behavior he calls Type D-for "distressed"-that is linked to coronary heart disease. He believes that insecurity, anxiety, and having a negative outlook put people at risk for heart at tacks (van den Tooren & Rutte, 2016; Lin et al., 2017; Bekendam et al., 2018). THE THREAT OF CANCER Few diseases are as frightening as cancer, and many middle aged adults view a cancer diagnosis as a death sentence. Although the reality is different many forms of cancer respond well to medical treatment, and 40 percent of those diag nosed are still alive 5 years later-the disease raises many fears. And there is no denying that cancer is the second-leading cause of death in the United States (Xu et al., 2018).

The precise trigger for cancer is still not known, but the process by which it spreads is clear. Certain cells in the body begin to multiply rapidly and uncontrollably. As they increase in number, these cells form tumors. Unimpeded, they draw nutrients from healthy cells and body tissue. Eventually, they destroy the body's ability to function.

Like heart disease, cancer is associated with a variety of genetic and environmen tal risk factors. Some cancers have clear genetic components. For example, a family history of breast cancer-the most common cause of cancer death among women raises the risk for a woman.

Several environmental and behavioral factors are also related to the risk of cancer. Poor nutrition, smoking, alcohol use, excessive exposure to sunlight, exposure to ra diation, and particular occupational hazards (such as exposure to certain chemicals or asbestos) are all known to increase the chances of developing cancer.

After a diagnosis, several forms of treatment are possible, depending on the type of cancer. One treatment is radiation therapy, in which radiation targets the tumor in an attempt to destroy it. Patients undergoing chemotherapy ingest controlled doses of toxic substances meant to poison the tumor. Finally, surgery is used to remove the tumor (and often the surrounding tissue). The form of treatment is determined by how far the cancer has spread when it is first identified.

Because early detection improves a patient's chances, diagnostic techniques that help identify the first signs of cancer are of great importance. This is especially true in

middle adulthood, when the risk of certain cancers increases.

366 Chapter 8

Physicians urge women to do routine breast exams and men to regularly check their testicles for signs of cancer. Cancer of the prostate gland, the most common type of cancer in men, can be detected by routine rectal exams and by a blood test that identifies prostate-specific antigen (PSA).

Mammograms provide internal scans of women's breasts to help identify early-stage cancer. However, at what age women should begin to routinely have the procedure has been controversial, as we will see in the From Research to Practice box.)

Fro m Research to Pract ice

Routine Mammograms: At What Age Should Women Start?

Statistically, the earlier breast cancer is diagnosed, the better a woman's chances of survival. But just how to accomplish early identification has produced some degree of contention i n the medical field. In particular, controversy surrounds t h e age at which mammograms, a kind of weak X-ray used to examine breast tissue, should be routinely admin i stered to women.

Mammograms are among the best means of detecting breast cancer in its earliest stages. The technique allows physicians to identify turners while they are sti ll very small . Patients have time for treatment before the turner grows and spreads to other parts of the body. Mammograms have the potential for saving many lives, and nearly all medical professionals suggest that at some point during middle adulthood women should routinely obtain them.

But at what age should women start having annual mam mograms? The risk of breast cancer begins to grow at around age 30, and then cancer becomes increasingly more l i kely. N inety-five percent of new cases occur in women age 40 and ol der (Howl ader et al., 2017).

The Ameri can Cancer Society guidel ines suggest that women ages 40 to 44 should have the choice to start annual breast cancer mammogram screenings if they wish to do so. Between ages 45 and 54, it is recommended that they

Figure 8 - 6

have a n annual mammogram. Women age 5 5 and older should switch to mammograms every 2 years, o r they can have annual screen ings if they wish. Finally, women should continue to have mammograms as long as they are i n good health and expected to live 1 O more years or longer (American Cancer Society, 201 7 ; see Figure 8-6).

The American Cancer Soc iety recommendation is controversial . For example, the American College of Radiology argues that women age 40 and above should receive annual screenings. They note that the 1 0-year risk of a 40-year-old woman i s 1 in 69, and that 1 in 6 breast cancers occur in women 40 to 49 years of age (Kopans, 201 7).

Ultimately, the determination of the timing of screenings is a highly personal one. Women should consult thei r health care providers and discuss the latest research regarding the frequency of mammograms. For women who have a history of breast cancer in their fami lies or a mutation in a gene called BRCA, the evidence is clear that mammograms starting at age 40 are beneficial (Grady, 2009; Winters et al., 201 7).

Sh ared Writ i n g Prompt: Would your advice regard ing the frequency of screening

for breast cancer to a 40-year-ol d who was a family member d iffer from advice to a stranger? Why and how?

Age and the Risk of Breast Cancer. Starting around age 30, the risk of breast cancer i n creases, as these annual incidence figures show.

SOURCE: SEER, 201 4.

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Review, C h eck, and Apply Review

L0 8.1 Describe the physical changes that affect people in middle adulthood.

People in middle adulthood experience gradual changes in physical characteristics and appearance. Weight gain can be controlled through regular exercise and a healthy diet. The acuity of the senses, particularly vision, hearing, and speed of reaction, decline slightly during middle age.

LO 8.2 Analyze the changing nature of sexuality in middle adulthood.

Sexuality in middle adulthood changes slightly, but cou ples, freed from childbearing and parenting, can enjoy a

new level of intimacy and pleasure. Physical changes af fecting sexuality occur in both genders. Both the female climacteric, which includes menopause, and the male cli macteric seem to have physical and perhaps psychological symptoms.

Check Yourself

1. A decline in the ability to hear high-pitched, high- frequency sounds is known as ___ _

a. glaucoma b. presbycusis c. osteoporosis d. presbyopia

2. The period of time that marks a woman's transition from being able to bear children to not being able to do so is known as the ___ _

a. midlife transition b. perimenopausal period c. female climacteric d. postpartum period

Applying Lifespan Development

Middle Adulthood 367

LO 8.3 Describe the health of the average person in middle adulthood.

In general, middle adulthood is a period of good health, al though susceptibility to chronic diseases, such as arthritis, diabetes, and hypertension, increases. Stress continues to have a significant impact on health in middle adulthood, causing direct physiological effects, unhealthy lifestyle choices, and indirect effects on health-related behavior.

L0 8.4 Describe risk factors and preventive measures for heart disease and cancer in middle adulthood.

Heart disease is a risk for middle-aged adults. Both genetic and environmental factors contribute to heart disease, in cluding the Type A behavior pattern. The precise causes of cancer are still unknown, but the process by which it spreads is clear. Therapies such as radiation therapy, chemotherapy, and surgery can successfully treat cancer.

3. Which of the following is a direct physiological conse quence of stress in middle adulthood?

a. Drug use or abuse b. Failure to comply with medical advice

c. Cutting back on sleep d. Decreased immune system response

4. Insecurity, extreme ambition, anxiety, and hostility put people at risk for heart attacks. This behavior is referred to as the behavior pattern.

a. Type A b. Jekyll and Hyde c. Type B d. hypertensive stress

What social policies might be developed to lower the incidence of disabling illness among members of lower socioeconomic groups?

M o d u l e 8 . 2 Cognitive Development in Middle Adulthood

Ta king the Challenge

Gina Madison has always loved a challenge. That's why she applied puzzles every morning at breakfast." Gina also reads a great deal.

to be a contestant on the game show Jeopardy! "Why should young "Books about brain research are my favorites," she says. "They're

people have all the fun ?" she asks, laughing. I figure a t age 46, I disco vering that you really can teach an 'old dog' new tricks."

know a thing or two." Jeopardy! requires quick think ing and quick

response time. Was Gina worried that despite her world experience G ina, like many people in midlife , enjoys challenging her mind and

and accumulated knowledge, she would be bested by contestants keeping it sharp . She feels confident enough to take on people half

half her age? "Not really," she says. "My husband and I do crossword her age in a contest of wits and quick response time. She knows she

368 Chapter 8

has someth i ng that younger contestants do not: decades of life

experience and knowledge.

of whether intell igence declines duri ng the period , and we

consider the difficulty of answering the question fully. We also

examine memory and how its capabilities change in middle

adulthood .

The second modu le of the chapte r focuses on cognitive

developme nt in midd le age. We look at the tricky question

Intelligence and Memory It began innocently enough. Forty-five-year-old Bina C l i ngman couldn't remember whether she had mailed the letter that her husband had given her, and she wondered, briefly, whether this was a sign of aging. The next day, the question recurred when she spent 20 mi nutes looking for a phone number she knew she had written down on a piece of paper- somewhere. By the time she found it, she was surprised and even a little anx ious. "Am I losing my memory?" she asked herself, feeling both annoyance and a degree of concern.

Many people in their 40s feel more absentminded than they did 20 years previously, and they have some concern about becoming less mentally able as they age. Common wisdom suggests that people lose some mental sharpness in midlife. But how accurate is this notion?

Does Intelligence Decline in Adulthood?

LO 8.5 Analyze changes in the nature and use of intelligence in middle adulthood.

For years, experts provided an unwavering response when asked whether intelligence declined in adulthood: Intelligence peaks at age 18, stays fairly steady until the mid- 20s, and then gradually declines until the end of life.

Today, developmentalists view questions about changes in intelligence across the life span as more complicated, and they have come to different, and more complex, conclusions.

THE DIFFICULTIES IN ANSWERING THE QUESTION The conclusion that intelli gence starts to diminish in the mid-20s was based on extensive research. Cross-sectional studies-which test people of different ages at the same point in time-dearly showed that older subjects were less likely to score well than younger subjects on traditional intelligence tests of the sort we discussed previously.

But consider the drawbacks of cross-sectional research-in particular, the possibil

ity that it may suffer from cohort effects. Recall that cohort effects are influences associ ated with growing up at a particular historical time that affect persons of a particular age. For instance, suppose that compared to younger subjects, the older people in a cross-sectional study had had less adequate educations, less stimulating jobs, or were less healthy. In that case, the lower IQ scores of the older group could not be attributed solely, or perhaps even partially, to differences in intelligence based on age. Because they do not control for cohort effects, cross-sectional studies may well underestimate intelligence in older subjects.

To overcome the cohort problems of cross-sectional studies, developmentalists began to use longitudinal studies, in which the same people are studied periodically over a span of time. These studies revealed a different developmental pattern for in telligence: Adults tended to show stable and even increasing intelligence test scores until their mid-30s, and in some cases up to their 50s. Then the scores began to decline (Bayley & Oden, 1955).

But let's consider the drawbacks of longitudinal studies, too. People tak ing an intelligence test repeatedly may perform better because they become familiar-and comfortable-with the testing situation. Similarly, through re peated exposure to the same test, they may begin to remember some of the test items. Consequently, practice effects may account for the superior performance of

Middle Adulthood 369

people on longitudinal measures of intelligence as opposed to cross-sectional measures (Salthouse, 2009).

It is also difficult for researchers using longitudinal studies to keep their samples intact. Participants may move away, decide they no longer want to participate, or become ill and die. Over time, the participants who remain may represent a healthier, more stable, and more psychologically positive group of people than those who are no longer part of the sample. If this is the case, longi tudinal studies may overestimate intelligence in older subjects.

It is difficult to evaluate cognitive abilities

in middle adulthood. Although some types

of mental abilities may begin to decline,

crystallized intelligence holds steady and

actually may increase.

CRYSTALLIZED AND FLUID INTELLIGENCE Drawing conclusions about age-related changes in intelligence is challenging. For instance, many IQ tests include sections based on physical performance, such as arranging a group of blocks. These sections are timed and scored on the basis of how quickly an item is completed. If older people take longer on physical tasks-recall that reaction time slows with age-then their poorer performance on IQ tests may result from physical rather than cognitive changes.

To complicate the issue further, many developmental theorists believe there are two kinds of intelligence: fluid intelligence and crystallized intelligence. As we noted previously, fluid intelligence reflects the ability to solve and reason about novel problems, relatively independent of past specific knowledge. A detective solving a crime uses fluid intelligence by pulling together separate clues and figuring out the motive. Crystallized intelligence is the information, skills, and strategies that people have accumulated through experience. It reflects the facts that we have learned. People solving a crossword puzzle are using crystallized intelligence because they are recalling specific words they have learned in the past.

The distinction between fluid and crystallized intelligence is important in answering the question of whether intelligence declines with age: Research has found that fluid intelligence declines with age, whereas crystallized intelligence holds steady and can actually improve (Deary, 2010; Ghisletta et al., 2012; Manard et al., 2015; see Figure 8-7).

If we look at more specific types of intelligence, other age-related differences and developments begin to show up. According to developmental psychologist K. Warner Schaie, who has conducted extensive longitudinal research on adult intellectual devel opment, we should consider many types of ability, such as spatial orientation, numeric ability, verbal ability, and so on, rather than the broad divisions of crystallized and fluid intelligence (Schaie, Willis, & Pennak, 2005).

Examined this way, the question of how intelligence changes in adulthood yields yet another, more specific, answer. Schaie has found that certain abilities, such as inductive reasoning, spatial orientation, perceptual speed, and verbal memory, begin to decline

Figure 8- 7 Changes in Crystal ized and Fluid Intell igence Although crystallized i ntelli gence increases with age, fl uid intelligence begi ns to decli ne i n middle age. What are the implications for general competence i n middl e adulthood?

SOURCE: Schaie, 1994.

Infancy

Crystallized Intelligence Fluid Intelligence

. . . . . . . . . . / �. • • • • • • • •

Childhood Young Adulthood Middle Adulthood

Late Adulthood

fluid intelligence reflects the ability to solve and rea son about novel problems

crystallized intelligence the accumulation of information, skills, and strategies that people have learned through experience and that they can apply in problem-solving situations

370 Chapter 8

selective optimization the process by which people concen trate on particular skill areas to com pensate for losses in other areas

gradually at around age 25 and continue to do so through old age. Numeric and verbal abilities show a different pattern. Numeric ability tends to increase until the mid-40s, is lower at age 60, and then remains steady. Verbal ability rises until the start of middle adulthood, around age 40, then stays fairly steady (Schaie, Willis, & Pennak, 2005).

Why do these changes occur? One reason is that brain functioning begins to change in middle adulthood. For example, researchers have found that 20 genes that are vital to learning, memory, and mental flexibility begin to function less efficiently as early as age 40. Furthermore, as people age, the specific areas of their brains used to accomplish particular tasks change. For instance, older adults use both brain hemi spheres for tasks that in younger people involve just one hemisphere (Fling et al., 2011; Phillips, 2011; Bielak et al., 2013).

REFRAMING THE ISSUE: WHAT IS THE SOURCE OF COMPETENCE DURING MIDDLE ADULTHOOD? It is during midlife that people come to hold some of the most important and powerful positions in society, despite gradual declines in certain cognitive abilities. How do we explain such continuing, even growing, competence?

Psychologist Timothy Salthouse (1994, 2010) suggests there are four reasons why this discrepancy exists. First, it is possible that typical measures of cognitive skills tap a different type of cognition than what is required to be successful in certain occupa tions. Recall the discussion of practical intelligence, in which we found that traditional IQ tests fail to measure cognitive abilities that are related to occupational success. Perhaps we would find no discrepancy between intelligence and cognitive abilities in midlife if we used measures of practical intelligence rather than traditional IQ tests to assess intelligence.

A second factor also relates to the measurement of IQ and occupational success. It is possible that the most successful middle-aged adults are not representative of midlife adults in general. It may be that only a small proportion of people are highly successful, and the rest, who experience only moderate or little success, have changed occupations, retired, or become sick and died. Highly successful people, then, may be an unrepresentative sample.

Also, the degree of cognitive ability required for professional success may simply not be that high. According to this argument, people can succeed professionally and still be on the decline in certain cognitive abilities. In other words, they have brains to spare.

Finally, it may be that older people are successful because they have developed specific kinds of expertise and particular competencies. Whereas IQ tests measure re actions to novel situations, occupational success may be influenced by specific, well practiced abilities. Consequently, middle-aged individuals may maintain and even expand the distinctive talents they need for professional accomplishment, despite a de cline in overall intellectual skills. This explanation has generated research on expertise.

From the perspective of an educator: How do you think the apparent discrepancy between declining IQ scores and continuing cognitive competence in middle adulthood would affect the learning ability of middle-aged adults who return to school?

For example, developmental psychologists Paul Baltes and Margaret Baltes have studied a strategy called selective optimization with compensation. Selective optimization is the process people use in concentrating on particular skill areas to compensate for losses in other areas. Baltes and Baltes suggest that cognitive development during

middle and later adulthood is a mixture of growth and decline. As people begin to lose certain abilities, they advance in other areas by strengthening their skills. In so doing, they avoid showing any practical deterioration. Overall cognitive competence, then, remains stable and may even improve (Erber, 2010; Deary, 2012; Palmore, 2017).

Selective optimization with compensation is one of several strategies adults use to maintain high performance. As we see next, the gradual development of expertise also enables people in their middle years to retain, and even improve, their level of competence.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF EXPERTISE: SEPARATING EXPERTS FROM NOVICES If you were ill and needed a diagnosis, would you rather visit a young physician fresh out of medical school, or a more experienced, middle-aged physician?

If you chose the older physician, you probably as sumed that he or she would have more expertise. Expertise is the skill or knowledge acquired in a partic ular area. More focused than broad intelligence, exper tise develops as people devote attention and practice to a subject or skill and, in so doing, gain experience. For example, physicians become better at diagnosing the symptoms of a medical problem as they gain experi ence. A person who does a lot of cooking comes to know how a recipe will taste if certain modifications are made

Middle Adulthood 371

(Morita et al., 2008; Reuter et al., 2012, 2014). Cognitive development during middle and later adulthood is a mix-

What separates the experts from the less skilled? ture of growth and decline. As people begin to lose certain abilities as

Whereas beginners use formal procedures and rules, a result of biological deterioration, they also advance in other areas by often following them strictly, experts rely on experience strengthening their skills.

and intuition, and they often bend the rules. Their experience allows them to pro- cess information automatically. Experts often have trouble articulating how they draw conclusions; their solutions just seem right to them-and are likely to be right. Brain imaging studies show that experts use different neural pathways than novices to solve problems (Grabner, Neubauer, & Stern, 2006).

Finally, experts develop better problem-solving strategies than non-experts, and they're more flexible in their approach. Experience provides them with alternative solutions to the same problem, increasing the probability of success (Arts, Gijselaers, & Boshuizen, 2006; McGugin & Tanaka, 2010; Hi.iliir et al., 2018).

Not everyone develops an area of expertise in middle adulthood. Professional responsibilities, amount of leisure time, educational level, income, and marital status all affect the development of expertise.

How Does Aging Affect Memory?

LO 8.6 Describe how aging affects memory and how memory can be improved.

Whenever Mary Donovan can't find her car keys, she mutters to herself that she is "losing her memory." Like Bina Clingman, who was worried about forgetting letters and phone numbers, Mary probably believes that memory loss is common in middle age. However, if she is a typical midlife adult, her assessment may not be accurate. Research shows that most people exhibit minimal or no memory loss. Because of soci etal stereotypes, however, people may attribute their absentmindedness to aging, even though they have been that way all their lives. It is the meaning they give to their for getfulness that changes, rather than their actual ability to remember (Chasteen et al., 2005; Hoessler & Chasteen, 2008; Hess, Hinson, & Hodges, 2009).

TYPES OF MEMORY To understand the nature of memory changes, we must con sider that memory is traditionally viewed as three sequential components: sensory memory, short-term memory (also called working memory), and long-term memory. Sensory memory is an initial, momentary storage of information. Information is recorded by the sensory system as a raw, meaningless stimulus. Next, information moves into short-term memory, which holds it for 15 to 25 seconds. If the information is rehearsed, it then moves into long-term memory, where it is stored on a relatively permanent basis.

Both sensory memory and short-term memory show virtually no weakening in middle age. Long-term memory, however, declines for some people. It appears this decline is not a fading or a complete loss of memory, but rather a less efficient register ing and storing of information. Age also makes people less efficient at retrieving infor mation. Even if the information was adequately stored in long-term memory, it may become more difficult to locate or isolate it (Salthouse, 2010, 2014).

expertise the acquisition of skill or knowledge in a particular area

372 Chapter 8

schemas organized bodies of information stored in memory

mnemonics formal strategies for organizing material in ways that make it more likely to be remembered

Memory declines in middle age are relatively minor, and most can be compensated for by various cognitive strategies. Paying greater attention to material when it is first encountered can aid in its later recall. Your lost car keys may have more to do with your inattentiveness when you put them down than with a decline in memory.

Many middle adults find it hard to pay attention to certain things for some of the same reasons expertise develops. They are used to using memory shortcuts, schemas, to ease the burden of remembering the many things they experience each day.

MEMORY SCHEMAS To recall information, people often use schemas, organized bod ies of information stored in memory. Schemas represent the way the world is organized, allowing people to categorize and interpret new information. For example, if we have a schema for eating in a restaurant, we don't regard a meal in a new restaurant as a com pletely new experience. We know we will be seated at a table or counter and offered a menu from which to select food. Our schema for eating out tells us how to treat the server, what sorts of food to eat first, and that we should leave a tip (Hebscher & Gilboa, 2016).

People hold schemas for individuals (such as the particular behavior patterns of one's mother, wife, or child) as well as for categories of people (mail carriers, lawyers, or profes sors) and behaviors or events (dining in a restaurant or visiting the dentist). People's sche mas organize their behavior and help them to interpret social events. A person who knows the schema for visiting the doctor will not be surprised when he is asked to undress.

Schemas also convey cultural information. Consider an old Native American folk tale in which the hero participates with several companions in a battle and is shot by an arrow. He feels no pain. When he returns home and tells the story, something black emerges from his mouth, and he dies the next morning.

This tale puzzles most Westerners. They are unschooled in the particular Native American culture the story comes from. However, to someone familiar with that cul ture, the story makes perfect sense: The hero feels no pain because his companions are ghosts, and the "black thing" coming from his mouth is his departing soul.

For a Native American, it may be easy to recall the story, because it makes sense in a way that it doesn't to members of other cultures. Material that fits into existing sche mas is easier to recall than material that doesn't fit. For example, a person who usually puts her keys in her purse may lose them because she doesn't recall putting them on the counter. It's not the "usual place" (Fiske & Taylor, 1991; Tse & Altarriba, 2007; also see Development in You r Life).

Deve l o p ment i n Yo u r Life

Effective Strategies for Remembering

We are all forgetfu l at times. However, there are techniques for more effective recall. Mnemonics (pronounced "nee-MON iks") are formal strategies for organizing material in ways that make it easier to remember. Among the mnemonics that work are the following ( Bloom & Lamkin, 2006; Morris & Fritz, 2006):

• Get organized. For people who have trouble recalling where they left their keys or remembering appointments, the simplest approach is to become more organized. Us ing a date book, hanging keys on a hook, or using Post-It notes can aid recall.

• Pay attention. You can improve your recall by paying close attention to new information, and purposefully thin king that you will need to recall it. For example, when you park your car at the mall, pay attention at the mo ment you park, and remind yourself that you really want to remember the location.

• Use the encoding specificity phenomenon. Accord ing to the encoding specificity phenomenon, people are most like ly to recall information in environments that are similar to those in which they initially learned ("encoded") it. For instance, people are best able to recall information on a test if the test is held in the room in which they stud ied (Tulving, 201 6).

• Visualize. Making mental images of ideas can help you recall them later. For example, if you want to remember that global warming may lead to rising oceans, think of yourself on a beach on a hot day, with the waves coming closer and closer to where you're sitting.

• Rehearse. Practice makes memory perfect, or if not perfect, at least better. By practicing or rehearsing what you wish to recall, you can substantially improve your memory.

Review, C h eck, and Apply Review

LO 8.5 Analyze changes in the nature and use of intelligence in middle adulthood.

The question of whether intelligence declines in middle adulthood is complicated by limitations in cross-sectional studies and longitudinal studies. Intelligence appears to be divided into components, some of which decline, whereas others hold steady or even improve. In general, cogni tive competence in middle adulthood holds fairly steady despite declines in some areas of intellectual functioning. Many people develop strategies to optimize their intellec tual performance as they age, often concentrating on par ticular skill areas to make up for declines in other areas, a process called selective optimization with compensation. Expertise-the skill or knowledge acquired in a particular

Check Yourself

1. According to studies that test people of different ages at the same time, older subjects scored lower than younger subjects on traditional intelligence tests.

a. longitudinal b. objective c. cross-sectional d. observational

2. Over the years, one of the types of intelligence that in creases with age is intelligence, or the ac cumulation of information, skills, and strategies that people have learned through experience.

a. emotional b. crystallized c. intrapersonal d. naturalist

Applying Lifespan Development

Middle Adulthood 373

area-develops as people devote attention and practice to a subject or skill and, in so doing, gain experience.

LO 8.6 Describe how aging affects memory and how memory can be improved.

Memory may appear to decline in middle age, but, in fact, long-term memory deficits are probably as a result of inef fective strategies of storage and retrieval. People categorize and interpret new information according to the schemas they have developed about how the world is organized and operates. Mnemonics help people organize material in ways that improve recall. These formal strategies include getting organized, visualizing, rehearsing, paying atten tion, and using the encoding specificity phenomenon.

3. Middle-aged individuals find it hard to pay attention to everything that is going on around them and often rely on or mental shortcuts, to reduce the stress of remembering so many things.

a. schemas b. theory of mind c. naturalistic observation d. memory

4. are formal strategies for orgaruzmg material in ways that make it more likely to be remembered.

a. Mnemonics b. Schemas c. Perceptions

d. Heuristics

In what ways do schemas give midlife adults an edge over younger adults?

M o d u l e 8 . 3 Social and Personality Development in Middle Adulthood

All in the Family

Geoff Kelvin lives with his spouse, Juan; their adopted 6-year-old

son, Paul; and Geoff's dad. When asked how midlife is treating him, Geoff, 48, laughs. "I 'm in the middle, all right," he says. "The middle of

a big, noisy, rich life I could not have imagined at 20." Geoff teaches

fifth grade and loves it. "Working with kids, being a parent, it keeps you on your toes." Adopting Paul has a/so opened up his personality.

"Growing up gay, I kept a bit of distance around me," he admits. "But

having a kid puts you smack in the center of a social scene where

everyone shares this big job called parent ing. Now, I swap stories

and share concerns with the other morns and dads."

Two years ago, Geoff's dad suffered a stroke that left him partly

paralyzed. "We never got along that well. He wasn 't too keen on his

only son being gay," Geoff says. "But I said, 'You have to move in.

There's no place else to go."' The first months were bumpy, but then

Juan quit his job at a drug research company-he was sick of office

politics - to stay home and write articles about environmental issues.

37 4 Chapter 8

The decision worked out well. "Juan was happier, and he had the controversies in developmental psychologists' understandings

patience to deal with my dad," Geoff says. "In fact, he changed my of midlife , including whether the midlife crisis, a phenomen on

dad's views about gays and gay marriage. Now, we all get along, popularized in the media, is fact or fiction.

and my dad loves to joke that he lives in a 'real man cave."' Next we consider the various familial ties that bind people

The complex and changing patterns of Geoff and Juan's fami ly life

are not unusual : Few lives follow a set, predictable pattern through

middle ad u lthood . In fact, one of the remarkable characteristics of

together (or come ung lued) in midd le adulthood, includ ing marriage,

divorce, the empty nest, and grandparenting . We also look at a

bleak, but prevalent, side of family relations: fam ily violence.

Finally, the module examines work and leisure in midl ife. We

consider the changing role of work in people's lives and look at work

related problems , such as burnout and unemployment. The module

concludes with a discussion of leisure tim e, which becomes more

important during midd le age.

middle age is its variety, as the paths that differe nt people travel

continue to diverge . In this module we focus on the personality and

social development that occurs in midlife . We begin by examini ng

the changes that typify this period. We also exp lore some of the

normative-crisis theories the approach to personality develop ment that is based on fairly universal stages tied to a sequence of age related changes or crises

Personality Development My 40th bi rthday was not an easy one. I did not wake up feeling different-that's never been the case. But during my 40th year, I did come to realize the fi niteness of life. The die was cast. I understood that I probably wasn 't going to be president of the U n ited States -a secret a m bitio n - or CEO of a major corporation. Tim e had become more of an adversary than an ally. But it was curious: My usual pattern of focusing on the future, planning each step, began to shift. I started appreciating what I had. I looked at my l ife and was pretty satisfied with some of my accomplishments. I began focusing on what was going right, not on what I was lacki ng. This didn 't happen in a day; it took several years after turning 40 before I felt this way. Even now, it is hard to fully accept that I am midd le-aged.

As this 47-year-old man suggests, realizing that one has reached midlife can be diffi cult. In many Western societies, age 40 undeniably marks one as middle-aged-at least in the public eye-and suggests that one is on the threshold of a "midlife crisis." How true this view is, as we'll see, depends on your perspective.

Perspectives on Adult Personality Development

LO 8.7 Explain varied perspectives on personality development during middle adulthood.

Taryn Binder was 45 when she had her first child. She never had expected to have a chi ld so late in life, but that's the way things worked out. When her c hi ld was born, she stopped worki ng, intending to return to her job in a few weeks. But she enjoyed motherhood so much, she ended up taking a full 6 months off before she returned to work. Even then, she questioned whether she should stay full-time with her child longer.

Traditional views of adult personality development have suggested that people move through a fixed series of stages, each tied closely to age. These stages are related to specific crises in which an individual undergoes an intense period of questioning and psychological change. This perspec tive is a feature of the normative-crisis models of personality development. Normative-crisis theorists see personality development as universal stages of sequential, age-related changes or crises. For example, Erik Erikson's psychosocial theory predicts that people move through a series of stages and crises throughout their life span which are tied to particular ages.

Some critics suggest that normative-crisis approaches may be out moded. They arose at a time when society had fairly rigid and uniform roles for people. Traditionally, men were expected to work and support a family; women were expected to stay at home and take care of the children. These roles played out at relatively uniform ages.

Today, there is considerable variety in both the roles and the timing. For people like Taryn Binder, having children came later than average. Others never marry and live with a partner of the same or other sex and perhaps adopt a child or forgo children altogether. In sum, social changes have called into question normative crisis perspectives closely tied to age (Barnett & Hyde, 2001; Fraenkel, 2003).

From a social worker's perspective: In what ways might normative-crisis models of personality development be specific to Western culture?

Because of this variation, some theorists, such as Ravenna Helson, focus on life events theories, which suggest that particular events, rather than age per se, determine how personality develops. For instance, a woman who has her first child at age 21 may experience similar psychological forces as a woman who has her first child at age 39. These two women, despite their very different ages, share certain commonalities of personality development (Luhmann et al., 2013; Arnarson et al., 2016; Hentschel, Eid & Kutscher, 2017).

It is not clear whether the normative-crisis view or the life events perspective more accurately depicts personality development and change in adulthood. What is clear is that developmental theorists all agree that midlife is a time of continuing, significant psychological growth.

ERIKSON'S STAGE OF GENERATIVITY VERSUS STAGNATION As we discussed previously, psychoanalyst Erikson characterized midlife as a period of generativity versus-stagnation. One's middle adulthood, according to Erikson, is either spent in generativity-making a contribution to family, community, work, and society-or in stagnation. Generative people strive to guide and encourage future generations. Often, people find generativity through parenting, but other roles can fill this need, such as working directly with young people, acting as mentors. Or the need for generativity may be satisfied through creative and artistic output, seeking to leave a lasting con tribution. The focus of generativity, then, is beyond the self, as one looks toward the continuation of one's own life through others (Schoklitsch & Baumann, 2012; Wink & Staudinger, 2016; Serrat et al., 2017).

A lack of psychological growth in this period results in stagnation. Focusing on their own trivial activities, people may feel they have contributed little to the world,

that their presence has counted for little. Some people find themselves floundering, still seeking new, potentially more fulfilling careers. Others become frustrated and bored.

Erikson provides a broad overview, but some psychologists suggest that we need a more precise look at midlife changes in personality. We'll consider three alternative approaches.

BUILDING ON ERIKSON'S VIEWS: VAILLANT, GOULD, AND LEVINSON Developmentalist George Vaillant argues that an important period between ages 45 and 55 centers on "keeping the meaning" versus rigidity. Seeking to extract meaning from their lives, adults also seek to "keep the meaning" by accepting the strengths and weaknesses of others. Although they realize it is not perfect, they strive to safeguard their world, and they are relatively content. The man quoted at the beginning of this

section, for example, appears content with the meaning he has found in his life. People who are unable to achieve this contentment risk becoming rigid and increasingly iso lated from others (Malone et al., 2016).

Psychiatrist Roger Gould (Gould 1978) offers an alternative to Erikson's and Vaillant's views. He agrees that people move through a series of stages and poten tial crises, but he suggests that adults pass through seven stages associated with specific age periods (see Table 8-2). According to Gould, people in their late 30s and early 40s begin to feel a sense of urgency about attaining life's goals as they realize that their life is finite . Coming to grips with this reality can propel people toward maturity.

Middle Adulthood 375

life events theories the approach to personality develop ment that is based on the timing of particular events in an adult's life rather than on age per se

generativity-versus-stagnation according to Erikson, the stage dur ing middle adulthood in which people consider their contributions to family and society

376 Chapter 8

midlife crisis a stage o f uncertainty and indecision brought about by the realization that life is finite

Table 8-2 Summary of Gould's Transformations in Adult Development '

Stage Approximate Age Development(s)

1 6 to 1 8

1 8 to 22

22 to 28

29 to 34

35 to 43

43 to 53

53 to 60

Plan to leave home and termi nate parental control

Leave the family and begin to reorient toward peers

Become independent and commit to career and (often) spouse and children

Question themselves and experience confusion; they may become dissatisfied with marriage and career

Feel an urgent need to achieve life goals, becoming increasingly aware of the passage and limits of time; they often realign life goals

Settle down at last, with acceptance of their lives

Grow more tolerant, accepting their past; they become less nega tive and generally more mellow

SOURCE: Based Gould, 1 978.

Gould based his model of development on a small sample and relied heavily on his own clinical judgments. Little research has supported his description of the various stages, which was heavily influenced by the psychoanalytic perspective.

Another alternative to Erikson's work is psychologist Daniel Levinson's seasons of life theory. According to Levinson (1986, 1992), who intensively interviewed men, the early 40s are a period of transition and crisis. He suggests that adult men pass through a series of stages beginning with early adulthood, around age 20, and continuing into midlife. The beginning stages center on leaving one's family and entering the adult world.

However, at around age 40 or 45, people move to what Levinson calls the midlife transition. The midlife transition is a time of questioning, a focus on the finite nature of life. People begin to question some of their fundamental assumptions. They experi ence the first signs of aging, and they confront the fact that they will not accomplish all their aims before they die.

In Levinson's view, this assessment may lead to a midlife crisis, a stage of uncer tainty and indecision. Facing signs of physical aging, men may also discover that even the accomplishments of which they are proudest have brought them less satisfaction than they expected. They may try to define what went wrong and seek ways to correct past mistakes. The midlife crisis is a painful and tumultuous period of questioning.

Levinson's view is that most people are susceptible to a fairly profound midlife crisis. Before accepting his perspective, we need to consider some critical drawbacks in his research. First, his initial theory was based on 40 men, and his work with women was conducted years later and, again, on a small sample. Levinson also overstated the consistency and generality of the patterns he found. In fact, the notion of a universal midlife crisis has come under considerable criticism (Cousins, 2013; Thorpe et al., 2014; Etaugh, 2018).

THE MIDLIFE CRISIS: REALITY OR MYTH? Central to Levinson's model is the concept of midlife crisis, a period in the early 40s presumed to be marked by intense psychological turmoil. The notion has taken on a life of its own: There is a general expectation in U.S. society that age 40 is an important psychological juncture.

Such a view is problematic: The evidence is simply lacking. In fact, most research suggests that most people pass into middle age with relative ease. The majority regard midlife as a particularly rewarding time. If they are parents, the physically demanding period of childrearing is usually over, and in some cases children have left the home, allowing parents the opportunity to rekindle their intimacy. Many people find that their careers have blossomed, and they feel quite content with their lives. Focusing on the present, they seek to maximize their involvement with family, friends, and other social groups. Those who regret the course of their lives may be motivated to change directions, and those who do change end up better off psychologically (Willis, Martin, & Rocke, 2010; Robinson, Demetre, & Litman, 2017).

Furthermore, how one feels about one's age is actually associated with health outcomes. People who feel younger than their chronologi cal age are more likely to avoid death than those who feel older than their chronological age. In other words, the younger people felt, the less likely they were to die within an 8-year period following being asked the question of how old they felt (see Figure 8-8; Miehe et al., 2014; Rippon & Steptoe, 2015).

In short, the evidence for a midlife crisis experienced by most people is no more compelling than the evidence for a stormy adolescence. Yet, like that notion, the idea that the midlife crisis is nearly universal seems unusually well entrenched in "common wisdom." Why is this the case?

One reason may be that turmoil in middle age is both obvious and easily remembered by observers. A 40-year-old man who divorces his wife, trades his Toyota Sienna for a red Porsche 911 convertible, and mar ries a much younger woman makes a greater impression than a happily married man who remains with his spouse (and Toyota) through middle adulthood. We are more likely to notice and recall marital difficulties than the lack of them. In this way the myth of a blustery and universal midlife crisis is perpetuated. For most people, though, a midlife crisis is more the stuff of fiction than of reality. In fact, for some people midlife brings few, if any, changes. As we consider in the Cultural Dimensions segment, in some cultures, middle age is not even considered a separate period of life.

Stability Versus Change in Personality

Middle Adulthood 377

Figure 8-8 Feeling Younger and Age of Death People who said they felt younger than their chronological age were more li kely to live longer than those who felt older than their chronological age.

SOURCE: Rippon & Steptoe, 2015.

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chronological chronological chronological age age age

LO 8.8 Analyze whether personality is stable or changes over the life span.

Jane Hennesey, age 53 and a vice president of an investment banking firm, says she still feels like a kid. Many middle-aged adults would agree. Although most people say they have changed a good deal since adolescence-and mostly for the better-many also perceive important similarities in basic personality traits between their present and younger selves.

C u lt u ral D i m e n s i o n s

M i ddle Age: I n Some Cu ltures I t Doesn't Exist

There's n o such thing as middle age. One could draw that conclusion by looking at the women

living in the Oriya culture in Orissa, India. According to research by developmental anthropo logist Richard Shweder, who studied how high-caste H indu women view aging, a distinct period of middle age does not exist. These women view their life course not by chronological age, but by the nature of one's social responsibil ity, family management issues, and moral sense at a given time (Shweder, 2003).

The model of ag ing of the Oriyan women encompasses two phases of life: life i n her father's house (bapa gharo), followed by life in her husband's mother's house (sasu gharo). These two segments fit the context of Oriyan family life, which consists of multigenerational househo lds in which marriages are arranged. After they are married, husbands remain with their parents, and wives are expected to move i n with their in-laws. Upon marriage, a wife changes social status from a child (someone's daughter) to a sexually active female (a daughter-in-law).

The shift from child to daughter-in -law typically occurs around the ages 1 8 to 20. However, chronological age, per se, does not mark significant boundari es in life for Oriyan women, nor do physical changes, such as the onset of menstruation or its cessation at menopause. I t is the change from daughter to daughter-in-law that significantly alters social responsibility. Women must shift their focus from their own parents to the parents of their husband, and they must become sexually active to perpetuate the husband's family line.

To a Western eye, the life course of these women might seem restricted, because they rarely have careers outside the home, but Oriyan women do not see themselves in this light. I n fact, in the Oriya culture, domestic work i s highly respected and valued. Oriyan women also view themselves as more cultured and civilized than men, who must work outside the home.

The notion of a separate middle age is clearly a cultural construction. The sign ificance of a particular age range differs widely, depending on the culture in which one lives.

378 Chapter 8

Figure 8 - 9 The Stabi lity of Perso nality Accord ing to Paul Costa and Robert McCrae, basic personal ity traits such as neuroticism, extroversion, and openness are stable and consistent throughout adulthood.

SOURCE: Based on Costa & McCrae, 1992.

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The degree to which personality is stable across the life span or changes as we age is a major issue of personality development in middle adulthood. Theorists such as Erikson and Levinson clearly suggest that substantial change occurs over time. Erikson's stages and Levinson's seasons describe set patterns of change. The change may be predictable and age related, but it is substantial.

An impressive body of research, however, suggests that for individual traits, per sonality is quite stable and continuous over the life span. Developmental psychologists Paul Costa and Robert McCrae find remarkable stability in particular traits. Even tempered 20-year-olds are even-tempered at age 75; affectionate 25-year-olds become affectionate 50-year-olds; and disorganized 26-year-olds are still disorganized at age 60. Similarly, self-concept at age 30 is a good indication of self-concept at age 80. In fact, traits may become more ingrained as people age (Curtis, Windsor, & Soubelet, 2015; Debast et al., 2014; Mottus et al., 2017; also see Figure 8-9).

STABILITY AND CHANGE IN THE "BIG FIVE" PERSONALITY TRAITS Quite a bit of research has centered on the personality traits known as the "Big Five" -because they represent the five major clusters of personality characteristics. These are:

• Neuroticism, the degree to which a person is moody, anxious, and self-critical

• Extraversion, how outgoing or shy a person is

• Openness, a person's level of curiosity and interest in new experiences

• Agreeableness, how easygoing and helpful a person tends to be

• Conscientiousness, a person's tendencies to be organized and responsible

The majority of studies find that the Big Five traits are relatively stable past the age of 30, although variations exist for specific traits. In particular, neuroticism, ex traversion, and openness tend to experience decline somewhat from early adulthood, whereas agreeableness and conscientiousness tend to increase-findings that are con sistent across cultures. The basic pattern, however, is one of stability through adult hood (Hahn, Gottschling, & Spinath, 2012; Curtis, Windsor, & Soubelet, 2015; Wettstein et al., 2017).

Does evidence for the stability of traits contradict the theories of personality change championed by Erikson, Gould, and Levinson? Not necessarily, for the contra dictions may be more apparent than real.

People's basic traits do show continuity over the course of their adult lives. But, people are also susceptible to changes, and adulthood is packed with major changes in family status, career, and even the economy. The physical changes of aging, illness, the death of a loved one, and an increased awareness of life's finite span also can spur changes in how people view themselves and the world at large (Roberts, Walton, & Viechtbauer, 2006).

HAPPINESS ACROSS THE LIFE SPAN Suppose you hit it big winning the Powerball lottery. Would you be a happier person? For most people, the answer would be no. A growing body of research shows that adults' subjective well-being or general happi ness remains stable over their lives. Even winning the lottery increases subjective well being only temporarily; 1 year later, people's happiness tends to return to pre-lottery levels (Diener, 2000; Stone et al., 2010; Diener et al., 2018).

The steadiness of subjective well-being suggests that most people have a general "set point" for happiness, a level of happiness that is relatively consistent despite the day-to-day ups and downs of life. Although specific events may temporarily elevate or depress a person's mood (e.g., a surprisingly high job evaluation or being laid off from work), people eventually return to their general level of happiness.

In contrast, happiness set points are not completely fixed. Under some conditions, set points can change as a result of particular life events, such as divorce, death of a spouse, unemployment, and disability. Furthermore, people differ in the extent to

which they can adapt to events (Lucas, 2007; Diener, Lucas, & Scollon, 2009; Moor & Graaf, 2016).

Most people's happiness set points seem to be fairly high. Some 30 percent of people in the United States rate themselves as "very happy," whereas only 10 percent rate themselves as "not too happy. " Most people say they are "pretty happy. " These findings are similar across different social groups. Men and women rate themselves as equally happy, and blacks rate themselves as "very happy" at only slightly lower rates than whites. Regardless of their economic situation, residents of countries across the world have similar levels of happiness (Kahneman et al., 2006; Della Fave et al., 2013; Diener et al., 2018). The conclusion: Money doesn't buy happiness.

Relationships : Family in Middle Age For Kathy and Bob, going to their son Jon's college orientation was a shocki ngly new ex perience in the life of their family. It hadn't really registered that he would be leaving home when he was accepted at a college on the other side of the country. It d idn't hit them just how much this would change their family until they said good-bye and left him o n his new campus. It was a wrench ing experience. Kathy and Bob worried about their son i n the ways that parents always do, but they also felt a profound loss-their job of raising their son, basically, was done. Now he was largely on his own. This thought filled them with pride and anticipation for his future, but with great sadness, too. They would miss him.

For members of many non-Western cultures who live in extended families in which multiple generations spend their lives in the same household or village, middle adulthood is nothing special. But in Western cultures, family dynamics change signifi cantly in midlife. For most parents, there are major shifts in their relationships with their children, and with other family members as well. It is a period of changing roles that, in 21st-century Western cultures, encompasses an increasing number of combinations and permutations. We'll start by looking at how marriage develops and changes over this period, and then consider some of the many alternative forms of family life today (Kaslow, 2001).

Marriage and Divorce

LO 8.9 Describe typical patterns of marriage and divorce in middle adulthood.

Fifty years ago, midlife was similar for most people. Men and women, married since early adulthood, were still married to each other. One hundred years ago, when life expectancy was much shorter, people in their 40s were usually married-but not nec essarily to the people they had first married. Spouses often died; people might be well into their second marriage by middle age.

Today, the story is different and more varied. More people are single at midlife, having never married. Single people may live alone or with a partner. Some have divorced, lived alone, and then remarried. Many people's marriages end in divorce, and many families "blend" together into new households, containing children and

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stepchildren from previous marriages. Some couples still spend 40 to 50 years to gether, the bulk of those years during middle adulthood. Many experience the peak of marital satisfaction during middle age.

THE UPS AND DOWNS OF MARRIAGE Even happily married couples have their ups and downs, with satisfaction rising and falling over the course of the marriage. In the past, most research has suggested that marital satisfaction follows a U-shaped con figuration. Specifically, marital satisfaction seemed to decline soon after the marriage began, falling until it reached its lowest point following the births of the couple's chil dren. At that point, satisfaction seemed to increase, eventually returning to the same level as at the start of the marriage (VanLaningham, Johnson, & Amato, 2001; Medina, Lederhos, & Lillis, 2009; Stroope, McFarland, & Uecker, 2015).

On the other hand, newer research has called the U-shaped pattern into question. This research suggests that marital satisfaction begins to decline after the start of a marriage and continues to decline across the course of the life span (Umberson et al., 2006; Liu, Elliott, & Umberson, 2010; Olson, Defrain, & Skogrand, 2019).

The discrepancy in research findings regarding the course of marital satisfaction may be due to factors specific to the type of marriages studied. For example, age dis crepancy between spouses, personality of the husband and wife, or the presence or absence of children may account for the discrepancy in findings.

What is clear is that middle-aged couples cite several sources of marital satisfac tion. For instance, both men and women typically state that their spouse is "their best friend" and that they like their spouses as people. They also view marriage as a long term commitment and agree on their aims and goals. Finally, most also feel that their spouses have grown more interesting over the course of the marriage (Schmitt, Kliegel, & Shapiro, 2007; Landis et al., 2013; Baker, McNulty, & VanderDrift, 2017).

Sexual satisfaction is related to general marital satisfaction. What matters is not how often couples have sex. Instead, satisfaction is related to agreeing about their sex lives (Litzinger & Gordon, 2005; Butzer & Campbell, 2008; Schoenfeld et al., 2017).

Are there "secrets" to successful marriages? Not really. However, there are proven coping mechanisms that allow couples to remain together happily. Among them (Orbuch, 2009; Bernstein, 2010; Williams, 2016):

• Holding realistic expectations. Successful couples understand that there are some things about your partner that you may not like all that much. They accept that their partner will do things that they don't like some of the time.

• Focusing on the positive. Thinking about the things that they like about their partner helps them to accept the things that bother them.

• Compromising. Partners in successful marriages understand that they are not going to win every argument, and they don't keep score.

• Avoiding suffering in silence. If something does bother them, they let their part ner know about it. But they don't bring it up in an accusatory way. Instead, they talk about it at a time when they are both calm.

DIVORCE

Louise knew after a year that the marriage was doomed. Tom never listened to a word she said, never asked her how her day had been, and never l ifted a hand to help around the house. H e was completely self-centered and seemingly unaware of her existence. Still, it took 23 years before she got up the nerve to tell him she wanted a divorce. H i s response was casual: "Do what you want. Makes no difference to me." After her initial relief that there would be no resistance, she felt betrayed and foolish. All the anguish, all the trying to make a go of it, all the pain of a bad marriage-and they both knew all along that there was no point.

Divorce among midlife couples is actually rising, despite a decline in divorces overall in recent decades. One in eight women who is in her first marriage will get divorced after the age of 40. The divorce rate for people 50 and over has doubled since 1990. And for those over 65, the divorce rate has roughly tripled since 1990 (Enright, 2004; Brown & Lin, 2012; Thomas, 2012; Stepler, 2017; also see Figure 8-10).

Middle Adulthood 381

Why do marriages unravel in middle adulthood? There are many causes. One is that the decision to divorce is cumulative, and people may simply have increasingly grown apart or are dissatis fied with their marriage (Hawkins, Willoughby, & Doherty, 2012).

Figure 8-10 Rising Divorces in Middle Adulthood Among people 50 and older, both the divorce rate and the number of people who experience divorce have risen

Furthermore, people spend less time together in middle adulthood than in earlier years. In individualistic Western cul

sign ificantly, and the increases are projected to continue i n the future.

tures, people are concerned with their personal happiness. If their SOURCE: Stepler, Pew Research Center, 201 7.

"O � - 35 marriage is not satisfying, they feel that divorce may increase their happiness. Divorce is also more socially acceptable than in the past, and there are fewer legal impediments to it. In some cases-but certainly not all-the financial costs are not high. In fact, as more women enter the workforce, the economic reasons that would have otherwise kept women from divorcing their hus bands are no longer strong enough to keep the marriage together. Consequently, as opportunities for women grow, wives may feel less dependent on their husbands, both emotionally and economi cally (Brown & Lin, 2012; Canham et al., 2014; Crowley, 2018).

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which passion has declined may feel that that is a sufficient reason to divorce. In some marriages, it is a lack of excitement and boredom that leads to marital dissatisfaction. In addition, there is a great deal of stress in households in which both parents work, and this stress puts a strain on marriages. Much of the energy directed toward families and maintaining relationships in the past is now directed toward work and other insti- tutions outside the home (Macionis, 2001; Tsapelas, Aron, & Orbuch, 2009).

Finally, some marriages end because of infidelity, in which a spouse engages in sexual activity with a person outside of the marriage. Although statistics are highly suspect-if you lie to your spouse, why would you be honest to a pollster?-one sur vey found that 20 percent of men and 15 percent of women younger than the age of 35 say they have been unfaithful. In a given year, about 12 percent of men and 7 percent of women say they have had sex outside their marriage (Atkins & Furrow, 2008; Steiner et al., 2015).

Whatever the causes, divorce can be especially difficult in midlife. It can be partic ularly hard for women who have played the traditional role of mother and never per formed substantial work outside the home. They may face age discrimination, finding that younger people are preferred, even in jobs with minimal requirements. Without a good deal of training and support, these divorced women, lacking recognized job skills, may remain virtually unemployable (Williams & Dunne-Bryant, 2006; Hilton & Anderson, 2009; Bowen & Jensen, 2017).

Many people who divorce in midlife, though, end up happy. Women, in particular, are apt to find that developing a new, independent self-identity is a positive outcome. Both men and women who divorce in midlife are also likely to form new relationships, and they typically remarry (Enright, 2004; Langlais, Anderson, & Greene, 2017). REMARRIAGE Many of the people who divorce-some 75 to 80 percent-end up marrying again, usually within 2 to 5 years. In fact, 4 in 10 new marriages involve remarriage. Previously married people are most likely to marry people who have also been divorced, partly because divorced people tend to be the ones in the available pool, but also because those who have gone through divorce share similar experiences (Pew Research Center, 2014a; Lamdi & Cruz, 2014).

Although the rate of remarriage is high, it is far higher in some groups than in oth ers. For instance, it is harder for women-particularly older women-to remarry than it is for men. Whereas 64 percent of men remarry after divorce or the death of a spouse, only 52 percent of women remarry (Livingston, 2014).

This age difference stems from the marriage gradient we discussed previously: Societal norms push men to marry women who are younger, smaller, and lower in sta tus than themselves. The older a woman is, the fewer socially acceptable men she has available to her because those men her age are likely to be looking for younger women.

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As we discussed, women are also disadvantaged by double standards regarding physical attractiveness. Older women may be perceived as unattractive, whereas older men may be seen as "distinguished" and "mature" (Buss, 2003; Doyle, 2004; Khodarahimi & Fathi, 2017).

There are several reasons marrying again may be more appeal ing than remaining single. A person who remarries avoids the social consequences of divorce. Even in the 21st century, when divorce is common, it carries with it a certain stigma. In addition, divorced people overall report less satisfaction with life than married people

(Lucas, 2005). Divorced people miss the companionship that marriage pro

vides. Men in particular report feeling lonely and experience more physical and mental health problems following divorce. Marriage also provides clear economic benefits, such as sharing the cost of a house and medical benefits reserved for spouses (Olson, DeFrain & Skogrand, 2019).

Around three-quarters of people who divorce remarry

again, usually within 2 to 5 years.

Second marriages differ from first marriages. Older couples tend to be more mature and realistic in their expectations. They often view marriage in less romantic terms than younger couples, and they are more cautious. They are also likely to be more flexible

empty nest syndrome the experience that relates to par ents' feelings of unhappiness, worry, loneliness, and depression resulting from their children's departure from home

about roles and duties; they share household chores and decision making more equi tably (Mirecki et al., 2013).

Unfortunately, this doesn't guarantee that second marriages will last. The divorce rate is higher than for first marriages; 67 percent of second marriages fail, and 75 percent of third marriages fail. One factor that explains this is that second and third marriages may include stresses not present in first marriages, such as the blending of different families. Another reason is that having experienced and survived one divorce, part ners may be less committed and more ready to walk away from an unhappy second or third marriage. Finally, one or both partners may have personality and emotional characteristics that don't make them easy to live with (Coleman, Ganong, & Weaver, 2001; Olson, DeFrain, & Skogrand, 2019).

Despite the high divorce rate for second marriages, many people remarry quite successfully. In such cases, couples report as great a degree of satisfaction as those who are in successful first marriages (Michaels, 2006; Ayalon & Koren, 2015).

Family Evolutions

LO 8.10 Analyze the effects and significance of changes in family patterns in middle adulthood.

For many parents, a major midlife transition is the departure of children who are going to college, getting married, joining the military, or taking a job far from home. Even people who become parents at relatively late ages are likely to face this transition, because middle adulthood spans nearly a quarter-century. As we saw in Kathy and Bob's story, a child's departure can be wrenching-so much so, in fact, that it has been labeled the "empty nest syndrome." The empty nest syndrome refers to the unhap piness, worry, loneliness, and depression some parents feel when their children leave home (Erickson, Martinengo, & Hill, 2010).

Many parents report that major adjustments are required. For women who were stay-at-home mothers, the loss can be quite pronounced. Traditional homemakers, who focus significant time and energy on their children, face a challenging time.

Although the loss can be difficult, parents also find that some aspects of this transition are quite positive. Even mothers who have stayed at home find they have time for other interests, such as community or recreational activities, when the chil dren leave. They may also enjoy the opportunity to get a job or return to school. Finally, many women find that motherhood is not easy; surveys show that most people regard motherhood as harder than it used to be. Such women may now feel liberated from a difficult set of responsibilities (Morfei et al., 2004; Chen, Yang, & Dale Aagard, 2012).

Though feelings of loss are common for most people, there is little, if any, evidence that the departure of children produces anything more than temporary feelings of sad ness and distress. This is especially true for women who have worked outside the home (Crowley, Hayslip, & Hobdy, 2003; Kadam, 2014).

In fact, there are discernible benefits when children leave home. Spouses have more time for one another. Married or unmarried people can attend to their own work without having to worry about helping the kids with homework, carpools, and the like. It is not surprising that parents often find it more stressful to have their chil dren return home to live with them than it was to have the children depart (Tosi & Grundy, 2018).

Some parents react to the departure of their children by becoming what are known as helicopter parents, parents who intrusively intervene in their children's lives. Helicopter parenting first became apparent when parents micro-managed their children's college careers, complaining to instructors and administrators about poor grades that their children received or seeking to get them into certain classes. In some cases, the phe nomenon extends to the workplace; some employers complain that parents call human relations departments to extoll the virtues of their children as potential employees.

Although statistics about the prevalence of helicopter parenting are hard to come by, it is clear that the phenomenon is real. One survey of 799 employers found that nearly one-third said that parents had submitted resumes for their child, sometimes

not even informing their son or daughter. One-quarter said that parents had contacted them, urging them to hire their son or daughter. And 4 percent said that a parent had accompanied the child on a job interview. Some parents even help their children complete work assignments once they get a job (Gardner, 2007; Ludden, 2012; Frey & Tatum, 2016).

In most cases, though, parents permit their children to develop independently once they leave home. However, children may not always leave home for good, and the empty nest sometimes becomes replenished with what have been called "boomer ang children," as we discuss next.

BOOMERANG CHILDREN: REFILLING THE EMPTY NEST

Carole Ol is doesn't know what to make of her 23-year-old son, Rob. He has been living at home since his grad uation from college more than 2 years ago. Her six older children returned to the nest for just a few months and then bolted.

"I ask h i m , 'Why don't you move out with your friends?"' says Mrs. Olis. Rob has a ready answer: "They all live at home, too."

Carole Olis is not alone in being surprised by the return of her son. In the United States, a significant number of young adults are coming back to live with their

Middle Adulthood 383

boomerang children young adults who return, after leav ing home for some period, to live in the homes of their middle- aged parents

middle-aged parents. Known as boomerang children, these returning off

spring typically cite economic issues as the main reason for coming back home. Because of a difficult economy, many young adults cannot find jobs after college, or the

Figure 8 - 1 1 Boomerang C h i l d ren's Views of Their S ituation The percentage of those sayi ng that living with their parents at this stage of life has been bad, good, o r no different i n terms of their

positions they do find pay so little that they have diffi- relationship.

culty making ends meet. Others return home after the souRCE: Pew Research Center, 2012.

breakup of a marriage. Overall, close to one-third of young adults ages 25 to 34 are living with their parents. In some European countries, the proportion is even higher (Roberts, 2009; Parker, 2012).

Because about half of boomerang children pay rent to their parents, parental finances may benefit. The arrange ment doesn't seem to affect social relationships within the

family: half say it makes no difference or is a plus. Only a quarter of boomerang children find the arrangement has been bad for their relationship with their parents (Parker, 2012; see Figure 8-11).

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384 Chapter 8

sandwich generation couples who in middle adulthood must fulfill the needs o f both their children and their aging parents

THE SANDWICH GENERATION: BETWEEN CHILDREN AND PARENTS At the same time children are leaving the nest, or returning as boomerang children, many middle-aged adults face another challenge: the care of their own aging parents. The term sandwich generation refers to these middle-aged adults who are squeezed be tween the needs of their children and those of their parents (Grundy & Henretta, 2006; Chassin et al., 2009; Steiner & Fletcher, 2017).

The sandwich generation is a relatively new phenomenon, produced by several converging trends. First, people are marrying later and having children at an older age. At the same time, people are living longer. Thus, it is not unlikely that midlife adults will have parents who are alive and require care while they still have children who need a significant amount of nurturing.

The care of aging parents can be psychologically tricky. There is a degree of role re versal, with children becoming more parental and parents becoming more dependent. As we'll discuss later, elderly people, used to being independent, may resent and resist their children's help. They do not want to be burdens. Most elderly people who live alone say they do not wish to live with their children.

Middle-aged adults provide a range of care for their parents. They may provide financial support to supplement a parent's meager pension. They might also help manage a household, doing tasks such as removing storm windows in the spring or shoveling snow in the winter.

In some cases, elderly parents may be invited to live in their child's home. Census data reveal that multigenerational households-three or more generations-are the fastest growing of all household arrangements. Almost 20 percent of the U.S. popula tion lives with multiple generations under the same roof-almost 61 million people. The number of multigenerational households has increased by more than 50 percent since 1980 (Carrns, 2016).

Multigenerational families present a tricky situation because roles are renegoti ated. Typically, the adult children-who are no longer children-are in charge of the household. Both they and their parents must make adjustments and find some common ground in making decisions. Elderly parents may find their new dependence difficult, and this can be wrenching for their adult child as well. The youngest generation may resist including the oldest generation.

In many cases, the burden of care is not shared equally, with the larger share most often assumed by women. Even when both husband and wife are in the labor force, women tend to be more involved in the day-to-day care, even when the parent or par ents are their in-laws (Putney & Bengtson, 2001; Corry et al., 2015).

Culture also influences how caregivers view their roles. Members of Asian cul tures, which are more collectivistic, are more likely to view caregiving as a traditional

and ordinary duty. In contrast, members of more individual istic cultures may feel familial ties are less central, and caring for the older generation may be seen as a burden (Kim & Lee, 2003; Ron, 2014; Kiilo, Kasearu, & Kutsar, 2016).

Despite the burden of being sandwiched in between two gen erations, which can stretch the caregiving child's resources, there are significant rewards. The psychological attachment between middle-aged children and their elderly parents can continue to grow. Both sides can see each other more realistically. They may grow closer, more accepting of each other's weaknesses and more appreciative of each other's strengths (Vincent, Phillipson, & Downs, 2006; Aazarni, Sharnsuddin, & Akamal, 2018).

Living in a multigenerational setting with children and grand

children can be rewarding for all three generations. Are there

any disadvantages to this type of situation for the sandwich

BECOMING A GRANDPARENT: WHO, ME? When her eldest son and daughter-in-law had their first child, Leah couldn't believe it. At age 54, she was a grandmother! She kept telling herself she felt far too young to be anybody's grandparent.

Middle adulthood often brings one of the unmistakable symbols of aging: becoming a grandparent. For some people, the new role has been eagerly awaited. They may miss the generation?

energy and excitement and even the demands of young children, and they may see grandparenthood as the next stage in the natural progression of life. Others are less pleased with the prospect, seeing it as a clear signpost of aging.

Grandparenting tends to fall into different styles. Involved grandparents are ac tively engaged in and have influence over their grandchildren's lives. They hold clear expectations about the ways their grandchildren should behave. A retired grandpar ent who takes care of a grandchild while his or her parents work is an example of an involved grandparent (Mueller, Wilhelm, & Elder, 2002; Fergusson, Maughan, & Golding, 2008; Mansson, 2013).

In contrast, companionate grandparents are more relaxed. Rather than taking re sponsibility for their grandchildren, they act as supporters and buddies to them. Grandparents who visit and call frequently, and perhaps occasionally take their grand children on vacations or invite them to visit without their parents, are companionate grandparents.

Finally, the most aloof type of grandparents are remote. They are detached and dis tant, showing little interest in their grandchildren. Remote grandparents, for example, would rarely make visits to see their grandchildren and might complain about their childish behavior when they did see them.

There are marked gender differences in the extent to which people enjoy grand parenthood. Generally, grandmothers are more interested and experience greater sat isfaction than grandfathers, particularly when they have a high level of interaction with younger grandchildren (Smith & Drew, 2002).

Black grandparents are more apt to be involved than are white grandparents. The most reasonable explanation for this is the greater prevalence of multigenerational households among African Americans than among Caucasians. In addition, African

American families are more likely to be headed by single parents. Thus, they often rely substantially on the help of grandparents in everyday child care, and cultural norms tend to be highly supportive of grandparents taking an active role (Keene, Prokos, & Held, 2012; Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Cox & Miner, 2014).

Family Violence: The Hidden Epidemic

LO 8.1 1 Describe causes and characteristics of family violence in the United States.

Domestic violence is at epidemic levels in the United States. One in four women and one in seven men have been the victims of severe physical violence by an intimate partner

during their lifetimes. More than half the women who were murdered in one recent 10- year period were murdered by a partner. Between 21 percent and 34 percent of women will be slapped, kicked, beaten, choked, or threatened or attacked with a weapon at least once by an intimate partner. In fact, continuing, severe violence characterizes close

Middle Adulthood 385

to 15 percent of all marriages in the United States. In addition, many women are victims of psychological abuse, such as ver bal or emotional abuse. Domestic violence is also a worldwide problem. Estimates suggest that one in three women around the globe experience violent victimization during their lives (Garcia Moreno et al., 2005; Smith et al., 2017; also see Figure 8-12).

Figure 8 - 1 2 Violent Victimization by Victim Offender Relationshi p

In the United States, no segment of society is immune from spousal abuse. Violence occurs across social strata, races, ethnic groups, and religions. Both gay and straight partnerships can be abusive. It also occurs across genders: Although in most in stances, the husband is the abuser, in about 8 percent of the cases wives physically abuse their husbands (Dixon & Browne, 2003; Smith et al., 2017; Rolle et al., 2018).

Certain factors increase the likelihood of abuse. Spousal abuse is more apt to occur in large families for whom both finan cial strain and verbal aggression are common. Those husbands and wives who grew up in families where violence was present are also more likely to be violent themselves (Ehrensaft, Cohen, & Brown, 2003; Lackey, 2003; Paulino, 2016).

SOURCE: Truman & Morgan, 2014.

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386 Chapter 8

Figure 8 - 1 3 The Stages of Violence SOURCE: Adapted from Walker, 1 979 ; Gondolf, 1985.

The factors that put a family at risk are similar to those associated with child abuse, another form of family violence. Child abuse occurs most frequently in stressful environments, at lower socioeconomic levels, in single-parent families, and in situations of intense marital conflict. Families with four or more chil dren have higher abuse rates, and those with low incomes have seven times the rate of families with higher incomes. But not all types of abuse are higher in poorer families: Incest is more likely to occur in affluent families (Cox, Kotch, & Everson, 2003; Ybarra & Thompson, 2017).

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cycle of violence hypothesis the theory that the abuse and neglect that children suffer predispose them as adults to abuse and neglect their own children

THE STAGES OF SPOUSAL ABUSE Marital aggression by a husband typically " occurs in three stages (Walker, 1999; see Figure 8-13). In the initial tension-building

, stage, a batterer becomes upset and shows dissatisfaction through verbal abuse.

, He may also use some physical aggression, such as shoving or grabbing. The

, wife may desperately try to avoid the impending violence, attempting to calm her spouse or withdraw from the situation. Such behavior may only enrage the husband, who senses his wife's vulnerability. Her efforts to escape may escalate his anger .

In the next stage-an acute battering incident-the physical abuse actu- ally occurs, lasting from several minutes to hours. Wives may be shoved

against walls, choked, slapped, punched, kicked, and stepped on. Their arms may be twisted or broken, they may be shaken severely, thrown down a flight of stairs,

or burned with cigarettes or scalding liquids. About a quarter of wives are forced to engage in sexual activity, which takes the form of aggressive sexual acts and rape.

Finally, in some-but not all-cases, the episode ends with the loving contrition stage. At this point, the husband feels remorse and apologizes for his actions. He may provide first aid and sympathy, assuring his wife that he will never act violently again. Because wives may feel they were somehow partly at fault, they may accept the apol ogy and forgive their husbands. They want to believe that the aggression will never occur again.

The loving contrition stage helps explain why many wives remain with abusive

husbands and continue to be victims. Wishing desperately to keep their marriages intact, and believing that they have no good alternatives, some wives remain out of a vague sense that they are responsible for the abuse. In other cases, wives fear their husbands may come after them if they leave.

THE CYCLE OF VIOLENCE Still other wives stay with batterers because they, like their husbands, learned in childhood that violence is an acceptable means of settling disputes.

Individuals who abuse their spouses and children were often the victims of abuse themselves. According to the cycle of violence hypothesis, abuse and neglect of chil dren predisposes them to abusiveness as adults. In line with social learning theory, the cycle of violence hypothesis suggests that family aggression is perpetuated from one generation to another. It is a fact that individuals who abuse their wives often witnessed spousal abuse at home as children, just as parents who abuse their children frequently were the victims of abuse as children (Renner & Slack, 2006; Whiting et al., 2009; Eriksson & Mazerolle, 2015).

From health-care provider's perspective: What can be done to end the cycle of violence, in which people who were abused as children grow up to be abusers of others?

Growing up in an abusive home does not invariably lead to abusiveness as an adult. Only about one-third of people who were abused or neglected as children abuse their own children as adults, and two-thirds of abusers were not themselves abused as children. The cycle of violence, then, does not tell the full story of abuse.

Whatever the causes of abuse, there are ways to deal with it, as we consider next.

SPOUSAL ABUSE AND SOCIETY: THE CULTURAL ROOTS OF VIOLENCE Although marital violence and aggression is often seen as a particularly North American phenomenon, other cultures have traditions that regard violence as acceptable. In some cultures, the idea of "honor kill ings" still persists, in which it is deemed acceptable to kill a woman if she has brought dishonor to the family or community. Wife battering and honor killings often occur in cultures that view women as inferior to men and treat them as property (Ahmed, 2018).

In Western societies, too, wife beating was once acceptable. According to English common law the foundation of the legal system in the United States-husbands could beat their wives. In the

Middle Adulthood

1800s, this law was modified to permit only certain kinds of beating. Specifically, a husband could not beat his wife with a stick or rod that was thicker

Parents who abuse their own spouses and children were often victims of

abuse themselves as children, reflecting a cycle of violence.

than his thumb-the origin of the phrase "rule of thumb." It was not until the late 19th century that spousal abuse was made illegal in the United States.

Some experts on abuse suggest that its root cause is the traditional power structure in which women and men function. They argue that the more a society differentiates between men's and women's status, the more likely it is that abuse will occur.

They cite research examining the legal, political, educational, and economic roles of women and men. For example, some research has compared battering sta tistics across the various states in the United States. Abuse is more likely to occur in states where women are of particularly low or high status compared with women in other states. Apparently, relatively low status makes women easy targets of vio lence, whereas unusually high status may make husbands feel threatened and thus

more likely to behave abusively (Vandello & Cohen, 2003; Banks, 2016; also see the Development in Your Life box).

Deve l o p m ent i n You r Life

Dea ling with Spousal and I ntimate Partner Abuse

387

Spousal abuse occurs in some 25 percent of all marriages and in other forms of inti mate relationshi ps, but efforts to deal with victims of abuse are underfunded and inadequate to meet current needs. In fact, some psychologists argue that the same factors that led society to underestimate the magnitude of the problem for many years now hinder the development of effective interventions. Still, there are several measures to help the victims of spousal abuse:

• Understand that the remorse shown by a spouse, no matter how heartfelt, may have no bearing on pos sible future violence. Even if a husband shows loving regret and vows that he will never be violent again, such a promise i s no guarantee against future abuse.

• Teach both wives and husbands a basic premise: Violence is never, under any circumstances, an accept able means of resolving d isagreements.

• Call the police. Assault, includi ng spousal assault, i s against the law. I t may be difficult to involve law en forcement officers, but this is a realistic way of handl ing the problem. Judges can also issue restraining orders requiring abusive husbands to stay away from their wives.

• If you are the victim of abuse, seek a safe haven. Many communities have shelters for the victims of do mestic violence that can house women and their children. Because addresses of she lters are kept confidential , an abusive spouse will not be able to find you. Telephone numbers are listed in the yellow or blue pages of phone books, and local police should also have the numbers.

• If you feel in danger from an abusive partner, seek a re straining order from a judge in court. A restraining order forbids a spouse to come near you, under penalty of law.

• Call the National Domestic Violence Hotline at 1 -800-799-7233 for immed iate help or advice.

388 Chapter 8

burnout a situation that occurs when workers experience dissatisfaction, disillu sionment, frustration, and weariness from their jobs

Work and Leisure Enjoying a weekly game of golf . . . starting a neighborhood watch program . . . coaching a Little League baseball team . . . joining an investment clu b . . . traveling . . . taking a cooking class . . . attending a !heater series . . . running for the local town council . . . going to the movies with friends . . . hearing lectures on Buddhism . . . fixing up a porch in the back of the house . . . chaperoning a high school class on an out-of-state trip . . . lying on a beach, readi ng a book during an annual vacation . . .

Adults in their middle years actually enjoy a rich variety of activities. Although mid dle adulthood often represents the peak of career success and earning power, it is also a time when people throw themselves into leisure and recreational activities. In fact, midlife may be the period when work and leisure activities are balanced most easily. No longer feeling a need to prove themselves on the job, and increasingly valuing their contributions to family, community, and-more broadly-society, middle-aged adults may find that work and leisure complement one another in ways that enhance overall happiness.

Work in Middle Adulthood: The Good and the Bad

LO 8.12 Describe the benefits and challenges of work life in middle adulthood.

For many, productivity, success, and earning power are greatest in middle age, but occupational success may become far less alluring than it once was. This is particu

larly true for those who have not achieved the career success they had hoped for. In such cases, family and other off-the-job interests become more important than work.

WORK AND CAREERS: JOBS AT MIDLIFE The factors that make a job satisfying change during middle age. Younger adults focus on abstract and future-oriented concerns, such as the opportunity for advancement or the possibility of recogni tion and approval. Middle-aged employees care more about the here-and-now qualities of work. They are more concerned with pay, working conditions, and specific policies, such as how vacation time is calculated. As at previous stages of life, changes in overall job quality are associated with changes in stress levels for both men and women (Cohrs, Abele, & Dette, 2006; Rantanen et al., 2012; Hamlet & Herrick, 2014).

In general, though, the relationship between age and work is positive: The older workers are, the more overall job satisfaction they experience. This is not altogether surprising, because younger adults who are dissatisfied with their jobs will quit them

and find new positions that they like better. Also, because older workers have fewer opportunities to change jobs, they may learn to live with what they have and accept that it is the best they are likely to get. Such acceptance may ultimately translate into satisfaction (Tangri, Thomas, & Mednick, 2003).

CHALLENGES OF WORK: ON-THE-JOB SATISFACTION Job satisfaction is not universal in middle adulthood. For some people, dissatisfaction with working conditions or with the nature of the job increases their stress. Conditions may be come so bad that the result is burnout or a decision to change jobs, as in the fol lowing case.

For 44-year-old Peggy Augarten, her early-morning shifts in the intensive care unit of a suburban hospital were becoming increasingly difficult. It had always been hard to lose a patient, but recently she found herself crying over patients at the strangest moments: while she was doing the laundry, washing the dishes, or watching TV. When she began to dread go ing to work, she knew that her feelings about her job were undergoing a funda mental change.

Augarten's response probably reflects the phenomenon of burnout. Burnout occurs when workers experience dissatisfaction, disillusionment, frustration, and

weariness from their jobs. It occurs most often in jobs that involve helping others, and it often strikes those professionals who once were the most idealis tic and driven. In some ways, such workers may be overcommitted to their jobs. Realizing that they can make only minor dents in huge social problems such as poverty and medical care can be disappointing and demoralizing. Furthermore, many such profes sions require long hours, and it is hard to achieve work-life balance (Dunford et al., 2012; Rossler et al., 2015; Miyasaki et al., 2017; see Table 8-3).

Middle Adulthood 389

Burnout is often characterized by cynicism about one's work. An employee might say to himself, "What am I working so hard for? No one is going to notice that I've come in on budget for the last 2 years." Workers also may feel indifferent about their job per formance. The idealism a worker felt entering a pro fession may give way to pessimism and the attitude that it is impossible to provide any kind of meaning-

Burnout occurs when a worker experiences dissatisfaction, disillusion ment, frustration, or weariness from his or her job.

ful solution to a problem. People can combat burnout, even those in professions with high demands and

seemingly insurmountable burdens. For example, the nurse who despairs of not having enough time for every patient can be helped to realize that a more feasible goal-such as giving patients a quick backrub-can be equally important.

In addition, jobs can also be structured so that workers (and their supervisors) pay attention to small victories in their daily work, such as the pleasure of a client's gratitude, even though the "big picture" of disease, poverty, racism, and an inad equate educational system may look gloomy. Furthermore, engaging in "best prac tices" on the job, and knowing that one is doing one's best, can decrease burnout. Finally, mentally disengaging from work during leisure time is helpful in reducing the consequences of burnout (Bahrer-Kohler, 2013; Crowe, 2016; Wilkinson, Infantolino, & Wacha-Montes, 2017).

UNEMPLOYMENT: THE DASHING OF THE DREAM For many workers, unem ployment is a hard reality, affecting them psychologically and economically. For those who have been fired, laid off by corporate downsizing, or forced out of jobs by tech nological advances, being out of work can be psychologically and even physically devastating.

Unemployment can leave people feeling anxious, depressed, and irritable. Their self-confidence may plummet, and they may be unable to concentrate. In addition, higher unemployment rates are related to the risk of suicide (Inoue et al., 2006; Paul & Moser, 2009; Nordt et al., 2015).

Table 8 - 3 High-Burnout Careers

1 . Physician

2 Nurse

3. Social Worker

4. Teacher

5. School Principal

6. Attorney

7 . Police Officer

8. Public Accountant

9. Fast Food Worker

1 0. Retail Worker

SOURCE: White, 2017.

390 Chapter 8

Becoming unemployed in midlife can be a shattering experience that may taint your view of the world.

Even seemingly positive aspects of unemployment, such as having more time, can affect people negatively. Unemployed people may feel depressed and at loose ends, making them less apt to take part in community activities, use libraries, and read than employed people. They are more likely to be late for appointments and even for meals (Ball & Orford, 2002; Tyre & McGinn, 2003; Zuelke et al., 2018).

And these problems may linger. Middle-aged adults tend to stay unemployed longer than younger workers, and they have fewer opportunities for gratifying work as they age. Employers may discriminate against older applicants, making it more difficult to find a new job. Such discrimination is both illegal and based on misguided assumptions: Research finds that older workers miss fewer work days, hold their jobs longer, are more reliable, and are more willing to learn new skills (Wickrama et al., 2018).

Midlife unemployment is a shattering experience. For some people, espe cially those who never find meaningful work again, it taints their view of life. Such involuntary-and premature-retirement can lead to pessimism, cynicism, and de spondency. Accepting the new situation takes time and a good deal of psychological adjustment. And there are challenges for those who do find a new career, too (Waters & Moore, 2002; Pelzer, Schaffrath, & Vernaleken, 2014).

SWITCHING-AND STARTING-CAREERS AT MIDLIFE For some people, midlife brings a hunger for change. For those who are dissatisfied with their jobs, who switch careers after a period of unemployment, or who return to a job market they left years ago, development leads to new careers.

People change careers in middle adulthood for several reasons. Their job may offer little challenge, or they have achieved mastery, making the once difficult, routine. Other people switch because their jobs have changed in ways they do not like, or they may have lost their job. They may be asked to accomplish more with fewer resources, or technology may have drastically changed their daily activities and they no longer enjoy what they do.

Still others are unhappy with their status and wish to make a fresh start. Some are burned out or feel that they are on a treadmill. And some people simply want something new. They view middle age as the last chance to make a meaningful oc cupational change.

Finally, a significant number of people, most of them women, return to the job market after raising children. Some need to find paying work after a divorce. Since the mid-1980s, the number of women in the workforce who are in their 50s has grown significantly. Around half of women between the ages of 55 and 64-and an even larger percentage of those who graduated from college-are now in the workforce.

People may enter new professions with unrealistically high expectations and then be disappointed by the realities. Middle-aged people, starting new careers, may also be placed in entry-level positions. Thus, their peers on the job may be considerably younger than they are. Still, in the long run, starting a new career in midlife can be invigorating. (Otto, Dette-Hagenmeyer, & Dalbert, 2010; Feldman & Ng, 2013).

Some forecasters suggest that career changes will become the rule, not the excep tion. According to this view, technological advances will occur so rapidly that people will be forced periodically to change their profession, often dramatically. People will have not one, but several, careers during their lifetimes. As the Cultural Dimensions segment shows, this is especially true for those who make the major life and career change: immigrating to another country as adults.

From a social worker's perspective: Why do you think immigrants' am bition and achievements are widely underestimated? Do conspicuous negative examples play a role (as they do in perceptions of the midlife crisis and stormy adolescence)?

Middle Adulthood 391

C u lt u ral D i m e n s i o n s

I m m i g rants on the Job: M a king I t i n America

If we rely solely on much of what we hear from certain anti-immigrant politici ans in the United States, we would probably view immigrants to the U n ited States as straining the educational, prison, welfare , and health-care systems while contributing little to U.S. society. But the assumptions that underlie anti -immigrant sentiment are in fact quite wrong.

Some 43 million people in the U nited States were born outside the country, represent ing close to around 1 4 percent of the population, nearly three times the percentage in 1 970. First- and second-generation immigrants comprise almost a quarter of the population of the U n ited States (see Figure 8-1 4; Congressional Budget Office, 2 0 1 3) .

Today's i m mi grants are somewhat different from those of the earl ie r waves at the beginning of the 20th century. Only a third are white, com pared with almost 90 percent of i m m igrants who arrived before 1 960. Critics argue that many new i m m igrants lack the skil ls that w i l l al low them to make a contribution to the hig h-tech economy of the 2 1 st century.

The critics are wrong in many fundamental respects. For instance, consider the following data (Flan igan, 2005; Gorman, 201 O; Camarata & Zeigl er 201 5) :

• Most legal and i llegal immigrants ultimately succeed financially. For example, although they i n itially experi ence higher rates of poverty than native-born Americans, im m igrants who arrived i n the U nited States prior to 1 980

and have had a chance to establish themselves actually have a h igher family income than native-born Americans. Immigrants are twice as li kely to start businesses as citizens born i n the U.S. Furthermore, companies owned by immigrants are more l i kely to hire employees than companies owned by native-born citizens (ADL, 201 7).

• Most of the projected increase in immigration comes from increases in legal immigrants, not i llegal im m igration.

• Few i m m i grants come to the U n ited States to get on welfare. Instead, most say they come because of oppor tunities to work and prosper in the United States. Non refugee immigrants who are old enough to work are less l ikely to be on welfare than native-born U.S. citizens.

• Given time, immi grants contribute more to the economy than they take away. Although initially costly to the govern ment, often because they hold low-paying jobs and therefore pay no income taxes, immigrants become more productive as they get older.

Why are immigrants often ultimately financially successful ? One explanation is that i mmigrants who voluntarily choose to leave their native countries are particularly motivated and driven to be successfu l , whereas those who choose not to immigrate may be relatively less motivated.

Figure 8-14 I m m ig rants in the U n ited States. Si nce 1 970 the number of immigrants in the United States has steadily climbed and, barring changes i n imm igration policy, immigrants who arrive i n the future pl us their descendants will account for roughly three-fourths of future U.S. population increases.

SOURCE: Camarata & Zeigler, 2015.

1900 1 9 1 0 1920 1 930 1 940 1950 1960 1 970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050 2060 Year Projection

392 Chapter 8

Leisure Time : Life Beyond Work

LO 8.13 Describe how people experience leisure time in middle adulthood.

With the typical work week hovering between 35 and 40 hours-and becoming shorter for most people-most middle-aged adults have some 28 waking hours per week of leisure time (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2018). What do they do with it?

For one thing, they watch television. Middle-aged people average around 15 hours of television each week. But adults do much more with their leisure time. For many people, midlife offers a renewed opportunity to take up activities outside the home. As children leave, parents have substantial time to participate in leisure activities like sports or to participate in town committees. In fact, middle-aged adults in the United States spend about 5 hours a day in social and leisure activities (Lindstrom et al., 2005; Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2018).

A significant number of people find leisure so alluring that they take early retire ment. For early retirees who have adequate financial resources to last the remainder of their years, life can be quite gratifying. Early retirees tend to be in good health, and they may take up a variety of new activities Gopp & Hertzog, 2010).

Although midlife offers the opportunity for more leisure, most people report that the pace of their lives does not seem slower. Much of their free time is scat tered throughout the week in 15- and 30-minute chunks as they pursue a variety of activities. Thus, despite a documented increase of leisure time over the past few decades, many people feel they have no more free time than they did previously (Weller, 2017).

Review, C h eck, and Ap p l y Review

LO 8.7 Explain varied perspectives on personality devel- opment during middle adulthood.

In normative-crisis models, people pass through age related stages of development; life events models focus on how people change in response to various life events. Erikson characterizes midlife as a time spent either in generativity or stagnation. Vaillant, Gould, and Levinson offer alternatives to Erikson's views. Levinson argues that the transition to middle age can lead to a midlife cri sis, but there is little evidence for this in the majority of people.

LO 8.8 Analyze whether personality is stable or changes over the life span.

Broad, basic personality characteristics are relatively sta ble. Specific aspects of personality do seem to change in response to life events. In general, people's level of happi ness remains relatively stable throughout life.

LO 8.9 Describe typical patterns of marriage and divorce in middle adulthood.

Marital satisfaction rises and falls over the course of mar riage, generally following a U-shaped configuration over

the years. In happy marriages, most people also feel that their spouses have grown more interesting over the years. There are many reasons why marriages end in divorce, in cluding lack of satisfaction, less time spent together, and infidelity. Divorce may increase happiness, and the process of divorce is more socially acceptable.

LO 8 . 1 0 Analyze the effects and significance of changes in family patterns in middle adulthood.

Family changes in middle adulthood include the departure of children. In recent years, the phenomenon of "boomer ang children" has emerged. Middle-aged adults often have increasing responsibilities for their aging parents.

LO 8. 1 1 Describe causes and characteristics of family violence in the United States.

Abuse is more likely to occur in large families who are ex periencing financial strain and for whom verbal aggres sion is common. Adults who experienced family violence as children are also more likely to be violent themselves. Marital violence tends to pass through three stages: ten sion building, an acute battering incident, and loving contrition.

LO 8.12 Describe the benefits and challenges of work life in middle adulthood.

People in middle age view their jobs differently than be

fore, placing more emphasis on specific job factors, such

as pay and working conditions, and less on career striv ing and ambition. Midlife career changes are becoming more prevalent, motivated usually by dissatisfaction,

Check Yourself

1. According to the model of personality development, individuals at different ages can expe rience the same emotional and personality changes be cause they have shared common occurrences in their lives.

a. normative-crisis b. psychosexual c. life events d. self-understanding

2. Couples who, in middle adulthood, need to take care of their aging parents and their children are often referred to by psychologists as the ____ _ generation.

a. boomer b. betweener c. sandwich d. boomerang

Applying Lifespan Development

Middle Adulthood 393

the need for more challenge or status, or the desire to return to the workforce after childrearing.

LO 8.13 Describe how people experience leisure time in middle adulthood.

People in midlife usually have increased leisure time. Often they use it to become more involved outside the home in recreational and community activities.

3. The stage of marital aggression in which the batterer expresses remorse and apologizes for the violence is known as the stage.

a. cycle of violence b. acute battering c. tension-building d. loving contrition

4. Compared to younger adults, middle-aged adults who lose their jobs ___ _

a. tend to stay unemployed longer and have fewer opportunities for gratifying work as they age

b. tend to find jobs quickly because of their skills but find it difficult to stay employed

c. find it difficult to get new jobs, but once employed have a stable work history

d. are less likely to become depressed, which facili tates their search for new employment

Why might striving for occupational success be less appealing in middle age than before? What cognitive and personality changes might contribute to this phenomenon?

394 Chapter 8

C h apter 8 S u m m ary Putting It All Together: Middle Adulthood

TERRI DONOVAN, at 50, found the free time that had eluded her for several decades as she raised her family while working full-time. Chronologically and

developmentally right in the middle of middle adulthood, she sent her young

est child to college, reignited her romance with her husband, took up volunteer

work, and ran for the state legislature. Though Terri was certainly in a midlife transition, she did not experience a "midlife crisis." She realized she still had

half a life ahead of her if all went well, and she was determined to forge strong

connections with the people around her.

MODULE 8.1 MODULE 8.2 MODULE 8.3

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE ADULTHOOD

• Although certain chronic diseases, like arthritis and hypertension, do begin to appear in midlife, like most middle-aged adults, Terri is in good health. (p. 355)

• If Terri makes walking a regular exercise, it will compensate for the gradual loss of strength that oc curs in middle adulthood. (p. 356)

• With an easing of obligations to her children, Terri has more time and energy to enjoy sex with her husband. However, if she hasn't gone through menopause, she will still need to use contraception. (pp. 358-360)

COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE SOCIAL AND PERSONALITY ADULTHOOD DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE

• Terri has developed expertise and a high competency in her work as an urban planner, which brings her continued success even though midlife brings an over all decline in intellectual skills. (pp. 370-371)

• Her understanding of what is in volved in urban planning allows Terri to quickly evaluate a poten tial project, see what's involved, and decide if it interests her. (pp. 368-371)

• It is likely that Terri has a great deal of practical intelligence in addition to the more traditional kind. (p. 369)

ADULTHOOD

• Though Terri is in midlife transition, the actions she takes to find more con nected relationships, and to change her career in a way that's truly satis fying to her, result in growth rather than stagnation. (pp. 374-377)

• Terri's openness to new experi ences, her extraversion, and her talent for organization are per sonality traits that have remained stable throughout her life. (p. 377)

• Volunteering in her local soup kitchen, and rekindling her romance with her husband eased sadness Terri experienced when her young est child left for college. (p. 382)

What would

YO U do?

What would a MARRIAGE

COU N SELOR do?

What would a H EALT H

CARE PROV I D E R do?

What would a

CAREER

C O U N SELOR do? Would you advise Terri to slow up on

the transitions in

her life, to consoli

date her changes?

Why or why not?

Asia Images Group/ Getty Images

Would you advise Terri to focus on rekindling her romance with

Brian and put off running for

the legislature for a year or two?

If Terri wins the election, what suggestions would you give her to

keep her marriage in focus as she

starts a challenging new career?

Sheer Photo, Inc/ Stockbyte/Getty Images

Considering her age and the physical changes her body is

going through, what dietary and

exercise guidelines would you

recommend Terri observe to pre

vent fatigue and combat stress in

a demanding public service job?

Mark Andersen/ Rubbe rball/Getty Images

Would you advise Terri

to set aside her political

aspirations and take up

work as a consultant in

urban planning for New

York City, a position for which she is exception

ally qualified and that

would allow her to con

trol her own schedule?

Jeffery Titcomb/Stock Connection Blue/ Alamy Stock Photo

Chapter 9 Late Adulthood

Peter Sarnov, 79, and his sister Ella Malone, 73, live together in a house they purchased

5 years ago after both their spouses died in the same year. "We lived together as kids back in

Newark," says Peter, "and we always got along well despite the 6-year age difference. When

we were suddenly alone, we talked to each other at my wife's wake and basically said, 'Why

not?' And it's been working out great, so far. At least I think so."

At this, Ella takes up the thread. "Great is right. We fit like a couple of matched spoons. No

conflict, no hassle, and exactly as much togetherness as we want. And you know what? That

6-year age difference doesn 't seem so big anymore."

Asked if the ir compatibility stems from their sibling similarity, they both laugh out loud. "What

similarity?" asks Peter. "It would be hard to find two people more different. Look, I'm a homebody.

I like sitting around the house and reading. I'm a movie buff with millions of movies on DVD. I'm

a gardener and I love cooking. My greatest pleasure is to have a couple of old friends over for

dinner and a movie. I even like keeping the house reasonably clean and doing the laundry." "And I'm always on the go," adds Ella. "I'm in a sewing circle and two book clubs, I play golf as

often as I can, and I work in the hospital gift shop. I'm taking Spanish at the community college,

I'm learning to play chess, and I often take trips out west or abroad with or without Peter."

"Basically we 're two sides of a coin," says Peter. "I'm neat, she's not. She goes out, I stay

home. She's competitive, I'm laid back. I cook, she eats. But neither of us is ever bored."

''And though we're both a little forgetful," Ella says with a smile, "we seem to forget different

things. If I forget an appointment, Peter reminds me, and if he's trying to recall a name,

I always know it. The absolute best thing is that we never get on each other's nerves. I know

we couldn 't say that about our marriages," she laughs.

And Peter laughs with her.

395

396 Chapter 9

The period of late adulthood, which starts around age 65, is characterized by great changes-and ongoing personal development. Older adults face profound physical, cognitive, and social changes, and by and large they figure out strategies for adjusting to them. No two strategies are exactly alike, as illustrated by the quite different paths chosen

by Peter Sarnov and Ella Malone, but most older adults manage this stage successfully. In late adulthood, people begin the decline that will be part of their lives until

death. But we will see that all aspects of this period-physical, cognitive, and social are largely misrepresented in popular stereotypes. Older people can maintain physical and mental strength virtually until the day they die, and their social worlds can also remain as vital and active as they want.

Physically, people older than 65 certainly begin a gradual transition from full strength and health to an increasing concern about illness, pain, and disease. But this is not the only thing going on in their lives. They can stay healthy for quite a long time and can continue most if not all of the activities that they enjoyed when younger. Cognitively, we find that older people adjust quite well to the changes that seem de signed to impede them by adopting new strategies for solving problems and compen sating for lost abilities. And socially, many of them become adept at coping with the changes in their lives, such as the death of a spouse and retirement from work.

Peter and Ella are typical only in being atypical. Through their unique approaches to aging, they make the point that old age can be what people want it to be-not what society thinks it ought to be.

Module 9.1 Physical Development in Late Adulthood

LO 9.1 Describe the myths and realities of aging. LO 9.2 Summarize the physical changes that occur in old age. LO 9.3 Explain how aging affects the senses. LO 9.4 Summarize the health problems elderly people experience, and list the

factors that influence the state of a person's health. LO 9.5 Discuss the different theories of aging, and summarize the research

to increase life expectancy.

Module 9.2 Cognitive Development in Late Adulthood

LO 9.6 Describe the challenges of determining the cause of age changes in intelligence.

LO 9.7 Summarize the effects of aging on cognitive functioning, and identify the factors that may affect it.

LO 9.8 Explain how memory capability changes in late adulthood. LO 9.9 Identify the learning opportunities available to older adults, and describe

their value to cognitive functioning.

Module 9.3 Social and Personality Development in Late Adulthood

LO 9.10 Identify and describe the various theories of personality development in late adulthood.

LO 9 . 1 1 Explain how age relates to the distribution of resources, power, and privilege.

LO 9.12 Define wisdom, and describe how it is associated with age. LO 9.13 Differentiate the theories of aging, and explain how culture shapes the way

older people are treated. LO 9 . 1 4 Describe the living arrangements available to older adults, and explain how

each affects the quality of their lives. LO 9.15 Discuss the financial security of older people and the social and economic

ramifications of work and retirement in later adulthood. LO 9.16 Identify the issues couples face in late adulthood, and describe the challenges

presented by the death of a spouse or partner. LO 9 . 1 7 Identify the relationships that are important to older adults, and explain why

they matter. LO 9 . 1 8 Discuss what causes elder abuse and how it can be prevented.

M o d u l e 9 . 1 Physical Development in Late Adulthood

To Live Forever

John Benjamin thinks it's a snap to be 74. "Compared to all that

hustling to make a career and raise a family, life is much easier now," he says. He admits there have been changes. "I used to run every

day, but my knees started giving me trouble about 10 years ago and

I switched to biking. Much easier on the joints." Another change is his

sense of smell. "People say 'stop and smell the roses,' but I can't smell

the roses anymore," he jokes. Still, there's plenty about life John does enjoy. "I was a lawyer for 40 years, and when I retired, I started blogging

about Supreme Court decisions. My daughter helped me set up the

biog. Now, I'm writing a book on the Supreme Court over the last

50 years." John also plays viola in a string quartet, a group he formed

1 O years ago, and he goes swing dancing with his partner, Maddie.

"I call her my girlfriend because though she's got a year on me, she's so

young and sassy in her attitude. We went to Paris last spring, and cafe

hopped on the Left Bank until the wee hours." Asked if he has any other

big ambitions besides finishing his book, John considers for a moment.

"I guess I just want to live forever. That's my major goal now."

John Benjam in is not alone when it comes to showing renewed

vitality in late adulthood. Increasingly, older people are pioneering

new fields, achieving new endeavors, and generally reshaping how

we perceive the later stages of life. For a g rowing number of people

in late adulthood, vigorous mental and physical activity remains an

important part of daily life.

Old age used to be equated with loss : loss of brain cel ls,

intel lectual capab ilities, energy, and sex d rive . That view is being

displaced as gerontologists, specialists who study aging, paint a

different pictu re. Rather than a period of decline, late adulthood is

seen as a stage in which people continue to change -to grow in

some areas and , yes, to decline in others.

Even the definition of old is changi ng . Many people in late

adulthood , which begins arou nd age 65 and co ntinues to death, are

as vigorous and involved with life as people several decades younger.

We can no longer define old age by chronological years alone; we

must also take into account people's physical and psychological

well-being, th eir functional ages. Some researchers divide people i nto

three groups accord ing to functional ages: the young old are healthy

and active; the old old have some health problems and difficulties

with daily activities ; and the oldest old are frai l and need care.

Late Adulthood 397

Gerontologists have found that people in late adulthood can be as vigorous and active as those many years younger.

According to functional age, an active, healthy 1 00-year-old wou ld

be considered young old , whereas a 65-year-old in the late stages of

emphysema wou ld be among the oldest old.

We begi n this module with a discussion of the myths and realities

of aging, exam ining some stereotypes that co lor our u nderstanding

of late adult hood . We look at the outward and inward signs of aging

and the ways the nervous system and sen ses change with age.

Next , we consider health and well-bei ng . After examining some

of the major disorders th at affect older people, we look at what

determ ines wellness and why old people are susceptible to disease.

We then consider sexuality in late adulthood. We also focus on

theories that seek to explain th e aging process, as well as on gender,

race, and ethnic differences in life expectancy.

Physical Development in Late Adulthood Astronaut-turned-senator John Glenn was 77 years old when he returned to space on a 1 0-day mission to help NASA study how the elderly adjust to space travel . Although sheer altitude sets Glenn apart from others, many people lead active, vigorous lives during late adulthood, fully engaged with life.

Aging: Myth and Reality

LO 9.1 Describe the myths and realities of aging.

Late adulthood holds a unique distinction among life's stages: Because people are living longer, late adulthood is getting longer. Whether we start counting at 65 or 70, there is

gerontologists specialists who study aging

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Figure 9 - 1 The Flourishing Elderly today a greater proportion of people alive in late adulthood than at any time in world history. In fact, demographers have divided the period using the same terms-but with different meanings as researchers of functional aging. For demographers, the terms are purely chronological. The young old are 65 to 74 years old. The old old are between 75 and 84, and the oldest old are 85 and older.

The number of people in the U nited States over age 65 is projected to d ouble by 2060 from the number in 2014. What are the factors that contribute to this increase?

SOURCE: Adapted from Mather, Jacobsen, & Pollard, 2015.

100 .·

80 l ................................................................................. . THE DEMOGRAPHICS OF LATE ADULTHOOD One out of every eight Americans is 65 or older, and projections sug gest that by 2050 nearly one-quarter of the population will be 65 and older. The number of people over the age of 85 is pro jected to increase from the current 6 million to 20 million by 2060 (see Figure 9-1; Mather, Jacobsen, & Pollard, 2015).

60 l ................................................................... . . 46 Million - -

40 ;. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I I

20 l I I

Ages 65-84

1960 1 970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2014 2020 2030 2040 2050 2060

The fastest-growing segment of the population is the old est old-people 85 or older. In the past two decades, the size of this group has nearly doubled. The population explosion among older people is not limited to the United States. As can

ageism prejudice and discrimination directed at older people

be seen in Figure 9-2, the number of elderly is increasing sub stantially in countries around the globe. By 2050, the number of adults worldwide older than 60 will exceed the number of people younger than 15 for the first time in history (Sandis, 2000; United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, 2013).

AGEISM: CONFRONTING THE STEREOTYPES OF LATE ADULTHOOD Crotchety. Old codger. Old coot. Senile. Geezer. Old hag.

Such are the labels of late adulthood. They don't draw a pretty picture: These words are demeaning and biased, representing both overt and subtle ageism. Ageism is prejudice and discrimination directed at older people.

Ageism suggests that older people are in less than full command of their mental faculties. Many attitude studies find that older adults are viewed more negatively than

younger ones on a variety of traits, particularly those relating to general competence and attractiveness (Jesmin, 2014; Nelson, 2016; Ayalon & Tesch-Romer, 2017; Zhang et al., 2018).

Furthermore, many Western societies revere youth and admire a youthful ap pearance. It is the rare advertisement that includes an elderly person, unless it is for a

Figure 9 - 2 The Elderly Population Worldwide Longer life is transforming population profiles worldwide, with the proportion of those older than 60 predicted to i ncrease substantially by 2050.

SOURCE: Based on United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, 2 0 1 3 .

2000

• D �

Least developed countries

Less developed regions, excluding Least developed countries

More developed regions

1 500 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

product specifically designed for older adults. And in media depictions, older persons are often presented as someone's parents or grandpar ents rather than as individuals in their own right (Ferguson & Brohaugh, 2010; Swift et al., 2017).

Today's ageism is, in some ways, a peculiarly modern and Western cultural phenomenon. In the American colonial period, a long life was an in dication of a virtuous life, and older people were held in high esteem. Similarly, elders are vener ated in most Asian societies because they have attained special wisdom by living so long, and many Native American societies have traditionally viewed older people as storehouses of information about the past (Bodner, Bergman, & Cohen-Fridel, 2012; Maxmen, 2012; Vauclair et al., 2017).

Late Adulthood 399

Today, however, negative views of older people prevail in U.S. society, and they are based on misinformation. Test your knowledge about aging by answering the questions in Table 9-1. Most people score no higher than chance on the

What do you see when you look at this woman? Ageism is found in widespread negative attitudes toward older people, suggesting that they are in less than full command of their faculties.

items, getting about 50 percent correct (Palmore, 1992). Given the prevalence of ageist stereotypes, it is reasonable to ask if there is a kernel

of truth in them. The answer is largely no. Aging produces consequences that vary greatly from

one person to the next. Although some elderly people are in fact physically frail, have cognitive difficulties, and require constant care, others are vigorous and independent. Furthermore, some problems that at first glance seem attributable to old age are ac tually a result of illness, improper diet, or insufficient nutrition. As we will see, late adulthood can bring change and growth on a par with-and sometimes even greater than-previous periods of the life span (Whitbourne, 2007; Ridgway, 2018).

From a social worker's perspective: When older people win praise and attention for being "vigorous," "active," and "youthful," is this a message that combats or supports ageism?

Table 9 - 1 The Myths of Aging

1 . The majority of old people (age 65 and older) have defective memory, are d isoriented, or are demented. T or F?

2 . The five senses (sight, hearing , taste, touch, and smell) all tend to weaken in old age. T or F? 3. The majority of old people have no interest in , nor capacity for, sexual relations. T or F? 4. Lung capacity tends to decline i n old age. T or F? 5. The majority of old people are sick most of the time. T or F? 6. Physical strength tends to decline i n old age. T or F? 7. At least one-tenth of the aged are living in long-stay institutions (such as nursing homes, mental

hospitals, and homes for the aged). T or F? 8. Many older adults maintain large social networks of friends. T or F? 9. Older workers usually cannot work as effectively as younger workers. T or F?

1 0. Over three-fourths of the aged are healthy enough to carry out their normal activities. T or F? 1 1 . The majority of old people are unable to adapt to change. T or F? 1 2 . Old people usually take longer to learn something new. T or F? 1 3. It is almost impossible for the average old person to learn something new. T or F? 1 4. Older people tend to react slower than do younger people. T or F? 1 5. In general, old people tend to be pretty much alike. T or F? 1 6. The majority of old people say they are seldom bored. T or F? 1 7. The majority of old people are socially isolated. T or F? 1 8. Older workers have fewer accidents than do younger workers. T or F?

Scoring All odd-numbered statements are false; all even-numbered statements are true. Most college students miss

about six, and high school students miss about nine. Even college instructors miss an average of about three.

SOURCE: Adapted from Palmore, 1 992; Kahn & Rowe, 1 999.

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primary aging aging that involves universal and irreversible changes that, because of genetic programming, occur as people get older

secondary aging changes in physical and cognitive functioning that are as a result o f illness, health habits, and other in dividual differences, but are not the result of increased age itself and are not inevitable

osteoporosis a condition in which the bones be come brittle, fragile, and thin, often brought about by a lack of calcium in the diet

Physical Transitions in Older People

LO 9.2 Summarize the physical changes that occur in old age.

"Feel the burn." That's what the teacher says, and many of the 1 4 women in the class are doing just that. As the teacher continues through a variety of exercises, the women partici pate to varying degrees. Some stretch and reach vigorously, and others mostly just sway to the music. It's not much different from thousands of exercise classes across the U n ited States, yet to the youthful observer, there is one surprise: The youngest woman in this class i s 66 years old, and the oldest, dressed i n a sleek Spandex leotard, is 8 1 .

The surprise registered by this observer reflects the stereotype that people older than 65 are sedentary, incapable of vigorous exercise. The reality is different. Although their physical capabilities are likely to have changed, many older people remain agile and fit long into old age. Still, the outer and inner changes that began subtly during middle adulthood become unmistakable during old age (Sargent-Cox, Anstey, & Luszcz, 2012; Fontes & Oliveira, 2013).

As we discuss aging, we should take note of the distinction between primary and secondary aging. Primary aging, or senescence, involves universal and irreversible changes resulting from genetic programming. In contrast, secondary aging encom passes changes that are the result of illness, health habits, and other individual factors,

which are not inevitable. Although the physical and cognitive changes of secondary aging are common, they are potentially avoidable and can sometimes be reversed.

OUTWARD SIGNS OF AGING One of the most obvious indicators of aging is the hair, which usually becomes distinctly gray and eventually white, and may thin out. The face and other parts of the body become wrinkled as the skin loses elasticity and collagen, the protein that forms the basic fibers of body tissue.

People may become shorter by as much as 4 inches, partially because of changes in posture, but mostly because the cartilage in the disks of the backbone becomes thinner. This is particularly true for women, who are more susceptible than men to osteoporosis, or thinning of the bones, largely a result of reduced estrogen production.

Osteoporosis, which affects 25 percent of women older than 60, is a primary cause of broken bones among older people. It is largely preventable if exercise is adequate and calcium and protein intake were sufficient previously in life. Osteoporosis can be treated and even prevented with drugs such as Fosamax (alendronate) (Wang et al., 2013; Hansen et al., 2014; Braun et al., 2017).

Although negative stereotypes against appearing old affect both genders, they are particularly potent for women. In fact, in Western cultures there is a double standard for appearance, by which women are judged more harshly than men. For instance, gray

hair in men is often viewed as "distinguished"; in women it is a sign of being "over the hill" (Krekula, 2016; Chrisler & Johnston-Robledo, 2018).

As a consequence, women may feel more pressure than men to hide the signs of aging by dyeing their hair, undergoing cosmetic surgery, and using age-concealing cosmetics. The double standard is diminishing, however, as more men grow inter

ested in looking younger and fall prey to a new wave of male-oriented cosmetic products, such as wrinkle creams. Ironically, as the double standard eases, ageism is becoming more of a concern for both sexes (Crawford & Unger, 2004; Ojala, Pietila, & Nikander, 2016).

INTERNAL AGING As the outward signs become more apparent, there are also changes in the internal functioning of the organ systems. The brain becomes smaller and lighter. As it shrinks, it pulls away from the skull; the space between the brain and skull doubles from age 20 to age 70. The brain uses less oxygen and glucose, and blood flow is reduced. The number of neurons, or brain cells, declines in some parts of the brain, although not as much as was once thought. Research suggests that the number of cells in the cortex may drop only minimally or not at all. In fact, some evidence suggests that certain types of neuronal growth may continue throughout the life span (Gattringer et al., 2012; Jancke et al., 2015; Hamasaki et al., 2018).

The reduced flow of blood in the brain is due in part to the heart's reduced ability to pump blood through hardening and shrinking blood vessels. A 75-year-old man

pumps less than three-quarters of the blood that he could pump during early adulthood (Yildiz, 2007; Wu et al., 2016).

Other bodily systems also work at lower capacity. The re spiratory system is less efficient, and the digestive system pro duces less digestive juice and is less efficient in pushing food through the system-thereby increasing the incidence of con stipation. Some hormones are produced at lower levels. Muscle fibers decrease both in size and in amount, and they become less efficient at using oxygen from the bloodstream and storing nu trients (Deruelle et al., 2008; Suetta & Kjaer, 2010; Morley, 2012).

Although these changes are normal, they often occur earlier in people who have less healthy lifestyles. For example, smok ing accelerates declines in cardiovascular capacity at any age.

Late Adulthood 401

Lifestyle factors can also slow the changes associated with aging. For instance, people whose exercise program includes

Even in late adulthood, exercise is possible--and beneficial.

weightlifting may lose muscle fiber at a slower rate than those who are sedentary. Similarly, physical fitness is related to better performance on mental tests, may pre vent a loss of brain tissue, and may even aid in the development of new neurons. In fact, studies suggest that sedentary older adults who begin aerobic fitness training ultimately show cognitive benefits (Solberg et al., 2013; Lin et al., 2014; Bonavita & Tedeschi, 2017).

SLOWING REACTION TIME

I Carlos winced as the "game over" message came u p o n his grandsons' vi deo game system. He enjoyed try ing out their games, but he just couldn't shoot down those bad guys as quickly as his grandkids could. As people get older, they take longer: longer to put on a tie, reach a ringing phone, press the buttons in a video game. One reason is a lengthening of reaction time, which begins to increase in middle age and by late adulthood may rise significantly (Benjuya, Melzer, & Kaplanski, 2004; Der & Deary, 2006; van Schooten, et al., 2018).

It is not clear why people slow down. One explanation, known as the peripheral slowing hypothesis, suggests that the peripheral nervous system, which encom passes the nerves that branch from the spinal cord and brain to the extremities of the body, becomes less efficient with age. Because of this, it takes longer for informa tion from the environment to reach the brain and for commands from the brain to be transmitted to the muscles (Salthouse, 2006, 2017; Kimura, Yasunaga, & Wang, 2013).

According to the generalized slowing hypothesis, on the other

peripheral slowing hypothesis the theory that suggests that overall processing speed declines in the peripheral nervous system with increasing age

generalized slowing hypothesis the theory that processing in all parts of the nervous system, including the brain, is less efficient as we age

hand, processing in all parts of the nervous system, including the brain, is less efficient. As a consequence, slowing occurs through out the body, including the processing of both simple and complex stimuli, and the transmission of commands to the muscles (Harada, Love, & Triebel, 2013).

Figure 9 - 3 Vehicle Fatal ities Across the Life Span

Although we don't know which explanation is more accurate, it is clear that the slowing of reaction time and general process ing results in a higher incidence of accidents for elderly people. Slowed reaction and processing time means they can't efficiently receive information from the environment that may indicate a dangerous situation. Slowed decision-making processes impair their ability to remove themselves from harm's way. Still, drivers older than 70 have fewer auto accidents per mile driven than teen agers when accidents are figured in terms of miles of driving (Tefft, 2012; Leversen, Hopkins, & Sigmundsson, 2013; see Figure 9-3).

The Senses: Sight, Sound, Taste, and Smell

LO 9.3 Explain how aging affects the senses.

Old age brings declines in the sense organs, which has major psychological consequences because the senses are people's link with the world.

Drivers over age 70 have a superior crash record to drivers 1 9 and younger when crashes are calculated per m i le of driving. Why is this the case? THINKING ABOUT THE DATA: At what age do fatalities begi n to approach those of 1 6-year-olds? What factors lead to this increase?

SOURCE: Tefft, 2012.

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402 Chapter 9

VISION Changes in the physical apparatus of the eye-the cornea, lens, retina, and optic nerve-diminish visual abilities. The lens becomes less transparent, allowing only a third as much light to reach the retina at 60 as at 20. The optic nerve also be comes less efficient in transmitting nerve impulses. As a result, vision declines along several dimensions. We see distant objects less well, need more light to see clearly, and take longer to adjust from dark to light and vice versa (Gawande, 2007; Owsley, Ghate, & Kedar, 2018).

These changes cause everyday problems. Driving, particularly at night, becomes more challenging. Reading requires more light, and eye strain comes more easily. Of course, eye glasses and contact lenses can correct many of these problems, and the majority of older people see reasonably well (Owsley, Stalvey, & Phillips, 2003; Boerner et al., 2010).

Several eye diseases become more common during late adulthood. For instance, cataracts-doudy or opaque areas on the lens of the eye that interfere with the pas sage of light-frequently develop. Cataracts bring blurred vision and glare in bright

light. If cataracts are left untreated, the lens becomes milky white and blindness re sults. However, cataracts can be surgically removed, and eyesight can be restored with eyeglasses, contact lenses, or intraocular lens implants, in which a plastic lens is perma nently placed in the eye (Walker, Anstey, & Lord, 2006; Miyata et al., 2018).

Another serious problem among elderly individuals is glaucoma. Glaucoma occurs when pressure in the fluid of the eye increases, either because the fluid cannot drain properly or because too much fluid is produced. Glaucoma can be treated with drugs or surgery if it is detected early enough.

The most common cause of blindness in people older than 60 is age-related macular degeneration (AMD), which affects the macula, a yellowish area near the retina at which visual perception is most acute. When a portion of the macula thins and degenerates, the eyesight gradually deteriorates (see Figure 9-4). If diagnosed early, macular degeneration can sometimes be treated with medication or lasers. There is also some evidence that a diet rich in antioxidant vitamins (C, E, and A) can reduce the risk of AMD (Jager, Mieler, & Miller, 2008; Vingolo, Salvatore, & Limoli, 2013; Bainbridge & Wallhagen, 2014). HEARING Around 30 percent of adults between 65 and 74 have some hearing loss, and the figure rises to 50 percent among people older than 75. Overall, more than 10 million elderly people in the United States have hearing impairments of one kind or another (Chisolm, Willott, & Lister, 2003; Pacala & Yueh, 2012; National Institute on Deafness and Other Communication Disorders, 2018).

Figure 9-4 The World Through Macular Degeneration (a) Age-related macular degen erat ion affects the macula, a yellowish area of the eye located near the reti na. Eyesight gradually deteriorates once the portion of the macula th ins and degen erates. (b) Macu lar degeneration leads to a gradual deterioration of the center of the retina, leaving only peripheral vision. This i s an example of what a person with macular degeneration might see.

SOURCE: AARP, 2005.

(a) (b)

Aging particularly affects the ability to hear higher frequencies. This makes it hard to hear conversations amid background noise or when several people are speaking simultaneously. Some elderly people actually find loud noises painful.

Although hearing aids would probably be helpful around 75 percent of the time, only 20 percent of elderly people wear them. One reason is that hearing aids are far from perfect. They amplify background noises as much as conversations, making it difficult for wearers to separate what they want to hear from other sounds. Furthermore, many people feel that hearing aids make them appear even older and encourage others to treat them as if they were disabled (Lesner, 2003; Meister & von Wedel, 2003; Weinstein, 2018).

Hearing loss can be deadly to one's social life. Unable to hear conversations fully, some elderly people with hearing problems withdraw from others, unwilling to re spond because they are unsure what was said to them. They can easily feel left out and lonely. Hearing loss can also lead to feelings of paranoia as conversational blanks are filled according to fear rather than reality. If someone hears "I hate going to Maude's" instead of "I hate going to the mall," a bland opinion about shopping can be inter preted as an expression of personal animosity (Myers, 2000; Goorabi, Hoseinabadi, & Share, 2008; Ozmeral et al., 2016).

Hearing loss may hasten cognitive decline. The struggle to understand what is being said can shunt mental resources away from processing information, causing dif ficulties in remembering and understanding information (Wingfield, Tun, & McCoy, 2005; Mikkola et al., 2015; Moser, Luxenberger & Freid!, 2017). TASTE AND SMELL Elderly people who have always enjoyed eating may experi ence a real decline in the quality of life because of changes in sensitivity to taste and smell. Both senses become less discriminating, causing food to be less appetizing than it was previously (Nordin, Razani, & Markison, 2003; Murphy, 2008).

The decrease in taste and smell sensitivity has a physical cause. The tongue loses taste buds over time, making food less tasty. The problem is compounded as the olfac tory bulbs in the brain begin to shrivel. Because taste depends on smell, this makes food taste even blander.

The loss of taste and smell sensitivity has an unfortunate side effect: Because food does not taste as good, people eat less and open the door to malnutrition. They may also oversalt their food, thereby increasing their risk of hypertension, or high blood pressure, one of the most common health problems of old age. Furthermore, altera tions in taste and smell have been associated with major depression (Smith et al., 2006; Yoshikawa et al., 2018; Hur et al., 2018).

The Impact of Aging on Health Sandra Frye passes around a photo of her father. "He was 75 when this was taken. He looks great and he could still sail back then, but he was already forgetting things like what he'd done yesterday or what he'd eaten for breakfast."

Frye takes part in a support group for family members of Alzheimer's patients. The sec ond picture she shares shows her father 1 0 years later. "It was sad. H e'd start talki ng to me and his words would jumble. Then he'd forget who I was. He forgot he had a younger brother or that he'd been a pi lot in World War I I . A year after this photo, he was bedridden. Six months later, he died."

When Sandra Frye's father was diagnosed, he joined the 4.5 million Americans with Alzheimer 's disease, a debilitating condition that saps both physical and mental pow ers. In some ways, Alzheimer's feeds the stereotypical view of elderly people as more apt to be ill than healthy.

However, the reality is different: Most elderly people are in relatively good health for most of old age. According to surveys conducted in the United States, almost three quarters of people 65 years old and older rate their health as good, very good, or excellent.

Still, to be old is in fact to be susceptible to diseases, and maintaining their physi cal and mental health is a major concern of older adults. Let's consider some of the major physical and psychological disorders of older people.

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major neurocognitive disorder the most common mental disorder of the elderly, it covers several diseases, each of which includes serious memory loss accompanied by declines in other mental functioning

Alzheimer's disease a progressive brain disorder that pro duces loss of memory and confusion

Health Problems and Wellness in Older People

LO 9.4 Summarize the health problems elderly people experience, and list the factors that influence the state of a person's health.

Most of the illnesses and diseases of late adulthood are not peculiar to old age; people of all ages suffer from cancer and heart disease, for instance. However, the incidence of these diseases rises with age, raising the odds that a person will be ill during old age. Moreover, older people bounce back more slowly from illnesses than younger people, and a full recovery may be impossible.

COMMON PHYSICAL DISORDERS The leading causes of death in elderly peo ple are heart disease, cancer, and chronic respiratory problems, which claim close to three-quarters of people in late adulthood. Because aging weakens the immune sys tem, older adults are also more susceptible to infectious diseases (National Council on Aging, 2015; National Center for Health Statistics, 2017).

In addition, most older people have at least one chronic, long-term condition, and three-quarters have at least two. For instance, arthritis, an inflammation of one or more joints, afflicts roughly half of older people. Arthritis can cause painful swelling, and it can be disabling, preventing people from performing the simplest of everyday tasks, such as unscrewing a jar of food or turning a key in a lock. Although aspirin and other drugs can relieve some of the swelling and reduce the pain, arthritis cannot be cured (Leverone & Epstein, 2010; National Council on Aging, 2016).

Around one-third of older people have hypertension, or high blood pressure. Many people who have high blood pressure are unaware of their condition because it has no symptoms, which makes it more dangerous. Left untreated, hypertension can weaken and damage blood vessels and the heart and may raise the risk of strokes (Hermida et al., 2013; Oliveira, de Menezes, & de Olinda, 2017; Reddy, Ganguly, & Sharma, 2018).

PSYCHOLOGICAL AND MENTAL DISORDERS Some 15 to 25 percent of people older than 65 are thought to show some symptoms of psychological disorder, a lower percentage than in younger adults. The behavioral symptoms related to these disorders are sometimes different in older and younger adults (National Council on Aging, 2016).

One of the more prevalent problems is major depression, which is characterized by feelings of intense sadness, pessimism, and hopelessness. Among the reasons cited for depression are the experience of cumulative losses of their spouses, partners, and friends, and their own declining health and physical capabilities (Vink et al., 2009; Taylor, 2014; Forster et al., 2018).

Some elderly people suffer from psychological disorders induced by the combina tions of drugs they may be taking for various medical conditions. They may also be taking inappropriate doses of some medications because the metabolism of a 75-year old and that of a 25-year-old differ, and the doses appropriate for them may differ too. Because of these possibilities, older people who take medications must be careful to in form their physicians and pharmacists of every drug-with dosage information-that they take. They should also avoid medicating themselves with over-the-counter drugs, because a combination of nonprescription and prescription drugs may be dangerous.

The most common mental disorder of elderly people is major neurocognitive disorder, previously referred to as dementia, a broad category of diseases encompassing serious memory loss accompanied by declines in other mental functioning. Although major neurocognitive disorder has many causes, the symptoms are similar: declining memory, lessened intellectual abilities, and impaired judgment. The chances of experi encing major neurocognitive disorder increase with age. Less than 2 percent of people between 60 and 65 are diagnosed with the disorder, but the percentages double for every 5-year period past 65. There are some ethnic differences, too, with African Americans and Hispanics showing higher levels of major neurocognitive disorder than Caucasians (Alzheimer's Association & Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018).

ALZHEIMER'S DISEASE Alzheimer's disease, a progressive brain disorder that produces loss of memory and confusion, leads to the deaths of 100,000 people in the United States each year. One in 10 people age 65 and older has Alzheimer's; 19 percent

Late Adulthood 405

of those age 75 to 84 have the disease, and nearly half of . Figure 9 - 5 A Different Brain?

people over the age of 85 are affected by the disease. In fact, unless a cure is found, some 14 million people will be victims of Alzheimer's by 2050-triple the current

Brain scans show differences between the brains of those with Alzheimer's disease and those who do not suffer from it.

number (Park et al., 2014; Alzheimer's Association, 2017). SOURCE: Bookheimer et al., 2000.

The first sign of Alzheimer's is usually forgetfulness. A person may have trouble recalling words during a con versation or may return to the grocery store several times after having already done the shopping. At first, recent memories are affected, and then older ones. Eventually, people with the disease are totally confused, unable to speak intelligibly or to recognize even their closest family and friends. In the final stages, they lose voluntary control of their muscles and are bedridden. Because victims of the disorder are initially aware of the future course of the dis ease, they may understandably suffer from anxiety, fear, and depression.

Biologically, Alzheimer's occurs when production of beta amyloid precursor protein-which normally promotes the production and growth of neurons-goes awry, creating large clumps of cells called plaque that trig ger inflammation and deterioration of nerve cells. The brain shrinks, and several areas of the hippocampus and frontal and temporal lobes show deterioration. Furthermore, certain neurons die, which leads to a shortage of various neurotransmitters, such as acetylcholine (Medeiros et al., 2007; Bredesen, 2009; Callahan et al., 2013; National Institute on Aging, 2017).

Although the physical changes that produce Alzheimer's are clear, what is not known is the trigger. Genetics clearly plays a role, with some families showing a much higher incidence of Alzheimer's than others. In fact, in certain families half the children appear to inherit the disease from their parents. Furthermore, years before Alzheimer's symptoms emerge, people who are genetically at high risk for the disease show differ ences in brain functioning when they are trying to recall information, as illustrated in the brain scans in Figure 9-5 (Baulac et al., 2009; Desirea et al., 2013; Broce et al., 2018).

Most evidence suggests that Alzheimer's is an inherited disorder, but nongenetic factors such as high blood pressure or diet may increase susceptibility. In one cross cultural study, poor black residents in a Nigerian town were less likely to develop Alzheimer's than a comparable sample of African Americans living in the United States. The researchers speculate that variations in diet between the two groups-the residents of Nigeria ate mainly vegetables-might account for the differences in the Alzheimer's rates (Hendrie et al., 2001; Chen et al., 2010; Fuso et al., 2012; Roussotte et al., 2014).

Scientists are also studying certain viruses, dysfunctions of the immune system, and hormone imbalances that may produce the disease. Other studies have found that lower levels of linguistic ability in the early 20s are associated with declines in cogni tive capabilities resulting from Alzheimer 's much later in life (Alisky, 2007; Carbone et al., 2014; Balin et al., 2018).

At present, there is no cure for Alzheimer's, only treatments for the symptoms. The most promising drugs are related to the loss of the neurotransmitter acetylcholine (Ach) that occurs in some forms of the disease. Donepezil (Aricept), galantamine (Razadyne), rivastigmine (Exelon), and tacrine (Cognex) are among the most common drugs pre scribed, but they are effective in only half of Alzheimer's patients, and only temporarily (de Jesus Moreno, 2003; Gauthier & Scheltens, 2009; Alzheimer's Association, 2017a).

Other drugs being studied include anti-inflammatory drugs, which may reduce the brain inflammation that occurs in Alzheimer's. In addition, the chemicals in vita mins C and E are being tested, because some evidence suggests that people who take such vitamins are at lower risk for developing the disorder (Alzheimer 's Association, 2004; Mohajeri & Leuba, 2009; Sabbagh, 2009; Wang et al., 2015).

As victims lose the ability to feed and clothe themselves, or even to control blad der and bowel functions, they must be cared for 24 hours a day. Because of this, most

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people with Alzheimer' s live out their lives in nursing homes, accounting for some two-thirds of the residents of nursing homes (Prigerson, 2003; Sparks, 2008; Gaugler et al., 2014).

Caregivers often become secondary victims of the dis ease. It is easy to become frustrated, angry, and exhausted by the demands of Alzheimer's patients, whose needs may be overpowering. In addition to the physical chore of provid ing total care, caregivers face the loss of a loved one, who not only is visibly deteriorating but can act emotionally un stable and even fly into rages (Sanders et al., 2008; Iavarone et al., 2014; Pudelewicz, Talarska, & Bqczyk, 2018; also see the Development in Your Life feature.)

WELLNESS IN LATE ADULTHOOD: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN AGING AND ILLNESS Sickness is not inevi table in old age. Whether an older person is ill or well de pends less on age than on a variety of factors, including genetic predisposition, past and present environmental fac tors, and psychological factors.

Certain diseases, such as cancer and heart disease, have a clear genetic component, but a genetic predisposition does not automatically mean that a person will get a particular illness. People's lifestyles-smoking, diet, and exposure to cancer-causing agents such as sunlight or asbestos-may raise or lower their chances of coming down with such a disease.

Furthermore, economic well-being also plays a role.

Before her death at age 64, legendary basketball coach Pat Summitt lived with Alzheimer's disease for 5 years.

For instance, as it does at all stages of life, living in pov erty restricts access to medical care. Even relatively well off people may have difficulties finding affordable health care. For example, the average 65-year-old couple retir

ing in 2018 is estimated to need $280,000 to pay for medical costs through their retirement. Furthermore, older people spend almost 13 percent of their total ex penditures on health care, more than two times what younger individuals spend (Federal Interagency Forum on Aging-Related Statistics, 2010; Wild et al., 2014; O'Brien, 2018).

Finally, psychological factors play an important role in determining susceptibil ity to illness. For example, a sense of control over one's environment, such as making choices involving everyday matters, leads to a better psychological state and superior health outcomes (Levy, Slade, & Kasl, 2002; Taylor, 2014).

People can enhance their physical well-being-and longevity-simply by doing what people of all ages should do: Eat wisely, exercise, and avoid obvious threats to health, such as smoking. The goal of medical and social service professionals is now to extend people's active life spans, the amount of time they remain healthy and able to enjoy their lives (Sawatzky & Naimark, 2002; Gavin & Myers, 2003; Katz & Marshall, 2003; Malhotra et al., 2016).

Sometimes, older people have trouble following even these simple guidelines. For instance, estimates suggest that between 15 percent and 50 percent of elderly people do not have adequate nutrition, and several million experience hunger every day (Strohl, Bednar, & Longley, 2012; Giacalone et al., 2016).

The reasons are varied. Some elderly people have too little money to purchase adequate food, and some are too frail to shop or cook for themselves. Others feel little motivation to prepare and eat proper meals, particularly if they live alone or are depressed. For those with decreased taste and smell sensitivity, eating may no longer be enjoyable. And some older people may never have eaten well-balanced meals in previous periods of their lives (Vandenberghe-Descamps et al., 2017; Horning et al., 2018).

Obtaining sufficient exercise may also prove problematic for older people. Illness may interfere with exercise, and inclement weather may confine an older person to the house. Furthermore, problems can combine: A person who is poor with insufficient

Late Adulthood 407

Deve l o p m e n t i n You r Life

Caring for Peo ple with Alzheimer's Disease

Alzheimer's disease is one of the most difficult i l lnesses to deal with, but several steps can be taken to help both patient and caregiver deal with Alzhei mer's .

• Prevent driving. Although patients often want t o con tinue driving, their accident rate is h i g h - some 20 times higher than average.

• Make patients feel secure i n their home environments by keeping them occupied in everyday tasks of living as long as possible.

• Label everyday objects, furnish calendars and detai led but simple lists, and give oral reminders of t ime and place.

• Keep clothing simple: Provide clothes with few zi ppers and buttons, and lay them out in the order in which they should be put on.

• Put bathing on a schedule. People with Alzheimer's may be afraid of falling and of hot water, and may therefore avoid needed bathing.

funds to eat properly may have little energy to put into physical activity (Kelley et al., 2009; Logsdon et al., 2009; Pargman & Dobersek, 2018). SEXUALITY IN OLD AGE: USE IT OR LOSE IT Do your grandparents have sex?

Probably. Increasing evidence suggests that people are sexually active well into their 80s and 90s, despite societal stereotypes prevalent in the United States, suggesting that it is somehow improper for two 75-year-olds to have sexual intercourse, and even worse for a 75-year-old to masturbate. In many other cultures, elderly people are expected to re main sexually active, and in some societies, people are ex pected to become less inhibited as they age (Lindau et al., 2007; De Conto, 2017).

Two major factors determine whether an elderly per son will engage in sexual activity. One is good physical and

• Monitor telephone use. Patients with Alzheimer's who answer the phone may agree to offers from telephone salespeople and investment counselors.

• Provide opportunities for exercise, such as a daily walk. This prevents muscle deterioration and stiffness.

• Caregivers should remember to take time off and lead their own lives. Seek out support from community ser vic e organizations.

• Call or write to the Alzheimer 's Association, which can provide su pport and information. The Association can be reached at 225 N. Michigan Ave. FI. 1 7 , C hi cago, IL 60601 -7633; Te l. 1 -800-272-3900; http://www.alz.org.

Diet is an important factor in the relationship between aging and illness.

mental health. The other is previous regular sexual activity. "Use it or lose it" seems an accurate description of sexual functioning in older people. Sexual activity can and often does continue throughout the life span. Furthermore, there's some intriguing ev idence that having sex may have some unexpected side benefits: Some research shows that having sex regularly is associated with an increased life span (Huang et al., 2009; Hillman, 2012; McCarthy & Pierpaoli, 2015)!

Surveys show that almost half of men and a third of women older than age 70 mas turbate. The average frequency for those who masturbated was once a week. Around two-thirds of married men and women had sex with their spouses, again averaging around once a week. In addition, the percentage of people who view their sexual part ners as physically attractive actually increases with age (Araujo, Mohr, & McKinlay, 2004; Ravanipour, Gharibi, & Gharibi, 2013).

Of course, there are some changes in sexual functioning. Testosterone declines during adulthood by approximately 30 to 40 percent from the late 40s to the early 70s. It takes a longer time, and more stimulation, for men to get a full erection. The refrac tory period-the time following an orgasm before a man can become aroused again may last one or more days. To improve sexual functioning, many men take drugs such as Viagra or Cialis (Gok�e & Yaman, 2017).

408 Chapter 9

genetic programming theories of aging theories that suggest that our body's DNA genetic code contains a built in time limit for the reproduction of human cells

wear-and-tear theories of aging the theory that the mechanical func tions o f the body simply wear out with age

Women's vaginas become thin and inelastic, and they produce less natural lubri cation, making intercourse more difficult. It is important to realize that older adults like younger ones-are susceptible to sexually transmitted diseases. In fact, 10 percent of people diagnosed with AIDS are older than 50, and the rate of new cases of other sexually transmitted infections is among the highest for any age group. In some nurs ing homes, sexually transmitted diseases represent a major health issue (Seidman, 2003; National Institute of Aging, 2004; Ducharme, 2018).

Approaches to Aging: Why Is Death Inevitable?

LO 9.5 Discuss the different theories of aging, and summarize the research to increase life expectancy.

Hovering over late adulthood is the specter of death. At some point, no matter how healthy we have been throughout life, we know that we will experience physical de clines and that life will end. But why?

There are two major approaches to explaining why we undergo physical deterio ration and death: genetic programming theories and wear-and-tear theories.

Genetic programming theories of aging suggest that our body's DNA contains a built-in time limit for the reproduction of human cells. After a genetically determined period, the cells can no longer divide, and the individual begins to deteriorate (Rattan, Kristensen, & Clark, 2006).

The theory comes in several variants. One is that the genetic material contains a "death gene" programmed to tell the body to deteriorate and die. Researchers who take an evolutionary viewpoint suggest that a long life span after the reproductive years is unnecessary for the survival of the species. According to this view, genetic diseases that strike later in life continue to exist because they allow people time to have children, thus passing along genes that are "programmed" to cause diseases and death.

Another variant is that the cells can duplicate only a certain number of times. Throughout our lives, new cells are produced through cell duplication to repair and re plenish our various tissues and organs. According to this view, the genetic instructions for running the body can be read only a certain number of times before they become illegible and cells stop reproducing. Because the body is not being renewed at the same rate, bodily deterioration and death ensue (Thoms, Kuschal, & Emmert, 2007).

Evidence for the genetic programming theory comes from research showing that human cells permitted to divide in the lab oratory can do so successfully only around 50 times. Each time they divide, telomeres, which are tiny, protective areas of DNA at the tip of chromosomes, grow shorter. When a cell's telomere has just about disappeared, the cell stops replicating, making it susceptible to damage and producing signs of aging (Epel, 2009; Kolyada et al., 2016; Murdock et al., 2017).

In contrast, wear-and-tear theories of aging argue that the mechanical functions of the body simply wear out-the way cars and washing machines do. In addition, some wear-and-tear theo rists suggest that the body's constant manufacture of energy to fuel its activities creates by-products. These by-products, com bined with the toxins and threats of everyday life (such as radia tion, chemical exposure, accidents, and disease), eventually reach such high levels that they impair the body's normal functioning. The ultimate result is deterioration and death.

According to genetic programming theories of aging, our DNA genetic code contains a built-in limit on the length of life.

One specific category of by-products that has been related to aging includes free radicals, electrically charged molecules or atoms that are produced by the cells of the body. Because of their electrical charge, free radicals may cause negative effects on other cells of the body. A great deal of research suggests that oxygen free radicals may be implicated in a number of age-related prob lems, including cancer, heart disease, and diabetes (Sierra, 2006; Hayflick, 2007; Sonnen et al., 2009; Lustgarten, Muller, & Van Remmen, 2011).

Late Adulthood 409

RECONCILING THE THEORIES OF AGING Genetic program- Figure 9 _ 6 Living to Age 1 O O

ming theories and wear-and-tear theories make different sug gestions about the inevitability of death. Genetic programming theories suggest that there is a built-in time limit to life-it's pro grammed in the genes, after all. On the other hand, wear-and-tear theories, particularly those that focus on the toxins that are built up during the course of life, paint a somewhat more optimistic view. They suggest that if a means can be found to eliminate the toxins produced by the body and by exposure to the environment, aging might well be slowed. For example, certain genes seem to slow

If i ncreases in life expectancy conti nue, it may be a common occu rrence for people to live to be 1 00 by the end of thi s century. What implications does this have for society?

SOURCE: United Nations, Department of Econom ic and Social Affairs, "World Population Prospects, 2015,'' cited in Stepler, 2016.

PROJECTED - - -;

I aging and increase their ability to withstand age-related diseases (Ghazi, Henis-Korenblit, & Kenyon, 2009). We don't know which class of theories provides the more accurate account. Each is sup ported by some research, and each seems to explain certain aspects

3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --/- - '

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -,�- - - - - of aging. Ultimately, though, the mystery remains (Horiuchi, Finch, g & Mesle, 2003; Friedman & Janssen, 2010; Aldwin & Igarashi, 2015).

:;: 2

, ,

------!'--, " LIFE EXPECTANCY: HOW LONG HAVE I GOT? Although why

we die is not fully understood, we do know how to calculate our average life expectancy: Most of us can expect to live into old age. The life expectancy-the average age of death for members of a population-of a baby born in 2018, for instance, is 77 years for a

--------- -- - -- -------- -- - - ---------- - -- - ------- - - - -- - -- ------ --- -,------- -

male and 81 years for a female born in North America. Average life expectancy is on the rise. In 1776, average U.S. life

expectancy was 35. By the early 1900s, it had risen to 47. And in only 2000

four decades, from 1950 to 1990, it increased from 68 to older than 75. Predictions are that

2010

•' , _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ , __ _

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2020 2030 2040

life expectancy it will continue to rise steadily, possibly reaching into the 80s by 2050 (see Figure 9-6).

the average age of death for There are several reasons for this. Health and sanitation are generally better, with members of a population

many diseases, such as smallpox, wiped out entirely. There are now vaccines and pre- ventive measures for many diseases that used to kill young people, such as measles and mumps. Working conditions are better and products are safer. Many people are making healthful lifestyle choices such as keeping their weight down, eating fresh fruit and vegetables, and exercising-all of which can extend their active life spans, the years they spend in health and enjoyment of life.

Just how much can the life span be increased? The most common answer is around 120 years, the age reached by Jeanne Calment, the oldest person in the world until she died in 1997 at 122. Living longer would probably require major genetic alterations that are both technically and ethically improbable. Still, recent scientific and technological advances suggest that significantly extending the life span is not an impossibility.

POSTPONING AGING: CAN SCIENTISTS FIND THE FOUNTAIN OF YOUTH? Are researchers close to finding the scientific equivalent of the fountain of youth?

Not yet, but they're getting closer, at least in nonhuman species. For instance, researchers have extended the lives of nematodes (microscopic, transparent worms that typically live for just 9 days) to 50 days-the equivalent of extending human life to 420 years. Researchers have also doubled fruit flies' lives (Libert et al., 2007; Ocorr et al., 2007; Fedichev 2018).

The most promising avenues for increasing the length of life are these:

• Telomere therapy. Telomeres are the tiny areas at the tips of chromosomes that grow shorter each time a cell divides and eventually disappear, ending cell replication. Some scientists believe that if telomeres could be lengthened, aging could be slowed. Researchers are now looking for genes that control the production of telomerase, an enzyme that seems to regulate the length of telomeres. Furthermore, some researchers believe that one can lengthen telomeres, and hence lengthen life, by following good health practices (Chung et al., 2007; Reynolds, 2016; Blackbum & Epel, 2017).

• Drug therapy. Scientists have discovered that the drug rapamycin could extend life in mice by 14 percent by interfering with the activity of a protein mTOR. This finding suggests the drug may have an effect on expanding the life span and im proving memory. Another substance, GDF11, appears to restore muscles strength

2050

41 0 Chapter 9

and slow deterioration of neurons, at least in mice (Santos et al., 2011; Stipp, 2012; Katsimpardi et al., 2014; Zhang et al., 2014).

• Unlocking longevity genes. Certain genes control the body's ability to cope with environmental challenges and physical adversity. If harnessed, those genes may provide a way to increase the life span. One particularly promising family of genes are sirtuins, which may promote longer life (Sinclair & Guarente, 2006; Glatt et al., 2007; Fujitsuka et al., 2016).

• Reducing free radicals through antioxidant drugs. Free radicals-unstable molecules that drift through the body-damage other cells and lead to aging. Antioxidant drugs that can reduce the number of free radicals may eventually be perfected. Furthermore, it may be possible to insert in human cells genes that pro duce enzymes that act as antioxidants. In the meantime, nutritionists urge a diet rich in antioxidant vitamins, which are found in fruits and vegetables (Haleem et al., 2008; Kolling & Knopf, 2014; Pomatto & Davies, 2018).

• Restricting calories. For at least the past decade, researchers have known that laboratory rats who are fed an extremely low-calorie diet, providing 30 to 50 percent of their normal intake, often live 30 percent longer than better-fed rats, provided they get all the vitamins and minerals they need. The reason ap pears to be that they produce fewer free radicals. Researchers hope to develop drugs that mimic the effects of calorie restriction without forcing people to feel hungry all the time (Ingram, Young, & Mattison, 2007; Cuervo, 2008; Liang & Wang, 2018).

• The bionic solution: replacing worn-out organs. Heart transplants . . . liver transplants . . . lung transplants. We live in an age when replacing damaged or diseased organs seems nearly routine.

One major problem remains: Transplants often fail because the body rejects the foreign tissue. To overcome this problem, some researchers advocate growing replace ment organs from the person's own cloned cells, which will not be rejected. Even more radically, genetically engineered cells from nonhumans that do not evoke rejection could be cloned, harvested, and transplanted into humans. Finally, it may be possi ble to create artificial organs that can completely replace diseased or damaged ones (Kwant et al., 2007; Li & Zhu, 2007; Forni, Darmon, & Schetz, 2017).

Sci-fi ideas for extending human life are exciting, but society must work to solve a more immediate problem: the significant disparity in life expectancies between mem bers of different racial and ethnic groups. We discuss this important issue in the ac companying Cultural Dimensions feature.

From a health-care professional's perspective: Given what you've learned about explanations of life expectancy, how might you try to extend your own life?

C u lt u ral D i m e n s i o n s

Racial a n d Eth n i c Differences i n Life Expectancy

• The average white chi ld born i n the United States is l ikely to live 79.1 years. The average black child i s likely to live 3.5 years less.

• A child born in Japan has a life expectancy of more than 85 years; for a chi ld born in Afg hanistan, life ex pectancy is just over 52 years (World Factbook, 201 8).

There are several reasons for these tro u b l i n g d i screpanc ies. Consider, for example, the gender gap i n l ife expectancy, which is particularly pronounced. Across the i ndustrial ized world, women live longer than men by some 4 to 1 O years. This female advantage begins just after conception: Although s l ightly more males are conceived, males are more li kely to d i e during the prenatal period, infancy, and

c hi ldhood. Consequently, by the age of 30 there are roughly equal n u m bers of men and women. But by the age of 6 5 , 8 4 percent o f females a n d o n l y 70 percent of males are st i l l al ive. For those older than 85, the gender gap widens: For every male, 2.57 women are sti l l al ive (United Nations World Population Prospects, 2006; Central Intelligence Agency, 2 0 1 8).

There are several explanati ons for the gender gap. One i s that the naturally higher levels of the hormones estrogen and progesterone i n women provide some protection from diseases such as heart attac ks. It is also possible that women engage i n healthier behavior during their l ives, such as eating well. However, no conclusive evidence su pports any of these explanations fully (Emslie & Hu nt, 2008; Aichele, Rabbitt & Ghisletta, 201 6) .

Whatever its cause, t h e gender gap has continued to increase. During the early part of the 20th century, there was only a 2-year d ifference in favor of women, but in the 1 980s this gap grew to 7 years. The size of the gap now seems to have leve led off, largely because men are more likely than

Late Adulthood 4 1 1

edg in g up, African Americans have actually experienced slight declines in life expectancy in recent years.

Figure 9- 7 Life Expectancy of African Americans and Caucasians Male African Americans have a shorter life expectancy than male Caucasians, just as female African Americans have a shorter life expectancy than female Caucasians.

SOURCE: National Center for Health Statistics, 2016.

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, -- - -- - - -- -- ""' previously to engage in positive health behaviors (such as 60 -+-----------------------1 smoking less, eating better, and exercising more).

Racial and ethnic differences are more troubling because they underline socioeconomic disparities in the United States. Life expectancy is almost 1 0 percent greater for Caucasians than for African Americans (see Fig ure 9-7). Furthermore, in contrast to Caucasians, whose l ife expectancy keeps

Review, C h eck, and Apply Review

LO 9.1 Describe the myths and realities of aging. Older people are often subject to ageism-prejudice and discrimination against people based on their age. Not all cultures view aging negatively. Elderly people are revered in Asian and Native American societies.

LO 9.2 Summarize the physical changes that occur in old age.

Old age brings many physical transitions and internal changes. Outwardly, the hair may gray and thin. People may lose a few inches of height as the cartilage in the disks of the spine grows thinner. Internally, the respira tory and digestive systems grow less efficient. The brain shrinks and uses less oxygen, but the number of cells in the cortex may only drop minimally if at all. Reaction time slows with aging. Although their physical capabili ties are likely to have changed, many older people re main agile and fit.

LO 9.3 Explain how aging affects the senses. Old age brings declines in vision, hearing, taste, and smell. The declines in the senses can have major psychological consequences.

0 1 I 1980

I I I 1990 2000 2010

-- White female • • • • · Black female -- White male - - Black male

I 2014

LO 9.4 Summarize the health problems elderly people experience, and list the factors that influence the state of a person's health.

Most illnesses and diseases of late adulthood are not peculiar to old age; however, incidents of cancer and heart disease rise with age. People in late adulthood are also more prone to de velop arthritis, hypertension, major neurocognitive disorder, and Alzheimer's disease. The state of health in late adult hood is influenced by a variety of factors, including genetic predisposition, environmental factors, and psychological fac tors. Proper diet, exercise, and avoidance of health risks can lead to prolonged wellness during old age, and sexuality can continue throughout the life span in healthy adults.

LO 9.5 Discuss the different theories of aging, and summarize the research to increase life expectancy.

Whether death is caused by genetic programming or by general physical wear and tear is an unresolved question. Life expectancy, which has risen for centuries, varies with gender, race, and ethnicity. New approaches to increasing life expectancy include telomere therapy, reducing free radicals through antioxidant drugs, restricting caloric in take, and replacing worn-out organs.

41 2 Chapter 9

Check Yourself

1. aging involves universal and irrevers- ible changes that, as a result of genetic programming, occur as people get older.

a. Secondary c. Inactive b. Internal d. Primary

2. The most common cause of blindness in people older than 60 is ___ _

a. age-related macular degeneration b. cataracts c. interlocular lens deterioration d. glaucoma

Applying Lifespan Development

3. Alzheimer's disease, leads to the deaths of 100,000 people every year in the United States and affects nearly half of all people older than age 85.

a. a degenerative cell disorder b. a chronic hypertension condition c. a progressive brain disorder d. a neurocognitive immune condition

4. theories of aging suggest that our DNA con- tains a built-in time limit for reproduction of human cells.

a. Wear-and-tear c. Genetic programming b. Life expectancy d. Chemical exposure

In what ways is socioeconomic status related to wellness in old age and to life expectancy?

M o d u l e 9 . 2 Cognitive Development in Late Adulthood

Not in the Driver's Seat

Grace and Helen, both 80 years old, are idly complaining about the

minor annoyances of old age as they take their weekly drive to the

market. Helen, in the passenger seat, watches as Grace drives right

through a red light. Knowing her eyes aren't what they used to be,

Helen says nothing. But when the same thing happens again at the

next two intersections, Helen knows she can 't blame her eyesight

and speaks up.

"Grace, are you all right? You just drove through three straight

red lights. Didn 't you see them?"

"Good heavens!" Grace exclaims. "I thought you were driving."

The old joke at the start of this mod ule sums up the stereotypic view

of older people as befuddled and forgetful. Today the view is different.

Researchers have come to discount the view that the cognitive abilities

of older people inevitably decline. Overall intellectual ability and specific

cognitive skills, such as memory and problem solving, are more likely

to remain strong . In fact, with appropriate practice and environmental

stimuli , cognitive ski lls can actually improve .

Intelligence

This module discusses intellectual development du ri ng late

ad ulth ood . We look at the nature of intelligence in older people

and the various ways cognitive abi lities change. We also assess

how different types of memory fare during late adulthood , and we

consider ways to reverse intellectual declines in older people.

When C N N didn't renew Daniel Schorr's reporting contract i n 1 985, he was 69 and no one was surprised to see him retiring.

Except Daniel Schorr.

Instead of hanging up his typewriter, Schorr quickly found work at National Public Radio (NPR). Until 2 weeks before his death at the age of 93, he continued to deliver regular analysis and commentary on NPR's Weekend Edition, All Things Considered, and other news programs.

Daniel Schorr 's story of durable intellectual activity is unusual but not unique. A growing number of people who depend on their wits for a livelihood, or just to keep going, have reached ages that would have been considered unthinkable when

they started out-and have remained intellectually active. In the world of entertain ment alone, comedians Bob Hope and George Burns and composer Irving Berlin all lived to see their hundredth birthdays.

Cognitive Functioning in Older People

LO 9.6 Describe the challenges of determining the cause of age changes in intelligence.

The notion that older people become less cognitively adept initially arose from mis interpretations of research evidence comparing younger and older people's perfor mance on the same IQ test, using traditional cross-sectional experimental methods. For example, a group of 30-year-olds and 70-year-olds might have taken the same test and had their performance compared.

However, cross-sectional methods do not take into account cohort effects-influences attributable to growing up in a particular era. If the younger group-because of when they grew up-has more education, on average, they will probably do better on the test for that reason alone. Furthermore, older people might do worse on any intelligence test with a timed portion simply because of their slower reaction time.

Longitudinal studies, which follow the same individuals for many years, are not much better. As we discussed previously, repeated exposure to the same test may cause overfamiliarity, and participants may become unavailable over time, leaving a smaller and possibly more cognitively skilled group of subjects.

Recent Conclusions About the Nature of Intelligence in Late Adulthood

LO 9.7 Summarize the effects of aging on cognitive functioning, and identify the factors that may affect it.

More recent research has attempted to address these drawbacks. In an ambitious-and ongoing-study of intelligence in older people, developmental psychologist K. Warner Schaie uses sequential methods, which combine cross-sectional and longitudinal meth ods by examining several different age groups at a number of points in time.

In Schaie's massive study, carried out in Seattle, Washington, 500 randomly cho sen individuals took a battery of tests of cognitive ability. The people belonged to dif ferent age groups, starting at age 20 and extending at 5-year intervals to age 70. The participants were tested, and continue to be tested, every 7 years, and more people are recruited every year. At this point, more than 5,000 participants have been tested (Schaie, Willis & Pennack, 2005; Schaie & Willis, 2011).

The study, along with other research, supports several generalizations (Craik & Salthouse, 2008; Xue et al., 2018):

• Some abilities gradually decline starting at around age 25, whereas others stay relatively steady (see Figure 9-8). There is no uniform pattern of age-related intel lectual changes. For example, fluid intelligence (the ability to deal with new prob lems and situations) declines with age, and crystallized intelligence (the store of information, skills, and strategies that people have acquired) remains steady and in some cases improves (Schaie, 1993; Deary, 2014).

• On average, some cognitive declines are found in all abilities by age 67, but they are minimal until the 80s. Even at age 81, less than half of the people tested showed consistent declines over the previous 7 years.

• There are also significant individual differences. Some people begin to show de clines in their 30s, whereas others show no declines until their 70s. In fact, around a third of people in their 70s score higher than the average young adult.

• Environmental and cultural factors play a role. People with no chronic disease, higher socioeconomic status (SES), involvement in an intellectually stimulating environment, a flexible personality style, a bright spouse or partner, good percep tual processing speed, and satisfaction with their accomplishments in midlife or early old age showed less decline.

Late Adulthood 4 1 3

41 4 Chapter 9

Figure 9 - 8 Changes in Intel lectual Funct io n i ng Although some intellectual abil ities decline across adulthood, others stay relatively steady.

SOURCE: Changes in Intell ectual Functioning from Schaie, K. W. (1994). "The course of adult intel lectual development." p. 307. American Psychologist, 49, 304-313. Copyright © 1 994 by the American Psycholog ical Association .

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Perceptual Speed Verbal Memory Numeric Ability

The relationship between environmental factors and intellectual skills suggests that with stimulation, practice, and motivation, older people can maintain their mental abilities. Such plasticity illustrates that the changes that occur in intellectual abilities during late adulthood are not fixed. In mental life, as in so many other areas of human development, the motto "use it or lose it" fits. This suggests that there may be inter ventions to help older adults maintain their information processing skills.

However, not all developmentalists accept the "use it or lose it" hypothesis. Developmental psychologist Timothy Salthouse suggests that the rate of true, underlying cognitive decline in late adulthood is unaffected by mental exercise. Instead, he argues that some people-the kind who have consistently engaged in high levels of mental activity such as completing crossword puzzles-enter late adulthood with a "cognitive reserve." This allows them to continue to perform at relatively high mental levels, despite underlying declines. Still, most devel opmentalists accept the hypothesis that mental exercise is beneficial (Salthouse, 2012, 2017).

Memory and Learning 1 1 have no trouble remembering everything that happened 40 or 50 years ago-dates, places, faces, music. But I'm going to be 90 my next birthday, November 1 4, and I find I can 't remember what happened yesterday. (Time, 1 980, p. 57)

This is the way composer Aaron Copland described his memory in old age. Our confidence in the accuracy of Copland's analysis is strengthened by an error in his statement: On his next birthday, he would be only 80 years old!

Memory

LO 9.8 Explain how memory capability changes in late adulthood.

Is memory loss inevitable? Not necessarily. Cross-cultural research reveals that in so cieties that hold older people in relatively high esteem, such as in China, people are less likely to show memory losses. In such cultures, positive expectations may lead people to think more positively about their own capabilities (Levy & Langer, 1994; Hess, Auman, & Colcombe, 2003).

Even those memory declines that do occur are limited primarily to episodic memories, which relate to specific life experiences, such as when you first visited New York City. Other types of memory, such as semantic memories (general knowledge and facts, such

as the capital of North Dakota) and implicit memories (memories about which people are not consciously aware, such as how to ride a bike), are largely unaffected by age (Dixon & Cohen, 2003; Nilsson, 2003).

Late Adulthood 4 1 5

Memory capacity changes during old age. For instance, short-term memory slips gradually until age 70, when the decline be comes more pronounced. The largest drop is for information that is presented quickly and orally, such as when someone at a computer helpline rattles off a series of complicated steps for fixing a computer problem. In ad dition, older people find it harder to recall information about unfamiliar things, such as prose passages, names and faces of peo ple, and the directions on a medicine label, possibly because new information is not registered and processed effectively when initially encountered. Still, these changes are

Memory loss is not as common among Chinese elderly as it is in the West. What are some factors that contribute to cultural differences in memory loss of the elderly?

minor, and most elderly people automatically learn to compensate for them (Rentz et al., 2010; Carmichael et al., 2012; Klaming et al., 2017).

AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL MEMORY: RECALLING THE DAYS OF OUR LIVES When it comes to autobiographical memory, memories about one's own life, older people are as subject to lapses as younger individuals. For instance, recall frequently follows the Pollyanna principle, in which pleasant memories are more likely to be recalled than unpleasant memories. Similarly, people tend to forget information that is not congruent with the way they currently see themselves. Thus, a strict parent who forgets that she got drunk at her high school prom is making her memories "fit" her current conception of herself (Loftus, 2004; Skowronski, Walker, & Betz, 2003; Martinelli et al., 2013).

Everyone tends to recall particular periods of life better than others. As can be seen in Figure 9-9, 70-year-olds tend to recall autobiographical details from their 20s and 30s best, whereas 50-year-olds are likely to have more memories of their teenage years and their 20s. In both cases, recall is better for earlier years than for more recent decades, but not as complete as for recent events (Rubin, 2000).

People in late adulthood also use information that they recall in different ways from younger individuals when they make decisions. For example, they process in formation more slowly and may make poorer judgments when complex rules are in volved, and they focus more on emotional content than younger people. On the other hand, the accumulated knowledge and experience of people in late adulthood can compensate for their deficits, particularly if they are highly motivated to make good decisions (Peters et al., 2007).

EXPLAINING MEMORY CHANGES IN OLD AGE Explanations for memory changes in older people focus on three main categories: environmental factors, information processing deficits, and biological factors.

• Environmental factors. Certain environmental factors common to many older people may cause declines in memory. For example, older people often take prescription drugs that hinder memory, and this, rather than age per se, may ac count for their lower performance on memory tasks.

In addition, retirees, no longer facing job challenges, may use memory less. Further, their motivation to recall information may be lower than before, and they may be less motivated than younger people to do their best in experimental test ing situations.

• Information processing deficits. Memory declines may also be linked to changes in information processing capabilities. The ability to inhibit irrelevant in formation and thoughts that interfere with problem solving may decrease, and the

autobiographical memory memories about one's own life

Figure 9 - 9 Remem brances of Things Past Recall of autobiographical memories varies with age, with 70-year-olds recalling details from their 20s and 30s best, and 50-year-olds recall ing memories from their teenage years and 20s. People of both ages also recall more recent memories best of all.

SOURCE: Rubin, 1 986.

.... Fewer Number of Memories More ...

- Recollection at Age 70 I I I Recollection at Age 50

41 6 Chapter 9

Figure 9 - 1 0 Tec hnology Use a n d Age Older individuals i n the United States are far less li kely to use the Internet than those who are younger.

speed of information processing may decline (Palfai, Halperin, & Hoyer, 2003; Salthouse, Atkinson, & Berish, 2003; Ising et al., 2014; Fortenbaugh et al., 2015).

Another information processing view suggests that older adults lose the ability to concentrate on new material and have difficulty paying atten tion to appropriate stimuli and organizing material in memory. According to this information-processing-deficit approach, which has substantial research support, older people use less efficient processes to retrieve information from memory. This leads to declines in recall abilities (Castel & Craik, 2003; Luo & Craik, 2008, 2009; Huntley et al., 2017).

SOURCE: Anderson & Perrin, 2017.

• Biological factors. The last of the major approaches concentrates on biological factors. According to this view, memory changes are a result of brain and body deterioration. For instance, declines in episodic memory may be related to the deterioration of the frontal lobes of the brain or a reduction in estrogen. Some studies also show a loss of cells in the hippocampus, which is critical to memory. However, some memory deficits occur without any evi dence of underlying biological deterioration (Eberling et al., 2004; Lye et al., 2004; Bird & Burgess, 2008; Stevens et al., 2008; Sandrini et al., 2016).

Internet use

Home broadband connection Never Too Late to Learn

� Adults 65 and older • Total population LO 9.9 Identify the learning opportunities available to older adults, and describe their value to cognitive functioning.

Martha Tilden and Jim Hertz, both 71 , loved the Metropolitan Opera House tour, the talk by the famous tenor, the ballet, and the lectures they attended during the "Linco ln Center Festival" trip they are just finishing.

Martha and Jim are veterans of Road Scholar (formerly Elderhostel), which has updated itself by scrapping any suggestion of "eldemess" or cheap student housing. All the educational programs that Martha and J i m have taken have featured comfortable hotel or dorm rooms and m ixed-age events. Now Martha and Jim are discussing their next program, trying to de cide between a wildlife trip to Ontario and a "Building Bridges to Islam" program in Virginia.

Road Scholar is one of the largest educational programs for people in late adulthood, offering travel and learning classes worldwide. Represented on campuses across the world, Road Scholar is further evidence that intellectual growth and change continue

...,..---.-r:r--...-·��- ...,..--._,...., throughout people's lives. As we saw previously, exercising cognitive skills

An increasing number of people in late adulthood are using technology.

may help older adults maintain their intellectual functioning (Simson, Wilson, & Harlow-Rosentraub, 2006; Spiers, 2012).

In addition, many public colleges encourage senior citizens to enroll in classes by offering free tuition. Some retirement communities are even lo cated at or near college campuses (Powell, 2004).

Although some elderly people are doubtful about their intellectual ca pabilities and consequently hesitate to compete with younger students in regular classes, their concern is largely misplaced. Older adults often have no trouble maintaining their standing in rigorous college classes. Furthermore, professors and other students generally find the presence of older people, with their varied and substantial life experiences, a real educational benefit (Simson, Wilson, & Harlow-Rosentraub, 2006; Hannon, 2015).

One of the biggest generational divides involves the use of technology. People 65 and older are less likely to use technology than younger individu als, although the gap is not as large as it once was. Around 40 percent of older adults use smartphones, up from 18 percent in 2013 (see Figure 9-10).

Still, many older adults are not participating in the digital revolution. A third of adults above the age of 65 never use the Internet, and about half don't have home broadband. Moreover, the proportion of those who own smartphones is 42 percentage points lower than younger Americans (Anderson & Perrin, 2017).

Why are older people less likely to use technology? One reason is that they are less interested and motivated, in part because they are less likely to be working and therefore less in need of learning new technology skills.

Late Adulthood 4 1 7

But another barrier is cognitive. For example, because fluid intelligence (the ability to deal with new problems and situations) shows some declines with age, this may im pact the ability to learn technology (Chamess & Boot, 2009; Erickson & Johnson, 2011).

This hardly means that people in late adulthood are unable to learn to use technology. In fact, an increasing number of individuals are using e-mail and social networking sites such as Facebook. It is likely that the lag in the adoption of technology between younger and older adults will continue to decline as technology use becomes even more widespread in the general society (Costa & Veloso, 2016; also see the From Research to Practice box.).

Fro m Research to Practi c e

C a n We Tra i n the Brain? I nterve ntions to I m prove Cog n itive Functio n i n g

Can w e improve cognitive functioning through trai ning? Well designed research suggests that the answer is yes, although many questions remain to be answered.

In a 1 0-year groundbreaking, federally sponsored study of nearly 3,000 adults, called the Advance Cognitive Training for Independent and Vital E lderly (ACTIVE), researchers looked at nearly 3,000 partici pants with a mean age of 74 at the start of the study. Partici pants received 1 0 cognitive trai ning sessions lasting about an hour each, with each successive session becoming increasing ly challenging. Three groups of partici pants received memory trai ning (such as mnemonic strategies for memorizi ng word lists), reasoning trai ning (such as finding the pattern in a series of numbers), or processing speed training (such as identifying objects that flashed briefly on a computer screen). Some participants also received "booster" training 1 year later and again 3 years later, each time consisting of four more sessions (Willis et al., 2006).

Remarkably, cognitive benefits were evident 5 years after the original trai ning sessions. Compared to a control group that received no trai ni ng, participants who received reasoning training performed 40 percent better on reasoning tasks at the 5-year mark, those who received memory training performed 75 percent better on memory tasks, and those who received speed training performed a staggering 300 percent better on speed tasks (Ved antam, 2006; Willis et al., 2006).

Even more surprising, some of the improvements were evident 1 0 years after the initial treatment. The improvements persisted for those who received the reasoni ng and processing speed training. Furthermore, participants who received training reported that it was easier for them to manage their daily activities, such as handling their finances and medications,

Rev i ew, C h eck, and Apply Review

LO 9.6 Describe the challenges of determining the cause of age changes in intelligence.

Because of cohort effects and other challenges, it is difficult to draw conclusions about the reasons for age changes in intelligence using cross-sectional and longitudinal studies.

although standardized tests did not show a difference among groups (Rebok et al., 2013; Rebok et al., 2014; Parisi et al., 201 7).

Overall, the findings are quite promising. Yet some caveats are in order. First, the results are from a single study, and much more research needs to be conducted. Second, the findings do not suggest that the use of commercially available apps that purport to im prove memory and cognitive functioning, such as those sold by Lumosity or Clockwork Brain, are effective. In fact, the U.S. Federal Trade Commission rebuked Lumosity and ordered that rebates be sent to customers who were d u ped by exaggerated advertising claims. There is yet to be definitive evidence that apps actually produce greater cognitive ability in older adults-or younger ones, for that matter (Robbins, 201 6; Katz & Marshall, 201 8).

It i s also i mportant to note that not all developmentalists believe the "use it or lose it" hypothesis. For example, developmental psychologist Timothy Salthouse suggests that the rate of true, underlying cognitive decli ne i n late adulthood is unaffected by mental exercise. Instead, he argues that some people-the kind who have consistently engaged throughout their lives in high levels of mental activity, such as completing crossword puzzles-enter late adulthood with a "cognitive reserve." This cognitive reserve allows them to continue to perform at relatively high mental levels, even though underlying decl ines are actually happening. His hypothesis is controversial, though, and most developmentalists accept the hypothesis that mental exercise is beneficial (Salthouse, 201 2 , 201 7).

Sh ared Writ i n g Prompt: What advice would you give people in late adulthood about the steps they should take to avoid loss of cognitive skills?

LO 9.7 Summarize the effects of aging on cognitive functioning, and identify the factors that may affect it.

Although some intellectual abilities gradually decline throughout adulthood, starting at around age 25, others

41 8 Chapter 9

stay relatively steady. For example, research shows that although fluid intelligence declines with age, crystallized intelligence remains steady, and may even improve, in late adulthood. There is no uniform pattern of age-related in tellectual changes. Environmental and cultural factors may affect cognitive functioning.

LO 9.8 Explain how memory capability changes in late adulthood.

Declines in memory affect mainly episodic memories and short-term memory. Explanations of memory changes in

Check Yourself

1. One problem with conducting cross-sectional research on aging and cognition is that this method does not take into consideration the influences attributable to growing up in a particular era.

a. genetic effects b. environmental effects c. cohort effects d. religious effects

2. The relationship between environmental factors and intellectual skills suggests that with older people can maintain their mental abilities.

a. stimulation, practice, and motivation b. exercise, a kind spouse, and a flexible personality

style c. autobiographical memory, motivation, and pre

scription drugs d. increased estrogen, exercise, and a cohort group

Applying Lifespan Development

old age have focused on environmental factors, informa tion processing declines, and biological factors.

LO 9.9 Identify the learning opportunities available to older adults, and describe their value to cogni tive functioning.

Educational programs like Road Scholar offer learning op portunities for older adults. Many public colleges also en courage senior citizens to enroll in classes. Exercising cogni tive skills may help people keep their intellectual functioning sharp in late adulthood.

3. When it comes to autobiographical memories, older individuals, like younger individuals, follow the ____ _, in that they are more likely to remember pleasant memories.

a. saliency principle b. semantic l effect c. Pollyanna principle d. positive effect

4. It is likely that the gap in technology skills between younger and older adults will decrease as ___ _

a. young adults get jobs, have families, and are too busy for social media

b. technology use continues to expand in the general society

c. technology creates simpler machines and special apps for the elderly

d. older adults are treated with more respect online

How might cultural factors, such as the esteem in which a society holds its older members, work to affect an older person's memory performance?

M o d u l e 9 . 3 Social and Personality Development in Late Adulthood

Pottering About in the Sun

Simone Thomas, 81, sets up her easel and watercolors in the garden

of her California home. "I've been illustrating children 's books for

50 years," she says. Simone had once hoped to become a famous

painter and after art school moved to Italy to pursue her dream. "/

didn 't become the next Michelangelo," she says, laughing, "but my

life worked out just fine. I met my husband, Gabriel, over there, so

how could things have gone better?"

Gabriel died 5 years ago. "It was really hard to get through that

first year," Simone admits. "/ went to Italy and remembered it all, our

meeting and falling in love, and I cried a lot. But then I came home

and started illustrating two new books. It's a lifeline, my work, and

though I only take on about half as many jobs as I used to, it pays the

rent, and I get to spend time doing what I love. That's mainly playing

the piano rather badly and walking the beach with my grandkids

when they visit."

The newest thing in Simone's life? "My brother Dev lost his wife to

cancer last year, so I've asked him to move in with me. We 've always

been close, and he's good about pulling his own weight with cooking

and such. We'll be a happy pa ir of geriatrics, pottering about in the sun."

The desi re to be productive and useful is not exclusive to any age

group. For people i n late adulthood such as Simone , talents honed

over a lifet ime and connections to family offer rich opportu n ities to

stay active and con nected with others.

In th is modu le , we turn to the social and emotional aspects of late adulthood, which re mai n as central as in previous stages of

the life span. We begin by considering how personality continues

to develop, and we exami ne various ways people can age

successfully. We also look at how culture governs the way we treat

older people.

We then consider how various societal factors affect older

adults. We discuss living arrangements and economic and financial

issues. Next, we exam ine the influence of work and retirement on

elderly i ndividuals.

Finally, we consider relationsh ips in late adulthood amon g

married couples, relatives, and friends. We will see how social

networks play an important - and sustai ning - role i n people's lives.

We end with a discussion of elder abuse.

Personality Development and Successful Aging At age 82, Ella O' Leary still plays pickleball at her retirement community. And she often celebrates picklebal l victories-and losses, as well-by drinking a celeb ratory Bloody Mary with her friends.

If you asked, she'd tell you she's enjoying life as much as she did in her 20s. She says that she l oves to socialize with her friends, add ing, "at least the ones that are still alive!"

In many ways, Ella, with her wit, high spirits, and substantial activity level, is the same person she was in earlier years. Yet for other older adults, time and circumstances bring changes in their outlook on life, their views of themselves, and perhaps even their basic personalities. In fact, one of the fundamental questions asked by lifespan developmentalists concerns the degree to which personality remains stable or changes in later adulthood.

Continuity and Change in Personality During Late Adulthood

LO 9. 1 0 Identify and describe the various theories of personality development in late adulthood.

Is personality relatively stable throughout adulthood, or does it vary significantly? The answer depends on which facets of personality we consider. According to developmental psychologists Paul Costa and Robert McCrae, whose work we discussed previously, the "Big Five" basic personality traits (neuroticism, extraversion, openness, agreeableness, and conscientiousness) are remarkably stable across adulthood. For instance, even-tempered people at 20 are still even-tempered at 75, and people who hold positive self-concepts early in adulthood still view themselves positively in late adulthood (Terracciano, McCrae, & Costa, 2010; Curtis, Windsor, & Soubelet, 2015; Kahlbaugh & Huffman, 2017).

Despite this continuity, change is still possible. Profound changes in people's so cial environments may produce personality changes. What is important to a person at 80 is not necessarily the same as what was important at 40.

To account for these changes, some theorists have focused on the discontinuities of development. As we'll see next, Erik Erikson, Robert Peck, Daniel Levinson, and Bernice Neugarten have examined personality changes that accompany new chal lenges in later adulthood.

EGO INTEGRITY VERSUS DESPAIR: ERIKSON'S FINAL STAGE Psychoanalyst Erik Erikson characterizes late adulthood as the time when people move into the last of life's eight stages of psychosocial development. Labeled the ego-integrity-versus despair stage, this period is characterized by a process of looking back over one's life, evaluating it, and coming to terms with it.

People who are successful in this stage of development experience satisfaction and accomplishment, which Erikson terms "integrity. " When people achieve integrity,

Late Adulthood 4 1 9

ego-integrity-versus-despair stage Erikson's final stage of life, character ized by a process of looking back over one's life, evaluating it, and coming to terms with it

420 Chapter 9

redefinition of self versus preoccupation with work role the theory that those in old age must redefine themselves in ways that do not relate to their work roles or occupations

body transcendence versus body preoccupation a period in which people must learn to cope with and move beyond changes in physical capabilities as a result of aging

ego transcendence versus ego preoccupation the period in which elderly people must come to grips with their coming death

they feel they have fulfilled the possibilities that have come their way in life, and they have few regrets. Other people look back on their lives with dissatisfaction. They may feel that they have missed important opportunities and have not accomplished what they wished. Such individuals may be unhappy, depressed, angry, or despondent over what they have done, or failed to do, with their lives-in short, they despair.

PECK'S DEVELOPMENTAL TASKS Although Erikson's approach provides a picture of the broad possibilities of later adulthood, other theorists offer a more differentiated view of the final stage of life. Psychologist Robert Peck (1968) suggests that personality develop ment in elderly people is occupied by three major developmental tasks or challenges.

In Peck's view-part of a comprehensive description of change across adulthood the first task in old age is to redefine oneself in ways that do not relate to work roles or occupations. He labels this stage redefinition of self versus preoccupation with work role. As we will see, the changes that occur when people stop working can trigger a dif ficult adjustment in the way people view themselves. Peck suggests that people must adjust their values to place less emphasis on themselves as workers or professionals and more on attributes that don't involve work, such as being a grandparent or a gardener.

The second major developmental task in late adulthood, according to Peck, is body transcendence versus body preoccupation. Elderly individuals can un dergo significant changes in their physical abilities as a result of aging. In the body transcendence-versus-body-preoccupation stage, people must learn to cope with and move beyond those physical changes (transcendence). If they don't, they become pre occupied with their physical deterioration, to the detriment of their personality devel opment. Greta Roach, who gave up bowling only in her 90s, is an example of coping well with the physical changes of aging.

The third developmental task in old age is ego transcendence versus ego preoc cupation, in which elderly people must come to grips with their coming death. They need to understand that although death is inevitable, and probably not too far off, they have made contributions to society. If they see these contributions, which can take the form of children or work and civic activities, as lasting beyond their own lives, they will experience ego transcendence. If not, they may become preoccupied with asking whether their lives had value and worth to society.

LEVINSON'S FINAL SEASON: THE WINTER OF LIFE Daniel Levinson's theory of adult development does not focus as much on the challenges that aging adults must overcome. Instead, he looks at the processes that can lead to personality change as we grow old. According to Levinson, people enter late adulthood by passing through a transition stage that typically occurs around ages 60 to 65 (Levinson, 1986, 1992). During this stage, people come to view themselves as entering late adulthood-or, ultimately, as being "old." Knowing full well society's negative stereotypes about el derly individuals, they struggle with the notion that they are now in this category.

According to Levinson, people come to realize that they are no longer on the cen ter stage, but are playing bit parts. This loss of power, respect, and authority may be difficult for individuals accustomed to having control in their lives.

On the other hand, people in late adulthood can serve as resources to younger in dividuals, and they may find that they are viewed as "venerated elders" whose advice is sought and relied upon. Furthermore, old age can bring a new freedom to do things simply for enjoyment and pleasure, rather than as obligations.

COPING WITH AGING: NEUGARTEN'S STUDY Bernice Neugarten (Neugarten 1972, 1977)-in what became a classic study-examined the different ways that people cope with aging. Neugarten found four different personality types in her research on people in their 70s:

• Disintegrated and disorganized personalities. Some people are unable to ac cept aging and experience despair as they get older. These people are often found in nursing homes or hospitals.

• Passive-dependent personalities. Others become fearful-of falling ill, of the future, of their own inability to cope. They are so fearful that they may seek help from family and care providers, even when they don't need it.

Older adults may become "venerated elders," whose advice is sought and relied upon.

• Defended personalities. Others respond to the fear of aging quite differently by trying to stop it in its tracks. They may attempt to act young, exercising vigor ously and engaging in youthful activities. Unfortunately, they may set unrealistic expectations and run the risk of disappointment as a result.

• Integrated personalities. The most successful individuals cope comfortably with aging. They accept it with a sense of sell-dignity.

Neugarten found that the majority of the people she studied fell into the final category. They acknowledged aging and could look back at their lives and gaze into the future with acceptance.

LIFE REVIEW AND REMINISCENCE: THE COMMON THEME OF PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT Life review, in which people examine and evaluate their lives, is a major thread running through the work of Erikson, Peck, Neugarten, and Levinson, and a common theme among personality theorists who focus on late adulthood.

According to gerontologist Robert Butler (2002), life review is triggered by the increasingly obvious prospect of death. People look back on their lives, remembering and reconsidering what has happened to them. Far from being a harmful process of re living the past, wallowing in past problems, and reviving old wounds, life review usu ally leads to a better understanding of the past. People may resolve lingering problems and conflicts with others, such as an estrangement from a child, and they may feel they can face their current lives with greater serenity (Latorre et al., 2015; Bergstrom, 2017; Bademli et al., 2018).

Life review offers other benefits, including a sense of mutuality, a feeling of inter connectedness with others. Moreover, it can be a source of social interaction, as older adults share their experiences with others (Parks, Sanna, & Posey, 2003).

Reminiscence may even have cognitive benefits, improving memory. By reflecting on the past, people activate a variety of memories, which may trigger other memories and bring back sights, sounds, and even smells of the past (Brinker, 2013; Maruszewski et al., 2017).

On the other hand, life review can sometimes produce declines in psychological functioning. If people become obsessive about the past, reliving old insults and mistakes that cannot be rectified, they may end up feeling guilt, depression, and anger against acquaintances who may not even still be alive (Cappeliez, Guindon, & Robitaille, 2008).

Late Adulthood 421

life review the point in life in which people examine and evaluate their lives

422 Chapter 9

age stratification theories the view that an unequal distribution of economic resources, power, and privilege exists among people at dif ferent stages of life

Overall, though, the process of life review and reminiscence can play an important role by providing continuity between past and present, and increasing awareness of the contemporary world. It can also provide new insights into the past and into others, allowing people to continue personality growth and to function more effectively in the present (Coleman, 2005; Haber, 2006; Alwin, 2012).

Age Stratification Approaches to Late Adulthood

LO 9.1 1 Explain how age relates to the distribution of resources, power, and privilege.

Age, like race and gender, provides a way of ranking people within a society. Age stratification theories suggest that economic resources, power, and privilege are dis tributed unequally among people at different stages of life. Such inequality is particu larly pronounced during late adulthood.

Even as medical advances have lengthened the life span, power and prestige for the elderly have eroded, at least in highly industrialized societies. The peak earning years are the 50s; later, earnings tend to decline. Further, younger people are often physically removed from their elders, and their increased independence may make older adults feel less important. In addition, rapidly changing technology makes older adults seem out of date and lacking in important skills. Ultimately, they are seen as not particularly productive members of society and, in some cases, simply irrelevant. According to Levinson's theory, older people are keenly aware of their decline in sta tus, and adjusting to it is the major transition of late adulthood (Macionis, 2001).

Age stratification theories help explain why aging is viewed more positively in less industrialized societies. In predominantly agricultural societies, older people ac cumulate control over important resources such as animals and land. In such societies, the concept of retirement is unknown. Older individuals (especially males) are highly respected because they continue to be involved in daily activities central to the soci ety. Furthermore, because the pace of change in agricultural societies is slower than in more technological societies, people in late adulthood have considerable relevant wisdom. Nor is respect for elders limited to agricultural countries; it is a characteristic of a variety of cultures, as discussed in the Cultural Dimensions box.

C u lt u ra l Di m e n s i o n s

H o w C u lture Shapes the Way We Treat People i n Late Adulthood

Views of late adulthood are colored by cu lture. For example, compared to Western cultures, Asian societies generally hold elderly people, particularly family members, in higher esteem. Although this is changing in rapidly i nd ustrializing areas of Asia, the view of aging and the treatment of peop le i n late adulthood still tend to be more positive than in Western cultures (Degnen, 2007; Smith & Hung, 2012; Gao & Bischoping, 201 8).

What i s it about Asian cultures that leads to esteem for old age? I n general, cultures that value the elderly are relatively homogeneous in socioeconomic terms. In addition, the roles that people play in those societies entail greater responsibility with increasing age, and elderly people control resources to a relatively large extent.

Moreover, the roles of people in Asian societies display more continuity throughout the life span than in Western cultures, and older adults continue to engage in activities that are valued by society. Finally, Asian cu ltures are more organized around extended families in which the older generations are well integrated into the family structure (Fry, 1 985; Sangree, 1 989). In such an arrangement, younger fam ily members tend to rely on older members to share their considerable accumulated wisdom.

What aspects of Asian cultures lead them to hold higher levels of esteem for old age?

Yet even societies that articu late strong ideals regard ing older adults do not always live up to those standards. For instance, research in China, where admiration, respect, and even worship for ind ividuals i n late adulthood is strong, shows that people 's actual behavior, in almost every segment of the

Late Adulthood 423

society except for the most elite, fails to be as positive as their attitudes are. Furthermore, sons and their wives - but not daughters-are typically expected to care for elderly parents; parents with only daughters may find themselves with no one to care for them. In short, conduct toward elderly people i n particular cultures i s not uniform, and it i s important not to make broad, global statements about how older adults are

treated in a given society (Browne, 201 O; Li, J i , & Chen, 2 0 1 4 ; Vauclair e t a l . , 201 7) .

Asian cultures are not alone in esteeming t h e elderly. In many Latino cultures, the elderly are thought to have a special inner strength, and in many African cultures, reaching an old age is seen as a sign of divine intervention (Holmes & Holmes, 1 995; Lehr, Seiler, & Thomae, 2000; Li:ickenhoff et al., 2009; Hess et al., 2017).

Does Age Bring Wisdom?

LO 9. 1 2 Define wisdom, and describe how it is associated with age.

One of the benefits of age is supposed to be wisdom. But do people gain wisdom as they become older?

In fact, we don't know for sure, because the concept of wisdom-expert knowledge in the practical aspects of life-is only recently receiving attention from gerontologists and other researchers. This is partly because of the difficulty of defining and measuring the concept (Helmuth, 2003; Brugman, 2006). Wisdom can be seen as reflecting an ac cumulation of knowledge, experience, and contemplation, and by this definition, aging contributes to wisdom (Kunzmann & Baltes, 2005; Staudinger, 2008; Randall, 2012).

Distinguishing wisdom from intelligence is tricky. Some researchers have made suggestions: Whereas knowledge derived from intelligence is related to the here and now, wisdom is more timeless. While intelligence permits a person to think logically and systematically, wisdom provides an understanding of human behavior. According to psychologist Robert Sternberg, intelligence permits humans to invent the atom bomb, whereas wisdom prevents them from using it (Karelitz, Jarvin, & Sternberg, 2010; Wink & Staudinger, 2016).

Measuring wisdom is difficult. Paul Baltes and Ursula Staudinger (2000) designed a study showing that it is possible to assess people reliably on the concept. Pairs of people ranging in age from 20 to 70 discussed difficulties relating to life events. One problem involved someone who gets a phone call from a friend who is planning to commit suicide. Another involved a 14-year-old girl who wanted to move out of her family home immediately. Participants were asked what they should do and consider.

Although there were no absolute right or wrong answers, the responses were eval uated against several criteria, including how much factual knowledge they brought to bear; their knowledge of decision-making strategies; how well the participants consid ered the context of the central character's life span and values; and their recognition that there might not be a single, absolute solution. Using these criteria, the older par ticipants' responses were wiser than those of younger participants.

The study also found that the older participants benefited more from an experi mental condition designed to promote wise thinking, and other research suggests that the very wisest individuals may be older adults.

Other research has looked at wisdom in terms of the development of theory of mind-the ability to make inferences about others' thoughts, feelings, and intentions, their mental states. Although the research findings are mixed, some research finds that older adults, with their added years of experience to draw upon, use a more sophisti cated theory of mind (Karelitz, Jarvin, & Sternberg, 2010; Rakoczy, Harder-Kasten, & Sturm, 2012; Booker & Dunsmore, 2016).

Successful Aging: What Is the Secret?

LO 9. 1 3 Differentiate the theories o f aging, and explain how culture shapes the way older people are treated.

At age 77, Elinor Reynolds spends most of her time at home, leading a quiet, routine ex istence. Never married, Elinor receives visits from her two sisters every few weeks, and some of her nieces and nephews stop by on occasion. But for the most part, she keeps to herself. When asked, she says she is quite happy.

wisdom expert knowledge in the practical aspects of life

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disengagement theory The theory that late adulthood marks a gradual withdrawal from the world on physical, psychological, and social levels

activity theory the theory suggesting that successful aging occurs when people maintain the interests, activities, and social interactions with which they were involved during middle age

In contrast, Carrie Masterson, also 77, is involved in something different almost every day. If she is not visiting the senior center and participating in some activity, she is out shop ping. Her daughter complains that Carrie is "never home" when she tries to reach her by phone, and Carrie replies that she has never been busier-or happier.

Clearly, there is no single way to age successfully. How people age depends on per sonality factors and people's circumstances. Some people become progressively less involved with day-to-day activities, whereas others maintain active ties to people and their personal interests. Three major approaches provide explanations: disengagement theory, activity theory, and continuity theory.

DISENGAGEMENT THEORY: GRADUAL RETREAT According to disengagement theory, late adulthood often involves a gradual withdrawal from the world on physical, psychological, and social levels (Cummings & Henry, 1961). On a physical level, elderly people have lower energy levels and slow down progressively. Psychologically, they begin to withdraw, showing less interest in the world around them and spending more time looking inward. Finally, on a social level, they engage in fewer interactions-both day-to-day, face-to-face encounters and participation in society as a whole. Older adults also become less involved and invested in the lives of others (Cashdollar et al., 2013).

Disengagement theory suggests that withdrawal is a mutual process. Because of norms and expectations about aging, society begins to disengage from those in late adulthood. For example, mandatory retirement ages compel elderly people to with draw from work, which accelerates disengagement.

Although there is logic to disengagement theory, research support is limited. Furthermore, the theory has been criticized because it takes the failure of society to provide sufficient opportunities for meaningful engagement during late adulthood and then, in a sense, blames people in this age group for not being engaged.

Of course, some degree of disengagement is not necessarily all negative. For example, a gradual withdrawal in late adulthood may permit people to become more reflective about their own lives and less constrained by social roles. In addi tion, people can become more discerning in their social relationships, focusing on those who best meet their needs (Settersten, 2002; Wrosch, Bauer, & Scheier, 2005; Liang & Luo, 2012).

Today, most gerontologists reject disengagement theory, pointing out that dis engagement is relatively uncommon. In most cases, people remain engaged, active, and busy throughout old age, and (especially in non-Western cultures) the expecta tion is that people will remain actively involved in everyday life. Clearly, disengage ment is not an automatic, universal process (Bergstrom & Holmes, 2000; Crosnoe & Elder, 2002).

ACTIVITY THEORY: CONTINUED INVOLVEMENT The lack of support for disen gagement theory led to an alternative. Activity theory suggests that successful aging occurs when people maintain the interests and activities of middle age and the amount and type of their social interactions. According to this perspective, happiness and satisfaction with life spring from involvement with the world (Hutchinson & Wexler, 2007; Rebok et al., 2014).

Activity theory suggests that continuation of activities is important. Even when continuation is no longer possible-such as continuing work after retirement-activity theory argues that successful aging occurs when replacement activities are found.

But activity theory, like disengagement theory, is not the full story. For one thing, activity theory makes little distinction among activities. Not every activity will have an equal impact on a person's satisfaction with life; in fact, the nature and quality of the activities are likely to be more critical than mere quantity or frequency (Adams, 2004).

A more significant concern is that for some people in late adulthood, the prin ciple of "less is more" clearly holds: less activity brings greater enjoyment because they can slow down and do only the things that bring them the greatest satisfaction. In fact, some people view the ability to moderate their pace as one of the bounties of late adulthood. For them, a relatively inactive, and perhaps even solitary, existence is welcome (Kosma & Cardinal, 2016).

From a social worker's perspective: How might cultural factors affect an older person's likelihood of pursuing either the disengagement theory or the activity theory?

CONTINUITY THEORY: A COMPROMISE POSITION Neither disengagement the ory nor activity theory provides a complete picture of successful aging. Consequently, a compromise view has emerged called continuity theory. Continuity theory suggests that people simply need to maintain their desired level of involvement in society to maximize their sense of well-being and self-esteem (Atchley, 2003; Ouwehand, de Ridder, & Bensing, 2007; Carmel, 2017).

According to continuity theory, those who were highly active and social will be happiest if they largely remain so. Those who enjoy solitude and solitary interests, such as reading or taking walks in the woods, will be happiest pursuing that level of sociability (Holahan & Chapman, 2002; Wang et al., 2014).

It is also clear that most older adults experience positive emotions as frequently as younger individuals. Furthermore, they become more skilled at regulating their emotions.

Other factors enhance happiness during late adulthood. The importance of physi cal and mental health cannot be overestimated, and having enough financial security to provide for basic needs is critical. In addition, a sense of autonomy, independence, and personal control over one's life is a significant advantage (Charles & Carstensen, 2010; Vacha-Haase, Hill, & Bermingham, 2012; Sutipan, Intarakarnhang & Macaskill, 2017).

More specifically, developmental psychologist Laura Carstensen has suggested in her socioemotional selectivity theory that as the time horizon of older adults decreases, they become increasingly selective in the goals and activities in which they invest. Furthermore, as they become older and their time horizons are constrained, people in late adulthood become invested in present-oriented goals that provide emotional sat isfaction and meaning, compared with longer-term goals (Charles & Carstensen, 2010, English & Carstensen, 2014; Carstensen, 2018).

Furthermore, socioemotional selectivity theory suggests that as they age, people develop a preference for seeking out positive information, compared with negative information. They are more likely to involve themselves with familiar individuals who provide positive experiences and who are more likely to fulfil their emotional needs. In short, they become more selective in their emotional engagements with others (Reed & Carstensen, 2012; English & Carstensen, 2014).

Finally, as we discussed previously, people's perceptions can influence their hap piness and satisfaction. Those who view late adulthood favorably are apt to perceive themselves more positively than those who view old age in a more pessimistic way (Levy, Slade, & Kasl, 2002; Levy, 2003).

Ultimately, surveys find that as a group, people in late adulthood report being happier than younger people. And it's not that those older than 65 have always been happier. Instead, being older seems to bring a degree of contentment in the majority of people (Yang, 2008).

SELECTIVE OPTIMIZATION WITH COMPENSATION: A GENERAL MODEL OF SUCCESSFUL AGING In considering the factors that lead to successful aging, de velopmental psychologists Paul Baltes and Margret Baltes focus on the "selective optimization with compensation" model. As we noted previously, the assumption underlying the model is that late adulthood brings with it changes and losses in un derlying capabilities, which vary from one person to another. However, it is possible to overcome such shifts in capabilities through selective optimization.

Selective optimization is the process by which people concentrate on particular skill areas to compensate for losses in other areas. They do this to fortify their gen eral motivational, cognitive, and physical resources. A person who has run marathons all her life may have to cut back or give up other activities entirely to increase her training. By giving up other activities, she may be able to maintain her running skills through concentration on them (Burnett-Wolle & Godbey, 2007; Scheibner & Leathern, 2012; Hahn & Lachman, 2015).

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continuity theory the theory suggesting that people need to maintain their desired level of involvement in society to maxi mize their sense of well-being and self-esteem

selective optimization the process by which people concentrate on selected skill areas to compensate for losses in other areas

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continuing-care community a community that offers an environ ment in which all the residents are o f retirement age o r older

Similarly, elderly individuals engage in compensation for age-related losses. For instance, a person may compensate for a hearing loss by using a hearing aid. Piano vir tuoso Arthur Rubinstein provides another example of selective optimization with com pensation. In his later years, he maintained his concert career by reducing the number of pieces he played at concerts-an example of being selective-and by practicing those pieces more often-optimization. Finally, in an example of compensation, he slowed down the tempo of musical passages immediately preceding faster passages, thereby fostering the illusion that he was playing as fast as ever (Baltes & Baltes, 1990).

In short, the model of selective optimization with compensation illustrates the fundamentals of successful aging. Although late adulthood may bring changes in ca pabilities, people who focus on making the most of particular areas may be able to compensate for limitations and losses. The outcome is a life that is reduced in some areas, but transformed and modified and, ultimately, successful.

The Daily Life of Late Adulthood Before I retired 1 0 years ago, everyone told me I'd miss work, get lonely, and feel flat without the chal lenges of business. Baloney! This is the best time of my l ife! Miss work? No way. What's to miss? Meetings? Trai ning sessions? Evaluations? Sure, there's less money and people, but I have all I need with my savings, my hobbies, and my traveling.

This positive view of life in late adulthood was expressed by a 75-year-old retired insur ance worker. Although the story is certainly not the same for all retirees, many, if not most, find their post-work lives happy and involving. We will consider some of the ways in which people lead their lives in late adulthood, beginning with where they live.

Living Arrangements: The Places and Spaces of Their Lives

LO 9.14 Describe the living arrangements available to older adults, and explain how each affects the quality of their lives.

Think "old age," and your thoughts are likely to tum to nursing homes. But the reality is different. Only 5 percent of people finish their lives in nursing homes; most live out their entire lives in home environments, typically with at least one family member.

LIVING AT HOME Many older adults live alone. People older than 65 represent a quarter of America's 9 .6 million single-person households. Roughly two-thirds of people older than 65 live with other members of the family, mostly spouses. Some older adults live with their siblings, and others live in multigenerational settings with their children, grandchildren, and even great-grandchildren.

The setting in which an older adult lives has varied effects. For married couples, living with a spouse represents continuity. On the other hand, moving in with children represents an adjustment to a multigenerational setting that can be jarring. Not only is there a potential loss of independence and privacy, but older adults may feel uncomfortable with the way their children are raising their grandchildren. Unless there are household ground rules about people's roles, conflicts can arise (Navarro, 2006).

For some groups, living in extended families is more typical than for other groups. For instance, blacks are more likely than whites to live in multigenerational families. Furthermore, the amount of influence that fam ily members have over one another and the interdependence of extended families are generally greater in African American, Asian American, and Hispanic families than in Caucasian families (Becker, Beyene, & Newsom, 2003; Easthope et al., 2017).

Living in a multigenerational setting with children and their families can be reward ing and helpful for those in late adulthood. Are there any disadvantages to this type of situation? What are some solutions?

SPECIALIZED LIVING ENVIRONMENTS For some 10 percent of those in late adulthood, home is an institution. In fact, there are many types of specialized environments in which elderly people live.

One of the more recent innovations is the continuing-care community, typ ically an environment in which all the residents are of retirement age or older.

The community provides various levels of care, and residents sign contracts for the level they need. In many such communities, people start out in separate houses or apartments, living either independently or with occasional home care. As they age, they may move into assisted living, which involves independent housing supported by medical providers to the extent required. Continuing care ultimately extends all the way to full-time nursing care, which is often provided at an on-site nursing home.

Continuing-care communities tend to be fairly homogeneous in terms of religious, racial, and ethnic backgrounds, and they are often organized by private or religious or ganizations. Because joining may involve a substantial initial payment, members tend to be relatively well-off. Increasingly, though, continuing-care communities are mak ing efforts to increase diversity and also to enhance intergenerational interaction by establishing day-care centers on the premises and developing programs that involve younger populations (Chaker, 2003; Berkman, 2006).

Several types of nursing institutions exist, ranging from those that provide part-time day care to homes that offer 24-hour-a-day, live-in care. In adult day-care facilities, elderly individuals receive care only during the day but spend nights and weekends in their own homes. During the time that they are at the facility, people re ceive nursing care, take their meals, and participate in scheduled activities. Sometimes adult facilities are combined with infant and child day-care programs, an arrangement that allows for interaction between the old and the young (Gitlin et al., 2006; Dabelko & Zimmerman, 2008; Teitelman et al., 2017).

Other institutional settings offer more extensive care. The most intensive are skilled-nursing facilities, which provide full-time nursing care for people who have chronic illnesses or are recovering from a temporary medical condition. Although only 4.5 percent of those age 65 and older live in nursing homes, the number increases dramatically with age. Around 3 percent of the population older than 65 lives in nursing homes, and around 10 percent of the population older than 85 lives in nursing homes (Administration on Aging, 2010; Nursing Home Data Compendium, 2013).

The more intensive the care, the greater the adjustment required of resi dents. Although some newcomers adjust relatively rapidly, the loss of indepen dence may lead to difficulties. In addition, elderly people are as susceptible as other people to society's stereotypes about nursing homes, and their expectations may be negative. They may see themselves as just marking time until they die, forgotten and discarded by a society that venerates youth (Natan, 2008; Kostka & Jachimowicz, 2010).

INSTITUTIONALISM AND LEARNED HELPLESSNESS Although the fears of those in nursing homes may be exaggerated, they can lead to institutionalism, a psychological state in which people develop apathy, indifference, and a lack of caring about themselves. Institutionalism is brought about, in part, by learned helplessness, a belief that one has no control over one's environment (Peterson & Park, 2007).

The sense of helplessness brought about by institutionalism can be literally deadly. When people enter nursing homes in late adulthood, they lose control over their most basic activities. They may be told when and what to eat, when to sleep, and even when to go to the bathroom (Iecovich & Biderman, 2012; de Oliveira Brito et al., 2014).

A classic experiment showed the consequences of such a loss of control. Psychologists Ellen Langer and Irving Janis (1979) divided elderly residents of a nurs ing home into two groups. One group was encouraged to make choices about their day-to-day activities. The other group was given no choices and was encouraged to let the nursing home staff care for them. The results were clear. The participants who had choices were not only happier, but they were also healthier. In fact, 1 8 months after the experiment began, only 15 percent of the choice group had died-compared to 30 percent of the comparison group.

In short, loss of control can have a profound effect on well-being. The best nursing homes go out of their way to permit residents to make basic life decisions and main tain a sense of control over their lives.

Late Adulthood 427

adult day-care facilities a facility in which elderly individuals receive care only during the day but spend nights and weekends in their own homes

skilled-nursing facilities a facility that provides full-time nursing care for people who have chronic illnesses or are recovering from a temporary medical condition

institutionalism a psychological state in which people in nursing homes develop apathy, in difference, and a lack of caring about themselves

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From the perspective of a health-care provider: What policies might a nursing home institute to minimize the chances that its residents will develop institutionalism? Why are such policies relatively uncommon?

Finances, Work, and Retirement

LO 9.15 Discuss the financial security of older people and the social and economic ramifications of work and retirement in later adulthood.

We now turn to a discussion of the financial security of older people in the United States and the role of work and retirement.

THE ECONOMICS OF LATE ADULTHOOD Like everyone, people in late adulthood range from one end of the socioeconomic spectrum to the other.

However, social inequities affecting various groups previously in life are magni fied with increasing age. Even so, everyone who reaches late adulthood today may experience growing economic pressure because the increasing human life span means it is more likely that they will run through their savings.

Overall, 10 percent of people age 65 and older live in poverty-a proportion about equal to that for people younger than 65-and around 6 percent of the elderly live in near poverty (see Figure 9-11). However, there are significant gender and racial dif ferences. Women are almost twice as likely as men to be living in poverty. About a quarter of elderly women living alone live on incomes below the poverty line. A mar ried woman may also slip into poverty if she becomes widowed because she may have used up savings to pay for her husband's final illness, and the husband's pension may cease with his death (Administration on Aging, 2010; DeNavas-Walt & Proctor, 2015; Carr, 2019).

As for racial differences, 8 percent of whites in late adulthood live below the pov erty line, contrasted with 19 percent of Hispanics and 24 percent of blacks. Minority women fare the worst of any category. For example, 47 percent of divorced black women aged 65 to 74 were below the poverty level (Federal Interagency Forum on Aging-Related Statistics, 2000; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2013).

Figure 9 - 1 1 Poverty in Late Ad u lthood Ten percent of those 65 years of age and older live i n poverty.

SOURCE: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, 2 0 1 5 Annual Social and Economic Supplement.

Aged 75 and older

Aged 65 to 74

Aged 55 to 64

Aged 45 to 54

Aged 35 to 44

Aged 25 to 34

Aged 18 to 24

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Percent of Age Group living in Poverty

Late Adulthood 429

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During late adulthood, the range of socioeconomic well-being mirrors that of earlier years.

One source of financial vulnerability is the reliance on a fixed income. The income of an elderly person, which typically comes from a combination of Social Security, pen sions, and savings, rarely keeps up with inflation. What may have been a reasonable income at age 65 is worth much less 20 years later, as the elderly person gradually slips into poverty.

The rising cost of health care is another source of financial vulnerability in older adults. The average older person spends close to 20 percent of his or her income for health-care costs. For those who require care in nursing home facilities, the finan cial costs can be staggering, running an average of more than $80,000 a year (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2017).

Unless major changes are made in the way that Social Security and Medicare are financed, a larger proportion of younger people's pay will have to be taxed to fund benefits for the elderly. This is apt to lead to increasing friction and segregation be tween younger and older generations. Indeed, as we'll see, Social Security payments are one key factor in many people's decisions about how long to work.

WORK AND RETIREMENT IN LATE ADULTHOOD When to retire is a major decision faced by the majority of individuals in late adulthood. Some wish to work as long as they can. Others retire the moment their financial circumstances permit it.

When they do retire, many people have some difficulty with the identity shift from "worker" to "retiree." They lack a professional title, they may no longer have people asking them for advice, and they can't say "I work for the Diamond Company. "

Retirement is a different journey for each individual. Some are content with a more sedate lifestyle, whereas others continue to remain active

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For others, though, retirement offers the chance to lead, perhaps for the first time in adulthood, a life of leisure. Because a significant number of people retire as early as age 55 or 60, and because life spans are ex panding, many people spend far more time in retire ment than in previous generations. Moreover, because the number of people in late adulthood continues to increase, retirees are an increasingly significant and influential segment of the U.S. population.

and in some cases pursue new activities. Can you explain why many non Western cultures do not follow the disengagement theory of retirement?

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Older Workers: Combating Age Discrimination Many people continue to work, ei ther full- or part-time, for some part of late adulthood. That they can do so is largely because of age discrimination legislation that was passed in the late 1970s, in which mandatory retirement ages were made illegal in almost every profession (Lindemann & Kadue, 2003; Lain, 2012; Voss, Wolff, & Rothermund, 2017).

Whether older adults continue to work for intellectual and social reasons or fi nancial reasons, many encounter age discrimination, which is a reality despite laws against it. Some employers encourage older workers to leave their jobs so they can replace them with younger employees with lower salaries. And some employers be lieve that older workers are not up to the demands of the job or are less willing to adapt to a changing workplace-enduring stereotypes that laws can't change (Bowen & Skirbekk, 2013; Marquet et al., 2018).

There is little evidence to support the idea that older workers lose their ability to perform their jobs. In many fields, such as art, literature, science, politics, and enter tainment, it is easy to find examples of people who have made some of their greatest contributions during late adulthood. Even in those few professions that were specifi cally exempted from laws prohibiting mandatory retirement ages-those involving public safety-the evidence does not support the notion that workers should be re tired early (Landy & Conte, 2004).

Although age discrimination remains a problem, market forces may help reduce its severity. As baby boomers retire and the workforce drastically shrinks, companies may begin to offer incentives to older adults to either remain in or return to the work force. Still, for most older adults, retirement is the norm.

Retirement: Filling a Life of Leisure Why do people retire? Although the basic rea son seems apparent-to stop working-there are actually many factors. For instance, sometimes workers burn out after a lifetime of work and seek to ease the tension and frustration of their jobs and the sense that they have not accomplished as much as they wished. Others retire because their health has declined, and still others because they receive incentives from their employers. Finally, some people have planned for years to retire and intend to use their increased leisure to travel, study, or spend more time with their children and grandchildren (Nordenmark & Stattin, 2009; Petkoska & Earl, 2009; Mi.iller et al., 2014).

Whatever the reason they retire, people often pass through a series of retirement stages. Retirement may begin with a honeymoon period, in which people engage in a variety of activities, such as travel, that were previously hindered by work. The next phase may be disenchantment, in which they conclude that retirement is not all they thought it would be because they miss the stimulation and companionship of work or find it hard to keep busy (Osborne, 2012; Schlosser, Zinni, & Armstrong-Stassen, 2012; Rafalski et al., 2017).

The next phase is reorientation, in which retirees reconsider their options and become engaged in new, more fulfilling activities. If successful, this leads to the retirement routine stage, in which they come to grips with the realities of retirement and feel fulfilled. Not all people reach this stage; some may feel disenchanted for years.

The last phase is termination. Although for some people this occurs when they go back to work, for most it follows major physical deterioration. In this case, health be comes so bad that the person can no longer function independently.

Obviously, not everyone passes through all stages, and the sequence is not uni versal. In large measure, a person's reactions to retirement stem from the reasons he or she retired in the first place. For example, a person forced to retire for health reasons will have a different experience from a person who eagerly chose to retire at a particu lar age. Similarly, the retirement of people who loved their jobs may differ from that of people who despised their work.

In short, the psychological consequences of retirement vary from one individ ual to the next. For many people, retirement is a continuation of a life well-lived. Moreover, as we see in the Development in Your Life box, there are ways to plan a good retirement.

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Deve l o p m e n t i n You r Life

P l a n n i n g for - a n d Living - a Good Retirement

What makes for a good retirement? Gerontologists suggest several factors (Borchard & Donohoe, 2008; Noone, Stephens, & Al pass, 2009; Wehrmann, Fasbender & Deller, 201 6) :

retirement with your partner. You may f i n d that you need to negotiate a vision that will suit you both.

• Plan ahead financially. Because Social Security pen sions are l i kely to be inadequate i n the future, personal savings are critical, as is adequate health insurance.

• Consider tapering off from work gradually. Some times it is hel pfu l to prepare for retirement by shifting from fu ll-tim e to part-time work.

• Explore your interests before you retire. Assess what you like about your current job and think about how to translate those things into leisure activities.

• If you are married o r i n a long-term partnership, spend some time discussing your views of the ideal

Relationships : Old and New Leonard Timbo la, 94, describes how he met his wife, Ellen, 90.

• Consider where you want to live. Try out, temporarily, a community to which you are th in king of moving.

• Don't live too close to your kids and grandkids. Living i n close proxi mity to your grandchildren may turn you into a full-time babysitter- something that may or may not fit with your vision of retirement.

• Plan to volunteer your time. People who retire have a wealth of skil ls that are often needed by non profit organizations and small businesses. Organizations such as the Retired Senior Volunteer Program o r the Foster Grandparent Program can help match your skills with people who need them.

" I was 23 when Pearl Harbor happened and I enl isted right away. I was sent to Fort Bragg and I was lonely. I'd often go into Fayetteville and just poke arou nd. One day I was in a bookstore reaching for a book. You remember what it was?"

"Out of the Silent Planet," Ellen says. "I happened to be reaching for it at the same time. Our hands met, and then our eyes."

"And that was the end of my bachelorhood," says Leonard. "Fate sent me to that bookstore."

Ellen continues. "We shared that book and everything else from then on. We were married 4 months later."

"Just before I shipped out," says Leonard.

This is the way they are: He starts a thought, she finishes it. Unless it's the other way around.

"She wrote every day. I got her letters in bunches, and that was the best read ing I ever did." He places his hand on Ellen's knee. Her hand joins his there.

"You weren't nearly as freq uent a writer," she reminds him gently. "But when I did get one from you, I read it every day."

"Well that's the same thing," he laughs.

The warmth and affection between Leonard and Ellen are unmistakable. Their rela tionship, spanning eight decades, continues to bring them quiet joy, and their life is the sort to which many couples aspire. Yet it is also rare for the last stage of life. For every older person who is part of a couple, many more are alone.

What is the social world of late adulthood? To answer the question, we will first consider marriage.

Marriage in the Later Years: Together, Then Alone

LO 9. 1 6 Identify the issues couples face in late adulthood, and describe the challenges presented by the death of a spouse or partner.

When it comes to marriage after 65, men have more choices than women. The proportion of men who are married is far greater than that of women (see Figure 9-12). One reason

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Figure 9 - 1 2 Livi n g Patterns of Older Americans is that 70 percent of women outlive their husbands by at least a few years. Because there are fewer men available (many have died), these women are unlikely to remarry. SOURCE: Administration on Aging. (2006). Profiles of older Americans 2005:

Research report. Wash ington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Resources. Furthermore, the marriage gradient that we dis

cussed previously is still a powerful influence. Reflecting societal norms that women should marry older men, the marriage gradient keeps women single even in the later years of life. At the same time, it makes remarriage for men much easier, because the pool of eligible partners is much larger (Bookwala, 2012).

2014

Women Men

Nursing home or other group q uarters

U n married, living with other family or non-family

U n married, living with own children

Living with spouse

Living alone

The vast majority of people who are still married in later life report that they are satisfied with their mar riages. Their partners provide substantial companionship and emotional support. Because at this period in life they have typically been together for a long time, they have great insight into their partners (Jose & Alfons, 2007).

Still, not every aspect of marriage is satisfying, and marriages may undergo stress as spouses experience changes in their lives. For instance, the retirement of one or both people can shift the nature of a couple's relationship (Henry, Miller, & Giarrusso, 2005; Rauer & Jensen, 2016).

DIVORCE For some couples, the stress is so great that one spouse or the other seeks a divorce. Although the exact numbers are hard to come by, at least 12 percent of di vorces in the United States involve women older than 66---an incidence that has tri pled since the 1980s (Brown & Lin, 2012; Ellin, 2015).

The reasons for divorce so late in life are varied. Often, women divorce because their husbands are abusive or alcoholic. But in the more frequent case of a husband di vorcing his wife, the reason is often that he has found a younger woman. Many times the divorce occurs soon after retirement, when men who have been highly involved in their careers are in psychological turmoil (Franz et al., 2015; Brown & Wright, 2017).

Divorce so late in life is particularly difficult for women. Between the marriage gradient and the limited pool of eligible men, it is unlikely that an older divorced woman will remarry. For many women, marriage has been their primary role and the center of their identity, and they may view divorce as a major failure. As a conse quence, happiness and the quality of life for divorced women often plummet (Davies & Denton, 2002; Connidis, 2010).

Seeking a new relationship becomes a priority for many men and women who are di vorced or whose spouses or partners have died. People seeking to develop relationships use the same strategies to meet potential partners as younger people, such as joining sin gles organizations or even using the Internet to find companionship (Durbin, 2003).

Of course, some people enter late adulthood having never married. For this group-about 5 percent of the population-late adulthood may bring fewer transi tions, because living status does not change. In fact, never-married individuals report feeling less lonely than do most people their age, and they have a greater sense of independence (DePaulo, 2006).

DEALING WITH RETIREMENT: TOO MUCH TOGETHERNESS? When Morris Abercrombie finally stopped working full-time, his wife, Roxanne, found some as pects of his increased presence at home troubling. Although their marriage was strong, his intrusion into her daily routine and his constant questioning about whom she was on the phone with and where she was going were irksome. Finally, she began to wish he would spend less time around the house. This was ironic: She had passed much of Morris's preretirement years wishing that he would spend more time at home.

The situation in which Morris and Roxanne found themselves is not unique. For many couples, relationships need to be renegotiated because the couple will probably spend more time together than at any other point in their marriage. For others, retire ment alters the longstanding distribution of household chores, with men taking on more responsibility than before for the everyday functioning of the household.

In fact, research suggests that an interesting role reversal often takes place. In con trast to the early years of marriage, in late adulthood husbands' companionship needs tend to be greater than their wives'. The power structure of marriage also changes: Men become more affiliative and less competitive following retirement. At the same time, women become more assertive and autonomous (Williams, Sawyer, & Allman, 2012; Lee & Cho, 2018). CARING FOR AN AGING SPOUSE OR PARTNER The shifts in health that accom pany late adulthood sometimes require women and men to care for their spouses or partners in ways that they never envisioned. Health issues may force them into nearly full-time caretaking, a role they may have never envisioned for themselves.

At the same time, some people view caring for an ailing and dying spouse or part ner as a final opportunity to demonstrate love and devotion. In fact, some caregivers report feeling satisfied at fulfilling what they see as their responsibility to their partner. And some of those who experience emotional distress initially find that the distress declines as they successfully adapt (Kulik, 2002).

Yet there is no getting around the fact that giving care is arduous, made more dif ficult by the fact that the partners providing the care are probably not in the peak of health themselves. In fact, caregiving may be detrimental to the provider's own physi cal and psychological health. For instance, caregivers report lower levels of satisfac tion with life than do noncaregivers (Percy, 2010; Mausbach et al., 2012; Davis et al., 2014; Glauber, 2017).

In almost three-quarters of the cases, it should be noted, the care provider is the wife. Part of the reason is demographic: Men tend to die earlier than women, and conse quently to contract the diseases leading to death earlier than women. A second reason, though, relates to society's traditional gender roles, which view women as "natural" caregivers. As a consequence, health-care providers may be more likely to suggest that a wife care for her husband than that a husband care for his wife (Khalaila & Cohen, 2016). THE DEATH OF A SPOUSE OR PARTNER Hardly any event is more painful and stressful than the death of one's spouse or long-term partner. Especially for those who married young, the death leads to profound feelings of loss and often brings drastic changes in economic and social circumstances. If the marriage was a good one, the death means the loss of a companion, a lover, a confidante, a helper.

Upon a partner's death, spouses suddenly assume a new and unfamiliar societal role: widowhood. At the same time, they lose the role with which they were most fa miliar: spouse. Suddenly, they are no longer part of a couple; instead, they are viewed by society, and themselves, as individuals. All this occurs as they are dealing with pro found and sometimes overwhelming grief (which we discuss more in the next chapter).

Widowhood brings new demands and concerns. There is no longer a companion to share the day's events. If the deceased spouse primarily did the household chores, the surviving spouse must learn how to do these tasks every day. Although initially family and friends provide a great deal of support, this assistance quickly fades and newly widowed people are left to make the adjustment on their own (Hanson & Hayslip, 2000; Smith, 2012; Isherwood, King & Luszcz, 2017).

People's social lives often change drastically. Married cou ples tend to socialize with other married couples; widowed people may feel like "fifth wheels" as they seek to maintain the friendships they enjoyed as part of a couple. Eventually, such friendships may cease, although they may be replaced by friendships with other single people (Bookwala, 2016).

Economic issues are of major concern to many widowed people. Although many have insurance, savings, and pen sions to provide economic security, some people, most often women, experience a decline in their economic well-being as the result of a spouse's death. This can force wrenching deci

Late Adulthood 433

sions, such as selling the house in which the couple spent their One of the most difficult responsibilities of later adulthood can married lives (Meyer, Wolf, & Himes, 2006). be caring for one's ill spouse or partner.

434 Chapter 9

The process of adjusting to widowhood encompasses three stages. In the first stage, preparation, spouses prepare, in some cases years and even decades ahead of time, for the eventual death of the partner. Consider, for instance, the purchase of life insurance, the preparation of a will, and the decision to have children who may even tually provide care in one's old age. Each of these actions helps prepare for the even tuality that one will be widowed and will require some degree of assistance (Roecke & Cherry, 2002).

The second stage of adjustment to widowhood, grief and mourning, is an imme diate reaction to the death of a spouse. It starts with the shock and pain of loss, and continues as the survivor works through the emotions the loss brings up. The time a person spends in this period depends on the support received from others, as well as on personality factors. In some cases, grief and mourning may last for years, whereas in others it lasts a few months.

The last stage of adjustment to the death of a spouse is adaptation. In adaptation, the widowed individual starts a new life. The period begins with the acceptance of loss and continues with the reorganization of roles and the formation of new friend ships. The adaptation stage also encompasses a period of reintegration in which a new identity-as an unmarried person-is developed.

It is important to keep in mind that this three-stage model of loss and change does not apply to everyone, and the timing of the stages varies considerably. Moreover, some people experience complicated grief, a form of unrelenting mourn ing that continues sometimes for months and even years. In complicated grief, people find it difficult to let go of a loved one, and they have intrusive memories of the deceased that impede normal functioning (Piper et al., 2009; Zisook & Shear, 2009; Hirsch, 2018).

For most people, though, life returns to normal and becomes enjoyable once again after the death of a spouse. Still, the death of a spouse is a profound event in any pe riod of life. During late adulthood, its implications are particularly powerful, because it can be seen as a forewarning of one's own mortality.

From a social worker's perspective: What are some factors that can combine to make older adulthood a more difficult time for women than for men?

Friends and Family in Late Adulthood

LO 9.17 Identify the relationships that are important to older adults, and explain why they matter.

Elderly people enjoy friends as much as younger people do, and friendships play

Figure 9 - 1 3 Activity i n Late Adulthood

an important role in their lives. In fact, time spent with friends is often valued more highly during late adulthood than time spent with family because friends are often seen as more important providers of support. Furthermore, around one-third of older people report that they made a new friend within the past year, and many older adults engage in signifi cant interaction with others. In fact, more time for friends and family is one of the biggest benefits of growing older (Pew Research Center, 2009; also see Figure 9-13).

Duri ng late adulthood, people view more time for family as one of the biggest benefits of the period.

SOURCE: Pew Research Center, 2009.

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Volunteer work 12) More travel al

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FRIENDSHIP: WHY FRIENDS MATTER IN LATE ADULTHOOD Friendships are characterized by a sense of control: In friend ship relationships, unlike family relationships, we choose whom we like and whom we dislike. Because late adulthood often causes a gradual loss of control in other areas, such as in health, the abil ity to maintain friendships may take on more importance than in other stages of life (Demir, Orthel, & Andelin, 2013; Singh & Srivastava, 2014).

In addition, friendships-especially recent ones-may be more flexible than family relationships, because they lack the long history

of obligations and conflicts that often typify family ties and that can reduce the emotional sustenance they provide (McLaughlin et al., 2010; Lester et al., 2012; Lecce et al., 2017).

Friendships in late adulthood are also important because of the increasing like lihood, over time, that one will be without a marital partner. When a spouse dies, people typically seek out friends to help deal with their loss and for some of the com panionship that was provided by the deceased spouse.

Of course, it isn't only spouses who die during old age; friends die, too. The way adults view friendship in late adulthood determines how vulnerable they are to the death of a friend. If they have defined the friendship as irreplaceable, the loss of the friend may be quite difficult. On the other hand, if the friendship is defined as one of many, the death of a friend may be less traumatic (Blieszner, 2006).

Friendships also provide one of the basic social needs: social support. Social support is assistance and comfort supplied by a network of caring, interested people. Such support plays a critical role in successful aging (Avlund, Lund, & Holstein, 2004; Gow et al., 2007; Evans, 2009).

Social support brings considerable benefits. A social support network can offer emotional support by lending a sympathetic ear and providing a sounding board for concerns. Furthermore, people who are experiencing similar problems-such as the loss of a spouse-can provide an unmatched degree of understanding and a pool of helpful suggestions for coping strategies that would be less credible coming from others.

Finally, people can furnish material support, such as helping with rides or picking up groceries. They can provide help in solving problems, such as dealing with a dif ficult landlord or fixing a broken appliance.

The benefits of social support extend to the provider as well as the recipient. People who offer support experience feelings of usefulness and heightened self esteem, knowing that they are making a contribution to someone else's welfare.

What kinds of social support are most effective and appropriate? Certainly preparing food, accompanying someone to a movie, or inviting someone to din ner is helpful. But the opportunity for reciprocity is important, too. Reciprocity is the expectation that if someone provides something positive to another person, eventually, the favor will be returned. In Western societies, older adults-like younger people-value relationships in which reciprocity is possible. However, with increasing age, it may be progressively more difficult to reciprocate the so cial support that one receives. As a consequence, relationships may become more asymmetrical, placing the recipient in a difficult psychological position (Becker, Beyenem, & Newsom, 2003).

FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS: THE TIES THAT BIND Even after the death of a spouse, most older adults are part of a larger family unit. Connections with siblings, children, grandchildren, and even great-grandchildren continue and may be an important source of comfort to adults in the last years of their lives.

Siblings can provide unusually strong emotional support because they often share old, pleasant memories of childhood, and because they usually represent a person's oldest existing relationships. Although not every memory of childhood may be pleasant, continuing interaction with brothers and sisters can enhance late adulthood.

Children Even more important than siblings are children and grandchildren. Even in an age in which geographic mobility is high, most parents and children remain fairly close, both geographically and psychologically. Some 75 percent of children live within a 30-minute drive of their parents, and parents and children visit and talk with one another frequently. Daughters tend to be in more frequent contact with their par ents than sons, and mothers tend to be the recipients of communication more often than fathers Gi-liang, Li-qing, & Yan, 2003; Diamond, Fagundes, & Butterworth, 2010; Byrd-Craven et al., 2012).

Because the great majority of older adults have at least one child who lives fairly close, family members still provide significant aid to one another. Moreover, parents

Late Adulthood 435

social support assistance and comfort supplied by another person or a network of car ing, interested people

436 Chapter 9

and children tend to share similar views of how adult children should behave toward their parents. In particular, they expect that children should help their parents under stand their resources, provide emotional support, and talk over such important mat ters as medical issues. Furthermore, it is most often children who end up caring for their aging parents when they require assistance (Dellmann-Jenkins & Brittain, 2003; Ron, 2006; Funk, 2010).

The bonds between parents and children are sometimes asymmetrical, with par ents seeking a closer relationship and children a more distant one. Parents have a greater developmental stake in close ties, because they see their children as perpetuat ing their beliefs, values, and standards. On the other hand, children are motivated to maintain their autonomy and live independently from their parents. These divergent perspectives make parents more likely to minimize conflicts they experience with their children, and children more likely to maximize them.

Grandch i ldren and Great-Grandchildren As we discussed previously, not all grand parents are equally involved with their grandchildren. Even those grandparents who take great pride in their grandchildren may be relatively detached from them, avoid ing any direct care role. On the other hand, many grandparents include their grand children as an integral part of their social networks. (Coall & Hertwig, 2011; Geurts, van Tilburg, & Poortman, 2012; Moore & Rosenthal, 2017).

Grandmothers tend to be more involved than grandfathers, and most young adult grandchildren feel closer to their grandmothers. In addition, most express a preference for their maternal grandmothers over their paternal grandmothers (Hayslip, Shore, & Henderson, 2000; Lavers-Preston & Sonuga-Barke, 2003; Bishop et al., 2009).

African American grandparents tend to be more involved with their grand children than Caucasian grandparents, and African American grandchildren often feel closer to their grandparents. Moreover, grandfathers seem to play a more cen tral role in the lives of African American children than in the lives of C aucasian children. These racial differences probably stem in large measure from the higher proportion of multigenerational families among African Americans than among C aucasians. In such families, grandparents usually play a central role in childrear ing (Crowther & Rodriguez, 2003; Stevenson, Henderson, & Baugh, 2007; Gelman, Tompkins, & Ihara, 2014).

Great-grandchildren play less of a role in the lives of both white and black great grandparents. Most great-grandparents do not have close relationships with their great grandchildren. Close relationships tend to occur only when the great-grandparents and great-grandchildren live relatively near one another (McConnell, 2012).

There are several explanations for this relative lack of involvement. One is that by the time they reach great-grandparenthood, people are so old that they do not have much physical or psychological energy to expend on relationships with their great grandchildren. Another is that there may be so many great-grandchildren that great grandparents do not feel strong emotional ties to them and may not even be able to keep track of them. When President John Kennedy's mother, Rose Kennedy (who had given birth to a total of nine children), died at the age of 104, she had 30 grandchildren and 41 great-grandchildren!

Still, great-grandparents profit emotionally from the mere fact that they have great-grandchildren. They may see their great-grandchildren as representing both their own and their family's continuation, as well as providing a concrete sign of their longevity. Furthermore, as health advances in late adulthood continue to increase, great-grandparents are physically able to contribute more to the lives of their great grandchildren (McConnell, 2012).

Elder Abuse: Relationships Gone Wrong

LO 9.18 Discuss what causes elder abuse and how it can be prevented.

I When Lorene Templeton was 74, her son Aaron moved in with her. "I was lone ly and welcomed the company. When Aaron offered to take care of my finances, I gave h im my power of attorney."

For the next 3 years, Aaron cashed Lorene's checks, withdrew her money, and used her credit card. "When I found out, Aaron apologized. He said he needed the money to get out of trouble. He promised to stop."

But he didn't. Aaron emptied Lorene's accounts and then demanded the key to her safe deposit box. When she refused, he beat her until she lost consciousness.

"His problem was drugs," Lorene says. "Finally, I called the police and they arrested him. Now I fee l free for the first time in years."

It would be easy to assume that such cases are rare. The truth of the matter, however, is that they are considerably more common than we would like to believe. According to some estimates, elder abuse, the physical or psychological mistreatment or neglect of elderly individuals, may affect as many as 11 percent of the elderly each year. Even these estimates may be too low, because people who are abused are often too em barrassed or humiliated to report their plight. And as the number of elderly people increases, experts believe that the number of cases of elder abuse will also rise (Starr, 2010; Dow & Joosten, 2012; Jackson, 2018).

Elder abuse is most frequently directed at family members and particularly at parents. Those most at risk are likely to be less healthy and more isolated than av erage, and they are more likely to be living in a caregiver's home. Although there is no single cause for elder abuse, it often stems from economic, psychological, and social pressures on caregivers who must provide high levels of care 24 hours a day. Thus, people with Alzheimer' s disease or other sorts of major neurocognitive dis order are particularly likely to be targets of abuse (Lee, 2008; Castle & Beach, 2013; Fang & Yan, 2018).

The best way to deal with elder abuse is to prevent it. Family members caring for an older adult should take breaks and should contact social support agencies for advice and concrete support. For instance, the National Family Caregivers Association (800-896-3650) maintains a caregivers' network and publishes a newsletter.

Anyone suspecting that an elderly person is being abused should contact local authorities, such as their state's Adult Protective Services or Elder Protective Services.

Rev i ew, C h eck, and Apply Review

Late Adulthood 437

elder abuse the physical or psychological mis treatment or neglect of elderly individuals

LO 9.10 Identify and describe the various theories of LO 9.13 Differentiate the theories of aging, and explain how personality development in late adulthood.

Erikson calls older adulthood the ego-integrity-versus despair stage; Peck focuses on three tasks that define the period; Levinson suggests that older people can experience liberation and self-regard; and Neugarten focuses on the ways people cope with aging.

LO 9.1 1 Explain how age relates to the distribution of resources, power, and privilege.

Age stratification theories suggest that the unequal distri bution of economic resources, power, and privilege is par ticularly pronounced during late adulthood. In general, Western societies do not hold elderly people in as high esteem as many Asian societies.

LO 9.12 Define wisdom, and describe how it is associ- ated with age.

Wisdom reflects the accumulation of knowledge related to human behavior. Because it is gathered through experi ence, it appears to be correlated with age.

culture shapes the way older people are treated.

Disengagement theory suggests that older people gradu ally withdraw from the world, whereas activity theory suggests that the happiest people continue to be engaged with the world. A compromise theory-continuity theory-may be the most useful approach to success ful aging, and the most successful model for aging may be selective optimization with compensation. Societies in which elderly people are respected are generally charac terized by social homogeneity, extended families, respon sible roles for older people, and control of significant re sources by older people.

LO 9.14 Describe the living arrangements available to older adults, and explain how each affects the quality of their lives.

Elderly people live in a variety of settings, although most live at home with a family member. For others there are specialized living environments that range from continuing-care communi ties to skilled-nursing facilities. Living with a spouse or partner

438 Chapter 9

represents continuity for older adults, whereas moving in with children in a multi.generational setting can be challenging. living in a nursing home or other institutional setting involves a loss of independence, which many older adults fear. LO 9.15 Discuss the financial security of older people

and the social and economic ramifications of work and retirement in later adulthood.

Financial issues can trouble older people, largely because their incomes are fixed, health-care costs are increasing, and the life span is lengthening. After retirement, many people pass through stages, including a honeymoon pe riod, disenchantment, reorientation, retirement routine, and termination. There are ways to plan a good retirement, including tapering off from work gradually, exploring in terests before retiring, and trying to plan ahead financially.

LO 9.16 Identify the issues couples face in late adult- hood, and describe the challenges presented by the death of a spouse or partner.

Although couples in older adulthood are generally happy, the many changes of the period cause stresses that can

Check Yourself

1. According to Erikson, individuals in late adulthood engage in looking back over their lives, evaluating their experiences and coming to terms with decisions. This is also known as ___ _

a. ego transcendence versus ego preoccupation b. acceptance versus disassociation c. generativity versus stagnation d. ego integrity versus despair

2. Models of successful aging include ___ _

a. compensation theory, disengagement theory, and maximization theory

b. activity theory, continuity theory, and selective optimization

c. capability theory, sociability theory, and with drawal strategies

d. social optimization, compensation theory, and life events theory

Applying Lifespan Development

result in divorce. The death of a spouse or partner has major psychological, social, and material effects on the sur vivor and makes the formation and continuation of friend ships highly important.

LO 9. 1 7 Identify the relationships that are important to older adults, and explain why they matter.

Friendships are highly valued in late adulthood and an im portant source of social support. Family relationships are a part of most older people's lives, especially relationships with siblings and children. They provide both emotional support and continuity.

LO 9.18 Discuss what causes elder abuse and how it can be prevented.

Parents who are socially isolated and in poor health may be abused by children who are forced to act as caregivers. The best defense against elder abuse is prevention by en suring that caregivers receive time off and have access to social support.

3. After retiring from work, people often pass through a series of stages, including ___ _

a. honeymoon, disenchantment, reorientation, and termination

b. disorientation, dissatisfaction, reorientation, and acceptance

c. increased activity, confusion, recommitment, and termination

d. resentment, loneliness, reappraisal, and fulfillment

4. The first stage of adjustment to the death of a spouse or partner is ___ _

a. adaptation b. preparation c. anger d. bargaining

What are some ways the retirement of a spouse or partner can bring stress to a marriage? Is retirement likely to be less stressful in households where both people work, or twice as stressful?

Late Adulthood 439

C h apter 9 S u m m ary Putting It All Together: Late Adulthood

PETER SARNOV AND ELLA MALONE may live together, but they have chosen two different ways to live out their late

adulthood. Whereas Peter loves staying home, Ella enjoys a hec tic retirement filled with activities, social engagements, and work. What the two retirees have in common is their commitment to maintaining their physical health, intellectual activity, and key relationships-even if they have chosen radically different ways to do these things. By paying attention to their needs in all three spheres, Peter and Ella have remained optimistic and cheerful.

MODULE 9.1 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN LATE ADULTHOOD

• Though both are chronologically among the "oldest old," Peter and Ella are "young old" in their func tional ages. (pp. 397-398)

• Both defy ageist stereotypes in their health and attitudes. (pp. 398-399)

• Both appear to have avoided Alzheirner's and most of the other physical and psychological disorders associated with old age. (pp. 403-406)

• Peter and Ella have made healthy lifestyle choices-exercising, eating right, and avoiding bad habits. (pp. 406-407)

What wou l d a

RETI R E M ENT

C O U N S E LO R do?

What advice would you give a person who wants to keep working forever, the way Ella seems to want to do? What advice would you give someone like Peter, who seems content with a relaxed retirement? What characteristics would you look for in these individuals that

would help you give the right advice?

Steve Hix/Corbis/

Getty Images

MODULE 9.2 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN LATE ADULTHOOD

• Both Peter and Ella are apparently rich in crystallized intelligence their store of information, skills, and strategies. (pp. 412-414)

• They demonstrate plasticity by using stimulation, practice, and motivation to maintain their men tal abilities. (pp. 413-414)

• Both may have slight memory problems, such as a decline in epi sodic or autobiographical mem ory. (pp. 414-416)

MODULE 9.3 SOCIAL AND PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT IN LATE ADULTHOOD

• Peter and Ella are navigating Erikson' s ego-integrity-versus- despair. (pp. 419-420)

• The two appear to be coping with aging differently, according to Neugarten's personality catego ries. (pp. 420-421)

• Both seem to have acquired wisdom with age, knowing who they are and how to deal with others. (p. 423)

• Both siblings have chosen to es tablish themselves together in a new home. (p. 426)

• Neither Peter nor Ella seems to have gone through the classic re tirement stages. (pp. 428-430)

What would a

H EALTHCARE

PROV I D E R do?

What would YOU do? What would an

Why do you think Peter and

Ella continue to be in good physical health? What strate gies has Ella used that Peter may not have? What strate gies has Peter used that Ella may not have? What strate gies do they share?

Photodisc/Getty Images

If you were asked to do an oral history project involving Peter and Ella, how com plete and accurate would you expect their recollections to be? Would they be more

reliable about the 1960s or the 2000s? Which sibling do

you think you would enjoy talking to more?

Odua lmages/Shutterstock

E D UCATO R do?

Would you recom mend cognitive training for either Peter or Ella? What

about college courses via Road Scholar or online? Why or why not?

Tom Baker/123RF

440

Chapter 1 0 Death and Dying

Jackson LeRoi knew that he'd be dying soon- very soon. At the age of 7 1 , he'd been diag

nosed with a particularly aggressive form of brain cancer, and his doctors were clear that his

time was limited.

LeRoi made a choice: rather than endure grueling rounds of chemotherapy, which would only

extend his life for a few months a t best, he chose to refuse treatment, except for drugs that

would keep his final days pain-free.

"I've led a good life. I'm happy with what I've accomplished," he said. And he had a lot of

friends, many of whom attended a party he threw when his doctor told him he had less than

2 weeks to live. People laughed, people cried, but, for LeRoi, it was what he wanted: a cel ebration of a life well lived.

Appropriately enough, in this last chapter we discuss the final chapter of life. We begin by considering how the moment of death is defined, and we examine how people view and react to death at different points in the life span. Then we look at how people confront their own deaths, covering a theory that people pass through stages as they come to grips with their approaching death. We also look at how people endeavor to exert control over the circumstances that surround death, using living wills and assisted suicide. Finally, we consider bereavement and grief. We distinguish normal from unhealthy grief, and we discuss the consequences of a loss. Finally, we look at mourning and funerals, discussing how people acknowledge the passing of a loved one.

Module 1 0.1 Death and Dying Across the Life Span

LO 1 0 . 1 Describe how the moment of death i s defined. LO 10.2 Analyze causes of and reactions to death across the life span. LO 10.3 Describe the aims and benefits of death education.

Module 1 0.2 Confronting Death

LO 10.4 Analyze Kiibler-Ross's theory on the process of dying. LO 10.5 Explain ways in which people can exercise control over how they spend

their last days. LO 10.6 Describe alternatives for providing end-of-life care for the terminally ill.

Module 1 0.3 Grief and Bereavement

LO 10.7 Analyze the cultural meaning of funeral rites in Western and other cultures. LO 10.8 Describe how survivors react to and cope with death.

M o d u l e 1 0 . 1 Death and Dying Across the Life Span

Feel Like a Dinosaur

Death and Dying 441

When Jules Beckham turned 100 last October, his family threw him Only recently have lifespan developmental ists g iven serious

a big party. "My kids, grandkids, and great-grandkids all came," he study to the developmental impl ications of dyin g. In this module we

recalls. "We were 40 in all, and two of my great-granddaughters are will discuss death and dying from several perspectives. We begin

pregnant." Missing from the celebration were Jules's eldest son, who by considering how we define death - a determination that is more

died of cancer 5 years ago, and a granddaughter who was killed in a complex than it seems. We then examine how peop le view and react

car accident. Absent, too, were his former colleagues from the high to death at differe nt points in the life span . And we consider the

school where he taught English for 40 years. They're all dead now. different views of death held by various societies.

The same is true of the men he fought beside in the Pacific in World

War II. Even the friends he played chess with after retirement are all gone. "I'm the last man standing," he says. "I love my family dearly,

but they've heard my reminiscences a hundred times, and they don 't

get my references to anything that happened before 1960."

Jules has drawn up a living will and shared it with his eldest daughter and his doctors. "It's funny, " he says. "When I was facing

enemy fire in the war, I had to battle with the fear of dying every day, but now I'm calmer. I don 't want to die, but I feel a bit like a dinosaur, and I don 't want my life prolonged if I have severe brain damage or

am paralyzed. If 100 years has taught me anything, it's tha t quality of

life is much more valuable than quantity." Even if we reach 1 00 years , death is an experience that will happen

to all of us at some time, as universal to the human condition as birth.

As such , it is a milestone of life that is central to an u nderstand ing of

the life span.

442 Chapter 1 0

functional death the absence of a heartbeat and breathing

brain death a diagnosis of death based on the cessation of all signs of brain activ ity, as measured by electrical brain waves

Understanding Death It took a major legal and political battle, but eventually Terri Schiavo's husband won the right to remove a feeding tube that had kept her al ive for 15 years. Lying in a hospital bed all those years in what physicians called a "persistent vegetative state," Schiavo was never expected to regain consciousness after suffering brain damage as a resu lt of respiratory and cardiac arrest. After a series of court battles, her husband -despite the wishes of her parents- was allowed to di rect caretakers to remove the feeding tube; Schiavo died soon afterward.

Was Schiavo's husband right in seeking to remove her feeding tube? Was she already dead when it was removed? Were her constitutional rights ignored by her husband's action?

Such difficult questions illustrate the complexity of what are, literally, matters of life and death. Death is not only a biological event; it involves psychological aspects as well. We need to consider not only what defines death, but also how our conception of death changes across the life span.

Defining Death: When Does Life End?

LO 1 0.1 Describe how the moment of death is defined.

What is death? The question seems clear, but defining the point at which life ceases is surprisingly complex. Medicine has advanced to the point where some people who would have been considered dead a few years ago would now be considered alive.

Functional death is defined by an absence of heartbeat and breathing. This defini tion, however, is more ambiguous than it seems. For example, a person whose heart beat and breathing have ceased for as long as 5 minutes may be resuscitated and suffer little damage from the experience. Was the person who is now alive previously dead, as the functional definition would have it?

Because of this imprecision, brain functioning is now used to determine the mo ment of death rather than heartbeat or respiration. In brain death, all signs of brain activity, as measured by electrical brain waves, have ceased. When brain death occurs, it is impossible to restore functioning.

Some medical experts suggest that defining death only as a lack of brain waves is too restrictive. They argue that losing the ability to think, reason, feel, and experience the world may define death, as well. In this view, which considers the psychologi cal ramifications, a person who suffers irreversible brain damage, who is in a coma, and who will never experience anything approaching a human life can be considered dead, even if some sort of primitive brain activity continues (Young & Teitelbaum, 2010; Burkle, Sharp, & Wijdicks, 2014; Wang et al., 2017).

This argument, which moves us from strictly medical criteria to moral and philo sophical considerations, is controversial. As a result, death is legally defined in most localities in the United States as the absence of brain functioning, although some laws still include the absence of respiration and heartbeat in their definition. In reality, no matter where a death occurs, brain waves are seldom measured. Usually, they are closely monitored only in special circumstances-when the time of death is signifi cant, when organs may be transplanted, or when criminal or legal issues are involved.

The difficulty in establishing legal and medical definitions of death may reflect changes in understanding and attitudes that occur over the course of people's lives.

Death Across the Life Span: Causes and Reactions

LO 1 0.2 Analyze causes of and reactions to death across the life span.

Cheryl played flute in the school band. She had shou lder-length brown hair, brown eyes, and a smile that often gave way to a lopsided gri n when her friends or older brother said something funny.

Cheryl's family owned a small farm, and it was her job to feed the chickens and gather any eggs every morning before the school bus arrived. After she completed her chores, she gathered up whatever sewing project she was working on i n Family and Consumer

Sciences - Cheryl loved designing and creating her own clothing-and waved good-bye to her parents. "Don't take any wooden nickels," her dad always called after her. Cheryl thought it was a really dumb joke, but she loved that her dad never forgot to say it.

One Friday night, Cheryl's dad suggested they hop in the truck and go get pizza. There were only two seat belts in the narrow cab, but Cheryl felt safe wedged in between her dad and her brother. They were rid ing down a two-lane hig hway, singing along with some silly song on the radio, when a car in the lane opposite lost control and crossed the center line, slamming into the truck. Without a seat belt, Cheryl flew through the windshi eld. Her father and brother survived, but for Cheryl, 1 3, life was over.

Death is something we associate with old age, but for many individuals, death comes earlier. Because it seems "unnatural" for a young person like Cheryl to die, the reac tions to such a death are particularly extreme. In the United States, in fact, some people believe that children should be sheltered from the reality of death. Yet people of every age can experience the death of friends and family members, as well as their own death. How do our reactions to death evolve as we age? We will consider several age groups.

DEATH IN INFANCY AND CHILDHOOD Despite its economic wealth, the United States has a relatively high infant mortality rate. Some 55 other countries have a smaller percentage of infants who die in the first year of life than the United States (World Factbook, 2017).

As these statistics indicate, the number of parents who lose an infant is substan tial. The death of a child arouses all the typical reactions one would have to a timelier death, but family members may suffer severe effects as they struggle to deal with death at such an early age. One common reaction is extreme depression (Murphy, Johnson, & Wu, 2003; Cacciatore, 2010; Christiansen, 2017).

An exceptionally difficult death to confront is prenatal death, or miscarriage. Parents often form psychological bonds with their unborn child and may feel pro found grief if it dies before birth. Moreover, friends and relatives often fail to under stand the emotional impact of miscarriage, making parents feel their loss all the more keenly (Wheeler & Austin, 2001; Nikcevic & Nicolaides, 2014).

Another form of death that produces extreme stress, in part because it is so un anticipated, is sudden infant death syndrome. With sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), which usually occurs between the ages of 2 and 4 months, a seemingly healthy baby stops breathing and dies inexplicably.

In cases of SIDS, parents often feel intense guilt, and acquaintances may be suspi cious of the "true" cause of death. However, there is no known cause for SIDS, which seems to strike randomly, and parents' guilt is unwarranted (Kinney & Thach, 2009; Mitchell, 2009; Horne, 2017; Gollenberg & Fendley, 2018).

During childhood, the most frequent cause of death is accidents, most of them as a result of motor vehicle crashes, fires, and drowning. However, a substantial number of children in the United States are victims of homicides, which have nearly tripled in number since 1960. Homicide is among the top four leading causes of death for chil dren between the ages of 1 and 24, and is the leading cause of death for 15- to 24-year old African Americans (National Vital Statistics Report, 2016).

For parents, the death of a child produces a profound sense of loss and grief. There is no worse death for most parents, including the loss of a spouse or of one's own parents. They may feel their trust in the natural order of the world-where children "should" outlive their parents-has been violated. Believing it is their primary respon sibility to protect their children from harm, they may feel they have failed when a child dies (Granek et al., 2015; Jonas et al., 2018).

Parents are almost never prepared to deal with the death of a child, and they may obsessively ask themselves why the death occurred. Because the bond between chil dren and parents is so strong, parents sometimes feel that a part of themselves has died as well. The stress is so profound that it significantly increases the risk of hospi talization for a mental disorder (Nikkola, Kaunonen, & Aho, 2013; Fox, Cacciatore, & Lacasse, 2014; Currie et al., 2018).

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sudden infant death syndrome {SIDS) the unexplained death of a seemingly healthy baby

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CHILDHOOD CONCEPTIONS OF DEATH Children d o not really begin to develop a concept of death until around age 5. Although they are already well aware of death, they tend to view it as a temporary, diminished state of living, rather than a cessation. A preschool-age child might say, "Dead people don't get hungry-well, maybe a little" (Kastenbaum, 1985, p. 629).

Some preschool children think of death as a sleep people may wake from, just as Sleeping Beauty awoke in the fairy tale. For these children, death is not particularly fearsome; rather, it is a curiosity. If people merely tried hard enough-by administering medicine, providing food, or using magic-dead people might "return" (Russell, 2017).

Children's misunderstanding of death can have devastating emotional conse quences. Children may believe they are somehow responsible for a person's death. They may assume their bad behavior caused the death. They may also think that if the dead person really wanted to, she or he could return.

From an educator's perspective: Given their developmental level and understanding of death, how do you think preschool children react to the death of a parent?

Around age 5, children better grasp the finality and irreversibility of death. They may personify death as a ghostlike or devilish figure. They do not regard death as uni versal, but as something that happens only to certain people. It is not until about age 9 that they accept the universality and finality of death. By middle childhood, there is an awareness of the customs around death, such as funerals, cremation, and cemeteries (Hunter & Smith, 2008; Corr, 2010; Panagiotaki et al., 2018).

DEATH IN ADOLESCENCE We might expect the significant cognitive development that occurs in adolescence to bring about a sophisticated, thoughtful, and reasoned view of death. However, in many ways, adolescents' views of death are as unrealistic as those of younger children, although along different lines.

Adolescents understand the finality and irreversibility of death, yet they tend to think it can't happen to them, which can lead to risky behavior. As we discussed previ ously, adolescents develop a personal fable, a set of beliefs that makes them feel unique and special. Thus, they may believe that they are invulnerable and that the bad things

that happen to other people won't happen to them (Elkind, 1985; Wenk, 2010). Many times, the risky behavior that results from these beliefs causes death

in adolescence. For instance, the most frequent cause of death among adolescents is accidents, most often involving motor vehicles. Other frequent causes include homicide, suicide, cancer, and AIDS (National Vital Statistics Report, 2016).

When adolescent feelings of invulnerability confront a fatal illness, the results can be shattering. Adolescents who learn they are terminally ill often feel angry and cheated-that life has been unjust to them. Because they feel and act-so negatively, it may be difficult for medical personnel to treat them effectively.

In contrast, some adolescents who are terminally ill react with total denial. Feeling indestructible, they may not accept the seriousness of their illness. If it does not cause them to reject medical treatment, some degree of denial may be useful because it allows an adolescent to continue living a normal life as long as possible (Beale, Baile, & Aaron, 2005; Barrera et al., 2013; Cullen, 2017).

DEATH IN YOUNG ADULTHOOD Young adults feel primed to begin their lives. Past the preparatory time of childhood and adolescence, they are ready to make their mark on the world. Because death at such a point seems close to unthinkable, its occurrence is particularly difficult. In active pursuit of life goals, they are angry and impatient with any illness that threatens their future.

Adolescents' views of death may be highly

For young adults, the leading cause of death continues to be accidents, followed by suicide, homicide, and cancer. By the end of early adulthood, however, death from disease becomes more prevalent. romanticized and dramatic.

For young adults facing death, several concerns are acutely important. One is the desire to develop intimate relationships and express sexuality, each of which is inhib ited, or completely prevented, by a terminal illness. For instance, people who test posi tive for the AIDS virus may find it difficult to start new relationships. Within evolving relationships, sexual activities present even more challenging issues (Balk, 2014).

Future planning is another concern of young adults. At a time when most people are mapping out careers and deciding when to start a family, young adults who are terminally ill face additional burdens. Should they marry, even though they may soon leave a partner widowed? Should a couple seek to conceive a child if it is likely to be raised by only one parent? How soon should one's employer be told about a terminal illness, when the reve lation may cost the young adult his or her job? None of these questions is easily answered.

DEATH IN MIDDLE ADULTHOOD For middle-aged people, the shock of a life threatening disease-the most common cause of death in this period-is not so great. By this point, people are well aware that they will die someday, and they may be able to accept this possibility in a realistic manner.

Their sense of realism, though, doesn't make the possibility of dying any easier. Fears about death are often greater in midlife than at any time previously-or even in later life. These fears may lead people to switch their focus to the number of years they have remaining rather than the number of years they have already lived (Akhtar, 2010).

The most frequent cause of death in midlife is heart attack or stroke. Dying so un expectedly does not allow for preparation, but it may be easier than a slow and painful death from a disease such as cancer. It is the kind of death most people prefer: When asked, they say they would like an instant and painless death that does not involve loss of any body part (Taylor, 2014; Bernard et al., 2017).

DEATH IN LATE ADULTHOOD By late adulthood, people know that the end is ap proaching. They face an increasing number of deaths in their worlds: spouses, siblings, and friends may have already died, a constant reminder of their own mortality.

Interestingly, the prevalence of death in the lives of the elderly makes them less anxious about dying. However, this does not mean that people in late adulthood wel come death. Rather, they are more realistic and reflective about it. They think about death, and they may begin to prepare for it. Some begin to pull away from the world as physical and psychological energy diminishes (Akhtar, 2010).

Impending death is sometimes accompanied by rapid declines in cognitive func tioning. In what is known as the terminal decline, a significant drop in memory and reading ability may foreshadow death within the next few years (Hilliir et al., 2013; Gerstorf et al., 2016; Brandmaier et al., 2017).

Some elderly people actively seek out death, turning to suicide. In fact, the suicide rate for men climbs steadily during late adulthood, and no age group has a higher suicide rate than white men older than age 85. (Adolescents and young adults commit suicide in greater numbers, but their rate of suicide-the number of suicides as a proportion of the general adolescent population-is actually lower.) Suicide is often a consequence of severe depression or some form of dementia, or it may arise from the loss of a spouse (Kj0lseth, Ekeberg, & Steihaug, 2010; Dombrovski et al., 2012; McCue & Balasubramaniam, 2017).

A critical issue for older adults who are terminally ill is whether their lives still have value. More than younger adults, elderly people who are dying worry that they are burdens to their family or to society. They may even be given the message, some times inadvertently, that society no longer values them and that they are viewed as "dying" rather than being "very sick" (Kastenbaum, 2000; Meagher & Balk, 2013).

In most cases, older people want to know if death is impending. Like younger patients, who usually prefer to know the truth about an illness, older people want the details. Ironically, caregivers usually wish to avoid telling patients that they are dying (Goold, Williams, & Arnold, 2000; Hagerty et al., 2004; Span, 2016).

Not all people, however, wish to know about their condition or that they are dying. Individuals react to death in substantially different ways, in part because of personality factors. For example, people who are generally anxious worry more about death. There are also significant cultural differences in how people view and react to death, as we consider in the Cultural Dimensions box.

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C u lt u ral D i m e n s i o n s

Differing Conceptions o f Death

I n the midst of a tri bal celebration, an older man waits for his oldest son to place a cord around his neck. The older man has been sick, and he is ready to relinquish his ties to th is earth ly world. He asks that his son l ift h i m to his death, and the son complies.

To Hindus in India, death is not an ending, but rather part of a continual cycle. Because they believe i n reincarnation, death is thought to be followed by rebirth into a new life. Death, then, is seen as a companion to life.

People 's responses to death take many forms, particul arly in different cultures. But even in Western societies, reactions to death and dying are quite diverse. For instance, is it better for a man to die after a full life in which he has raised a family and been successfu l i n his job, or for a courageous and valiant young soldier to die defending his country i n wartime? Has one person died a better death than the other?

The answer depends on one's values, which reflect c ultural and subcultural teachings, often shared through religious bel iefs. Some societies view death as a punishment or as a judgment about one's contributions to the world. Others see death as redemption from an earthly life of travai l. Some view death as the start of an eternal life, w h il e others believe that an earthly life is all there is (Bryant, 2003).

For members of some Native American tribes, death is seen as a cont inuation of life. Members of the Lakota tribe beli eve that in death, people move to a spirit land called Wanagi Makoce, which i s inhabited by all people and animals. Death, then, is not viewed with anger or seen as unfair. Si m i larly, some religions, such as Buddh ism

and H i nduism, believe i n reincarnation, the conviction that the soul or spirit comes back to l ife i n a newborn body, continu ing the cycle of life (Huang, 2004; Sharp et a l . , 201 5; Tseng et a l . , 2 0 1 8) .

The age a t which peopl e learn about death varies among cultures. In cultures w ith high levels of violence and death, an awareness of death may come earlier i n life. Research shows that children i n Israel understand the finality, irreversibil ity, and inevitab il ity of death at an earl ier age than children in the U n ited States and Britain (Atchley, 2000; Braun, Pietsch, & Blanchette, 2000; Panagiotaki et a l . , 201 5).

Differing conceptions of death lead to different rituals. For example, in India, bodies may be floated in the Ganges River following death.

Death Education: Preparing for the Inevitable?

LO 1 0.3 Describe the aims and benefits of death education.

thanatologists people who study death and dying

I "When will Mom come back from being dead?" "Why did Barry have to die?" "Did Grandpa die because I was bad?" Children's questions such as these illustrate why many developmentalists, as well as thanatologists, people who study death and dying, have suggested that death education should be a component of everyone's schooling. Recently, such instruc tion has emerged. Death education encompasses programs designed to help people of all ages deal better with death, dying, and grief-both others' deaths and their own.

Death education arose as a response to the way we hide death, at least in most Western societies. We typically let hospitals deal with the dying, and we do not talk to children about death or allow them to go to funerals for fear of disturbing them. Even emergency workers and medical specialists are uncomfortable talk ing about it. Because it is seldom discussed and is so removed from everyday life, people may have little opportunity to confront their feelings about death or to gain a realistic sense of it (Waldrop & Kirkendall, 2009; Kellehear, 2015; Chapple et al., 2017).

Several types of death education programs exist. Among them are:

• Crisis intervention education. After the 2012 shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School, surviving children received crisis intervention designed to deal with their anx ieties. Younger children, whose conceptions of death were shaky at best, needed expla nations of the loss of life that day geared to their levels of cognitive development. Crisis intervention education is used in less extreme times as well. For example, it is common for schools to make emergency counseling available if a student is killed or commits suicide (Sandoval, Scott, & Padilla, 2009; Markell, 2010; Reeves & Fernandez, 2017).

• Routine death education. Although relatively little curricular material on death exists for elementary students, coursework in high schools is becoming more common. Colleges and universities increasingly include courses about death in such departments as psychology, human development, sociology, and education (Eckerd, 2009; Bonoti, Leondari, & Mastora, 2013; Corr, 2015).

• Death education for members of the helping professions. Professionals who will deal with death, dying, and grief in their careers have a special need for death education. Almost all medical and nursing schools now offer some form of death education. The most successful programs not only offer providers ways to help patients deal with their own impending deaths or those of family members, but also allow students to explore their feelings about the topic (Haas-Thompson, Alston, & Holbert, 2008; Kehl & McCarty, 2012; Chapple et al., 2017). Although death education will not completely demystify death, the programs just

described may help people come to grips with what is, along with birth, the most universal-and certain-of all human experiences.

Rev i ew, C h eck, and Apply

Review

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LO 1 0 . 1 Describe how the moment of death is LO 1 0.2 Analyze causes of and reactions to death across defined.

Functional death is defined as the cessation of heartbeat and respiration; brain death is defined by the absence of electrical brain waves. The definition of death has changed as medical advances have allowed us to resuscitate people who would once have been considered dead. Some medi cal experts believe that death occurs when a person can no longer think, reason, or feel, and can never again live any thing resembling a human life.

Check Yourself

1. The cessation of the heartbeat and breathing is the def- inition of death.

a. functional b. biomedical c. brain d. legal

2. The concept of the personal fable, which can lead to feelings of invulnerability, makes death occurring dur ing particularly surprising and shattering.

a. childhood b. adolescence c. young adulthood d. middle adulthood

the life span.

The death of an infant or young child can be particularly difficult for parents, and for an adolescent death appears to be unthinkable. Cultural differences in attitudes and be liefs about death strongly influence people's reactions to it.

LO 10.3 Describe the aims and benefits of death education. Thanatologists recommend that death education become a normal part of learning to help people understand one of the most universal, and certain, of all human experiences.

3. ____ are people who study death and dying.

a. Cytologists b. Thanatologists c. Neuropathologists d. Teratologists

4. Emergency counseling provided within schools to help students deal with school shootings is known as

a. routine death education b. thanatology training c. crisis intervention education d. demystification training

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Applying Lifespan Development

Do you think schools should teach preteens and adolescents about suicide? Are there disadvantages to teaching this age group about suicide, or is it best to deal with the topic early?

M o d u l e 1 0 . 2 Confronting Death

Deciding to Say Good-Bye

Carol Reyes had been active all her life. When she broke her

pelvis at 89, she was determined to walk again. With 6 months

of intensive physical therapy, she did. At 93, she came down with

pneumonia. After a month in the hospital, she returned home to

the things she loved-her cats, her books, and taking an active

part in local politics-a little weaker, but basically sound.

Three years later, Carol's doctor told her she had ALS,

a disease in which the motor neurons in the brain and spinal

cord slowly die. She could take a drug called Rilutek to slow its

progress, but eventually her muscles would atrophy, making

it hard to use her hands or walk. She'd have trouble speaking

and swallowing. In the end, her lungs would be paralyzed.

Carol agreed to try the drug, but told her doctor she wanted a

DNR-Do Not Resuscitate Order- for when her lungs began seizing

up and breathing became difficult. "That's not a life I'd like to be living," she said.

Four months later, Carol Reyes fou nd herself gasping for breath. She

refused oxygen . She refused to go to the hospital . She died quickly,

in her own bed. Like other deaths, Reyes's raises a myriad of difficult

questions. Was her refusal to take oxygen equivalent to suicide? Should

the ambulance medic have compl ied with the request? Was she coping In this mod ule, we look at how people confront their own death.

with her impending death effectively? How do people come to terms with We discuss the theory that people move throug h stages as they

death, and how do they react and adapt to it? Lifespan developmental ists come to grips with their approaching death. We also look at how

and other specialists in death and dying have struggled to find answers. people use living wills and assisted suicide.

Understanding the Process of Dying No individual has influenced our understanding of the way people confront death more than Elisabeth Kubler-Ross. A psychiatrist, Kubler-Ross developed a theory of death and dying based on interviews with dying people and those caring for them. Although, as we shall see, subsequent research has called into question the universality of her findings, her work had an enormous influence, and it served as a catalyst for subsequent research into how people reacted to others' and their own impending deaths (Kubler-Ross, 1969, 1982).

Steps Toward Death: Kiibler-Ross's Theory

LO 1 0.4 Analyze Kiibler-Ross's theory on the process of dying.

Kubler-Ross initially suggested that people pass through five basic steps as they move toward death (summarized in Figure 10-1).

DENIAL "No, I can't be dying. There must be some mistake." It is typical for people to protest on learning that they have a terminal disease. This is the first stage of dying, denial. In denial, people resist the idea that they are going to die. They may argue that their test results have been mixed up, an X-ray has been misread, or their physician is just wrong. They may flatly reject the diagnosis, simply refusing to believe the news. In extreme cases, memories of weeks in the hospital are forgotten. In other forms of denial, patients fluctuate between refusing to accept the news and confiding that they know they are going to die (Teutsch, 2003).

Figure 1 0 - 1 Moving Toward the End of Life The steps toward death, according to El isabeth Kubler-Ross (1 975).

Health (stability)

Terminal illness diagnosed (significant change)

Anger (emotion)

Loneliness Internal conflict Guilt Meaninglessness

Gradual realization of

Depression

Acceptance (increased self-reliance)

-- Movement away from increased self-awareness and contact with others

Far from a sign of a lost sense of reality and deteriorating mental health, denial is a defense mechanism that helps people absorb the news on their own terms and at their own pace. Then they can move on and come to grips with the reality of their death.

ANGER After denial, people may express anger. They may be angry at everyone: people in good health, spouses and family members, caregivers, children. They may lash out and wonder-sometimes aloud-why they are dying and not someone else. They may be furious at God, reasoning that they have led good lives and that far worse people in the world should be dying.

It is not easy to be around people in the anger stage. They may say and do things that are painful and sometimes unfathomable. Eventually, though, most move beyond anger to another development-bargaining.

BARGAINING "If you're good, you'll be rewarded." Many people try to apply this pearl of childhood wisdom to their impending death, promising to be better people if they are rewarded by staying alive.

In barga ining, dying people try to negotiate their way out of death. They may swear to dedicate their lives to the poor if God saves them. They may promise that if they can just live long enough to see a son married, they will willingly accept death later.

However, these promises are rarely kept. If one request appears to be granted, people typically seek another, and yet another. Furthermore, they may be unable to fulfill their promises because their illnesses keep progressing and prevent them from achieving what they said they would do.

In some ways, bargaining may have positive consequences. Although death can not be postponed indefinitely, having a goal of attending a particular event or liv ing until a certain time may in fact delay death until then. For instance, death rates of Jewish people fall just before Passover and rise just after. Similarly, the death rate among older Chinese women falls before and during important holidays and rises after (Meagher & Balk, 2013).

In the end, of course, no one can bargain away death. When people eventually realize this, they often move into the depression stage.

DEPRESSION Many dying people experience depression. Realizing that the issue is settled and can't be bargained away, they are overwhelmed with a deep sense of loss. They know that they are losing their loved ones and reaching the end of their lives.

Their depression may be reactive or preparatory. In reactive depression, the sadness is based on events that have already occurred: the loss of dignity with many medi cal procedures, the end of a job, or the knowledge that they will never return home. In preparatory depression, people feel sadness over future losses. They know that death

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will end their relationships and that they will never see future generations. The reality of death is inescapable in this stage, and it brings profound sadness over the unalter able conclusion of one's life.

ACCEPTANCE Kubler-Ross suggested that the final step of dying is acceptance. People who have developed acceptance are fully aware that death is impending. Unemotional and uncommunicative, they have virtually no feelings-positive or negative-about the present or future. They have made peace with themselves, and they may wish to be left alone. For them, death holds no sting.

From an educator's perspective: Do you think Kubler-Ross's five steps of dying might be subject to cultural influences? Age differences? Why or why not?

EVALUATING KUBLER-ROSS'S THEORY Kubler-Ross had considerable impact on the way we look at death. She is recognized as a pioneer in observing systematically how people approach their own deaths. She was almost single-handedly responsible for bringing death as a phenomenon into public awareness. Her contributions have been particularly influential among those who provide direct care to the dying.

On the other hand, there are some obvious limitations to her conception of dying. It is largely limited to those who are aware that they are dying and who die relatively slowly. It does not apply to people who suffer from diseases where the outcome and timing are uncertain.

The most important criticisms, however, concern the stage-like nature of Kubler-Ross's theory. Not every person passes through every step on the way to death, and some people move through the steps in a different sequence. Some people even go through the same steps several times. Depressed patients may show bursts of anger, and an angry patient may bargain for more time. In addition, Kubler Ross's theory doesn't consider social or cultural factors, and it focuses almost solely on emotional responses to grief, ignoring thoughts (Corr, 2015; Jurecic, 2017; Stroebe, Schut, & Boerner, 2017).

In short, not everyone proceeds through the stages in the same way. For example, a study of more than 200 recently bereaved people were interviewed immediately and then several months later. If Kubler-Ross's theory was correct, the final stage of acceptance comes at the end of a lengthy grieving process. But most of the partici pants expressed acceptance of the passing of their loved one right from the beginning. Moreover, rather than feeling anger or depression, two of the other putative stages of grief, participants reported mostly feeling a yearning for the deceased person. Rather than a series of fixed stages, grief looks more like an assortment of symptoms that rise and fall and eventually dissipate (Maciejewski et al., 2007; Genevro & Miller, 2010; Gamino & Ritter, 2012).

The finding that people often follow their own, unique personal trajectories of grief has been especially important for medical and other caregivers who work with dying people. Because Kubler-Ross's stages have become so well known, well meaning caregivers have sometimes tried to encourage patients to work through the steps in a prescribed order, without enough consideration for their individual needs (Wortman & Boerner, 2011).

Finally, people's reactions to impending death differ. The cause of death; the dura tion of the dying process; the person's age, sex, and personality; and the social support available from family and friends all influence the course of dying and one's responses to it (Carver & Scheier, 2002; Roos, 2013; Hendrickson et al., 2018).

ALTERNATIVES TO KUBLER-ROSS'S THEORY In response to concerns about Kubler-Ross's account, other theorists have developed alternative ideas. Psychologist Edwin Shneidman, for example, suggests that "themes" in people's reactions to dying can occur-and recur-in any order. These include incredulity, a sense of unfairness, fear of pain or even general terror, and fantasies of being res cued (Shneidman, 2007).

Another theorist, Charles Corr, suggests that, as in other periods of life, people who are dying face a set of psychological tasks. These include minimizing physical stress and satisfying physical needs. Other tasks involve psychological requirements such as maintaining a sense of security and autonomy, as well maximizing the richness of life, continuing or deepening their relationships with other people, and fostering hope, often through spiritual searching (Corr, Nabe, & Corr, 2006, 2010; Corr, 2015).

One of the most important alternatives to Kubler-Ross is the fou r component theory developed by psychologist George Bonanno. Bonanno's theory suggests that there are four primary components to grieving. First, there is the context in which a loss oc curs (whether it was expected or sudden, for example). The second component is the meanings given to the loss (whether the person experiencing the loss has a positive, negative, or ambivalent relationship with the person who died). The third component relates to how the deceased person continues to be represented in memory, and the fourth relates to coping and emotion regulation. In contrast to Kiibler-Ross's theory, there is considerable research support for Bonanno's theory (Boerner, Mancini, & Bonanno, 2013; Boerner et al., 2015; Maccallum, Malgaroli, & Bonanno, 2017).

Choosing the Nature of Death

LO 10.5 Explain ways in which people can exercise control over how they spend their last days.

When Col in Rapasand was a first-year resident years ago, one of his first assignments was the geriatric ward. Cheerful and outgoing, Colin invariably addressed the patients as "Uncle" and "Auntie," reflect ing his deep Southern roots.

He recalls one patient in particular. "When my crazy schedu le allowed, I loved spending time with Auntie Jessica. Auntie J was 93 years old, rapid ly failing, but with the sharpest mind. When I had late rounds, I would sometimes sit on the foot of her bed and chat with her. Great stories, huge spi rit, lively intelligence.

"Auntie J's chart had her l i sted as a D N R , and I knew that she didn't want 'any of that mechan ical nonsense' done to her, as s h e put it. But one night I was al l alone on rounds and stopped i n to see her. Her resp iration was just about zero and her heart was beating fitfu l ly. I watched as her n u m bers got worse. Instead of 'letting nature take its course,' I went to her side and leaned over her, calling her name. At the same time, I compressed her chest rapidly, 1 00 times a minute, perform i ng CPR on her sl ight body. I got the respiration going fai rly well, but her heart was sti l l weak and fl uttering.

" I grabbed the paddles and jolted her once, twice, then third time lucky. Her breathing be came audible and her heartbeat returned to its usual level. Auntie J lived another 4 months.

"I claimed to the administrators that in the heat of the moment I had forgotten about the DNR. But I knew I hadn't. I had simply 'let nature take its course' -my nature, my human nature."

DNRS The letters "DNR" on a patient's medical chart have a simple and clear mean ing: Do Not Resuscitate. DNR means that no extraordinary means are to be taken to keep a patient alive. For terminally ill patients, having a DNR may mean the difference between dying immediately or living additional days, months, or even years, kept alive only by the most extreme, invasive, and even painful medical procedures.

The DNR decision entails several issues. One is differentiating "extreme" and "extraordinary" measures from routine ones. There are no hard-and-fast rules; people making the decision must consider the needs of the patient, his or her prior medical history, and factors such as age and even religion. For instance, different standards might apply to a 12-year-old and an 85-year-old with the same medical condition. Other questions concern quality of life. How can we determine an indi vidual's current quality of life and whether it will be improved or diminished by a medical intervention? Who makes these decisions-the patient, a family member, or medical personnel?

One thing is clear: Like Colin Rapasand, medical personnel are reluctant to carry out the wishes of the terminally ill and their families to suspend aggressive treatment.

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living wills legal documents designating what medical treatments people want or do not want if they cannot express their wishes

Many terminally ill patients choose DNR, or Do Not Resuscitate, as a way to avoid extraordinary medical interventions.

Even when it is certain that a patient is going to die, and the patient does not wish fur ther treatment, physicians often claim to be unaware of their patients' wishes. Although one-third of patients ask not to be resuscitated, less than half of these people's physicians say they know their patients' preferences. In addition, only 49 percent of patients have their wishes entered on their medical charts. Physicians and other providers may be re luctant to act on DNR requests in part because they are trained to save patients, not per mit them to die, and in part to avoid legal liability (McArdle, 2002; Goldman et al., 2013; Wan et al., 2017).

LIVING WILLS To gain more control over death decisions, people are increasingly signing living wills. A living will is a legal document that designates the medical treatments a person does or does not want if the person cannot express his or her wishes (see Figure 10-2).

Some people designate a specific person, called a health-care proxy, to act as their representative for health-care decisions. Health-care proxies are authorized either in living wills or in a legal document known as a durable power of attorney. Health-care proxies may be authorized to deal with all medical care problems (such as a coma) or only with terminal illnesses.

As with DNR orders, living wills are ineffective unless people make sure their health-care proxies and doctors know their wishes. Although they may be reluctant to do this, people should have frank conversations with their health-care proxies.

EUTHANASIA AND ASSISTED SUICIDE Dr. Jack Kevorkian became well known in the 1990s for his invention and promotion of a "suicide machine," which allowed pa tients to push a button and release anesthesia and a drug that stops the heart. By sup plying the machine and the drugs, which patients administered themselves, Kevorkian was participating in assisted suicide, providing the means for a terminally ill person to commit suicide. Kevorkian spent 8 years in prison for second-degree murder for his participation in an assisted suicide shown on the television show 60 Minutes.

Assisted suicide continues to raise bitter conflict in the United States, and the prac tice is illegal in most states. Today, seven major jurisdictions (California, Colorado, Montana, Oregon, Vermont, Washington, and Washington, DC) have passed "right to die" laws, and Montana has legal physician-assisted suicide following a court order. In Oregon alone, more than 1,100 people have taken medication to end their own lives (Edwards, 2015; Oregon Death with Dignity Act, 2016).

In many countries, assisted suicide is widely ac cepted. For instance, in the Netherlands medical per sonnel may help end their patients' lives if they meet several conditions: At least two physicians must de termine that the patient is terminally ill, there must be unbearable physical or mental suffering, the patient must give informed consent in writing, and relatives must be informed beforehand (Battin et al., 2007; Onwuteaka-Philipsen et al., 2010; Augestad et al., 2013; Nolen, 2016).

Assisted suicide is one form of euthanasia, the practice of assisting terminally ill people to die more quickly. Popularly known as "mercy killing," eutha nasia has several forms. Passive euthanasia involves re moving respirators or other medical equipment that may be sustaining a patient's life, to allow him or her to die naturally-such as when medical staff follow

a DNR order. In voluntary active euthanasia caregivers or medical staff act to end a person's life before death would normally occur, perhaps by administering a le thal dose of pain medication. Assisted suicide, as we have seen, lies between passive and voluntary active euthanasia. For all the controversy surrounding the practice, euthanasia is surprisingly widespread. One survey of nurses in intensive care units found that 20 percent had deliberately hastened a patient's death at least once, and other experts assert that euthanasia is far from rare (Asch, 1996).

The controversy arises from the question of who should control life. Does the right to one's life belong to the individual, the person's physicians, his or her dependents, the government, or some deity? Because we claim to have the absolute right to create lives in the form of babies, some people argue that we should also have the absolute right to end our lives (Allen et al., 2006; Goldney, 2012; Monteverde et al., 2017).

Many opponents argue that the practice is morally wrong. In their view, prematurely ending the life of a person, no matter how willing the person is, is murder. Others point out that physicians are often inaccurate in predicting how long a person will live. For exam ple, in some cases patients have lived for years after being given no more than a 50 percent chance of living 6 more months (Bishop, 2006; Peel & Harding, 2015).

Another argument against euthanasia focuses on the emotional state of the patient. Even if patients beg health-care providers to help them die, they may be suffering from a form of depression that may be treated with antidepressant drugs. Once the depres sion lifts, patients may change their minds about wanting to die (Costin, 2006; Mclachlan, 2008; Schildmann & Schildmann, 2013).

Where to Die: Easing the Final Passage

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Figure 10-2 An Example of a Living W i l l What steps can people take to make sure the wishes they write into their living wills are carried out?

!, ________________ � being of sound mind, make this state ment as a d i rect ive to be followed if I become permanently u n a b l e to partici pate in decisi ons regarding my med ica l care. These i n structi ons reflect my firm a n d settled comm itment to decl i ne medica l treatment u n d e r the circumstances ind icated below:

I d i rect my attend i n g physician to withhold or withdraw treatment that merely prolongs my dy i ng, if I should be in an incurable or irreversible mental or physical condition with no reasonable expectation of recovery, i n c l u d i n g but not l i mited to: (a) a terminal condition; (b) a permanently unconscious condition; o r (c) a minimally conscious condition in which I am permanently unable to make decisions or express my wishes.

I d i rect that treatment be l imited to measures to keep me comfortable and to rel ieve pain, includi n g any pain that m i g ht occur by withholding or withdrawing treatment. Wh i le I u n derstand that I am not legally required to be specific about future treatments, if I am in the condition(s) described above I feel especially strongly about the following treatments:

I do not want card i ac resuscitation. I do not want mechan ica l respirati o n . I do not want t u b e feed i n g . I do not want a n ti biotics. However, I do want maximum pain r e l i ef, even i f it may hasten my death.

Other d i rections (insert personal instructions):

These d i rections express my legal right to refuse treatment under federal and state law. I intend my instructions to be carried out, u n l ess I have revoked them i n a new writing or by clearly i ndicating that I have changed my mind.

Signed:. _________________ Date:. ____ _

Address: _______________________ _

Statement by Witnesses I declare that the person who signed this document appears to be at least e i g hteen (18) years of age, of sound mind, and under no constraint or u n d u e influence. The person who signed this document appeared to d o so w i l l i n g l y and free from d u ress. H e or she signed (or asked another to sig n f o r h i m or her) t h i s document i n my presence.

Witness: _______________________ _

Address: _______________________ _

Witness: _______________________ _

Address: _______________________ _

euthanasia

LO 10.6 Describe alternatives for providing end-of-life care for the terminally ill. the practice of assisting people who are terminally ill to die more quickly

I Dina Bianga loves her work. Dina is a registered nurse with the Hospice of Michigan; her job is to meet the physical and psychological needs of the terminally il l.

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home care an alternative to hospitalization in which dying people stay in their homes and receive treatment from their families and visiting medical staff

hospice care care provided for the dying in in stitutions devoted to those who are terminally ill

"You need compassion and a good cl inical background," she says. "You also have to be flexi ble. You go into the home, hospital, nursing home, adult foster care-wherever the patient is."

Dina l i kes the interdiscipli nary approach that hospice work requires. "You form a team with others who provi de soci al work, spiritual care, home health aid, grief support, and admi nistrative support."

Surprisingly, the patients are not the most challenging part of the job. Famil ies and friends are.

"Famil ies are frightened, and everything seems out of control. They're not always ready to accept that death is coming soon, so you have to be careful and sensitive how you word things. If they are well informed on what to expect, the transition is smoother and a more comfortable atmosphere is created for the patient."

About half the people in the United States who die do so in hospitals. Yet hospitals are among the least desirable places in which to face death. They are typically imper sonal, with staff rotating through the day. Because visiting hours are limited, people frequently die alone, without the comfort of loved ones.

Hospitals are designed to make people better, not provide custodial care for the dying, which is extraordinarily expensive. Consequently, hospitals typically don't have the resources to deal adequately with the emotional requirements of terminally ill patients and their families.

Because of this, several alternatives to hospitalization have arisen. In home care, dying people stay in their homes and receive treatment from their families and visiting medical staff. Many dying patients prefer home care because they can spend their final days in a familiar environment, with people they love and a lifetime accumulation of treasures around them.

But home care can be quite difficult for family members. True, giving something precious to people they love offers family members substantial emotional solace, but being on call 24 hours a day is extraordinarily draining, both physically and emotionally. Furthermore, because most relatives are not trained in nursing, they may provide less than optimal medical care (Day, Anderson, & Davis, 2014; Woodman, Baillie, & Sivell, 2016).

Another alternative to hospitalization that is becoming increasingly prevalent is hospice care. Hospice care is care for the dying provided in institutions devoted to the terminally ill. They are designed to provide a warm, supportive environment for the dying. They do not focus on extending people's lives, but on making their final days pleasant and meaningful. Typically, people who go to hospices no longer face painful treatments or extraordinary or invasive means to extend their lives. The emphasis is on making patients' lives as full as possible, not on squeezing out every possible mo ment of life at any cost (Hanson et al., 2010; York et al., 2012; Prochaska et al., 2017).

Although the research is far from conclusive, hospice patients appear to be more satisfied with the care they receive than those who receive treatment in more tradi tional settings. Hospice care, then, provides a clear alternative to traditional hospi talization for the terminally ill (Seymour et al., 2007; Rhodes et al., 2008; Clark, 2015).

Review, C h eck, and Apply

Review

LO 10.4 Analyze Kiibler-Ross's theory on the process of dying.

Elisabeth Kubler-Ross identified five steps toward dying: de nial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance. Although Kubler-Ross has added to our understanding of the process of dying, the steps she identified are not universal. Recently, other theorists have developed alternative ideas.

LO 1 0 .5 Explain ways in which people can exercise control over how they spend their last days.

Issues surrounding dying are highly controversial, including the measures that physicians should apply to keep dying patients alive and who should make the decisions about those measures. Assisted suicide and,

more generally, euthanasia are highly controversial and are illegal in most of the United States, although many people believe they should be legalized if they are regulated.

Check Yourself

1. Kubler-Ross initially suggested that people pass through basic steps or stages as they approach death. The first stage is ___ _

a. grief b. acceptance c. anger d. denial

2. According to Kubler-Ross, dying people who promise to give their money to charity if only they can have another few months of life are in the stage of dying.

a. anger b. depression c. denial d. bargaining

Applying Lifespan Development

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LO 10.6 Describe alternatives for providing end-of-life care for the terminally ill.

Although most people in the United States die in hospitals, increasing numbers are choosing home care or hospice care for their final days.

3. In the medical community, DNR stands for ___ _

a. Do Not Renew b. Daily Notice of Revision c. Decision Not to Revive d. Do Not Resuscitate

4. Some people designate a specific person, called a ----� to act as their representative for health care decisions.

a. health associate b. health-care proxy c. legal aide d. personal care attendant

Do you think it would be wise to suggest hospice care to a terminally ill family member who is in the bargaining stage of dying? Which of the stages identified by Kubler-Ross would be the most appropriate for making such a suggestion?

M o d u l e 1 0 . 3 Grief and Bereavement

Facing the Void

When they told me my husband, Jim, had died during surgery, I went

mute. All I wanted was to go into a dark room, curl up in a ball,

and sleep. Spooky, isn 't it, because what I wanted to do was a lot

like dying. But I couldn 't stand words and I couldn 't stand feeling - I didn 't want to feel anything. Because, o f course, the pain was so

huge, I was afraid it would break me. I went home 2 days after he

died and everything hurt. The sight of his clothing, his guitar, and all

the photographs. It's been 2 months and I'm better now, but it still

hurts.

-Kate S., 78, wido w.

Death: Effects on Survivors

It is a universal experience , but most of us are surprisingly ill-prepared

for the grief that follows the death of a loved one. Particularly in

Western societies, where life expectancy is long and mortality rates

are low, people view death as atypical rather than expected. Th is

attitude makes grief all the more diffic ult to bear.

In this module, we consider bereavement and grief. We examine

the difficulties in distinguish ing normal from unhealthy g rief and the

conseq uences of loss. The module also looks at mourning and

funerals, discussing how people can prepare themselves for the

inevitability of death .

In our culture, only babies are buried; just about everyone else is cremated. When my fa

ther died, my elder brother took the lead and, with the other men observing, approached

the pyre and lit it.

My father's body burned well. After the fire died down, my brother oversaw the gathering of the ashes and bone fragments, and we all took a bath to purify us. Despite this and sub

sequent baths, we in the close family were considered polluted for 13 days.

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Finally, after the 1 3 days, we gathered for a big meal. The centerpiece was the preparation

of rice balls (pinda), which we offered to the spirit of my father. At the end of the meal we

dedicated gifts for distribution to the poor.

In Hindu culture, the idea behind these ceremonies is to honor the dead person's memory. More traditi onal people be lieve that it helps the soul pass to the realm of Yama, the god of death, rather than hanging on in this world as a ghost.

This ritual is specifically Hindu, and yet, in its carefully prescribed roles for survi vors and its focus on honoring the dead, it shares key elements with Western rituals. The first step in grieving, for most survivors in Western countries, is some sort of funeral.

Saying Farewell: Final Rites and Mourning

LO 1 0.7 Analyze the cultural meaning of funeral rites in Western and other cultures.

Death is a big business in the United States. The average funeral and burial costs $7,000 to $10,000, including an ornate, polished coffin; limousine transportation; and preservation and viewing of the body (Bryant, 2003; American Association of Retired Persons [AARP], 2004; Sheridan, 2013; Beard & Burger, 2017).

Funerals are grandiose in part because of the vulnerability of the survivors who typically make the arrangements. Wishing to demonstrate love and affection, the sur vivors are susceptible to suggestions that they should "provide the best" for the de ceased (Varga, 2014; McManus & Schafer, 2014; Dobscha, 2015).

But in large measure, social norms and customs determine the nature of funerals just as they do for weddings. In a sense, a funeral is not only a public acknowledgment that an individual has died, but a recognition of everyone's mortality and an accep tance of the cycle of life.

In Western societies, funeral rituals follow a typical pattern. The body is prepared in some way and dressed in special clothing. There is usually a religious rite, a eulogy, a procession of some sort, and some formal period, such as the wake for Irish Catholics and Shiva for Jews, in which relatives and friends visit the family and pay their re spects. Military funerals typically include the firing of weapons and a flag draped over the coffin.

As we saw in the prologue, non-Western funerals are different. In some societies, mourners shave their heads as a sign of grief, and in others they allow the hair to grow and stop shaving for a time. In other cultures, mourners may be hired to wail and grieve. Sometimes noisy celebrations take place, whereas in other cultures silence is the norm. Culture deter mines even the nature of emotional displays, such as the amount and tim ing of crying (Peters, 2010; Hoy, 2013; Shohet, 2018).

Mourners in Balinese funerals in Indonesia attempt to show little emotion because they believe the gods will hear their prayers only if they are calm. In contrast, mourners at African American funerals show their grief, and funeral rituals allow attendees to display their feelings. Widows in Egypt are considered abnormal if they don't weep unconsol ably, and Chinese mourners sometimes hire professional wailers (Collins & Doolittle, 2006; Walter, 2012; Carteret, 2017).

Historically, some cultures developed rather extreme funeral rites. For example, in suttee, a traditional Hindu practice in India that is now illegal, a widow was expected to throw herself into the fire that consumed her husband's body. In ancient China, servants were sometimes buried (alive) with their masters' bodies.

Every society has its own ways of mourning.

Ultimately, no matter the ritual, all funerals basically serve the same function: They mark the endpoint of the life of the person who has died-and provide a formal forum for the feelings of the survivors, a place where they can come together, share their grief, and comfort one another.

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Bereavement and Grief

LO 1 0.8 Describe how survivors react to and cope with death.

The news hit the world like a tidal wave: The musician Prince was dead at age 57. Prince, a pop phenomenon who had earned tens of millions of dollars from his recordings and performances, seemed too young to die.

Pri nce's death set off an explosion of p u blic grief. Tributes poured in from politicians and celebrities, and musical tributes were held i n many locales. Sales of Prince's music reached un precedented levels.

After the death of a loved one, a painful period of adjustment follows, involving be reavement and grief. Bereavement is acknowledgment of the objective fact that one has experienced a death, and grief is the emotional response to one's loss. (Also see the From Research to Practice box.)

bereavement acknowledgment of the objective fact that one has experienced a death

The first stage of grief typically entails shock, numbness, disbelief, or outright de nial. People try to avoid the reality of the situation and pursue their usual routines, although the pain may break through, causing anguish, fear, and deep sorrow and distress. In some ways, numbness may be beneficial because it permits the survivor to make funeral arrangements and carry out other psychologically difficult tasks. Typically, people pass through this stage in a few days or weeks.

grief the emotional response to one's loss

From Research to Pract ice

Moving On: Surviving the Loss of a Long-Time Spouse

As you may well imagine, the death of a spouse is almost always a traumatic experience that is usually followed by intense grief and anguish. I n the case of older couples who had been married for a very long time, losi ng a spouse can mean losing a lifelong companion and typically a partner's primary and somet imes sole source of emotional support. Intuitio n may therefore suggest that the period of grieving such a loss would be particularly prolonged for a surviving spouse who had enjoyed a close and happy marriage.

But a growing body of research suggests otherwise: It seems in fact that people who had a successfu l marriage are better able to work through their mourning of a lost spouse and get on with the rest of their lives than those with less successful marriages. In fact, research now suggests that around half of those who report having satisfying marriages are able to get past their grief within 6 months of the death of their spouses (Carr, Nesse, & Wortman, 2005; Carr, 2015, 201 6).

One explanation for these findi ngs i s that people who enjoy close and happy marriages tend to have strong interpersonal ski lls on which to rely during their time of loss. They may be better equipped to call upon friends, family, and even a professional counselor if necessary to assist them through their grievi ng period. One way that others help the surviving spouse i s by providing a diversion to keep h i m or her from dwelling o n the loss and al so by encourag in g h i m o r h e r to replace t h e void with new interests and activities. Strong interpersonal ski l ls may also facil itate a positive approach to dating new people when the time is right (Carr, 201 5 ; Coll ins, 201 8).

Another reason for the res i l iency of surviving spouses of close marriages i s the knowledge that they and their

departed partner had c u l m inated what they set out to achieve: a successful and satisfying relationship. Surviving partners of strained marriages might feel more sadness over never having achieved a desired level of closeness, or they might regret not having an opportunity to resolve l ingering conflicts, or they might feel guilty about not working harder to make their marriage better when they had the chance.

O n the other hand, surviving spouses who enjoyed a close marriage are more likely to have settled l ingering issues and to have talked through what would happen after either of them died; they therefore are more l i kely to feel secure in knowing what their departed would have wanted for them in widowhood. Fi nally, spouses who have a c lose and secure relationship may simply have a better opportun ity to say their final goodbyes as one partner's health fails (Manc ini, Sinan, & Bonanno, 201 5).

Of course, having a secure marriage is no guarantee that l ife as a widow or widower will be lacking in pain. Even very resilient survivors grieve deep ly in the i mmediate months following the death of their spouses. And indeed, it's possible to be too close to one's spouse, making the loss more difficult; men i n particular may be hit hard by the loss of a wife who was their only emotional confidant. But in many cases, the final gift of a c lose and loving spouse is the security to move on with one's life within a reasonable time after his or her death (Boerner et al., 2005; Maccal l u m , Malgaroni, & Bonanno, 201 7).

Sh ared Writ i n g Prompt: What other factors besides interpersonal closeness might affect the duration of grief after losing a long-time spouse?

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In the next phase, people begin to confront the death and realize the extent of their loss. They fully experience their grief and begin to acknowledge that the separa tion from the dead person will be permanent. They may suffer deep unhappiness or even depression, a normal feeling in this situation. They may yearn for the dead indi vidual. Emotions can range from impatient to lethargic. However, they also begin to view their past relationship with the deceased realistically, good and bad. In so doing, they begin to free themselves from some of the bonds that tied them to the loved one (Norton & Gino, 2014; Rosenblatt, 2015).

Finally, they reach the accommodation stage. They begin to pick up the pieces of their lives and to construct new identities. For instance, rather than seeing herself as a widowed spouse, a woman whose husband has died may come to regard herself as a single person. Still, there are moments when intense feelings of grief occur.

Ultimately, most people emerge from grieving and live new, independent lives. They form new relationships, and some even find that coping with the death has helped them to grow as individuals. They become more self-reliant and more appreciative of life.

It is important to keep in mind that not everyone passes through the stages of grief in the same manner and in the same order. People display vast individual differences, partly because of their personalities, the nature of the relationship with the deceased, and the opportunities that are available to them for continuing their lives after the loss.

In fact, most bereaved people are quite resilient, experiencing strong positive emo tions such as joy even soon after the death of a loved one. According to psychologist George Bonanno, who has studied bereavement extensively, humans are prepared in an evolutionary sense to move on after the death of someone close. He rejects the notion that there are fixed stages of mourning and argues that most people move on with their lives quite effectively (Bonanno, 2009; Mancini & Bonanno, 2012; McCoyd & Walter, 2016). DIFFERENTIATING UNHEALTHY GRIEF FROM NORMAL GRIEF Although ideas abound about what separates normal grief from unhealthy grief, careful research has shown that many of the assumptions that both laypersons and clinicians hold are wrong. There is no particular timetable for grieving, despite the common notion that grieving should be complete a year after a spouse has died.

For some people (but not all), grieving may take considerably longer than a year. And some individuals experience complicated grief (or sometimes prolonged grief dis order), a type of mourning that continues unceasingly for months and years (as we discussed in the previous chapter). An estimated 15 percent of those who are bereaved suffer from complicated grief (Maercker, Neimeyer & Simiola, 2017; Maccallum, Malgaroli, & Bonanno, 2017; Kokou-Kpolou, Megalakaki, & Nieuviarts, 2018).

Other people show incomplete grief, a lingering form of grief following a loss in which people are unable to grieve effectively. They may be unaware of how unhappy

they truly are, or they may lack societal "per mission" to grieve. For example, a gay teen ager who has not told his parents about his homosexuality and who suffers the death of a lover may be forced to hide his grief. His inability to show his grief may make the process of grieving even more difficult.

Research also contradicts the assumption that depression inevitably follows a death. In fact, only 15 to 30 percent of people show rela tively deep depression following the loss of a loved one (Bonanno et al., 2002; Hensley, 2006).

After a death, people move through a painful period of bereavement and grief. These mourners in Syria grieve the loss of Kurdish fighters who died in clashes with the Islamic State.

Similarly, it is often assumed that peo ple who show little initial distress are not facing up to reality, and that they are likely to have problems later. In fact, those who show the most intense distress immediately after a death are the most apt to have adjust ment difficulties and health problems later (Boerner, Wortman, & Bonanno, 2005).

THE CONSEQUENCES OF GRIEF AND BEREAVEMENT In a sense, death is catching. Evidence suggests that widowed people are particularly at risk of death. Some studies find that the risk of death can be seven times higher than normal in the first year after the death of a spouse, particularly for men and younger women. Remarriage seems to lower the risk of death, especially for widowed men, al though the reasons are not clear (Aiken, 2000; Elwert & Christakis, 2008; Sullivan & Fenelon, 2013).

From a social worker's perspective: Why do you think the risk of death is so high for people who have recently lost a spouse? Why might remarriage lower the risk?

Bereavement is more likely to produce depression or other negative consequences if the person is already insecure, anxious, or fearful and therefore is less able to cope effectively. Relationships marked by ambivalence before death are more apt to cause poor post-death outcomes than secure relationships. Highly dependent people are apt to suffer more after the death, as are those who spend a lot of time reflecting on the death and their own grief.

Bereaved people who lack social support from family, friends, or a connection to some other group, religious or otherwise, are more likely to experience feelings of loneliness, and therefore are more at risk. Finally, people who are unable to make sense of the death or find meaning in it (such as a new appreciation of life) show less over all adjustment (Nolen-Hoeksema & Davis, 2002; Torges, Stewart, & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2008; Howard Sharp et al., 2018).

The suddenness of the death also affects the course of grieving. People who unex pectedly lose their loved ones are less able to cope than those who could anticipate the death. In one study, people who experienced a sudden death had not fully recovered 4 years later. In part, this may be because sudden deaths are often the result of violence, which occurs more frequently among younger individuals (Burton, Haley, & Small, 2006; De Leo et al., 2014; Kolves et al., 2019).

As we noted previously, children may need special help understanding and mourning the death of someone they love. (See the Development in Your Life box.)

Social networking sites like Facebook provide a means for public grieving.

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Deve l o p m e n t i n Yo u r Life

Helping a Child Cope with Grief

Because of their l i m ited understanding of death, younger chi ldren need special help i n coping with grief. Among the strategies that can help are the following :

• Be honest. Don't say that the person is "sleepi ng" or "on a long trip." Use age-appropriate language to tell the truth. Gently but clearly point out that death is final and universal.

• Encourage expressions of grief. Don 't tell chi ldren not to cry or show their feelings. Instead, tell them that it is und erstandable to feel terri ble , and that they may always miss the deceased. Encourage them to draw a picture, write a letter, or express thei r feelings some other way.

Rev iew, C h eck, a n d Apply

Review

LO 10.7 Analyze the cultural meaning of funeral rites in Western and other cultures.

After a death, most cultures prescribe some sort of fu neral ritual to honor the passing of a community member. Funeral rites play a significant role in helping people ac knowledge the death of a loved one, recognize their own mortality, and proceed with their lives.

Check Yourself

1. Researchers who have studied grief have found that

a. grief follows a fixed, universal pattern that is similar for all people

b. the larger and more expensive the funeral, the less grief experienced by survivors

c. grief follows many paths, and there is no one "right" way to experience grief

d. for most people, hiding their grief from others and acting like the death of a loved one isn't bothering them is the fastest way to recover and move on from the death

2. One of the main purposes of the funeral ritual across cultures is to ____ _

a. encourage survivors to look more favorably on the prospect of dying

b. cheer the dying person with the prospect of a grand sendoff

Applying Lifespan Development

• Reassure ch ildren that they are not to blame.

C h ildren sometimes attri bute a loved one's death to their own behavi or-if they had not misbehaved, they mistakenly reason, the person would not have died.

• Understand that children's grief may surface in

unanticipated ways. C hi ldren may show little initial grief but later may become upset for no apparent reason or revert to behaviors like thumb sucking or wanting to sleep with their parents.

• Children may respond to books for young people about death. One especial ly effect ive book is When Dinosaurs Die by Laurie Krasny Brown and Marc Brown.

LO 10.8 Describe how survivors react to and cope with death.

Bereavement refers to the loss of a loved one; grief refers to the emotional response to that loss. For many people, grief passes through the denial, sorrow, and accommodation stages. Common assumptions about the nature and dura tion of "normal" grief have been shown to be erroneous. The length and intensity of the mourning period vary widely.

c. offer survivors an opportunity to share their grief d. enable the dying person to express final thoughts in

writing or on tape

3. In the final stage of grief, people tend to ___ _

a. pick up the pieces of their lives and construct new identities

b. cycle back to numbness if the pain is too severe c. avoid the reality of the situation through denial d. suffer deep unhappiness and even depression

4. Bereaved people who lack are more likely to experience loneliness and are at greater risk for neg ative post-death outcomes.

a. ambivalence b. rituals c. independence d. social support

Why do so many people in the United States feel reluctant to think and talk about death? Why do people in other cultures feel less reluctant?

C h apter 1 0 S u m mary Putting It All Together: Death and Dying

JACKSON LEROI, the 71-year-old man we met in the chapter opener, re signed to his impending death, was determined to go out the way he wanted celebrating a life well lived with a gathering 2 weeks before his death. It was Jackson's last party, and it was a grand one!

Death and Dying 461

MODULE 1 0.1 MODULE 10.2 CONFRONTING DEATH

MODULE 1 0.3 DEATH AND DYING ACROSS THE LIFE SPAN

GRIEF AND BEREAVEMENT

• Jackson has confronted the ques tion of when life ends and pre pared for it. (p. 441)

• Jackson, at age 71, clearly feels that he has had a life worth cel ebrating. (p. 463)

• He has tried to anticipate and deal in advance with the feelings of his family members. (p. 463)

• Jackson appears to have passed successfully through the steps of dying. (pp. 449-452)

• He has decided to make his own life-or-death (e.g., DNR) decisions. (pp. 452-455)

• He does not seem to have even considered the idea of assisted suicide, preferring to die naturally with family and friends at his side. (pp. 453-454)

What wou l d

YOU do?

What would a

POLICYMAKER do?

What would a

H EALT H - CARE

PROV I D E R do?

• Jackson understands the impor tance of funeral ceremonies and has undertaken the planning of a party to celebrate his life. (p. 457)

• He has evidently anticipated the grief that his family and friends will experience and has planned an event that emphasizes celebra tion of a life rather than mourning of a death. (pp. 458-460)

What would an

EDUCATO R do?

Given what you know about possible places to die, what

would you recommend for your closest loved one, in the event it was needed: hospitalization, home care, or hospice care? Why?

Would other choices be more appropriate for other loved ones you know?

Should the government get involved in determin ing whether to permit individuals to make deci sions about continuing

their own lives in times of critical illness or extreme pain? Should this be a mat

ter of law or of personal conscience?

Which criteria are most important in deciding whether or not to dis continue life-support systems? Do you think the criteria differ in different cultures?

What sorts of topics should be covered in depth in death educa- tion courses for health providers? For lay people?

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G l ossary

abstract modeling the process in which modeling paves the way for the development of more general rules and principles.

acceleration special programs that allow gifted students to move ahead at their own pace, even if this means skipping to higher grade levels.

accommodation changes in existing ways of thinking that occur in response to encounters with new stimuli or events.

achieving stage the point reached by young adults in which intel ligence is applied to specific situations involving the attainment of long-term goals regarding careers, family, and societal contributions.

acquisitive stage according to Schaie, the first stage of cognitive de velopment, encompassing all of childhood and adolescence.

activity theory the theory suggesting that successful aging occurs when people maintain the interests, activities, and social interactions with which they were involved during middle age.

addictive drugs drugs that produce a biological or psychological dependence in users, leading to increasingly powerful cravings for them.

adolescence the developmental stage that lies between childhood and adulthood.

adolescent egocentrism a state of self-absorption in which the world is viewed from one's own point of view.

adult day-care facilities a facility in which elderly individuals re ceive care only during the day but spend nights and weekends in their own homes.

affordances the action possibilities that a given situation or stimulus provides.

age stratification theories the view that an unequal distribution of economic resources, power, and privilege exists among people at different stages of life.

ageism prejudice and discrimination directed at older people.

agentic professions occupations that are associated with getting things accomplished, such as carpentry.

aggression intentional injury or harm to another person.

Ainsworth Strange Situation a sequence of staged episodes that illustrate the strength of attachment between a child and (typically) his or her mother.

alcoholics people with alcohol problems who have learned to de pend on alcohol and are unable to control their drinking.

Alzheimer's disease a progressive brain disorder that produces loss of memory and confusion.

ambivalent attachment pattern a style of attachment in which chil dren display a combination of positive and negative reactions to their mothers.

amniocentesis the process of identifying genetic defects by examin ing a small sample of feta! cells drawn by a needle inserted into the amniotic fluid surrounding the unborn fetus.

androgynous a state in which gender roles encompass characteris tics thought typical of both sexes.

anorexia nervosa a severe eating disorder in which individuals re fuse to eat, while denying that their behavior and appearance, which may become skeletal, are out of the ordinary.

anoxia a restriction of oxygen to the baby, lasting a few minutes dur ing the birth process, which can produce cognitive defects.

Apgar scale a standard measurement system that looks for a variety of indications of good health in newborns.

applied research research meant to provide practical solutions to immediate problems.

artificial insemination a process of fertilization in which a man's sperm is placed directly into a woman's reproductive tract by a physician.

assimilation the process in which people understand an experience in terms of their current stage of cognitive development and way of thinking.

associative play play in which two or more children actually in teract with one another by sharing or borrowing toys or materials, although they do not do the same thing.

attachment the positive emotional bond that develops between a child and a particular individual.

attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) a learning disor der marked by inattention, impulsiveness, a low tolerance for frus tration, and generally a great deal of inappropriate activity.

auditory impairment a special need that involves the loss of hearing or some aspect of hearing.

authoritarian parents parents who are controlling, punitive, rigid, and cold, and whose word is law. They value strict, unquestioning obedience from their children and do not tolerate expressions of disagreement.

authoritative parents parents who are firm, setting clear and consis tent limits, but who try to reason with their children, giving explana tions for why they should behave in a particular way.

autobiographical memory memory of particular events from one's own life.

autonomy having independence and a sense of control over one's life.

autonomy-versus-shame-and-doubt stage the period during which, according to Erik Erikson, toddlers (age 18 months to 3 years) develop independence and autonomy if they are allowed the free dom to explore, or shame and self-doubt if they are restricted and overprotected.

avoidant attachment pattern a style of attachment in which children do not seek proximity to the mother; after the mother has left, they seem to avoid her when she returns as if they are angered by her behavior.

babbling making speechlike but meaningless sounds.

Bayley Scales of Infant Development a measure that evaluates an infant's development from 2 to 42 months.

behavior modification a formal technique for promoting the fre quency of desirable behaviors and decreasing the incidence of un wanted ones.

behavioral genetics the study of the effects of heredity on behavior.

behavioral perspective the approach that suggests that the keys to understanding development are observable behavior and outside stimuli in the environment.

bereavement acknowledgment of the objective fact that one has ex perienced a death.

G-1

G-2 Glossary

bicultural identity maintaining one's original cultural identity while integrating oneself into the dominant culture.

bilingualism the use of more than one language.

bioecological approach the perspective suggesting that levels of the environment simultaneously influence individuals.

blended families remarried couples who have at least one stepchild living with them.

body transcendence versus body preoccupation a period in which people must learn to cope with and move beyond changes in physi cal capabilities as a result of aging.

bonding close physical and emotional contact between parent and child during the period immediately following birth.

boomerang children young adults who return, after leaving home for some period, to live in the homes of their middle-aged parents.

brain death a diagnosis of death based on the cessation of all signs of brain activity, as measured by electrical brain waves.

Brazelton Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale (NBAS) a mea sure designed to determine infants' neurological and behavioral responses to their environment.

bulimia nervosa an eating disorder characterized by binges on large quantities of food, followed by purges of the food through vomiting or the use of laxatives.

burnout a situation that occurs when workers experience dissatis faction, disillusionment, frustration, and weariness from their jobs.

career consolidation according to Vaillant, a stage that is entered between the ages of 20 and 40, when young adults become centered on their careers.

case studies studies that involve extensive, in-depth interviews with a particular individual or small group of individuals.

centration the process of concentrating on one limited aspect of a stimulus and ignoring other aspects.

cephalocaudal principle the principle that growth follows a pattern that begins with the head and upper body parts and then proceeds down to the rest of the body.

cerebral cortex the upper layer of the brain.

cesarean delivery a birth in which the baby is surgically removed from the uterus, rather than traveling through the birth canal.

childhood-onset fluency disorder (stuttering) substantial disrup tion in the rhythm and fluency of speech; the most common speech impairment.

chorionic villus sampling (CVS) a test used to find genetic defects that involves taking samples of hairlike material that surrounds the embryo.

chromosomes rod-shaped portions of DNA that are organized in 23 pairs.

chronological (or physical) age the actual age of the child taking the intelligence test.

classical conditioning a type of learning in which an organism re sponds in a particular way to a neutral stimulus that normally does not bring about that type of response.

cliques groups of from 2 to 12 people whose members have frequent social interactions with one another.

cognitive development development involving the ways that growth and change in intellectual capabilities influence a person's behavior.

cognitive neuroscience approaches approaches that examine cogni tive development through the lens of brain processes.

cognitive perspective the approach that focuses on the processes that allow people to know, understand, and think about the world.

cohabitation couples living together without being married.

cohort a group of people born at around the same time in the same place.

collectivistic orientation a philosophy that promotes the notion of interdependence.

communal professions occupations that are associated with rela tionships, such as nursing.

companionate love the strong affection for those with whom our lives are deeply involved.

concrete operational stage the period of cognitive development between 7 and 12 years of age, which is characterized by the active, and appropriate, use of logic.

conservation the knowledge that quantity is unrelated to the ar rangement and physical appearance of obj ects.

constructive play play in which children manipulate obj ects to pro duce or build something.

contextual perspective the theory that considers the relationship between individuals and their physical, cognitive, personality, and social worlds.

continuing-care community a community that offers an environ ment in which all the residents are of retirement age or older.

continuity theory the theory suggesting that people need to main tain their desired level of involvement in society to maximize their sense of well-being and self-esteem.

continuous change gradual development in which achievements at one level build on those of previous levels.

controversial adolescents children who are liked by some peers and disliked by others.

cooperative play play in which children genuinely interact with one another, taking turns, playing games, or devising contests.

coping the effort to control, reduce, or learn to tolerate the threats that lead to stress.

coregulation a period in which parents and children jointly control children's behavior.

correlational research research that seeks to identify whether an as sociation or relationship between two factors exists.

creativity the combination of responses or ideas in novel ways.

critical period a specific time during development when a particular event has its greatest consequences and the presence of certain kinds of environmental stimuli are necessary for development to proceed normally.

cross-sectional research research in which people of different ages are compared at the same point in time.

crowds larger groups than cliques, composed of individuals who share particular characteristics but who may not interact with one another.

crystallized intelligence the accumulation of information, skills, and strategies that people have learned through experience and that they can apply in problem-solving situations.

cultural assimilation model the model in which the goal was to assimilate individual cultural identities into a unique, unified American culture.

cycle of violence hypothesis the theory that the abuse and neglect that children suffer predispose them as adults to abuse and neglect their own children.

decentering the ability to take multiple aspects of a situation into account.

decision/commitment component according to Sternberg, the third as pect of love that embodies both the initial cognition that one loves an other person and the longer-term determination to maintain that love.

defensive coping coping that involves unconscious strategies that distort or deny the true nature of a situation.

dependent variable the variable that researchers measure to see if it changes as a result of the experimental manipulation.

developmental quotient an overall developmental score that relates to performance in four domains: motor skills, language use, adap

tive behavior, and personal-social.

difficult babies babies who have negative moods and are slow to adapt to new situations; when confronted with a new situation, they tend to withdraw.

discontinuous change development that occurs in distinct steps or stages, with each stage bringing about behavior that is assumed to be qualitatively different from behavior at previous stages.

disengagement theory the theory that late adulthood marks a gradual withdrawal from the world on physical, psychological, and social levels.

dizygotic twins twins who are produced when two separate ova are fertilized by two separate sperm at roughly the same time.

DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) molecules the substance that genes are composed of that determines the nature of every cell in the body and how it will function.

dominance hierarchy rankings that represent the relative social power of those in a group.

dominant trait the one trait that is expressed when two competing traits are present.

Down syndrome a disorder produced by the presence of an extra chromosome on the 21st pair; once referred to as mongolism.

easy babies babies who have a positive disposition; their body func tions operate regularly, and they are adaptable.

ego transcendence versus ego preoccupation the period in which elderly people must come to grips with their coming death.

egocentric thought thinking that does not take into account the viewpoints of others.

ego-integrity-versus-despair stage Erikson's final stage of life, char acterized by a process of looking back over one's life, evaluating it, and coming to terms with it.

elder abuse the physical or psychological mistreatment or neglect of elderly individuals.

embryonic stage the period from 2 to 8 weeks following fertiliza tion during which significant growth occurs in the major organs and body systems.

emerging adulthood the period from the late teenage years extend ing to the mid-20s in which people are still sorting out their options for the future.

emotional intelligence the set of skills that underlie the accurate as sessment, evaluation, expression, and regulation of emotions.

emotional self-regulation the capability to adjust emotions to a de sired state and level of intensity.

empathy an emotional response that corresponds to the feelings of another person.

empty nest syndrome the experience that relates to parents' feelings of unhappiness, worry, loneliness, and depression resulting from their children's departure from home.

enrichment an approach through which students are kept at grade level but are enrolled in special programs and given individual ac

tivities to allow greater depth of study on a given topic.

episiotomy an incision sometimes made to increase the size of the opening of the vagina to allow the baby to pass.

Glossary G-3

Erikson's theory of psychosocial development the theory that considers how individuals come to understand themselves and the meaning of others' -and their own-behavior.

euthanasia the practice of assisting people who are terminally ill to die more quickly.

evolutionary perspective the theory that seeks to identify behavior that is a result of our genetic inheritance from our ancestors.

executive stage the period in middle adulthood when people take a broader perspective than previously, including concerns about the world.

experiment a process in which an investigator, called an experi menter, devises two different experiences for participants and then studies and compares the outcomes.

experimental research research designed to discover causal relation ships between various factors.

expertise the acquisition of skill or knowledge in a particular area.

expressive style a style of language use in which language is used primarily to express feelings and needs about oneself and others.

extrinsic motivation motivation that drives people to obtain tan gible rewards, such as money and prestige.

fantasy period according to Ginzberg, the period, lasting until about age 11, when career choices are made, and discarded, without regard to skills, abilities, or available job opportunities.

fast mapping instances in which new words are associated with their meaning after only a brief encounter.

female climacteric the period that marks the transition from being able to bear children to being unable to do so.

fertilization the process by which a sperm and an ovum-the male and female gametes, respectively-join to form a single new cell.

feta! alcohol effects (FAE) a condition in which children display some, but not all, of the problems of FASD as a result of the mother's consumption of alcohol during pregnancy.

feta! alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD) a disorder caused by the pregnant mother consuming substantial quantities of alcohol during pregnancy, potentially resulting in mental retardation and delayed growth in the child.

feta! monitor a device that measures the baby's heartbeat during lab or.

feta! stage the stage that begins at about 8 weeks after conception and continues until birth.

fetus a developing child, from 8 weeks after conception until birth.

field study a research investigation carried out in a naturally occur ring setting.

first-year adjustment reaction a cluster of psychological symptoms, including loneliness, anxiety, withdrawal, and depression, relating to the college experience suffered by first-year college students.

fluid intelligence reflects the ability to solve and reason about novel problems.

formal operational stage the period at which people develop the ability to think abstractly.

fragile X syndrome a disorder produced by injury to a gene on the X chromosome, producing mild to moderate intellectual disability.

functional death the absence of a heartbeat and breathing.

functional play play that involves simple, repetitive activities typi cal of 3-year-olds.

gender the sense of being male or female.

gender constancy the belief that people are permanently males or females, depending on fixed, unchangeable biological factors.

gender identity the perception of oneself as male or female.

G-4 Glossary

gender schema a cognitive framework that organizes information relevant to gender.

generalized slowing hypothesis the theory that processing in all parts of the nervous system, including the brain, is less efficient as we age.

generation gap a divide between parents and adolescents in atti tudes, values, aspirations, and worldviews.

generativity-versus-stagnation according to Erikson, the stage dur ing middle adulthood in which people consider their contributions to family and society.

genes the basic unit of genetic information.

genetic counseling the discipline that focuses on helping people deal with issues relating to inherited disorders.

genetic programming theories of aging theories that suggest that our body's DNA genetic code contains a built-in time limit for the reproduction of human cells.

genotype the underlying combination of genetic material present (but not outwardly visible) in an organism.

germinal stage the first-and shortest-stage of the prenatal period, which takes place during the first 2 weeks following conception.

gerontologists specialists who study aging.

gifted and talented children who show evidence of high perfor mance capability in areas such as intellectual, creative, artistic, lead ership capacity, or specific academic fields.

glaucoma a condition in which pressure in the fluid of the eye in creases, either because the fluid cannot drain properly or because too much fluid is produced.

goodness-of-fit the notion that development is dependent on the degree of match between children's temperament and the nature and demands of the environment in which they are being raised.

grammar the system of rules that determine how our thoughts can be expressed.

grief the emotional response to one's loss.

habituation the decrease in the response to a stimulus that occurs after repeated presentations of the same stimulus.

handedness the preference of using one hand over another.

heterozygous inheriting different forms of a gene for a given trait from each parent.

holophrases one-word utterances that stand for a whole phrase, the meaning of which depends on the particular context in which they are used.

home care an alternative to hospitalization in which dying people stay in their homes and receive treatment from their families and visiting medical staff.

homogamy the tendency to marry someone who is similar in age, race, education, religion, and other basic demographic characteristics.

homozygous inheriting similar genes for a given trait from both parents.

hospice care care provided for the dying in institutions devoted to those who are terminally ill.

humanistic perspective the theory that contends that people have a natural capacity to make decisions about their lives and control their behavior.

hypothesis a prediction stated in a way that permits it to be tested.

identity achievement the status of adolescents who commit to a particular identity following a period of crisis during which they consider various alternatives.

identity diffusion the status of adolescents who consider various identity alternatives, but never commit to one or never even con sider identity options in any conscious way.

identity foreclosure the status of adolescents who prematurely com mit to an identity without adequately exploring alternatives.

identity-versus-identity-confusion stage according to Erik Erikson, the period during which teenagers seek to determine what is unique and distinctive about themselves.

imaginary audience an adolescent's belief that his or her own be havior is a primary focus of others' attention and concerns.

in vitro fertilization (IVF) a procedure in which a woman's ova are removed from her ovaries, and a man's sperm are used to fertilize the ova in a laboratory.

independent variable the variable that researchers manipulate in an experiment.

individualistic orientation a philosophy that emphasizes personal identity and the uniqueness of the individual.

infant mortality death within the first year of life.

infant-directed speech a type of speech directed toward infants, characterized by short, simple sentences.

infantile amnesia the lack of memory for experiences that occurred before 3 years of age.

infertility the inability to conceive after 12 to 18 months of trying to become pregnant.

information processing approaches the model that seeks to identify the ways individuals take in, use, and store information.

initiative-versus-guilt stage according to Erik Erikson, the period during which children age 3 to 6 years experience conflict between independence of action and the sometimes negative results of that action.

institutionalism a psychological state in which people in nurs ing homes develop apathy, indifference, and a lack of caring about themselves.

instrumental aggression aggression motivated by the desire to ob tain a concrete goal.

intellectual disability a disability characterized by significant limi tations both in intellectual functioning and in adaptive behavior, which covers many everyday social and practical skills.

intelligence quotient (IQ) a score that accounts for a student's men tal and chronological age.

intelligence the capacity to understand the world, think with ratio nality, and use resources effectively when faced with challenges.

intimacy component according to Sternberg, the component of love that encompasses feelings of closeness, affection, and connectedness.

intimacy-versus-isolation stage according to Erikson, the period of postadolescence into the early 30s that focuses on developing close, intimate relationships with others.

intrinsic motivation motivation that causes people to work for their own enjoyment, for personal rewards.

intuitive thought thinking that reflects preschoolers' use of primitive reasoning and their avid acquisition of knowledge about the world.

Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children, Second Edition (KABC-11) an intelligence test that measures children's ability to integrate different stimuli simultaneously and to use sequential thinking.

Klinefelter's syndrome a disorder resulting from the presence of an extra X chromosome that produces underdeveloped genitals, ex treme height, and enlarged breasts.

labeling theory of passionate love the theory that individuals expe rience romantic love when two events occur together: intense physi ological arousal and situational cues suggesting that the arousal is a result of love.

laboratory study a research investigation conducted in a controlled setting explicitly designed to hold events constant.

language the systematic, meaningful arrangement of symbols, which provides the basis for communication.

language-acquisition device (LAD) a neural system of the brain hy pothesized to permit understanding of language.

lateralization the process in which certain cognitive functions are located more in one hemisphere of the brain than in the other.

learning disabilities difficulties in the acquisition and use of listen ing, speaking, reading, writing, reasoning, or mathematical abilities.

learning theory approach the theory that language acquisition fol lows the basic laws of reinforcement and conditioning.

least restrictive environment the setting that is most similar to that of children without special needs.

life events theories the approach to personality development that is based on the timing of particular events in an adult's life rather than on age per se.

life expectancy the average age of death for members of a population.

life review the point in life in which people examine and evaluate their lives.

lifespan development the field of study that examines patterns of growth, change, and stability in behavior that occur throughout the entire life span.

living wills legal documents designating what medical treatments people want or do not want if they cannot express their wishes.

longitudinal research research in which the behavior of one or more participants in a study is measured as they age.

low-birthweight infants infants who weigh less than 2,500 grams (around 5.5 pounds) at birth.

mainstreaming an educational approach in which exceptional chil dren are integrated to the extent possible into the traditional educa tional system and are provided with a broad range of educational alternatives.

male climacteric the period of physical and psychological change relating to the male reproductive system that occurs during late middle age.

masturbation sexual self-stimulation.

maturation the predetermined unfolding of genetic information.

memory the process by which information is initially recorded, stored, and retrieved.

menarche the onset of menstruation.

menopause the cessation of menstruation.

mental age the typical intelligence level found for people at a given chronological age.

metacognition the knowledge that people have about their own thinking processes and their ability to monitor their cognition.

Glossary G-5

metalinguistic awareness an understanding of one's own use of language.

metamemory an understanding about the processes that underlie memory, which emerges and improves during middle childhood.

midlife crisis a stage of uncertainty and indecision brought about by the realization that life is finite.

mild intellectual disability intellectual disability in which IQ scores fall in the range of 50 or 55 to 70.

mnemonics formal strategies for organizing material in ways that make it more likely to be remembered.

moderate intellectual disability intellectual disability in which IQ scores range from 35 or 40 to 50 or 55.

monozygotic twins twins who are genetically identical.

moral development the changes in people's sense of justice and of what is right and wrong, and in their behavior related to moral issues.

moratorium the status of adolescents who may have explored vari ous identity alternatives to some degree, but have not yet committed themselves.

multicultural education a form of education in which the goal is to help minority students develop confidence in the culture of the ma jority group while maintaining positive group identities that build on their original cultures.

multifactorial transmission the determination of traits by a combi nation of both genetic and environmental factors in which a geno type provides a range within which a phenotype may be expressed.

multimodal approach to perception the approach that considers how information that is collected by various individual sensory sys tems is integrated and coordinated.

myelin protective insulation that surrounds parts of neurons which speeds the transmission of electrical impulses along brain cells but also adds to brain weight.

nativist approach the theory that a genetically determined, innate mechanism directs language development.

naturalistic observation a type of correlational study in which some naturally occurring behavior is observed without intervention in the situation.

neglected adolescents children who receive relatively little at tention from their peers in the form of either positive or negative interactions.

neonates the term used for newborns.

neuron the basic nerve cell of the nervous system.

nonorganic failure to thrive a disorder in which infants stop grow ing due to a lack of stimulation and attention as the result of inad equate parenting.

normative-crisis theories the approach to personality development that is based on fairly universal stages tied to a sequence of age related crises.

norms the average performance of a large sample of children of a given age.

obesity body weight more than 20 percent higher than the average weight for a person of a given age and height.

object permanence the realization that people and objects exist even when they cannot be seen.

onlooker play action in which children simply watch others at play, but do not actually participate themselves.

operant conditioning a form of learning in which a voluntary re sponse is strengthened or weakened by its association with positive or negative consequences.

G-6 Glossary

operations organized, formal, logical mental processes.

osteoporosis a condition in which the bones become brittle, fragile, and thin, often brought about by a lack of calcium in the diet.

overextension the overly broad use of words, overgeneralizing their meaning.

parallel play action in which children play with similar toys, in a similar manner, but do not interact with each other.

passion component according to Sternberg, the component of love that comprises the motivational drives relating to sex, physical closeness, and romance.

passionate (or romantic) love a state of powerful absorption in someone.

peer pressure the influence of one's peers to conform to their behav ior and attitudes.

perception the sorting out, interpretation, analysis, and integration of stimuli involving the sense organs and brain.

peripheral slowing hypothesis the theory that suggests that overall processing speed declines in the peripheral nervous system with increasing age.

permissive parents parents who provide lax and inconsistent feed back and require little of their children.

personal fables the view held by some adolescents that what hap pens to them is unique, exceptional, and shared by no one else.

personality development development involving the ways that the enduring characteristics that differentiate one person from another change over the life span.

personality the sum total of the enduring characteristics that differ entiate one individual from another.

phenotype an observable trait; the trait that is actually seen.

physical development development involving the body's physical makeup, including the brain, nervous system, muscles, and senses, and the need for food, drink, and sleep.

placenta a conduit between the mother and fetus, providing nour ishment and oxygen via the umbilical cord.

plasticity the degree to which a developing structure or behavior is modifiable as a result of experience.

pluralistic society model the concept that American society is made up of diverse, coequal cultural groups that should preserve their individual cultural features.

polygenic inheritance inheritance in which a combination of mul tiple gene pairs is responsible for the production of a particular trait.

postformal thought thinking that acknowledges that adult predica ments must sometimes be solved in relativistic terms.

postmature infants infants still unborn 2 weeks after the mother's due date.

practical intelligence according to Sternberg, intelligence that is learned primarily by observing others and modeling their behavior.

pragmatics the aspect of language that is related to communicating effectively and appropriately with others.

preoperational stage according to Piaget, the stage from approxi mately age 2 to age 7 in which children's use of symbolic thinking grows, mental reasoning emerges, and the use of concepts increases.

presbycusis loss of the ability to hear sounds of high frequency.

presbyopia a nearly universal change in eyesight during middle adulthood that results in some loss of near vision.

preterm infants infants who are born prior to 38 weeks after concep tion (also known as premature infants).

primary aging aging that involves universal and irreversible changes that, because of genetic programming, occur as people get older.

primary appraisal the assessment of an event to determine whether its implications are positive, negative, or neutral.

primary sex characteristics characteristics associated with the devel opment of the organs and structures of the body that directly relate to reproduction.

principle of hierarchical integration the principle that simple skills typically develop separately and independently but are later inte grated into more complex skills.

principle of the independence of systems the principle that differ ent body systems grow at different rates.

private speech speech by children that is spoken and directed to themselves.

profound intellectual disability intellectual disability in which IQ scores fall below 20 or 25.

prosocial behavior helping behavior that benefits others.

proximodistal principle the principle that development proceeds from the center of the body outward.

psychoanalytic theory the theory proposed by Freud that suggests that unconscious forces act to determine personality and behavior.

psychodynamic perspective the approach that states that behavior is motivated by inner forces, memories, and conflicts that are gener ally beyond people's awareness and control.

psychological maltreatment abuse that occurs when parents or other caregivers harm children's behavioral, cognitive, emotional, or physical functioning.

psychoneuroimmunology (PNI) the study of the relationship among the brain, the immune system, and psychological factors.

psychophysiological methods research that focuses on the relation ship between physiological processes and behavior.

psychosexual development according to Freud, a series of stages that children pass through in which pleasure, or gratification, is fo cused on a particular biological function and body part.

psychosocial development according to Erik Erikson, development that encompasses changes in the understandings individuals have of themselves as members of society and in their comprehension of the meaning of others' behavior.

puberty the period during which the sexual organs mature.

race dissonance the phenomenon in which minority children indi cate preferences for majority values or people.

rapid eye movement (REM) sleep the period of sleep that is found in older children and adults and is associated with dreaming.

realistic period the third stage of Ginzberg's theory, which occurs in early adulthood, when people begin to explore specific career options, either through actual experience on the job or through training for a profession, and then narrow their choices and make a commitment.

recessive trait a trait within an organism that is present but is not expressed.

redefinition of self versus preoccupation with work role the theory that those in old age must redefine themselves in ways that do not relate to their work roles or occupations.

reference groups groups of people with whom one compares oneself.

referential style a style of language use in which language is used primarily to label objects.

reflexes unlearned, organized involuntary responses that occur au tomatically in the presence of certain stimuli.

reintegrative stage the period of late adulthood during which the focus is on tasks that have personal meaning.

rejected adolescents children who are actively disliked, and whose peers may react to them in an obviously negative manner.

relational aggression nonphysical aggression that is intended to hurt another person's psychological well-being.

resilience the ability to overcome circumstances that place a child at high risk for psychological or physical damage.

responsible stage the stage where the major concerns of middle aged adults relate to their personal situations, including protecting and nourishing their spouses, families, and careers.

rhythms repetitive, cyclical patterns of behavior.

sample the group of participants chosen for the experiment.

sandwich generation couples who in middle adulthood must fulfill the needs of both their children and their aging parents.

scaffolding the support for learning and problem solving that en courages independence and growth.

schemas organized bodies of information stored in memory.

schema organized patterns of functioning that adapt and change with mental functioning.

scientific method the process of posing and answering questions using careful, controlled techniques that include systematic, orderly observation and the collection of data.

scripts broad representations in memory of events and the order in which they occur.

secondary aging changes in physical and cognitive functioning that are as a result of illness, health habits, and other individual

differences, but are not the result of increased age itself and are not inevitable.

secondary appraisal the assessment of whether one's coping abili ties and resources are adequate to overcome the harm, threat, or challenge posed by the potential stressor.

secondary sex characteristics the visible signs of sexual maturity that do not directly involve the sex organs.

secular trend a pattern of change occurring over several generations.

secure attachment pattern a style of attachment in which children use the mother as a kind of home base and are at ease when she is present; when she leaves, they become upset and go to her as soon as she returns.

selective optimization the process by which people concentrate on selected skill areas to compensate for losses in other areas.

self-awareness knowledge of oneself.

self-care children children who let themselves into their homes after school and wait alone until their caretakers return from work; previ ously known as latchkey children.

self-concept a person's identity, or set of beliefs about what one is like as an individual.

self-esteem an individual's overall and specific positive and nega tive self-evaluation.

senescence the natural physical decline brought about by aging.

sensation the physical stimulation of the sense organs.

sensitive period a point in development when organisms are partic ularly susceptible to certain kinds of stimuli in their environments, but the absence of those stimuli does not always produce irrevers ible consequences.

sensorimotor stage (of cognitive development) Piaget's initial major stage of cognitive development, which can be broken down into six substages.

separation anxiety the distress displayed by infants when a custom ary care provider departs.

Glossary G-7

sequential studies research in which researchers examine a number of different age groups over several points in time.

severe intellectual disability intellectual disability in which IQ scores range from 20 or 25 to 35 or 40.

sex cleavage sex segregation in which boys interact primarily with boys and girls primarily with girls.

sexually transmitted infection (STI) an infection that is spread through sexual contact.

sickle-cell anemia a blood disorder that gets its name from the shape of the red blood cells.

skilled-nursing facilities a facility that provides full-time nursing care for people who have chronic illnesses or are recovering from a temporary medical condition.

slow-to-warm babies babies who are inactive, showing relatively calm reactions to their environment; their moods are generally nega tive, and they withdraw from new situations, adapting slowly.

small-for-gestational-age infants infants who, because of delayed feta! growth, weigh 90 percent (or less) of the average weight of in fants of the same gestational age.

social competence the collection of social skills that permit indi viduals to perform successfully in social settings.

social development the way in which individuals' interactions with others and their social relationships grow, change, and remain stable over the course of life.

social problem-solving the use of strategies for solving social con flicts in ways that are satisfactory both to oneself and to others.

social referencing the intentional search for information about oth ers' feelings to help explain the meaning of uncertain circumstances and events.

social speech speech directed toward another person and meant to be understood by that person.

social support assistance and comfort supplied by another person or a network of caring, interested people.

social-cognitive learning theory learning by observing the behavior of another person, called a model.

socialized delinquents adolescent delinquents who know and subscribe to the norms of society and who are fairly normal psychologically.

sociocultural theory the approach that emphasizes how cognitive development proceeds as a result of social interactions between members of a culture.

speech impairment speech that deviates so much from the speech of others that it calls attention to itself, interferes with communication, or produces maladjustment in the speaker.

Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, Fifth Edition (SBS) a test that consists of a series of items that vary according to the age of the per son being tested.

state the degree of awareness an infant displays to both internal and external stimulation.

states of arousal different degrees of sleep and wakefulness through which newborns cycle, ranging from deep sleep to great agitation.

status the evaluation of a role or person by other relevant members of a group.

stereotype threat obstacles to performance that come from aware ness of the stereotypes held by society about academic abilities.

stillbirth the delivery of a child who is not alive, occurring in fewer than 1 delivery in 100.

stranger anxiety the caution and wariness displayed by infants when encountering an unfamiliar person.

G-8 Glossary

stress the physical and emotional response to events that threaten or challenge us.

sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) the unexplained death of a seemingly healthy baby.

survey research a type of study where a group of people chosen to represent some larger population are asked questions about their at titudes, behavior, or thinking on a given topic.

synapse the gap at the connection between neurons, through which neurons chemically communicate with one another.

synaptic pruning the elimination of neurons as the result of nonuse or lack of stimulation.

syntax the way in which an individual combines words and phrases to form sentences.

Tay-Sachs disease a disorder that produces blindness and muscle degeneration before death; there is no treatment.

telegraphic speech speech in which words not critical to the mes sage are left out.

temperament patterns of arousal and emotionality that represent consistent and enduring characteristics of an individual.

tentative period the second stage of Ginzberg's theory, which spans adolescence, when people begin to think more practically about the requirements of various jobs and how their own abilities might fit with them.

teratogen a factor that produces a birth defect.

thanatologists people who study death and dying.

theoretical research research designed specifically to test some de velopmental explanation and expand scientific knowledge.

theories broad explanations, and predictions about phenomena of interest.

theory of mind knowledge and beliefs about how the mind works and how it affects behavior.

transformation the process in which one state is changed into another.

triarchic theory of intelligence Sternberg' s theory that intelligence is made up of three major components: componential, experiential, and contextual.

trust-versus-mistrust stage according to Erik Erikson, the period during which infants develop a sense of trust or mistrust, largely de pending on how well their needs are met by their caregivers.

ultrasound sonography a process in which high-frequency sound waves scan the mother's womb to produce an image of the unborn baby, whose size and shape can then be assessed.

underextension the overly restrictive use of words, common among children just mastering spoken language.

undersocialized delinquents adolescent delinquents who are raised with little discipline or with harsh, uncaring parental supervision.

uninvolved parents parents who show almost no interest in their children and indifferent, rejecting behavior.

universal grammar Noam Chomsky's theory that all the world's languages share a similar underlying structure.

very-low-birthweight infants infants who weigh less than 1,250 grams (around 2.25 pounds) or, regardless of weight, have been in the womb less than 30 weeks.

visual impairment a difficulty in seeing that may include blindness or partial sightedness.

wear-and-tear theories of aging the theory that the mechanical functions of the body simply wear out with age.

Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children, Fifth Edition (WISC-V) a test for children that provides separate measures of verbal and per formance (or nonverbal) skills, as well as a total score.

wisdom expert knowledge in the practical aspects of life.

X-linked genes genes that are considered recessive and located only on the X chromosome.

zone of proximal development (ZPD) according to Vygotsky, the level at which a child can almost, but not fully, perform a task in dependently, but can do so with the assistance of someone more competent.

zygote the new cell formed by the process of fertiliza lion.

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N a m e I n dex A AAP Council on Communications

and the Media, 128 Aaron, J., 445 AARP (American Association of

Retired Persons), 402, 457 Aazami, S., 384 Abbot-Smith, K., 175 Abe, J., 314 Abele, A., 388 Abreu, R., 4 Abrutyn, S., 292 Accardo, P., 53 Acevedo, B.P., 334 Ackerman, B.P., 137 Acocella, J., 11 Adair, W.L., 7 Adak, M., 192 Adams, G.R., 285 Adams, K.B., 424 Adams, M., 337 Adams, P., 286 Adashi, E.Y., 43 Adebayo, B., 325 Adhya, D., 62 ADL 17, 391 Administration on Aging,

427, 428 Adolph, K.E., 112, 112 Afifi, T., 190, 192 Afifi, T.D., 253 Agcaoglu, 0., 161 Ahmed, R., 387 Ahn, W., 141 Aichele, S., 411 Aiello, J., 347 Aiken L.R., 460 Aitchison, J., 130, 131 , 132, 175, 175 Akamal, S., 384 Akhtar, S., 446 Aksan, N., 146 Al-Namlah, A.S., 175 Al-Owidha, A., 289 Albert, D., 267 Alberts, A., 76, 276, 278 Albrecht, G.L., 312 Aldana, E., 22 Alderfer, C., 231 Aldwin, C.M., 409 Alexander, B., 75 Alexander, G.M., 87, 148 Alfons, V., 432 Alfred, M., 7 Alisky, J.M., 405 Allam, M.D., 113 Allen J., 454 Allen, B., 193 Alleva, E., 100 Allison, B., 286 Allison, C.M., 261 Allison, S.J., 313 Almong, L., 19 Aloise-Young, P.A., 300 Alshaarawy, 0., 68 Altarriba, J., 372 Altermatt, E.R., 245 Alvarez, M.J., 74 Alwin, D.F., 422 Alzheimer's Association, 405 Alzheimer's Association & Centers

for Disease Control and Prevention, 404

Amato, P.R., 253 Ambrose, H.N., 144, 196 American Academy of Family

Physicians, 88 American Academy of Pediatrics, 74,

88, 111, 163, 176, 190, 208 American Academy of Pediatrics

HealthyChildren.org, 151

American Association of Community Colleges, 326

American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities, 232

American Cancer Society, 366 American College Health

Association, 292 American College of Medical

Genetics, 73 American College of Obstetricians

and Gynecologists, 76 American College of Radiology, 366 American College of Sports

Medicine, 313 American Psychological Association,

35, 191, 361 American SIDS Institute, 104 Ames, E . , 2 8 Amichai-Hamburger, Y., 19 Amiri, S., 276 Amitai, Y., 69 Amler, R. W., 159 Ammerman, R.T., 191 Amsterlaw, J., 141, 187 Andelin, A., 434 Andenaes, A., 103 Anderson, J., 128 Anderson, K.N., 64 Anderson, M., 416 Anderson, R.A., 455 Anderson, R.E., 192 Anderson, S., 32 Andersson, M.A., 322 Andrade, F.D., 83 Andre-Pueyo, A., 26 Andreoni, J., 355 Andreotti, C., 316 Andrew, L., 296 Andrews B., 356 Andruski, J.E., 131 Angeles, F., 22 Ankrum, J.W., 173 Ansari, A., 178 Anthony, J.C., 68, 269 Antovich, D.M., 131 Antshel, K., 314 Antshel, K.M., 45 Anyan, F., 291 Anzman-Frasca, S., 101 Aoyagi, K., 286 APA Reproductive Choice Working

Group, 64 Apgar, V., 73 Apostoleris, N.H., 248 Apperly, I., 220 Appleyard, K., 339 Arai, J., 52 Araujo, M.A., 407 Aravind, A., 174 Archer-Banks, D.A.M., 280 Archer, J., 196 Archer, M., 144 Archimi, A., 270 Arguello, T.M., 302 Aries, P., 11 Aristegui, I., 21 Armstrong, J., 87 Armstrong, P., 348 Arnarson, E.O., 375 Arnautovska, U., 292 Arnett, J.J., 5, 7, 295, 310, 332 Arnsten, A., 213 Aronson, M., 236 Arsenault, L., 58 Arts, J.A.R., 371 Asadi, S., 276 Asch, D.A., 454 Asher, S.R., 245 Atchley, R.C., 425, 447 Athanasiu, L., 99

Athanasopoulou, E., 79 Atkins, D.C., 381 Atkins, S.M., 277 Augestad, K.M., 454 Aujoulat, I., 245 Austen, E., 266 Austin, J., 48, 444 Avinun, R., 195 Avlund, K., 435 Ayalon, L., 382, 398 Aydiner, F., 63 Aylward, G.P., 127 Ayoola, A., 84 Ayoub, N.C., 76 Ayres, M.M., 285 Azagba, S., 271

B Babenko, 0., 51 Bacchus, L., 69 Bademli K., 421 Badenhorst, W., 83 Baer, J.S., 68 Bagci, S.C., 248 Bahna, S., 213 Bahrer-Kohler, S., 389 Bahrick, L.E., 112, 114 Bai, S., 139 Baile, W.F., 445 Bailey-Davis, L., 265 Baillargeon, R., 122 Bainbridge, K.E., 402 Baker, J., 266 Baker, L.R., 380 Baker, P., 305 Baker, T., 271 Bakken, L., 178 Bakoyiannis, I., 68 Bal, E., 18 Balasubramaniam, M., 446 Balin, B.J., 405 Balish, S.M., 208 Balk, D.E., 446, 446, 450 Ball, H.L., 103 Ball, M., 390 Ballas, S., 47 Ballesteros-Meseguer, C., 72 Ballesteros, S., 4 Balsam, R.H., 13 Baltes, M.M., 370, 425, 426 Baltes, P., 423 Baltes, P.B., 9, 370, 423, 425, 426 Bandura, A., 15, 194, 195, 197 Banks M.E., 387 Baptista, T., 22 Barandiaran, X.E., 118 Barber, A.D., 161 Barber, B., 260 Barber, B.L., 270 Barber, S., 85 Barbera, E., 185 Barbey, A.K., 323 Barbieri, R. L., 360 Barboza, G., 247 Barker, E.D., 58 Barlett, C., 32, 246 Barnes, J.C., 47, 375 Barnett, R.C., 343 Baron-Cohen, S., 184 Barr, H.M., 68 Barr, R., 125 Barrera, M., 445 Barrett, D.E., 301 Barry, C.L., 32 Barry, D.T., 19 Barry, L.M., 328 Barsade, S.G., 334 Bartlett, C.P., 282 Bass, S., 254 Bates, J.E., 7 Battin, M., 454

Bauer, P.J., 125 Baulac, S., 405 Bauld, R., 360 Baum, A., 364 Baumann, U., 375 Baumrind D., 1 89 Bayley, N., 126, 368 Beach, S., 437 Beale, E.A., 445 Beals, K., 338 Beard, V. R., 457 Bearman, P., 306 Beaulieu, S., 22 Beck, M., 320, 360 Becker, B., 299 Becker, G., 346, 426 Begley, D., 76 Behar-Horenstein, L.S., 280 Behrman, J.R., 10 Behrman, R. E., 254 Behrmann, M., 161 Beilby, J.M., 212 Beisert, M., 90 Beitel, M., 19 Bekendam, M.T., 365 Belcastro, E.G., 173 Belcher, J.R., 250 Belkin, L., 44, 232 Bell, A., 304 Bell, T., 190 Bellmore, A., 333 Belsky, J., 152, 152,

152, 261 Beltz, A.M., 263 Ben-Noam, S., 349 Ben-Zeev, T., 328 Benelli, B., 220 Benenson, J.F., 248 Bengtson, V.L., 250, 384 Benjuya, N., 401 Bennani, L., 355 Benner, A.D., 286, 298 Bennett, J., 266 Benoit, A., 264 Benson, E., 138 Benson, S., 317 Benton S.A., 329 Bentz, W.E., 77 Berch, D.B., 21 Berends, M., 298 Berenson, P., 270 Bergelson, E., 135 Bergenn, V. W., 160 Berger, L., 252 Berger, S.E., 128 Bergin, C., 194 Bergman, A., 142, 143 Bergman, Y.S., 399 Bergmann, K.E., 79 Bergmann, R.L., 79 Bergstrom, M., 421, 424 Bergstrom, M.J., 424 Berking, M., 15 Berkman, R., 427 Berko, J., 175 Berkowitz, L., 29 Berlin, L., 339 Berlin, L.J., 143 Bernard, J., 337 Bernard, M., 446 Bernier, A., 143 Bernstein, D.M., 171 Bernstein, E., 380 Bernstein, N., 306 Berridge, C., 213 Berry, A., 100 Berry, G.L., 176 Berscheid, E, 334 Berscheid, E., 334 Bertera, E.M., 385 Bertoncini, J., 131

Nl-1

Nl-2 Name Index

Besage, V.E., 248 Besic, E., 232 Best, C., 192 Best, P., 282 Betteridge, N., 160 Bewley, S., 69 Beyene, Y., 426 Bhagat, N., 44 Bhargava, P., 182 Bhattacharjee, K., 294 Bialostok, S., 236 Bibace, R., 216, 277 Biblarz, T.J., 251 Biddle, B.J., 280 Bielak, A.M., 370 Bierman, K.L., 246 Bigelow, A.E., 74 Bilbo, S.D., 311 Binet, A., 226 Bionna, R., 317 Birch, L.L., 206 Bird, C.M., 416 Birney, D.P., 276 Biro, R., 286 Bischof-Koholer, D., 195 Bishop, D.!., 436 Bishop, D.V.M., 212 Bishop, J., 454 Bjorklund, D., 22 Black, K., 295 Blackbum, E., 409 Blair, P., 103 Blake, G., 209 Blakemore, J., 183 Blakemore, S., 266 Blanchette, P.L., 447 Bland, V.J., 192 Blankenstein, N.E., 267 Blass, E.M., 113 Blewitt, P., 173 Blieszner, R., 435 Blissett, J., 110 Blodgett, B., 286 Blom, E., 291 Blom, I., 143 Blomqvist, Y.T., 101 Bloom, B., 209 Bloom, C., 372 Blount, B.G., 135 Blumberg, M., 102 Blumenshine, P.M., 80 Blumenthal, S., 192 Bober, S., 186 Bodell, L.P., 206, 266 Bodner, E., 399 Boemer, K., 402, 451, 452,

458, 459 Bogar, S., 159 Bogle, K.A., 301 Bogus, S., 19 Boivin, J.R., 9 Bolhuis, J.J., 133 Bonanno, G.A., 452, 459, 459 Bonavita, S., 401 Bonifacci, P., 212 Bonoti, F., 448 Booker, J.A., 423 Bookwala, J., 432, 433 Boot, W.R., 417 Booth-Laforce, C., 143 Booth, C., 144 Borchard, D.C., 431 Bornstein, M.H., 109, 131,

137, 183 Borsch-supan, A., 363 Borse, N.N., 209 Bos, C.S., 212 Bos, H., 32, 127 Bos, H.W., 32 Bosco, F.M., 219 Boshuizen, H.P.A., 371 Bosquet, M., 61 Boswell, M.K., 250 Bouchard, G., 148 Bouchard, T.J., Jr., 53, 54 Bourgeois, N., 196

Bourne, V.J., 161 Bowen, C.E., 430 Bowen, F., 209 Bowen, G.L., 381 Bowen, S., 15 Bower, T.G.R., 117 Bowers, A.J., 281 Bowlby, J., 142 Boyatsiz, C.J., 182, 289 Bracken, B., 237 Bracken, G., 234 Bradbury, T.N., 341 Braden B.B., 359 Bradshaw, M., 55 Brady, S.A., 223 Brahler, E., 8 Brandmaier, A.M., 446 Brandon, T., 271 Brandone, A.C., 169 Branerd, C., 216 Branje, S., 296 Branum, A., 80 Braun, K.L., 447 Braun, S.S., 111, 247 Braun. S.J., 400 Braungart-Rieker, J.M., 144 Brawley, L., 313 Bray, G.A., 206 Brazelton, T.B., 190 Breakstone, D.A., 137 Bredesen, D., 405 Breheny, M., 360 Bremner, G., 84 Bremner, J.G., 122 Bremner, R.H., 31 Briley, D.A., 47, 54, 58 Brinker, J.K., 421 Brinkman, B.G., 183 Brion, S., 33 Brito, N., 125 Brittain, L., 436 Broadbent, R., 282 Broady, E.F., 245 Broce, 1.J., 405 Brocke, B., 18 Broesch, T.L., 135 Brondolo, E., 32 Bronfenbrenner, U., 19-20 Brooks-Gunn, J., 84 Brotanek, J ., 158 Brouwer, R.M., 54 Brown, B.B., 282, 297 Brown, E., 234 Brown, E.L., 187 Brown, J., 385 Brown, L., 461 Brown, M., 461 Brown, M.B., 80 Brown, N., 178 Brown, R., 360 Brown, S., 291, 380, 381 Brown, S.A., 297 Brown, S.L., 432 Brown, W.M., 67 Browne, C., 423 Browne, K., 184, 385 Brownell, C., 140 Brownell, C.A., 21, 145 Browning, C.R., 265 Brubaker, L.H., 82 Bruck, M., 171 Bruckner, H., 306 Bruckner, P., 336 Brueggemann, A., 170 Brumback, T., 270 Bruno, R., 220 Bruskas, D., 254 Bryant, C.D., 447, 457 Bryant, G.A., 135 Bucci, D., 125 Buchbinder, M., 73 Buchmann, C., 326 Buckely, J., 279 Buehler, C., 300 Buhrmann, T., 118 Buigas, R., 16

Bull, R., 187 Bumpus, M.F., 295 Buon, M., 194 Burakevych, N., 127 Burbach. J., 57 Bureau of Labor

Statistics, 177, 392 Burgaleta, M., 221 Burger, W.C., 457 Burgers, C., 8 Burgess, N., 416 Burgess, R.L., 334 Burkle, C.M., 443 Burman, J., 16 Burnett-Wolle, S., 425 Burnham, D., 130 Burnham, M., 101, 102 Bums, M.S., 186 Burrow, A. L., 5 Burton, A., 460 Burton, L., 62, 184 Bushfield, S., 83 Bushman, B.)., 198 Bushnell, C., 359 Bushway, S., 6 Buss, A.H., 21 Buss, D.M., 336, 382 Butler, R., 421 Butler, R.J., 81 Butterworth, M.R., 435 Butzer, B., 380 Buunk, A.P., 21 Byrd-Craven, J., 435 Byrd, D., 84 Byrne, A., 342 Byrnes, M.L., 212 Byun, S., 280

c Cacciatore, J., 83, 444 Cahill, K., 10 Caino, S., 260 Calhoun, F., 68 Calhoun, M., 4 Callaghan, B.L., 125 Callahan, P.M., 405 Callister, L.C., 72 Caltran, G., 87 Calver, S.L., 184 Calzada, E.J., 190 Camarota, S.A., 391 Camino, L., 29 Camp, C.A., 113 Campbell, A., 183 Campbell, L., 380 Campbell, O.M.R., 77 Campbell, W.K., 6 Campione-Barr, N., 294 Campos, J.J., 112 Camras, L., 138 Canals, J., 107 Canavarro, M.C., 3 Candy, J., 183 Canham, S.L., 381 Cantin, V., 357 Cao, Z., 267 Cappeliez, P., 421 Caputi, M., 194 Carbone, I., 405 Cardinal, B.)., 424 Cardman, M., 279 Carey, B., 188 Carleton, R.N., 291 Carmel, S., 425 Carmichael, 0., 415 Carmody, K., 191 Caron, A., 141 Carr, D., 458 Carr, P.B., 327, 328, 428 Carrns, A., 250, 384 Carson, A., 66 Carson, R.G., 162 Carstensen, L.L., 425 Carswell, H., 186 Carteret, M., 457 Carton, A., 347

Carver, C., 451 Casalin, S., 50 Case, R., 169, 276 Caserta, M., 316 Cashdollar N., 424 Cashon, C.H., 87 Cashwell, C.S., 317, 340 Casielles, E., 131 Caspi, A, 146 Caspi, A., 58 Caspi, J., 249 Cassidy, J., 143, 339 Castel, A., 416 Castle, N., 437 Castles, A., 223 Castro Solano, A., 21 Castro-Schilo, L., 161 Casu, G., 62 Catell, R.B., 228 Cauce, A., 56, 252 Cavallini, A., 111 Cavallo, M.C., 80 Cecero, J.J., 19 Ceci, S.J., 171, 327 Celano, M.P., 209 Centers for Disease Control and

Prevention, 69, 82, 88, 99, 209, 271, 305, 342

Central Intelligence Agency, 411 Ceulemans, E., 190 Chaffin, M., 192 Chahal, H.H., 206 Chaker, A.M., 427 Chakraborty, R., 263 Chall, j.S., 222 Chamberlain, K., 246 Chamberlain, P., 254 Chamberlin, K., 32 Chan, D.W., 285 Chan, K., 294 Chan, S., 294 Chandra, A., 306 Channell, M.M., 47 Chao, M.M., 7 Chaplin, T., 291 Chapman, R., 184 Chapple, H.S., 447, 448 Chapuis-de Andrade, S., 313 Charles, S., 425 Chamess N., 417 Chassin, L., 271, 384 Chasteen, A.L., 371 Cheah, C . , 189 Chein, )., 267 Chen, C., 9, 405 Chen, D., 382 Chen, J., 7, 228 Chen, J.J., 190 Chen, T., 7 Cheney, D.L., 124 Cheng, H.G., 269 Cheng, J.T., 248 Cherney, I., 148 Cherry, B.)., 10 Cherry, K., 434 Chess, S., 147 Chetty, R., 363 Cheung, W., 20 Chien, S., 87 Child Health USA, 84 Child Wellare Information Gateway,

252, 254 Childstats.gov, 149 ChildStats.gov, 250 Ching, T.C., 33 Chiodo, L.M., 68 Chisolm, M.S., 32 Chisolm, T., 402 Chiu, M.M., 280 Chlup, D., 7 Cho, )., 433 Cho, S.B., 57 Cho, Y.H., 285 Choi, D., 212 Chomsky, N., 133 Chonody, J.M., 327

Choo, H., 300 Chopik, W.J., 31 Choy, C.M., 69 Chrisler, J.C., 400 Christakis, D., 198 Christiansen, D.M., 444 Christodoulou, J., 124 Chronis, A., 213 Chuang, S.S., 190 Chung, O.B., 344 Chung, S.A., 409 Cialdini, R., 28 Cicchetti, D., 210 Cid-Fernandez, S., 9 Cirulli, F., 100 Claes, M., 264 Clark, A., 134 Clark, D., 455 Clark, J.E ., 162 Clark, K.B., 238 Clark, M.P., 238 Clarke, A.R., 270 Clarke, )., 99 Clearfield, M., 148 Cline, K.D., 32 Close, F.T., 84 Closson, L., 299 Closson, L.M., 300 Coall, D.A., 436 Coates, S.W., 4 Cockrill, K., 64 Coelho, V.A., 237 Coffman, J.L., 219 Cogan, L. W., 85 Cohen-Fridel, S., 399 Cohen-Zion, M., 267 Cohen, A., 415 Cohen, D., 139, 387 Cohen, D.)., 210 Cohen, H.G., 18 Cohen, J., 285 Cohen, L.B., 87 Cohen, M., 433 Cohen, P., 385 Cohen, R., 19 Cohen, R.A., 222 Cohen, T.F., 340 Cohrs, J., 388 C::ok, F., 7 Cokley, K., 74, 280 Colarusso, C.A., 302 Colby, A., 239 Colby, S.L., 223 Cole,M., 65 Cole, P.M., 144 Cole, S.A., 143 Colella, A.J., 349 Coleman-Cowger, V.H., 69 Coleman, J., 295 Coleman, M., 382 Coleman, P., 422 Colen, C., 305 College Board, 279 Collins, J., 224 Collins, T., 458 Collins, W., 296, 301, 457 Collins, W.A., 295 Collishaw, S., 193 Colom, R., 26 Colpin, H., 64 Colwell, M., 186 Commission on Ending Childhood

Obesity, 158 Commons, M.L., 276 Compton, R., 161 Condly, S., 193 Condon, J., 144 Condry, J., 148 Condry, S., 148 Cone!, J.L., 98 Cong, Y.Q., 139 Congressional Budget

Office, 391 Conley, C.S., 322 Connally, E.L., 212 Connell-Carrick, K., 163

Conner, K., 292 Connidis, !., 432 Conry-Murray, C., 183 Consolacion, T., 304 Conte, J.M., 430 Conway, J.R., 338 Cook, E., 300 Corballis, P., 161 Corcoran, J., 305 Cordes, S., 124 Cordova, J.V, 341 Cornish, K., 47 Corr, C.A., 445, 448, 451, 452 Corr, D., 452 Correy, M., 384 Corrow, S., 111 Cortese, S., 213 Cortex, F.A., 10 Costa-Martins, J.M., 76 Costa, L.V., 417 Costa, P., 378, 419 Costa, PT., 378 Cote, L., 131 Cottini. M., 219 Couperus, J., 100 Cousins, W., 376 Couzin, J., 65 Cox, C., 63, 385, 386 Cox, R., 176 Coyne, S.M ., 26 Craik, F., 413, 416, 416 Cramer, E.M., 32 Crampton, A., 182 Cra tty, B., 96 Crawford, M., 148 Crede, M., 328 Crewe, S., 385 Crews, D., 52 Crockett, L.J., 239 Croen, L.A., 32 Crosland, K., 232 Crosnoe, R., 424 Cross, J.R., 280 Cross, T., 234 Crouter, A.C., 295 Crowe, C., 389 Crowley, B., 383 Crowley, J., 381 Crowne, K., 323 Crowther, M., 436 Crozier, S., 50 Crupi, R., 32 Cruz, C., 198 Cruz, J., 381 Cruz, N., 213 Cservenka, A., 270 Cuervo, A., 410 Cullen, C., 445 Cumming, G.P., 359 Cummings, E., 424 Cunliffe, A., 4 Cunningham, A., 15 Cuperman, R., 286 Curnow, C., 312 Currie, E.R., 444 Curtis, R.G., 378, 419 Cyna, A., 75 Czerwinska-Jasiewicz, M., 294

D D' Ambrosio, B., 173 d' Avossa, G., 356 Dabelko, H., 427 Dagan, 0., 144 Dagys, N., 267 Dahl, A., 21 Dai, D., 286 Dale Aagard, S., 382 Dale, B.A., 230 Dale, M.,50 Daley, K.C., 103 Daley, M.F., 160 Dalton, T.C., 160 Damashek, A., 100 Damon, W., 243 Daniel, J.R., 186

Daniel, S., 292 Daniels, E.A., 208 Daniels, H., 174 Danielson, M.L., 213 Dare, W.N., 69 Darius, K.S., 339 Darroch, ).E., 303 Darwin, C., 21, 138, 323 Darwin, Z., 76 Das, A., 302 Dasen, P.R., 122, 217, 217, 296 Davenport, B., 196 Davidson, A.J., 247 Davies, K., 298 Davies, K.J.A., 410 Davies, S., 432 Davis, A., 250 Davis, B.L., 238 Davis, C., 33, 314, 460 Davis, L.L., 433, 455 Davis, N.L., 219 Davis, R.R., 84 Davis, T.S., 251 Daxinger, L., 51 Day, J.R., 455 de Araujo, R.M., 313 de Bruin, E.J., 267 De Con to, C., 407 de Costa, C.M., 65 de Dios, A., 5 de Frias, C.M., 364 de Geus, E., 231 de Graag, J.A., 101 de Haan, A.M., 263 de Jesus Moreno, M., 405 De Jesus-Zayas, S.R., 16 de Lauzon-Guillan, B., 146 De Leo, D., 460 de Oliveira Brito, L.V., 427 de Oliveira, A., 4 de Onis, M., 108 De Pauw, S.W., 50 de Souza Rezende, G., 4 de St. Aubin, E., 13 De, S., 263 Deal, J.J., 346 Dean, D.!., 26, 160 Deaner, R.0., 208 Dearing, E., 151 Deary, I., 401 Deary, I.J., 369, 370, 413 Dealer-Deckard, K., 1 0 Deb, S . , 192 Debast, !., 378 DeBlois, J.P., 313 DeCasper, A.J, 62, 89 Deccache, A., 245 Decoursey, P.J., 100 Defever, A.M., 31 Defrancisco, B., 125 Defries, J.C., 22 Degnen, C, 422 Dehaene-Lambertz, G., 134 Dejong, G.F., 122 Del Giudice, M., 22 del Rosario Maita, M., 21 Delamater, J., 358 DeLisi, M., 218 Della Fave, A., 379 Dellmann-Jenkins, M., 436 DeLoache, J.S., 177 Demaray, M.K., 285 Demir, M., 434 DeNavas-Walt, C., 428 Deng, C., 348 Denizet-Lewis, B., 301 Denke, R., 13 Dennehy, T.C., 327 Denney, R.L., 1 6 Dennis, T.A., 144 Denollet, J., 365 Dentato, M.P., 302 Denton, M., 432 Denver, J., 18 Deoni, S., 26 Depaolis, R.A., 131

Name Index Nl-3

DeParle, )., 342 DePaulo, B., 342, 432 DePaulo, B.M., 342 Der, G., 401 Dereli-Iman E., 245 Derevensky, J., 282 Deruelle, F., 401 Dervic, K., 292 Desilver, D., 279 Desirea, L., 405 DeStefano, F., 32 Dette, D., 388 Deurenberg-Yap, M., 205 Deurenberg, P., 205 Dev, D.A., 151 DeVader, S.R., 79 Deveny, K., 183 DeVries, R., 84 De Wolf, M., 349 Dey, A.N., 209 Di Paolo, E.A., 118 Diambra L., 101 Diamond, L., 435 Diamond, L.M., 304, 338 Diamond, M., 304 Diaz, F., 9 Dick, D.M., 7 Dickinson, D., 222 Dickson, J.M., 4 Diego, M., 29, 69 Diener, E., 379 Dietrich, J .F, 169 Diez-Fairen, M., 46 DiGiovanna, A.G., 357 DiNallo, J.M., 69 Dinella, L.M., 183, 183 Dinero, R., 339 Dionisio, J., 107 Dipietro-Mager, N.A., 363 DiPrete, T., 326 Dittman, M., 6 Dixon, L., 385 Dixon, R.A., 415 Dixon, W.E., Jr., 134 Djurdjinovic, L., 50 Dmitrieva, )., 296 Dobele, A.R., 349 Dobersek, U., 407 Dobscha, S., 457 Dobson, V., 87 Dodge K.A., 245 Dodge, K.A., 198, 245, 297 Dodson, C., 219 Dolev-Cohen, M., 247 Dombrovski, A. Y., 446 Domeij, H., 68 Domenech-Rodriguez, M., 252 Donaldson, P.J., 356 Donat, D., 222 Dondi, M., 87 Donlan, C., 170 Donleavy, G., 242 Donnerstein, E., 198 Donohue, P.A., 431 Doolittle, A., 457 Doshi, S.D., 21 Dost-Gozkan, A., 296 Dotti Sani, G.M., 190 Doub, A.E., 206 Douglass, A., 179 Douglass, R., 109 Doull, M., 272 Dove, H., 109 Dow, B., 437 Downing, B., 178 Downs, D., 69 Doyle, R., 80, 382 Dozor, A.J., 159 Drane, C.F., 270 Draper, T., 339 Dreisbach, G., 18 Drent, A.M., 32 Driscoll, A.K., 239 Driver, J., 345 Drozdick, L. W., 228 Drummond, J .K., 21

Nl-4 Name Index

Dubois, j ., 134 Ducharme )., 408 Dudenhausen, j.W., 79 Duenwald, M., 63 Duggan, K.A., 234 Duijts, L., 110 Dumont, V., 89 Dunbar, M.S., 271 Duncan, G.)., 84, 254, 280 Duncan, J.R., 103 Dundas, E.M., 161 Dunford, B.B., 389 Dunlop, G., 232 Dunn M., 270 Dunne-Bryant, A., 381 Dunsmore, J.C., 423 DuPaul, G., 213 Dupper, D.R., 247 Durbin, )., 432 Duriez, B., 289 Dwyer, A., 33 Dynda, A.M., 230 Dyson, A.H., 28

E Eagly, A., 337, 349 Eagly, A.H., 337 Eaker, E.D., 365 Earl, )., 430 Earle, j.R., 303 Easterbrooks, M., 138 Easthope, H., 426 Easton, C., 15 Easton, )., 21 Eaves, B.)., 135 Eberling, j.L., 416 Eccles, )., 260 Eckerd, L., 448 Eckerman, C.O., 90, 145 Edgerley, L., 85 Edwards, C.P., 32 Edwards, ).G., 453 Edwards, L.A., 124 Ehm, )., 182, 237 Ehrensaft, M., 192, 385 Eichelsheim, V., 296 Eid, M., 145 Eisbach, A.O., 187 Eisenberg, N., 190, 195, 245 Ekinci, B., 229, 323 El Ayoubi, M., 79 Elder, G.H., 424 Eley, T., 291 Elie, V., 35 Elkind, D., 76, 276, 445 Elkins, D., 19 Ellin, A., 432 Elliott, K., 192 Ellis, B.H., 304 Ellis, B.)., 261 Ellis, L., 184 Ellison, C., 55 Elliston, A., 32 Elwert, F., 460 Emery, C.F., 364 Emilson, A., 183 Emslie, C., 411 Endo, S., 145 Endrass, T., 357 Engineer, N., 85 England, 326 Engler-Chiurazzi, E.B., 359 English, D., 291 English, T., 425 Enright, E., 380, 381 Ensminger, M.E., 32 Epel, E., 408, 409 Epstein, B., 404 Erber, )., 370 Erdley, C.A., 243, 244 Erickson, )., 417 Erickson, j .) ., 382 Erikson, E., 236, 286, 333,

419-420 Eriksson, L., 386 Erwin, P., 244 Eshel, N., 267

Espelage, D.L., 246 Esteban-Guitart 18, 172 Estell, D.B., 248 Estevez, E., 299 Etaugh, C., 376 Ethier, L., 192 Evans, A.O., 249 Evans, D.W., 159 Evans, G.W., 186, 191, 254 Evans, R., 435 Evans, T., 143 Evenson, K.R., 69 Everson, M., 386 Ezzo, F., 191

F Fabbri, C., 46 Faber, A., 253 Fabes, R., 183 Fagan, )., 123, 231 Fagan, M., 33 Fagundes, C.P., 435 Fais, L., 135 Falbe, )., 206 Falck-Ytter, T., 145 Falgares, G., 317 Fane, B.A., 67 Fang, B., 437 Fanger, S., 28 Fantz, R., 112 Farley, F., 278 Farr, R.H., 345 Farran, L.K., 133 Farroni, T., 139 Farzin, F., 114 Fast, A.A., 185 Fa thi, R., 382 Fayers, T., 271 Fedele, D.A., 209 Federal lnteragency Forum on Aging-

Related Statistics, 406, 428 Fedewa, A.L., 251 Fedichev, P.O., 409 Feig, E.H., 21 Feig, L., 52 Feldman, D.C., 390 Feldman, R., 7 Feldman, R.S., 196, 244 Fell, )., 4 Ferguson, C.)., 128 Ferguson, R., 399 Fergusson, D., 271 Fergusson, E., 385 Fernald, A., 87, 113, 133 Fernandez, B.S., 448 Fernandez, C., 187 Femyhough, C., 175 Ferri, R., 102 Ferris, A., 334 Feshbach, S., 26 Fetterolf, J.C., 327 Field, T., 29, 81, 90, 114, 159 Fifer, W.P., 89 Filippi, M., 161 Finkelhor, D., 191 Finley, G., 253 First, J.M., 224 Fischer, KW., 162 Fischer, T., 253 Fish, J.M., 230 Fisher-Thompson, D., 125 Fisher, C., 72 Fisher, C.B., 33, 35 Fisher, L., 28 Fiske, S.T., 372 Fitzgerald, D., 187 Fitzgerald, P., 304 Fitzpatrick, E.M., 212 Fitzpatrick, M., 340 Flanigan, )., 391 Fleer, M., 186 Fletcher, AC., 301 Fletcher, G.J.0., 336 Fletcher, P.C., 384 Fling, B.W., 370 Flom, R., 114 Flouri, E., 189, 190

Floyd, R.G., 229 Fogel, A.,84 Fok, M.S.M., 8 1 Folbre, N . , 342 Folkman, S., 315 Fontes, S., 400 Foote, W.E., 312 Ford, ).A., 269 Forhan, S.E., 271 Forni, L.G., 410 Forno, E., 209 Foroud, A., 107 Forster, F., 404 Fortenbaugh, F.C., 416 Fousiani, K., 295 Fowers, B.)., 225 Fowler, j.W., 289 Fowler, R.C., 12 1, 122 Fox, J.E., 79 Fox, M., 444 Fraenkel, P., 375 Francis, A.N., 57 Francis, L., 33 Franck, I., 270 Franic, S., 211 Frank, M.C., 135 Frankel, L., 28 Frankenhuis, W.E., 87 Fransson, M., 246 Franz, C .E., 432 Frawley, T., 185 Frederickson, N., 280 Freed, )., 19 Freedman, A.M., 358 Freedman, D.G., 105 Freeman, E . , 360 Freeman, H., 144 Freud, S., 196 Frewen, A.R., 190 Frey, B., 341, 360 Frey, D., 194, 239 Frey, T.K., 383 Freyne, B., 103 Frias, M.T., 339 Frick, P.j., 301 Fridlund, A.)., 88 Frie, R., 21 Friedlander, L.J., 301 Friedman, H.S., 234 Friedman, S., 85 Friedman, W., 409 Friedrich, )., 174 Frieze, I., 185 Frigge, M.L., 9 Fritz, C., 372 Fritz, G., 163 Frome, P., 349 Frumkes, L.A., 221 Fry, C.L., 422 Fu, G, 241 Fu, j.H., 7 Fu, X., 337 Fujisawa, T.X., 263 Fujitsuka, N., 410 Fulcher, M., 183, 251, 345 Fuligni, A.)., 239 Funk, L., 436 Furman, W., 301 Furnham, A., 25 Furrow, )., 381 Fuso, A., 405

G Gable, S., 170 Gagneux, P., 3 Galambos, N., 291 Galaz-Fontes, ).F., 276 Galera, C., 69 Galler, )., 109 Gallup Poll, 342, 343 Galst, J.P., 63 Galvao, T.F., 264 Gamino, L.A., 451 Gandhi, P.K., 209 Ganley, C.M., 327 Ganong, L., 382 Gansen, H.M., 148

Gao, Z., 422 Garcia-Moreno, C., 385 Garcia-Portilla, M., 359 Garcia-Ruiz, M., 295 Garcia, J.M., 164 Gardner, H., 228, 228, 229 Gardner, P., 383 Garlick, D., 100 Gartrell, N., 32 Gartrell, N.K., 32 Gartstein, M.A., 146 Gattringer, T., 400 Gaugler, J.E., 406 Gaulden, M.E., 66 Gaultney, ).F., 301 Gauthier, S., 405 Gau vain, M., 276 Gavin, T., 406 Gawande, A., 402 Geary, D.C., 21 Gebuza, G., 72 Geidd, 320 Geller, P.A., 68 Gelman, C.R., 436 Gelman, R., 169, 170 Gelman, S., 141 Gelman, S.A., 183 Genest, M.T., 173 Genetics Home Reference, 47 Genevro, j.L., 451 Gen tier, I., 207 Gentile, B., 6 Geraghty, S., 75 Gerard, C.M., 103 Geronimus, A., 305 Gerressu, M., 302 Gershoff, E.T., 190, 192 Gerstorf, D., 446 Gertler, P., 85 Gesell, A., 126 Gesell, A.L., 108 Geurts, T., 436 Gewirtz, J.L., 241 Geyer, M., 8 Ghaemi, S., 210 Ghanem, H., 360 Gharaei, N., 224 Ghavami, N., 314 Ghazi, A., 409 Ghetti, S., 219 Ghisletta, P., 9, 369, 411 Ghule, M., 303 Giacalone, D., 406 Gibbs, N., 65 Gibson, E., 112 Giedd, J.N., 320 Gifford-Smith, M., 243 Gijselaers, W.H., 371 Gilbert, S., 291 Gillham, A., 13 Gillham, )., 291 Gillies, R.M., 218 Gilligan, C., 241-242, 288 Gillmore, M., 306 Gilmore, C.K., 170 Gino, F., 459 Ginsberg, S., 76 Gira It, S., 282 Gitlin, L., 427 Glanz, J.M., 160 Glanz, K., 206 Glaser, D., 100 Glasson, E.)., 47 Glatt, S., 410 Glauber, R., 433 Glick, P., 327 Gliga, T., 112 Glina, S., 360 Glover, C.P., 328 Glover, K., 148 Glynn, L.M., 85 Godard, 0., 113 Godbey, G., 425 Godefroy, 0., 357 Goede, I., 294 Goetz, A., 21 Giik�e, M.I., 407

Goldberg, A.E., 134, 251, 345 Goldberg, L.R., 51 Goldfield, G.S., 206 Goldin-Meadow, 5., 169 Goldman, D., 46 Goldman, L., 453 Goldman, R., 88 Goldney, R.D., 454 Goldschmidt, L., 67 Goldstein, S., 193 Goldston, D., 292 Golinkoff, R., 222 Golian, T.H., 161 Gollenberg, A., 444 Gollust, S.E., 32 Gollwitzer, M., 198 Golombok, S., 251, 304 Gomes, A.I., 206 Gonzales, A., 282 Gonzalez Rey, F., 20 Gonzalez-Barrera, A., 325 Goodman, G.S., 171 Goodnough, A., 160 Goodson, B., 32 Goodwin, M.H., 248 Goold, S.D., 446 Goorabi, K., 403 Gopinath, B., 357 Gopnik, A., 124, 323 Gordon, I., 71, 114, 162 Gordon, K., 380 Goren, J.L., 210 Gorman, A., 391 Gormley, W., 32 Gormley, W.T., 178 Goschke, T., 18 Gostin, L., 454 Gottesman, I.I., 57 Gottman, J., 344 Gottman, J.M., 344 Gould, H., 64 Gould, R., 375 Gow, A., 435 Gowey, M.A., 265 Goyette-Ewing, M., 253 Graaf, P., 379 Grabner, R.H., 371 Grad, 0., 292 Graddol, D., 220 Grady, D., 366 Graf Estes, K., 131, 134 Graham, S.A., 28 Grall, T.S., 188 Granek, L., 444 Granic, !., 295 Granie, M., 159 Grant, C., 158 Grant, R.J., 18 Gray, S., 193 Gredler, M.E., 173, 218 Green, C.S., 282 Green, A., 312 Green, D., 19 Green, G., 18 Green, K., 289 Green, M., 317 Green, R., 304 Greenburg, J., 12 Greene, K., 278 Greene, M.M., 127 Greenstein, A., 232 Greenwood, D.N., 205 Greer, B.D., 163 Greitemeyer, T., 198 Gremigni, P., 62 Greydanus, D.E., 304 Griffin, L.K., 284 Griffith, S.F., 296 Griffiths, S., 266 Grigorenko, E., 323 Grills, C., 314 Grinkeviciute, D., 99 Grnnh0j, A., 295 Grosse, S.D., 80 Grossmann, I., 323 Grube, j. W., 268 Grunbaum, J.A., 291

Grundy, E., 383, 384 Grusec, J.E., 15 Gruszczynska, E., 317 Gruttadaro, D., 329 Guadalupe, K.L., 250 Guarente, L., 410 Guasti, M.T., 175 Guerin, E., 359 Guerra, N.F., 254 Guerrero, A., 280 Guerrero, S., 182 Guerrini, I., 65 Guidine, P., 4 Guilamo-Ramos, V., 282 Guindon, M., 421 Gullotta, T.P., 285 Gumz, A., 8 Giiney, N., 7 Gunter, B., 184 Guo, S., 286 Giire, A., 264 Guricci, S., 205 Gurung, R., 314 Gutek, G.L., 178 Gutman, R., 43 Gutnick, A.L., 176 Guttmacher Institute, 64, 303 Guttmann, J., 253 Guttmannova, K., 69 Guzzetta, A., 99, 114

H Haabrekke, K., 62 Haas-Thompson, T., 448 Haber, D., 422 Habib, M., 194 Hagan-Burke, S., 222 Hagerman, R., 47 Hagerty, R.G., 446 Hagmann-von Arx, P., 231 Hahn, E., 378 Hahn, E.A., 425 Haisma, H., 28 Hale, A.)., 19 Haleem, M., 410 Hales, C.M., 206 Haley, D., 124 Haley, W., 460 Halgunseth, L.C., 252 Halim, M.L., 183, 185 Halkier, B., 28 Hall, D., 217 Hall,)., 161, 1 82 Hall, ).)., 79 Halpern, D.F., 326 Hamann, 5., 10 Hamasaki, A., 400 Hamel, L.M., 158 Hamer, R., 277, 320 Hamilton, B.E., 82, 305 Hamilton, B.S., 305 Hamlet, H.S., 388 Hamm, J.V., 298 Hammond, S.I., 21 Hanafin, S., 101 Hanawa, 5., 145 Hane, A., 144 Hanna, G.P., 323 Hannon, K., 416 Hannover, B., 281 Hansen, C., 400 Hanson, ).D., 85 Hanson, L., 455 Hanson, R., 433 Harada, C.N., 401 Harden, E., 18 Harden, K., 231, 280 Harding, R., 454 Hare, A.L., 294 Hare, T.A., 267 Harkness, 5., 103 Harris, J., 55 Harris, J.L., 176 Harris, M., 261 Harris, M.A., 238 Hart, D., 243 Hart, N.C., 300

Hartley, C.A., 9, 100 Hartley, D., 52 Hartman, K.M., 134 Hartmann, B., 66 Harvey, J.H., 250, 253 Haryu, E., 135 Hasan, Y., 198 Hasselhom, M., 182 Hastings, P.D., 194 Hatfield, E., 334 Hatton, C., 231 Hau, K.T., 237 Haugaard, J.J., 191 Hauner, H., 15 Hauser, S., 46 Hauser, S.R., 269 Hawkins-Rodgers, Y., 254 Hawkins, A.J., 381 Hayden, T., 44 Hayes, S.W., 290 Hayflick, L., 408 Hayslip, B., 383, 436 Hazen, N., 28 Healthychildren.org, 292 Heard, E., 52 Hebe, H.N., 216 Hebscher, M., 372 Hedegaard, M., 174 Heflinger, C., 268 Heimann, M., 8, 90 Hein, M.M., 149 Heinrich, )., 65 Heller, S., 349 Helmsen, J., 196 Hendren, S., 363 Hendrick, C., 334 Hendrickson, Z.M., 451 Hendrie, H.C., 405 Henry J. Kaiser Family

Foundation, 272 Henry, R., 432 Henry, W.E., 424 Henschel, S., 192 Hensley, P., 459 Henson, R, 300 Hentschel, S., 375 Hepach, R., 140 Herbenick, D., 358 Herberman Mash, H.B., 291 Herbert, J .S., 89 Herendeen, L.A., 159 Herman-Kinney, N.j., 270 Hermanto, N., 220 Hermida, R.C., 404 Hernandez-Reif, M., 29, 139 Hernandez, D.J., 239 Herpertz-Dahlmann, B., 266 Herrnstein, R., 230 Hertwig, R., 436 Hertz-Pannier, L., 134 Hertz, R., 63 Hertzberg, V.S., 74 Hertzog, C., 392 Hespos, S.J., 124 Hess, T., 414 Hess, T.M., 371, 423 Hetrick, S.E., 292 Hewstone, M., 248, 298 Heyes, C., 15, 145 Heyman, R., 192 Heymann, J., 253 Hickey, L., 13 Hielbronner, 327 Hietala, J., 57 Higgins, D., 192 Higson, H., 173 Hill, 5 Hill, B.D., 228 Hill, P.L., 5 Hillman, J., 355, 407 Hilton, J., 381 Hines, M., 67, 87 Hinrichsen, V.L., 32 Hipke, K.N., 253 Hirsch, M., 364 Hirsch, P., 434 Hirschtritt, M.E., 210

Name Index Nl-5

Hirsh-Pasek, K., 132, 222 Hillin, S., 285 Hjelmstedt, A., 64 Hjemdal, 0., 291 Hobdy, J., 383 Hocking, D.R., 47 Hoehl, S., 139 Hoelter, L.F., 302 Hoessler, C., 371 Hoeve, M., 301 Hoff, E., 220, 221, 280 Hoffenaar, P., 7 Hofferth, S., 252 Hofferth, S.L., 84 Hoffman, L., 260 Hofmeier, S.M., 355 Hogg, L.D., 300 Holahan, C., 425 Holcomb, M., 360 Holl, K.,46 Holland, A.S., 345 Holland, J.L., 348 Holland, N., 182 Holliday, E., 271 Holly, L.E, 210 Holman, M.A., 49 Holmes, E.R., 423 Holmes, M.E., 424 Holowaka, S., 161 Holsey, C., 209 Holstein, B., 435 Homae, F., 124 Hong, D.S., 48 Hong, S.B., 178 Hood, M., 282 Hooks, B., 9 Hopkins, B., 109 Horiuchi, S., 409 Horne, R.C., 444 Horner, G., 143 Horning, M.L., 406 Horwitz, B.N., 54, 337 Hou, Y., 294 Houde, o., 29 House, S.H., 160 Howard Sharp, K.M., 460 Howard, j.S., 18 Howe, M.J., 225 Howe, M.L., 125 Howe, N., 187 Howell, P., 212 Howes, 0., 57 Howieson, N., 143 Howlader, N., 366 Hoy, W.G., 457 Hoyme, H., 232 Hristova, M., 99 Hsin, L., 220 Hu, Y., 305 Huang, A., 407 Huang, C.T., 90, 115 Huang, D.C., 265 Huang, G.C., 1 9 Huang, J . , 447 Hubel, D.H., 112 Hubert, L., 348 Hubley, A.M., 264 Hiibscher, R., 173 Hudley, C., 223 Hueston, W., 85 Huffman, L., 419 Hugdahl, K., 123 Huh, S.Y., 110 Huijbregts, S., 7 Hiiliir, G., 228, 371, 446 Hummel, P., 113 Humphrey, J.H., 162 Humphrey, R., 186 Humphries, C., 67 Humphries, M.L., 76 Hunt, M., 25 Hunter, J., 304 Hunter, S., 445 Huntley, J.D., 416 Huntsinger, C.S., 179 Huppert, E., 182 Hur, K., 403

Nl-6 Name Index

Huston, T.L., 334, 341 Hutchinson, A., 161 Hutchinson, D., 297 Hutchinson, S., 424 Hutchison, B., 348 Hutchison, S., 16 Hutter, I., 28 Hutton, P.H., 11 Hutz, A., 19 Hviid, A., 8 Hvolgaard Mikkelsen, S., 69 Hyde, J., 261 Hyde, J.S., 291, 302, 303, 343,

358, 375 Hynes, S.M., 73

I Ialongo, N.S., 266 Iavarone, A., 406 Ibbotson, P., 134 Ickes. W., 286 Iecovich, E., 427 lgarashi, H., 409 Ige, T.J., 206 Ilmarinen, V., 333 Impett, E., 338 Inagaki, M., 278 Ingram, D.K., 410 Inguaggiato, E., 100 Inguglia, C., 294 Inoue, K., 389 International Human Genome

Sequencing Consortium, 46 Inzlicht, M., 328 Irland, J.M., 76 Irwin, M.R., 315 Isaacs, K.L., 161 !say, R.A., 304 Isherwood, L.M., 433 Ishi-Kuntz, M., 252 Ishizuka, B., 359 Ising, M., 416 Isla, J., 377 Izard, C.E., 137, 138

J Jachimowicz, V., 427 Jack, F., 217 Jackson, M.I., 205 Jackson, S.L., 437 Jacob, K.S., 314 Jacobs, B.A., 47 Jacobson, C., 292 Jacqz-Aigrain, E., 35 Jager, R., 402 Jahoda, G., 217 Jalonick, M.C., 158 James, J., 261 Janca, A., 6 Jancke, L., 400 Janda, L.H., 337 Janevic, T.T, 82 Janicke, D.M., 206 Janis, I., 427 Janowsky, J., 355 Jansen, P., 247 Janssen, D.F., 263 Janusek, L., 315 Jarrold, C., 217 Jaswal, V., 219 Jaworski, M., 53 Jay, M., 340 Jenkins, L.N., 247, 285 Jensen, A., 54 Jensen, J.F., 432 Jensen, L.A., 290, 296 Jensen, T.M., 381 Jenson, J.M., 4 Jesmin, S.S., 398 Ji-liang, S., 435 Jia, R., 182 Jiang, Y., 108, 149 Jimerson, S.R., 237 Jindal, V., 356 Jirtle, R.L., 53 Joelson, S., 26 John-Steiner, V., 172

Johnson, CM., 9 Johnson, D.J., 179 Johnson, E., 113 Johnson, H.J., 328 Johnson, J., 338 Johnson, L.D., 158 Johnson, S.P., 122, 139 Johnson, W.G., 81 Johnston-Robledo, I., 400 Johnston, L.D., 268, 269,

270, 271 Joiner, T.E., Jr., 19, 266 Joireman, J., 35 Joliot, M., 29 Jonas, D., 444 Jonas, M., 103 Jones-Harden, B., 254 Jones, C., 33 Jones, D.E., 75, 313 Jones, H., 90, 213 Jones, N.A., 29 Jones, S., 90 Joosten, M., 437 Jopp, D.S., 392 Jordan-Young, R.M., 62 Jordan, A.B., 176 Jose, 0., 432 Judge, T.A., 46 Julvez, J., 110 Jung, E., 239 Jung, M., 313 Jurecic, A., 451 Jurimae, T., 207 Juvonen, J., 247, 298

K Kaarre, 0., 270 Kadam, G., 383 Kadue, D.D., 430 Kaffashi, F., 79 Kagan, J., 50, 56, 128, 138, 146 Kahlbaugh, P., 419 Kahlenberg, S.G., 149 Kahn, J.P. , 365 Kahn, R.L., 399 Kahneman, D., 379 Kail, R. V., 122, 277, 277 Kaiser Family Foundation, 281 Kaiser Family Foundation Analysis of

Current Population Survey, 428 Kalashnikova, M., 130 Kalb, C., 40, 63, 159 Kaltiala-Heino, R., 264 Kalynchuk, L., 316 Kamble, S., 20 Kaminaga, M., 264 Kanai-Maymon, Y., 19 Kandler, C., 55, 322 Kann, L., 305 Kantor, J., 251 Kantrowitz, E.J., 186 Kao, G., 239 Kapke, T.L., 238 Kaplan, H., 109 Kaplanski, J., 401 Kaprio, J., 7 Karagianni, P., 79 Kara tzias, T., 322 Karelitz, T.M., 423 Karl, J.M., 107 Karmiloff-Smith, A., 127 Karney, B.R., 341, 341 Karniol, R., 185 Karoly, L.A., 178 Karraker, A., 359 Kaslow, F.W., 379 Kastenbaum, R., 445, 446 Kastner, D., 8 Katsimpardi, L., 410 Katsiyannis, A., 301 Katterman, S.N., 21 Katz,J., 269 Katz, S., 406 Katzer, C., 247 Kaufman, J.C., 228 Kavoor, A.R., 22 Kavsek, M., 111

Kawakami, K., 145 Kayton, A., 73 Keating, D.P., 276 Kee, D., 161 Keel, P.K., 206 Keene, J.R., 385 Kehl, K.A., 448 Kelch-Oliver, K., 250 Kellehear, A., 447 Keller, H., 190, 344 Keller, V.N., 31 Kelley, G., 407 Kelley, M., 342 Kellaway, E., 33 Kelly-Vance, L., 148 Kelly-Weeder, S., 63 Kelly, G., 302 Kelly, )., 144 Kemper, S., 356 Kendler, K.S., 270 Kenett, Y.N., 228 Kennedy-Hendricks, A., 32 Kennedy, K., 9 Kerns, K., 144 Keski-Rahkonen, A., 266 Kevorkian, )., 453 Khader, Y.S., 68 Khalaila, R., 433 Khodarahimi, S., 382 Kiang, L., 294 Kieffer, CC., 144 Kiilo, T., 384 Killen, M., 248 K.ilmann, P., 341 Kim, B., 142 Kim, H.J., 139 Kim, )., 6 Kim, ).H., 125 Kim, J.S., 384 Kim, S., 150 Kim, Y.G., 130 Kimm, G., 265 Kimmel, D.C., 333 Kimura, K., 401 King, D., 282 King, E.B., 349 Kingston, D., 69 Kinney, H.C., 65, 444 Kinsey, A., 303-304 Kinsey, A.C., 304 K.irchengast, S., 66 Kirkendall, A.M., 447 K.irkorian, H.L., 177 Kirsh, S.J., 198 Kisilevsky, B.S., 113 Kitamura, C., 33, 135 K.iuru, N., 297 Kjerulff, K.H., 82 Kj0lseth, !., 446 K.laming, R., 415 Kliining, U., 57 Klein, A., 253 Klein, M.C., 76 Klenke-Hamel, K.E., 337 Klerman, L., 179 Klimstra, T.A., 290 Klingberg, T., 160 Klitzman, R.L., 49 Kloep, M., 7 Klonoff, E.A., 314 Klosinski, L.E., 32 Kluger, )., 210 Klute, C., 297 Knafo, A., 95 Kneile, L.A., 1 74 Knezevic, M., 311 Knickmeyer, R., 184 Knifsend, CA., 298 Knight, G.P., 217 Knight, )., 356 Knight, Z.G., 12 Knoll, L.J ., 276 Knopf, M., 410 Knopik, V.S., 22 Knorth, E.)., 254 Knox, J.R., 32 Knutson, )., 196

Koball, H., 108 Kobrynski, L.J., 209 Kochanska, G., 146 Koenig, L.B., 55 Kogan, S.M., 286 Koh, S., 358 Kohlberg, L., 185, 239, 239 Kohler, H., 10 Kohut, S.A., 113 Koike, K.J., 357 Kokou-Kpolou, K., 459 Kolling, T., 410 Kolves, K., 460 Kolyada, A.K., 408 Kong, A., 9 Koningsberg, R.D., 343 Kooijman, A., 356 Koopmans, S., 356 Kopanidis, F., 349 Kopans, D.B., 366 Koren, C., 382 Kornides, M.L., 265 Korol, L., 248 Korotchikov, I., 101 Koska, )., 205 Kosma, M., 424 Ko5nik, K., 260 Kostka, )., 427 Kotch, J., 386 Kottak, C., 247, 336 Kovaklchuk, I., 51 Kowal, M., 282 Kramer, M.S., 65 Krause, M.S., 31 Kreager, D.A., 301 Krekula, C., 400 Kretch, K.S., 112 Kretsch, N., 263 Krishna, A., 160 Kroger, J., 288, 289 Krogh, L., 118 Krohn, M.D., 301 Kross, E., 297, 320, 323 Krawitz, A., 112 Kruger, 0., 46 Kruschke, J.K., 31 Kubler-Ross, E., 449-452 Kuhl, P.K., 135 Kuhn, D., 277 Kulik, L., 433 Kulkarni, V., 74 Kung, F.H., 7 Kuntsche, E., 270 Kunzmann, U., 423 Kupek, E., 157 Kupersmidt, J.B., 297 Kuppens, S., 190 Kurdek, L.A., 338, 345 Kuron, L.J., 346 Kurtines, W.M., 241 Kurtz-Costes, B., 280 Kusangi, E., 146 Kwan, K.,35 Kwant, P.B., 410 Kyweluk, M.A., 261

L Labouvie-Vief, G., 277, 320 Lac, A., 124 Lacerda, F., 170 Lachapelle, U., 209 Lachmann, T., 212 Lackey, C., 385 Lacourse, E., 264 LaCoursiere, D., 85 LaCroix, A.Z., 360 Laflamme, D., 344 Laghi, F., 243 Lahat, A., 245 Lai, C., 205 Lain, D., 430 Lakhani, B., 208 Lam, C., 135 I.amaze, F., 75 Lamb, D., 18 Lamb, M.E., 179 Lambiase, A., 356

Lambie, I., 192 Lambrick, D., 206 Lambrinoudaki, I., 359 Lamidi, E., 381 Lamkin, D., 372 Lamm, B., 344 Lamprecht, M., 237 Landis, M., 380 Landrine, H., 314 Landy, F., 430 Lane, J.D., 187 Lane, K.A., 327 Langer, A., 112 Langer, E., 414, 427 Langille, D., 66 Langlais, M.R., 381 Lansford, J., 4 Lansford, J.E., 192, 245, 253 Lanza, S.T., 271 Lapidot-Lefler, N., 247 Lappin, S., 134 Lapsley, D., 242 Lara, D.R., 313 Largo, R.H., 163 Larsen, K.E., 75 Laska, M.N., 265 Laskar, A., 44 Lathrop, A., 75 Latorre, J.M., 421 Lau, M., 302 Lauer, J., 337 Lauer, R., 337 Laughame, J., 6 Lavers-Pres ton, C., 436 Lavezzi, A.M., 103 Lavner, J.A., 341 Lavoi, N.M., 208 Law, A., 13 Law, D.M., 246 Lawrence, E., 345 Lawrence, H.R., 210 Lazarus, R., 315 Le-Masurier, G., 69 Le, H., 31 Leach, P., 179 Leaper, C., 184, 285 Leal, S.J., 111 Leathern, J., 425 Leathers, 5., 342 Lecce, 5., 187, 435 Lee, A., 433 Lee, C., 131, 271 Lee, E.H., 384 Lee, F.5., 9 Lee, G.Y., 113 Lee, M., 437 Lee, P.C., 111 Lee, R.M., 238 Lee, 5., 234 Leen-Feldmer, E.W., 264 Lefevre, J., 170 Lefferts, W.K., 313 Legerstee, M., 90, 141, 145 Lehman, D., 182 Lehr, U., 423 Leloux-Opmeer, H., 254 Lemaire, P., 122 Lemieux, A., 320 Lemmons, B.P., 280 LeMoine, 5., 90 Lenhart, A., 281, 282 Leon, I., 183 Leonard, J., 173 Leonard, L.B., 212 Leondari, A., 448 Lerner, R.M., 33, 237 Lesch, K., 18 Leseman, P., 7 Lesner, 5., 403 Lester, H., 435 Lester, P., 32 Letukas, L., 279 Leuba, G., 405 Leung, C., 294 Levant, R.F., 285 LeVay, 5., 304 Levenson, M.R., 289

Leverone, D., 404 Leversen, J.R., 401 Levey, B.R., 425 Levin, R.J., 302 Levine, R.V., 336 Levinson, A., 346 Levinson, D., 376, 420 Levy, B.L., 414 Levy, B.R., 406, 425 Lewis, B.A., 160, 266 Lewis, C.C., 151 Lewis, V., 355, 360 Lewkowicz, D., 114 Leyens, J.P. , 29 Li, G.R., 410 Li, H., 423 Li, N.P., 336 Li, 5., 52, 125, 311 Li, T.C., 339 Li, Y., 280, 296 Liang, H., 291 Liang, J., 424 Liang, Y., 410 Libert, 5., 409 Libertus, K., 107 Lickliter, R., 114 Liddell, T.M., 31 Liechty, J., 205 Lin, C., 189 Lin, F., 401 Lin, I-Fen, 380, 381 Lin, I., 365 Lin, P., 278 Lindau, 5., 407 Lindberg, 5., 182 Lindemann, B.T., 430 Lindenberger, U., 9 Lindin, M., 9 Lindsey, E., 186 Lindstrom, H., 392 Link, B.G., 363 Lino, M., 342 Lipnevich, A.A., 228 Lipperman-Kreda, 5., 268 Lipsitt, L.P., 89, 105, 113 Lisabeth, L., 359 Lister, J., 402 Litzinger, 5., 380 Liu, D., 188 Liu, H., 241, 380 Liu, J.K., 33 Liu, K.A., 363 Liu, N., 249, 316 Liu, 5.R., 12 Livingston, G., 381 Lloyd, K.K., 179 Lloyd, P., 77 Lluis-Font, J.M., 26 Lobo, R.A., 360 LoBue, V, 112 Locke, C.R., 251 Locke, K.D., 349 Lockenhoff, C.E., 423 Loeb, S., 151 Loftus, E.F., 415 Loggins, S., 83 Logsdon, R., 407 Lohbeck, A., 237 Lohman, D., 228 Lombardo, M.P., 208 Longo, G.5., 289 Lopez, A., 10 Lopez, M.H., 325 Lorenz, K., 142, 196 Losonczy-Marshall, M., 148 Lourie, M., 225 Love, A., 186 Low, J., 125 Lowe, M.R., 21 Lowenstein, J., 171 Lu, L., 344 Lu, X., 290 Lubinski, D., 228 Luby, J.L., 110 Lucas, R.E., 379, 379, 382 Lucas, 5.R., 298 Lucassen, A., 50

Ludden, J., 383 Ludlow, V., 110 Ludwig, M., 114 Ludwig, R.J., 89 Luhmann, M., 375 Lui, P.P., 190 Luke, B., 80 Luke, M.A., 339 Luminet, 0., 245 Lund, R., 435 Lundberg, I., 219 Lundblad, B., 163 Lundby, E., 243 Luo, B., 424 Luo, C., 267 Luo, J., 56 Luo, L., 416 Lustgarten, M., 408 Luthar, 5., 299 Lutzker, J., 193 Lyall, 5., 340 Lye, T.C., 416 Lynne, 5., 263

M Mabbott, D.J., 162 Maccallum, F., 452, 458, 459 Macchi Cassia, V., 89 Macchione, A.F., 103 Maccoby, E., 189 Maccoby, E.E., 151, 189 Maccoby, J.A., 189 MacDonald, H., 143 MacDonald, W., 347 MacDorman, M.F., 80, 84 Maciejewski, P.K., 451 Macionis, J.J., 381, 422 Maclean, K., 28 Maclean, P.C., 138 Madigan, 5., 341 Madison, G., 53 Madlensky, L., 48 Madsen, H.B., 125 Madsen, P.B., 304 Maercker, A., 459 Maes, 5.J ., 253 Magee, C.A., 102 Maggi, S., 206 Magnuson, K., 254, 280 Mah, J.T., 28 Mahalel, A.T., 12 Mahintamani, T., 22 Mahn, H., 172 Mahrer, N.E., 253 Maimari, I., 315 Maio, G.R., 20 Maita!, 5., 131 Majors, K., 243 Makinen, M., 285 Malchiodi, C.A., 19 Malhotra, R., 406 Mallan, K.M., 110 Maller, 5., 230 Mallis, M., 183 Malone, J.C., 12, 375 Manard, M., 369 Mancini, A.O., 452, 458, 459 Manda!, B., 84 Mane, 5., 20 Mangiatordi, A., 232 Manktelow, R., 282 Manning, M., 232, 301 Manning, R.C., 4 Manning, W.D., 298 Mansson, D., 385 Manzanares, 5., 72 Mao, A., 102 March, J.S., 211 Marchante, M., 237 Marcia, J., 288-289 Marcus, A.O., 343 Marcus, D., 160 Mareovich, F., 21 Marin, T., 209 Marinelle, 5.A., 174 Marinkovic, K., 311 Marino, C., 297

Name Index Nl-7

Markell, K., 448 Markova, G., 90 Marlatt, G., 15 Marlier, L., 113 Marques, A.H., 65 Marque!, M., 430 Marschik, P., 164 Marsh, H.W., 182, 237 Marshall, B., 406 Marsland, K.W., 179 Martin-Prudent, A., 211 Martin, A., 130 Martin, C.L., 183, 183, 185 Martin, J.A., 43, 76 Martin, K.A., 360 Martin, L., 68 Martin, 5., 69 Martinelli, P., 415 Martinez-Torteya, C., 193 Martinez, G., 305 Maruszewski, T., 421 Masalha, 5., 7 Masapollo, M., 131 Masataka, N., 132, 135 Mash, C., 138 Maslow, A.H., 19 Massey, 5.H., 67 Master, 5., 317 Mastora, A., 448 Mathews, G., 184 Mathews, T.J., 80 Mathiesen, K.5., 53 Matias, M., 343 Matlin, M., 263 Matlung, S.E., 99 Maton, K.I., 193 Matriano, E., 224 Matsuda, Y., 134 Matsumoto, D., 7 Matthes, J., 184 Mattos, L.C., 357 Mauas, V., 360 Mausbach, B.T., 433 Maxmen, A., 399 Maxson, 5.C., 46 Maynard, A., 122 Mazoyer, B., 29 McAdams, D.P., 13 McArdle, E.F., 453 McBride-Chang, C., 280 McCabe, P., 45 McCall, R.B., 254 Mccardle, P., 221 McCarthy, B., 407 McCartney, K., 151 McCarty, KN., 448 McClain, 5., 74 McClelland, D.C., 228 McConnell, V., 436 Mccowan, L.M.E., 68 McCoyd, J.M., 459 McCracken, J., 213 Mccrae, R., 378, 419 McCrae, R.R., 378 McCrink, K., 124 McCue, R.E., 446 McCullough, M.E., 33 McDonnel, C.G., 170 McDonnel, L.M., 223 McDonough, L., 132 McElhaney, K., 299 McElwain, N., 143 McGadney-Douglass, B., 109 McGinn, D., 390 McGinty, E., 32 McGlothlin, H., 248 McGonigle-Chalmers, M., 175 McGough, R., 212 McGue, M., 46, 54 McGuffin, P., 47 McGugin, R., 371 McGuinness, D., 312 McGuire, 5., 249 McHale, J.P., 345 McHale, 5.M., 249, 295 McKinlay, J.B., 407 McKown, C., 248

Nl-8 Name Index

McLachlan, H., 454 McLaughlin, D., 435 McLean, K.C., 284 McManus, R., 457 McMurray, B., 131 McNulty, J.K., 341, 341, 380 McPake, J., 176 McQuade, J., 244 Mead, M., 224 Meade, C., 66 Meador, K.J., 357 Meagher, D.K., 446 Mealey, L., 149 Mechanic, M., 10 Medeiros, R., 405 Medina, A., 380 Meece, J.L., 280 Mehlenbeck, R.S., 206 Meijer, A.M., 344 Meins, E., 143, 143, 175 Meinzen-Derr, J., 212 Meister, H., 403 Melancia, F., 47 Meland, A., 317 Meldrum, R.C., 300 Mella, N., 312 Mellet, E., 29 Meltzoff, A.N., 90, 114 Melzer, D., 53 Melzer, I., 401 Menard, C., 316 Mendle, J., 264 Mendorn;a, B., 108 Mendoza, C., 234 Mendoza, M.M., 157 Menlove, F.L., 15 Menna-Barreto, L., 101 Menna, R., 144, 196 Menolascino, N., 247 Mensah, F.K., 262, 263 Mercer, J.R., 231 Merikangas, K.R., 291 Merrick, J., 282 Merritt, A., 198 Merrow, J., 223 Mervielde, I., 50 Merwin, S.M., 50 Metz, G.S., 51, 267 Meyer, M., 433 Mezey, G., 69 Miao, X., 249 Michaels, M., 382 Miehe, M., 377 Mickelson, K.D., 85 Midlarsky, E., 230 Miesnik, S., 82 Migliaccio, S., 356 Mikkola, T.M., 403 Mikolajczak, M., 323 Mikulincer, M., 333, 339 Mikulovic, J., 265 Milburn, T.F., 170 Miles, R., 74, 79 Milkie, M.A., 295 Miller, A.J., 340 Miller, B.G., 251 Miller, C.A., 277 Miller, E.M., 34 Miller, S.A., 162, 188 Milner, A., 292 Miltenberger, R.G., 15 Mindell, J.A., 103 Miner, J., 385 Minzenberg, M., 18 Mireault, G.C., 140 Mirecki, R.M., 382 Mishna, F., 246 Mishra, R.C., 217, 296 Misri, S., 85 Missana, M., 112 Mistry, J., 122 Mitchell, E., 103, 444 Mitchell, K.J., 304 Mitchell, S., 6 Mitra, S., 22 Mittendorf, R., 72 Miyasaki, J.M., 389

Miyata, K., 402 Mize, K.D., 29 Modecki, K.L., 270 Moe, V., 8 Mohajeri, M., 405 Mohan, J., 365 Mohr, B.A., 407 Mok,A., 225 Molavi, H., 276 Molero, F., 339 Melgaard-Nielsen, D., 8 Molina, J.C., 68 Monahan, C.!., 193 Monahan, K., 300 Monastra, V., 57 Monk, C., 62 Montazer, S., 315 Montemayor, R., 285 Montemurro, B., 28 Montessori, M., 178 Monteverde, S., 454 Moon, C., 89 Moon, R.Y., 103 Moor, N., 379 Moore, C., 186 Moore, D.S., 124 Moore, K., 390 Moore, K.L., 66 Moore, M.C., 65 Moore, M.K., 90 Moore, S., 436 Moraes, L.J ., 315 Morales, J.R., 254 Morales, M.F., 4 Morange-Majoux, F.F., 164 Morbidity Mortality Weekly Report,

292, 303 Morfei, M.Z., 382 Morgan, R.E., 385 Morin, R.T., 230 Morison, S., 28 Morita, J., 371 Morley, J.E., 401 Morris, A., 195 Morris, B.J., 87, 88 Morris, M.W., 225 Morris, P., 372 Morris, W.L., 342 Morrison, K.M., 265 Morrongiello, B., 159 Morse, S.J., 276 Mortensen, C., 28 Moser, K., 389 Moser, S., 403 Miittus, R., 378 Moura-Ramos, M., 3 Mrazek, A.J., 289 Mrug, S., 262 Mruk, C.J., 237 Mu, Z.,337 Muda, R., 55 Mueller, A.S., 292 Mueller, M., 385 Muenchow, S., 179 Muifios, M., 4 Muller, D., 430 Muller, J., 18 Muller, U., 16, 121 Mulvihill-Rivera, H., 15 Mundy, B., 250 Munniksma, A., 248 Munro, B., 269 Munro, B.A., 314 Munsey, C., 247 Munson, J.E., 10 Munthali, R.J., 110 Murasko, J.E., 110 Murdock, K.W., 408 Murguia, A., 314 Murphy, B., 245 Murphy, C., 403 Murphy, F.A., 64 Murphy, P., 281 Murphy, S., 444 Murray C., 230 Murray-Close, D., 196 Murray, L., 127

Murray, S., 341 Murray, T., 355 Musher-Eizenman, D.R., 198 Mustanski, B., 304 Mutiso, S.K., 64 Mychasluk, R., 267 Myers, D., 403 Myers, R.H., 50 Myrtek, M., 365

N Nabe, C., 452 Naglieri, J., 193 Nagy, E., 90 Naimark, B., 406 Nakai, S., 131 Nakajima, N., 178 Nappi, R., 358 Narang, S., 99 Nash, A., 176 Nassif, A., 184 Na tan, B.M., 427 Nathan, G., 131 Nation, K., 223 Nation, M., 268 National Association for the

Education of Young Children, 178 National Center for Children in

Poverty, 108 National Center for Educational

Statistics, 281 National Center for Health

Statistics, 341 National Center for Learning

Disabilities, 212 National Center of Health

Statistics, 404 National Clearinghouse on

Child Abuse and Neglect lnformation, 191

National Council on Aging, 404 National Health and Nutrition

Examination Survey, 313 National Health lnterview Survey, 159 National Institute on Aging, 405, 408 National Institute on Alcohol Abuse

and Alcoholism, 269, 270 National lnstitute on Deafness and

Other Communication Disorders, 212, 356, 402

National Safety Council, 159 National Science Foundation, Division

of Resource Statistics, 326 National Vital Statistics Report,

444, 445 Navarro, M., 426 Nazzi, T., 131 Neal Kimball, C., 172 Neiderberger, C., 63 Neiderhiser, J.M., 22 Nelson, C., 100 Nelson, C.A., 61 Nelson, N., 148 Nelson, T.D., 398 Nesheim, S., 67 Nesse, R.M., 458 Nestler, E.J., 51, 52 Neugarten, B., 420-421 Newland, LA., 193 Newmeyer, F.J., 133 Newsom, E., 426 Neyro, V., 35 Ng, W., 28 Ngo, B., 224 NICHD Early Child Care Research

Network, 150, 151, 152, 179 Nicholas, H., 28 Nicholson, J.M., 250, 253 Nicholson, L.M., 265 Nicklas, T.A., 176 Nicolaides, K.H., 444 Niehorster, S., 328 Nieto, S., 224 Nigg, J.T., 160 Nihart, M.A., 160 Nikcevic, A. V., 444 Nikkola, I., 444

Nikolaidis, A., 323 Nikolas, M., 52 Nilsen, E., 28 Nilsson, L., 415 Ninety-Seventh Congress, 234 Nisbett, R., 230, 231 Nisbett, R.E., 231 Njoroge, W.M., 176 Noakes, M.A., 248 Nobre, R.G., 79 Nockels, R., 271 Nolan, R.P., 365 Nolen-Hoeksema, S., 460 Nolen, W., 454 Noonan, C.W., 209 Noonan, D., 209 Noone, J., 431 Nordenmark, M., 430 Nordin, S., 403 Nordt, C., 389 Normand, M.T., 175 Norton, A., 173 Norton, M.I., 459 Nosarti, C., 79 Novotney, A., 329 Nursing Home Data

Compendium, 427 Nygaard, E., 8

0 O'Brien, E., 406 O'Connor, A.M., 249 O'Connor, M., 69 O'Doherty, K., 48 O'Grady, W., 130, 131, 175 O'Hara, R., 328 O'Leary, S.G., 190 O'Neil, J.M., 13 O'Neill, 0.A., 334 O'Regan, J., 26 Oakes, L., 118 Oakhill, J., 222 Oakshott, P., 271 Oberlander, S.E., 250 Ockerman, E., 67 Ocorr, K., 409 Oden, M., 368 OECD, 179 Oehler, J.M., 90 Office of Adolescent

Health, 282 Ogbu, J.U., 280 Ogden, C.L., 206, 313 Ogolsky, B.G., 344 Ogunyemi, B., 280 Oh, !., 31 Ohgi, S., 107 Ohta, H., 107 Okie, S., 207 Oksenberg, J., 46 Oliveira, E.T., 404 Olness, K., 65 Olsen, S., 282 Olson, D., 337, 338, 342, 380, 382 Olszewski-Kubilius, P., 234 Ondersma, S.J., 193 Onnis, L., 134 Onwuteaka-Philipsen, B., 454 Oostermeijer, M., 186 Orbuch, T., 380 Oregon Death and Dignitiy Act, 453 Oretti, R.G., 85 Orford, J ., 390 Organization for Economic

Cooperation and Development (OECD), 279, 280

Ornaghi, V., 187 Ornelas, I.J., 239 Orr, E., 130 Ortega, C.L., 210 Orthel, H., 434 Ortiz, S.O., 230 Ortman, J.M., 223 Osanloo, A.F., 246 Osborne, J.W., 430 Osofsky, J., 191 Osorio-Valencia, E., 162

Osterman, M.j.K., 76 Otgaar, H., 171 Otsuka, Y., 112, 127 Otto, K., 390 Oudeyer, P., 115 Oura, K., 16 Ouwehand, C., 425 Owens, R., 133 Owings, M., 87 Owsley, C., 402 Oxford, M., 306 Oyefiade, A.A., 267 Oyserman, D., 224 Ozawa, M., 253 Ozdemir, S.B., 264 Ozmen, CB., 332 Ozmeral, E.)., 403

p Paans, N.P. , 266 Pacala, j.T., 402 Paine, E.A., 358 Pajkrt, E., 65 Pajulo, M., 342 Palanca-Maresca, I., 211 Paley, B., 32 Palfai, T., 416 Palm, G., 144 Palmier-Claus, )., 4 Palmore, E.B., 370, 399 Paludi, M.A., 301, 349 Palusci, V.j., 193 Panagiotak.i, G., 445, 447 Pandina, R., 268 Pankalla, A., 260 Paolella, F., 178 Papadopoulos, T., 282 Parazzini, F., 43 Pargman, D., 407 Parisi, J.M., 417 Park, A., 206 Park, CL., 6 Park, H., 280 Park, J.E., 405 Park, N., 427 Parke, R., 243 Parke, R.D., 29, 249 Parker, K., 383 Parker, L., 303 Parks, CD., 421 Parsons, A., 187 Parten, M., 186 Pascalis, 0., 127 Pasternak, B., 8 Paterno, M.T., 82 Patterson, CJ., 251, 305, 345 Patz, R.j., 191 Paul, K., 389 Pauletti, R.E., 185 Paulhus, D. L., 349 Paulino, M., 385 Paulus, M., 145, 186, 186 Pavlov, I., 88 Pawluski, J.L., 85 Paya-Gonzalez, B., 292 Paz-Alba Prieto, )., 183 Peach, H.D., 301 Peck, R.C., 420 Pedersen, S., 247 Peel, E., 454 Peeters, M., 247 Pelaez, M., 145 Pelham, W.j., 213 Peltola, M.j., 141 Pelzer, B., 390 Peng, W., 356 Penido, A., 4 Peplau, L., 338 Peralta, 0., 21 Percy, K., 433 Pereira, G., 4 Perelli-Harris, B., 340, 340 Perez-Brena, N.j., 294 Perez-Garcia, A.M., 317 Perez-Lopez, F.R., 359 Perner, )., 125 Perreira, K.M., 239

Perrin, A., 416 Perrine, N.E., 300 Perry, W., 320-321 Persson, A., 198 Persson, G.E.B., 196 Petanjek, Z., 266 Peterman, K., 145 Peters, B., 457 Peters, E., 415 Peters, j .A., 50 Petersen, A., 264 Peterson, C., 188, 427 Peterson, CC., 140 Peterson, M., 347 Petit, G.S., 198 Petkoska, )., 430 Petrie, R., 355 Petrou, S., 80, 157 Pettit, j.W., 19 Pew Research Center, 250, 338,

381, 383 Pfeifer, )., 10 Philippot, P., 196 Phillips, D., 32 Phillips, M.L., 370 Phinney, j.S., 286, 290, 298 Phipps, M., 305 Phung, j.N., 130 Pianta, R.C., 178, 179 Picasso, P., 323 Pickles, A., 50 Piekarski, D.j ., 9 Pierpaoli, C., 407 Pietri, E.S., 328 Pietsch, j.H., 447 Pillai, V., 305 Piller, I., 221 Ping, R., 169 Piper, W.E., 434 Pirog, M.A., 306 Pittman, L.D., 250 Platt, I., 364 Platt, L.F., 305 Plaut, D.C., 161 Plomin, R., 22, 46, 51,

232, 291 Polatti, F., 358 Polkinghorne, D.E., 28 Piilkki, T., 113 Pollack, W., 285 Pollak, S., 161 Polyak, D., 143 Pomares, C.G., 113 Pomatto, L.C.D., 410 Pomerantz, E.M., 190 Pompili, M., 292 Ponton, L.E., 302 Poorthuis, A.G., 237 Pope, A.L., 340 Porac, C., 161 Porges, S., 18 Posid, T., 124 Posthuma, D., 231 Poulin-Dubois, D., 141, 149 Poulin, F., 186 Poulton, R., 58 Paw, A.M., 317 Power, M., 74, 312 Preciado, P., 333 Preckel, F., 284 Presseau, C., 193 Pressley, M., 277 Price, CS., 32 Price, J.M., 245 Priddis, L., 143 Prieler, M., 184 Prigerson, H., 406 Prince-Embury, S., 185 Prince, CB., 83 Prince, M., 80 Prochaska, M.T., 455 Proctor, B.D., 428 Proctor, C., 271 Proctor, W., 317 Prohaska, V., 241 Proulx, M., 186 Pruis, T., 355

Puchalski, M., 113 Puckering, C., 143 Pudelewicz, A., 406 Pulkkinen, L., 7 Pun, A., 247 Pundir, A., 112 Puntambekar, S., 173 Purdy, S.C., 113 Puterman, E., 265 Putney, N.M., 384 Pyke, K., 337

Q Qian, Z., 26 Quinn, P., 112, 128 Quintana, S.M., 182, 248 Quitana, S.M., 182

R Ra, J.S., 285 Raag, T., 183 Rabbitt, P., 411 Raboteg-Saric, Z., 238 Rafalski, J.C., 430 Raggi, V., 213 Ragland,)., 18 Rahko, j.S., 277 Rai, P., 44 Rai, R., 278 Raikes, H.H., 151 Rajhans, P., 137 Rakison, D.H., 118 Rakoczy, H., 423 Ramasubramanian, S., 317 Ramaswamy, V., 194 Ramsay, j.R., 334 Rancourt, D., 247 Randall, W.L., 423 Ranganath, C., 18 Rankin, B., 178 Ransjii-Arvidson, A.B., 76 Rantanen, )., 388 Rastle, K., 223 Ratanachu-Ek, S., 108 Rattan, S.I.S., 408 Rauer, A., 432 Ravanipur, M., 407 Raver, C.C., 280 Ray, E., 15, 145 Ray, L., 55 Rayner, R., 88 Raz, I., 206, 206 Raz, N., 9 Razani, )., 231 Raznahan, A., 320 Read, S. L., 35 Reale, B., 82 Rebok, G.W., 417, 424 Reddick, R., 338 Reddy, B.M., 404 Reddy, V., 130 Reed, B., 10 Reed, R.K., 75 Rees, K.j., 20 Reeves, M.L., 448 Reich, S.M., 282 Reichenberg, M., 219 Reifman, A., 231 Reijman, S., 143 Reio, T.j., 210 Reis, S., 234 Reissland, N., 139 Rembis, M., 22 Renner, L., 386 Rentrneester, S.T., 73 Rentner, T.L., 65 Rentz, D.M., 12, 415 Renzulli, j ., 234 Repetti, R.L., 139 Reproductive Medicine Associa tes of

New jersey, 63 Resing, W.M., 217 Reuter, E., 371 Reyna, V.F., 278 Reynolds, C.!., 409 Rhoades, G., 340 Rhodes, R., 455

Name Index Nl-9

Rice, T.M., 301 Rice, W.S., 84 Richards, M., 267 Richards, T.L., 212 Richardson, K.A., 67 Richardson, R., 125 Richert, R., 26 Richert, R.A., 176 Richmond-Rakerd, L.S., 50 Richtel, M., 281 Ricotta, D.N., 19 Riddell, R.P., 113 Rideout, V., 176, 281, 281 Ridgeway, V., 399 Rieffe, C., 195 Riesch, S., 295 Riley, K.E., 6 Riley, T.A., 327 Rinaldi, C., 245 Rinaldi, CM., 248 Rippon, R., 377 Ritzen, E.M., 262 Riyani, I., 303 Rizzoli, R., 356 Robb, M., 26 Robb, M.B., 281 Robbins, M.W., 191 Robbins, R., 417 Roberts, B.W., 378 Roberts, R.D., 228 Roberts, R.E., 267 Roberts, S., 340, 383 Robertson, N., 50 Robins, R.W., 237 Robinson, A.j., 127 Robinson, E., 220 Robinson, O.C., 376 Robinson, R.L., 286 Robinson, T.N., 176 Robitaille, A., 421 Rocha-Ferreira, E., 99 Rochat, P., 140 Rocheleau, M., 326 Rodgers, J.L., 31 Rodkey, E.N., 113 Rodkin, P.C., 248 Rodnitzky, R.L., 18 Rodrigue, K., 9 Rodriguez, R., 436 Roecke, C., 434 Roelofs, )., 144 Roffwarg, H.P., 102 Rogan, )., 21 Rogers, C., 19 Rogers, K., 65 Rogers, S.L., 110 Roggeveen, A.B., 357 Rohleder, N., 315 Rolle, L., 385 Rollock, D., 190 Rolls, E., 162 Romano, E., 190 Romero, S.T., 82 Ron, P., 384, 436 Roos, S., 451 Ropars, S., 74 Rosander, K., 145 Rosberg, T., 89 Rose, A.J., 245 Rose, CA., 196 Rose, R.j., 7 Rose, S., 213 Rose, S.A., 127, 171 Rosenbach, W.E., 277 Rosenberg, A.A., 73 Rosenblatt, P.C., 459 Rosenthal, D., 436 Ross, D., 197 Ross, K.R., 209 Ross, L., 49 Ross, S., 197 Rossi, S., 132 Rossler, W., 389 Rote, W.M., 295 Roth, M.S., 12 Rothbart, M., 146 Rothbaum, F., 144

Nl-10 Name Index

Rothenberger, A., 210 Rothenberger, L.G., 210 Rotigel, J.V., 234 Rotman, T., 345 Rounds, J., 348 Rouse, M.L., 163 Rousseau, P.V., 105 Roussotte, F.F., 405 Rovee-Collier, C., 113, 124, 125 Rowe, J.W., 399 Rowley, S., 248 Roy, A.L., 280 Rozalski, M., 232 Rozance, P.J., 73 Rubin, O.C., 415 Rubin, K.H., 344 Ruble, 0., 185 Ruble, 0.N., 185 Ruble, L.A., 32 Rudd, L.C., 179 Rudman, L.A., 327 Ruff, H.A., 114 Ruffman, T., 141, 173, 195 Ruiz-Casares, M., 253 Rundle-Thiele, S., 349 Russ, S.W., 187 Russell, J., 445 Russell, S.T., 190, 239, 304 Rust, J., 184 Rutte, C., 365 Rutter, M., 10, 301 Ruzek, E., 150 Ryan, A.M., 248 Ryan, B.P., 212 Ryding, E.L., 82

s Saad, L., 342, 343 Saar, M., 207 Sabbagh, M., 405 Sadeghi, N., 162 Sadeh, A., 101 Sadker, 0., 327 Sagi, S.A., 144 Saiegh-Haddad, E., 220 Saito, S., 170 Sakic, M., 238 Sak.lofaske, O.H., 185 Salafia, E.B., 296 Salahuddin, M., 82 Salley, B., 148 Sallis, J., 206 Salsa, A., 21 Salthouse, T.A., 369, 370, 371, 401, 413,

414, 416, 417 Saltzburg, S., 251 Saltzman, W., 32 Sammons, M., 210 Sampson, P.O., 68 Sanchez-Castaneda, C., 49 Sanchez-Garrido, M.A., 261 Sandall, J., 76 Sanders, S., 406 Sandoval, J., 448 Sandrini, M., 416 Sang, B., 219 Sangree, W.H., 422 Sanson, A., 190 Santos, C.E., 286 Santos, R.X., 410 Santtila, P., 304 Sapir, A., 356 Sapyla, J.J., 211 Saraswathi, T., 122 Sargent-Cox, K.A., 400 Sasisekaran, J., 212 Satlof-Bedrick, E.S., 21 Saunders, J., 281 Sauve!, F., 103 Savin-Williams, R., 338 Savin-Williams, R.C., 302, 338 Sawatzky, J., 406 Sawicka, M., 64 Sawyer, J., 175 Sawyer, R., 324 Sayad, B., 358 Sayal, K., 148

Scarborough, P., 364 Scarr, S., 58 Scelfo, J., 207 Schaan, V.K., 253 Schachner, 0., 342 Schaefer, M.K., 296 Schaeffer, C., 196 Schafer, C., 457 Schafer, O.P., 99 Schaie, K.W., 321, 321, 369, 370, 413,

413 Schall, B., 113 Scharf, M., 244 Schecklemann, M., 266 Schecter, 0., 143 Schecter, T., 67, 143 Scheibner, G., 425 Scheier, M., 451 Schemo, O.J., 234, 279 Scherf, K.S., 267 Schieman, S., 347 Schildmann, E., 454 Schildmann, J . , 454 Schiller, J.S., 209 Schipper, E.J., 152 Schipper, L., 21 Schlesinger, M.A., 176 Schlosser, F., 430 Schmidt, F., 31 Schmidt, J., 280 Schmiedek, F., 54 Schmitt, M., 380 Schneider, N., 26 Schneider, W., 277 Schnitzer, P.G., 209 Schoenfeld, E.A., 380 Schoklitsch, A., 375 Schonert-Reichl, K.A., 244 Schoppe-Sullivan, S., 147, 345 Schorr, 0., 412 Schulenberg, J.E., 269 Schultz, J., 286 Schultz, R., 312 Schulz, K., 194 Schutt, R.K., 26 Schvey, N.A., 266 Schwartz, l.M., 302 Schwartz, P., 278 Schwartz, S.H., 95 Schwarz, A., 269 Schwarz, J.M., 311 Schwarz, T.F., 271 Schwenkhagen, A., 359 Sciaraffa, M.A., 193 Sciberras, E., 213 Scollon, C.N., 379 Scott, R.M., 122 Scott, S.S., 267 Scrimsher, S., 172 Seaton, S.E., 80 Se�kin, G., 317 Sedgh, G., 64, 66 Sedlak, A.J., 191 Seedat, S., 210 Segal, 0., 161 Segal, N.L., 10, 53 Segall, M.H., 276 Seibert, A., 144 Seidman, 0., 408 Seiffge-Krenke, I., 5 Seijo, 0., 253 Seli, E., 63 Selig, J., 10 Seligman, M., 291 Seligman, M.E.P., 245 Semerci, C., 241 Sengoelge, M., 159 Senin-Calder6n, C., 263 Senju, A., 141 Senna, I., 107 Sentis, V., 356 Serrat, R., 375 Serretti, A., 46 Servin, A., 149, 184 Setoh, P., 182 Settersten, R., 424 Sewell, 0.0., 358

Sexton, M, 62 Seyfarth, R.M., 124 Seymour, J., 455 Shackelford, T., 21 Shaffer, J., 31 Shah, R., 296 Shaie, K.W., 369 Shamloul, R., 360 Shamsuddin, K., 384 Shanahan, L., 249 Shangguan, F., 228 Shapiro, A., 345 Shapiro, A.F., 344 Shapiro, J., 327 Sharma, N., 44 Sharp, C., 447 Sharp, R.R., 443 Shaunessy, E., 234 Shaver, P., 339 Shaver, P.R., 339 Shaw, S., 45 Shaywitz, S., 212 Shea, J., 359 Shear, K., 434 Shek, 0., 282, 300 Sheldon, K.M., 19 Shelton, A.L., 47 Shen, Y., 261 Shenfield, S.D., 173 Shenhav, S., 302 Sheridan, T., 457 Shernoff, 0., 280 Shi, J., 228 Shi, X., 290 Shields, M.K., 254 Shin, H.B., 186, 220 Shiner, R., 146 Shirley, L., 183 Shneidman, 451 Shohet, M., 457 Shor, R., 192 Shrout, P.E., 31 Shuster, L., 359 Shute, R.H., 277 Shutts, K., 244 Shweder, R.A., 377 Sieber, J.E., 35 Siegal, M., 169 Siegel, S., 64 Siegler, R., 276, 277 Siegler, R.S., 16, 122, 170, 171,

216, 277 Sierpowska, J., 221 Sierra, F., 408 Signorella, M., 185 Silber, E.S., 327 Silton, N.R., 334 Silventoinen, K., 53 Silverthorn, P., 301 Sim, Z.L., 122 Simion, F., 87 Simkin, P., 76 Simmons, S.W., 76 Simonton, O.K., 323 Simpson, E., 3 Simpson, J.A., 143, 339 Simpson, S.P., 416 Simsek, 0., 7 Sinclair, 0.A., 410 Singh, K., 434 Singh, S., 303, 365 Siniatchkin, M., 209 Siu, A., 245 Skinner, B.F., 14 Skinner, J.D., 108 Skinner, M., 52 Skirbekk, V., 430 Skledar, M., 206 Sklenarova, H., 191 Skoog, T., 264, 264 Skowronski, J., 415 Skrzypek, K., 249 Slack, K., 386 Slater, A.M., 122 Slaughter, V., 140 Slavin, R.E., 218 Sleeboom-Faulkner, M., 44

Sleebos, E., 316 Slinning, K., 8 Sloan, S., 110 Sloane, S., 141 Slugocki, C., 113 Slusser, E., 170 Small, B., 460 Small, M., 206 Smedley, A., 7 Smedley, B.O., 7 Smetana, J.G., 295 Smiley, P.A., 50 Smith, A.R., 267 Smith, C., 422 Smith, C.C., 19 Smith, C.G., 138 Smith, J.M., 192, 433 Smith, K., 134 Smith, L.B., 115 Smith, M., 302 Smith, N.A., 91 Smith, P.K., 385 Smith, R.J., 211 Smith, S., 403 Smith, S.G., 385 Smulevich, A.B., 57 Snyder, L.B., 6 Snyder, T.D., 326 So, H.,57 Soares, C., 360 Social Security Administration, 362 Soderstrom, M., 134, 135 Soenen, S., 64 Solberg, P.A., 401 Somerset, W., 360 Song, H., 32 Sonne, J.L., 127 Sonnen, J., 408 Sonuga-Barke, E., 436 Sorrenti, L., 245 Sosinsky, L., 150 Soska, K., 112 Soubelet, A., 378, 419 Sousa, O.L., 222 South, A., 253 South, S.C., 55 Sowell, E.R., 267 Span, P., 446 Spar, J.E., 35 Sparkman, C.R., 18 Sparks, M.B., 406 Sparrow, J.D., 190 Spatz Widom, C., 192 Spear, C.F., 270 Spear, L., 264 Spearman, C., 228 Spelke, E.S., 114 Spence, M., 62 Sperling, J.B., 139 Spessato, B., 163 Spieker, S., 144 Spiers, P., 416 Spiess, M., 102 Spinelli, L., 40 Spinrad, T.L., 195 Sporer, N., 219 Sprecher, S., 238, 336 Spring, L., 358 Sprott, R., 281 Sgueglia, L.M., 270 Srivastava, P., 314 Srivastava, S.K., 434 St. Mary, )., 4 Stacey, J., 251 Stahl, A.E., 130 Stanislaw, H., 18 Stanton, M., 125 Starr, L., 437 Stattin, M., 430 Staudinger, U., 423 Staudinger, U.M., 375, 423 Staunton, H., 102 Stedman, L.C., 279 Steel, A., 72 Steele, C., 327 Steele, C.J., 100 Steele, C.M., 327, 328

Stefansson, K., 9 Stein, Z., 51 Steinbach, R., 159 Steinberg, L., 267, 320 Steiner, A.M., 384 Steiner, L.M., 381 Steinmetz, J., 247 Stephens, C., 360 Stephenson, J., 69 Stepler, R., 380, 381 Steptoe, A., 377 Steri, A.O., 114 Stem, J.A., 339 Sternberg, R.J., 225, 228, 229, 230, 231,

276, 322, 323, 324 Stevens, B., 99 Stevens, W., 416 Stevenson, )., 213 Stevenson, M., 436 Stiffman, A., 20 Stikes, R., 74 Stiles,)., 61, 100 Stipp, S., 410 Stolzenberg, S., 171 Stone, A.A., 379 Stopa, L., 291 Storey, K., 247 Story, M., 206 Strachan, E., 52 Strasburger, V., 176 Straus, M.A., 191, 192 Strauss, ).R., 359, 360 Streissguth, A., 68 Siriano, T., 139 Strobel, A., 18 Stroebe, M., 451 Strohl, M., 406 Strong, B., 340 Stroope, S., 380 Struempler, B.)., 158 Stutzer, A., 341 Styrc, M., 340 Su, Q., 264 Su, Y., 187 Suarez-Orozco, C., 239 Suarez-Orozco, M., 239 Subotnik, R., 33 Sudharsanan, N., 10 Sudia-Robinson, T., 74 Suetta, C., 401 Sugarman, S., 276 Suitor, J.)., 300 Sullivan A.R., 460 Sumner, E., 212 Sumner, R., 5 Sun, P., 190 Sun, Y., 261, 263 Sundnes, A., 103 Super, C.M., 103, 109 Supple, A., 294 Susman, D., 305 Sutherland, R., 170 Sutipan, P., 425 Suwalsky, J.D., 137 Swanson, L.A., 135 Swee-Hin, T., 224 Swiatek, M., 234 Swift, H.J., 399 Swingley, D., 129, 130, 135 Syed, M., 5, 284 Szaflarski, J.P., 161 Szczygiel, D., 323

T Tabares, A., 345 Taff, S.A., 281 Tajfel, H., 238 Tamis-LeMonda, C.S., 122 Tan, H., 80 Tanaka, J., 371 Tandon, P.S., 176 Tang, C., 82, 340 Tangney, J., 26 Tangri, S., 388 Tanner, )., 260 Tanner, J.L., 310 Tappan, M.B., 242

Tardif, T., 131, 188 Tasa, K., 7 Task Force on Sudden Infant Death

Syndrome, 103 Tattersal, M., 71 Tatum, B., 238, 298 Tavecchio, L., 7 Tavernise, S., 342 Taylor, A., 238 Taylor, B., 151, 179, 282 Taylor, J.S., 316, 317, 404, 406, 446 Taylor, P.J., 4 Taylor, R.L., 277 Taynieoeaym, M., 173 Tazopoulou, E., 73 Tedesci, G., 401 Tefft, B.C., 401 Teitelbaum, )., 443 Teitelman, J., 427 Tejada, J., 4 Tellegen, A., 55 Templeton, )., 260 Tena-Sempere, M., 261 Teoli, D.A., 80, 81 Terracciano, A., 419 Terzidou, V., 71 Tesch-Romer, C., 398 Teutsch, C., 449 Thach, B., 444 Thapar, A., 213, 291 Thelen, E., 101 Thibodeau, R.B., 187 Thiele, N., 35 Thielen, F.W., 193 Thivel, D., 265 Thoermer, C., 107 Thomaes, S., 236 Thoman, E.B., 101 Thomas, A., 147, 148 Thomas, R.L., 113 Thomas, R.M., 11 Thompson, C., 347 Thompson, P.M., 266 Thompson, R., 238 Thompson, R.E., 386 Thompson, W.W., 32 Thoms, K.M., 408 Thomson, D., 234 Thiini, A., 75 Thorgeirsson, T.E., 9 Thorleifsson, G., 9 Thornberry, T.P., 301 Thornton, R., 219 Thorpe, A.M., 376 Thorsen, C., 228 Tian, L., 296 Tibben, A., 49 Tiesler, C.T., 65 Tighe, E.L., 220 Tikotzky, L., 101 Timmermans, S.1 73 Tine, M., 4 Tissaw, M., 90 Titi, N., 159 Toga, A.W., 266 Toldson, I.A., 280 Tomasello, M., 21, 134, 175 Tomlinson, M., 144 Tongsong, T., 62 Tooley, U.A., 205 Toomey, R.B., 304 Toporek, R.L., 35 Torges, C., 460 Torvaldsen, S., 76 Tosi, M., 383 Tracy, M., 254 Trainor, L.J., 113, 127 Trapnell, P.O., 349 Treas, )., 190 Treat-Jacobson, D., 313 Trehub, S.E., 112 Trezza, V., 47 Triche, E.W., 68 Tropp, L., 298 Trotter, A., 282 Truman, J.L., 385 Trzesniewski, K.H., 237, 285

Tsang, J., 33 Tsao, H., 6 Tsapelas, I., 381 Tse, C., 372 Tseng, Y., 447 Tucker-Drab, E.M., 47, 54, 280 Tudge, J., 172 Tuggle, F.)., 301 Tulsky, D.S., 226 Tulving, E., 372 Turiel, E., 241 Turk, )., 47 Turkheimer, E., 231 Turnbull, D., 75 Turner, J.C., 238 Turner, S., 172 Tumey, K., 239 Turriff, A., 48 Turton, P., 83 Twardosz, S., 193 Twenge, J.M., 6, 281 Tyler, S., 313 Tyre, P., 207, 390 Tzourio-Mazoyer, N., 29

u U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 149,

344, 349 U.S. Bureau of the Census, 149, 188,

250, 252, 290, 341, 342, 428 U.S. Department of Agriculture, 313 U.S. Department of Education, 231,

281 U.S. Department of Education,

National Center for Education Statistics, 327

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 191, 429

U.S. Dept of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 177

U.S. Preventive Services Task Force, 265

Uchikoshi, Y., 176 Umana-Taylor, A.)., 290 Umberson, D., 380 UN AIDS 08, 272 Unger, R., 148 United Nations Children's Fund, 108 United Nations Statistics Division, 73 United Nations World Population

Prospects, 411 Updegraff, K.A., 286 Uphold-Carrier, H., 253 Urquiza, A., 192 Uttal, D.H., 282 Utz, R., 253 Uylings, H., 100

v Vacha-Haase, T., 425 Vaillant, C.O., 236, 346 Vaillant, G.E., 12, 236, 346, 346, 347,

375 Yaish, V., 223 Valente, S.M., 304 Valentino, K., 170 Valeri, B.O., 79 Valiente, C., 190 Vallejo-Sanchez, B., 317 Valles, N., 196 Van Balen, F., 44 Van de Graaff, 98 van den Berg, Y.M ., 244 van den Herik, J.C., 220 van den Tooren, M., 365 van den Wittenboer, G.L.H., 344 van der Veer, R., 21, 174 van der Zwaag, B, 57 van Ditzhuijzen, )., 64 van Haren, N.M., 57 Van Hecke, A., 18 van Heugten, M., 113 Van Lange, P.M., 35 van Marie, K., 124 Van Neste, )., 213 van Nunen, K., 163 van Reenen, S.L., 74

Name Index Nl-1 1

van Rensburg, E., 74 van Rijn-van Gelderen, L. , 32 van Schooten, K.S., 401 Vandell, D.L., 150, 151 Vandello, )., 387 Vandenberghe-Descamps, M., 406 VanderDrift, L.E., 380 Vandermaas-Peeler, A., 338 Vanlaningham, J., 380 VanWheelden, K., 223 Varga, M.A., 457 Vartanian, L.R., 278 Vauclair, C., 399, 423 Vaughn, S.S., 212 Vedantam, S., 417 Veloso, A.I., 417 Vendemia, J.C., 341 Venker, C.E., 174 Veraksa, N., 172 Veras, R.P., 357 Verdoux, H., 67 Vereijken, C.M., 144 Veresov, N., 20 Verhoeven, M., 291 Verhulst, S.J ., 127 Verkuyten, M., 238 Verschueren, K., 182, 289, 332 Veselka, L., 55 Vidaver, R.M., 363 Vihman, M.M., 131 Viken, R.J., 7 Vilhjalmsson, B.J., 9 Villarosa, L., 305, 342 Villmann, T., 8 Vincent, ).A., 384 Vingolo, E.M., 402 Vink, D., 404 Visser, S.S., 28 Vivanti, G., 178, 179 Vogel, E.A., 297 V"ogele, C., 253 Voirin, J., 219 Volker, S., 138 Volpe, L.E., 103 von Holsten, C., 145 von Wedel, H., 403 Voss, P., 430 Vota, N., 253 Votruba-Drzal, E., 254, 280 Vreeswijk, C.M., 68 Vu, ).A., 188 Vyas, S., 224 Vygotsky, L., 169-170, 187, 228

w Waber, D,P., 108 Wabitsch, M., 15 Wada, A.,57 Wade, T.D., 266 Wahlin, T., 50 Wahlstrom, D., 228 Wainright, ).L., 251, 251 Waisbren, S.E., 45 Walaszewska, E., 132 Walder, D.)., 57 Waldfogel, )., 84 Waldinger, R.)., 12 Waldrop, D,P., 447 Walhovd, K.B., 8 Walk, R., 112 Walker-Andrews, A., 115 Walker, )., 402 Walker, L.E., 386 Walker, W.A., 67 Walle, E.A., 140 Wallhagen, M.I., 402 Walpole, S.C., 313 Walster, E., 334 Walter, C.A., 459 Walter, T., 457 Walters, E., 229 Wamba, N.G., 280 Wan, B.A., 453 Wang, H.H., 443 Wang, )., 405 Wang, L., 26, 400 Wang, Q., 182

Nl-12 Name Index

Wang, W., 249 Wang, Y., 290, 298, 410 Wang, Z., 46, 217 Ward, T.J., 209 Wardle, J., 206 Warford, M.K., 173 Warne, R.T., 33 Warren, K., 68 Wartella, E., 26 Wasserman, J.D., 226 Waterhouse, J.M., 100 Waterland, R.A., 53 Waters, L., 390 Waters, S.F., 91 Watling, D., 161 Watson, H.J., 266 Watson, J.B., 88 Watson, John B., 14 Waugh, W.E., 21 Weaver, J.M., 253 Weaver, S., 382 Webb, R., 138 Wechsler, D., 225 Weinberg, M.S., 304 Weinberg, R.A., 33 Weinberger, D.R., 267 Weiner, B.A., 345 Weinstein, B.E., 403 Weintraub, E.S., 32 Weir, C., 25 Weisgram, E.S., 183 Weiss, L., 228 Weiss, R., 206, 230 Weissman, A.S., 213 Weissman, D., 161 Welch, M.G., 89, 89 Weller, C., 392 Wellings, K., 303 Wellman, H., 141, 187 Wellman, H.M., 187, 188 Wells, B., 219 Wells, R., 234 Welsh, T., 145 Wenk, G.L., 445 Wentzell, E., 360 Werker, J.F., 135 Werner, E., 193 Werner, E.E., 146 Westermann, G., 162 Wettstein, M., 378 Wexler, B., 9 Weyandt, L., 213 Whalen, C.K., 213 Whaley, S., 69 Wheaton, B, 315 Wheeler, S., 444 Whitbourne, S.K., 333, 399 White, K., 75 White, M.G., 389 Whitelaw, E., 51 Whiting, E., 320 Whiting, J., 386

Whitney, M.P., 101 Whittaker, A., 63 Whittaker, A.C., 364 Whyne, E., 364 Wickrama, K., 390 Widiger, T., 6 Widman, L., 272 Wiederhold, B.K., 292 Wielgosz, A.T., 365 Wiggins, J.L., 267 Wijdicks, E.F., 443 Wilcox, H.C., 292 Wilcox, T., 148 Wild, B., 406 Wildavsky, B., 279 Wiley, T.L., 356 Wilfond, B., 49 Wilhoit, L.F., 68 Wilkes, S., 63 Wilkinson, C.B., 389 Wilkinson, N., 87 Willford, J.A., 67 Willheim, E., 143 Williams, A, 4 Williams, B.R., 433 Williams, K., 4, 381 Williams, L., 380 Williams, R.A., 35 Williams, W.M., 327 Willie, C., 338 Willis, S., 417 Willis, S.L., 321, 376, 413 Willott, J., 402 Wills, T., 271 Wilson, B.J., 197 Wilson, B.L., 81 Wilson, C., 348 Wilson, J.F., 347 Wilson, K.L., 271 Wilson, S. L., 28 Windsor, T.D., 378, 419 Wines, M., 11 Winger, G., 65 Wingfield, A., 403 Winiarski, D.A., 65 Wink, P., 375 Winkler, I., 113 Winsler, A., 173, 175 Winterich, J., 359 Winters, S., 366 Wirth, A., 15 Wisse, B., 316 Witkower, Z., 32, 246 Witt, E.A., 285 Witvliet, M., 297 Wofsy, M., 250 Wohrmann, M., 431 Wolchik, S.A., 253 Wolfson, A.R., 267 Wong, C., 323 Wood, W., 234, 337, 349 Woodhouse, S.S., 299

Woodman, C., 455 Woods, J.H., 65 Woods, R., 148, 244 World Bank, 343 World Factbook, 78, 444 World Food Programme, 65 World Health Organization & World

Bank Group, 108 Wormann, V., 139 Worrell, F., 234 Wortman, C.B., 451, 458, 459 Wright, C., 75 Wright, F., 323 Wright, M.F., 296 Wright, M.R., 432 Wright, R., 35 Wroolie, T., 360 Wrosch, C., 424 Wrzus, C., 333 Wu, C.,401 Wu, P., 241, 291 Wu, T., 53 Wu, Y., 108 Wu, Z., 187 Wupperman, P., 15 Wutzler, U., 8 Wyer, R., 277 Wynn, K., 124 Wyra, M., 219

x Xie, R., 82 Xie, Y., 337 Xing, X., 292 Xiong, G., 314 Xu, C., 170 Xu, J., 141, 266, 365 Xue, B., 413

y Yagmurlu, B., 190 Yamamoto, H.W., 135 Yaman, A., 190 Yan, J., 356 Yanaoka, K., 170 Yang, C., 133, 282 Yang, C.D., 134 Yang, H., 220 Yang, Q., 314 Yang, R., 286 Yang, X., 382 Yang, Y., 425 Yao, D.J., 7 Yarber, W., 358 Yardley, J., 85 Yasnitsky, A., 21, 174 Ybarra, M.L., 386 Yell, M.L., 232 Yeniasir, M., 172 Yetkin, C.E., 63 Yildiz, 0., 401

Yim, 1., 85 Yip, T., 333 Yonker, J .E., 289 Yoo, S.H., 7 Yoon, E., 290 Yoon, H., 253 York, E., 326 York, G.S., 455 Yoshikawa, K., 403 Yoshinga-ltano, C., 211 Yott, J., 141 You, J.I, 333 Young, A.I., 9 Young, A.M., 32 Young, G., 443 Young, K.N., 212 Young, S., 268 Yousafzai, A.K., 205 Yu, C., 147 Yu, M., 20 Yu, Z., 190 Yuan, A., 263 Yueh, B., 402

z Zafeiriou, D.!., 105 Zahn-Waxler, C., 144 Zajac, L., 142 Zakrzewski, A.C., 277 Zalsman, G., 291 Zam pi, C., 102 Zanjani, F.A.K., 321 Zeanah, C., 100 Zeedyk, M., 90 Zeiders, K.H., 238 Zeigler, K., 391 Zemach, I., 87 Zettel-Watson, L., 1 0 Zhang, D., 26 Zhang, J., 210, 398 Zhang, Q., 113 Zhang, Y., 239, 410 Zhao, S., 49 Zhe, C., 171 Zheng, X., 7 Zhu, J., 228 Zhu, X.D., 410 Ziegler, M., 228 Zimmer-Gembeck, M.J., 295 Zimmerman, F., 198 Zimmerman, F.J., 128 Zimmerman, J., 427 Zinner, L., 345 Zisook, S., 434 Zolotor, A., 192 Zong, N., 99 Zosuls, K.M., 148, 247 Zuccarini, M., 117 Zuckerman, G., 173 Zuelke, A.E., 390 Zwelling, E., 75 Zyphur, M.J., 54

Subj ect Index A abortion, 64 abstract modeling, behavior, 195 abstract thought, propositional thought, 275 abuse

brain and, 193 children killed, 190-191 cycle of violence hypothesis, 192 elder abuse, 436-437 intimate partner abuse, 385-387 neglect, 189 preschool years, 190-193 psychological maltreatment,

192-193 reasons for in childhood, 192 resiHence and, 193 sexual, childhood, 191 spousal abuse, 385-387 warning signs, 191

academic disidentification, 327-328 accommodation (cognitive development),

16, 118 achieving stage of postformal thought, 321 acquisitive stage of postformal thought, 321 ACTfYE (Advance Cognitive Tra ining for

Independent and Yitai Elderly), 417 active life span, 406 activity theory of aging, 424 ADA (Americans with Disabilities Act), 312 Adderall abuse, 268-269 addiction. See also alcohoHsm

drugs, 269 tobacco, 271

ADHD (attention deficit hyperactivity disorder), 47, 57, 213

adolescence, 5 Adderall, 268-269 alcohol use, 269-270 alcoholism, 270 childbirth, 149 cyberbullying, 282 death in, 445 drug use, 268-269 emerging adulthood and, 5, 289 Erikson's stages, 13 false consensus effect, 270 Freud's stages, 13 imaginary audience, 278 impulse control, 267 Internet gambHng, 282 media use, 281-282 online activity, 282 peer group influence, 268 personal fables, 278, 445 prefrontal cortex, 267 rituals and ceremonies, 260 safe sex practices, 272-273 screen time, 281-282 self-concept, 284-285 self-esteem, 285-286 sleep deprivation, 267 social media, 282 STis (sexually transmitted infections),

271-273 texting, 281-282 tobacco use, 271 video games, 282

adolescence, cognitive development abstract thinking and, 275 brain growth and, 266--267 egocentrism, 278 formal reasoning, 275 information processing perspectives,

277-278 media use, 281-282

metacognition, 277-278 Piaget's approaches, 275-277 propositional thought, 275 school dropout, 281 school performance, 278-281

adolescence, physical development alcohol use and abuse, 269-270 anorexia nervosa, 265-266 body image, 263 brain development, 266--267 bulimia nervosa, 266 drug abuse, 268-269 exercise, 265 menarche, 261 nutrition, 264-266 obesity, 265 physical changes, 260-264 psychological weight, 263 puberty, 260-263 sexual maturation, 261-264 sleep and, 267 spermarche, 262 ST!s (sexually transmitted infections),

271-273 threats to well-being, 267-273 tobacco use, 271

adolescence, social and personality development

antisocial personality disorder, 301 anxiety, 290-293 conformity, 300 conjunctive stage of faith, 290 controversial adolescents, 299 dating, 301-302 depression, 290-293 family, 293-301 family, autonomy from, 294-295 friends, 293-301 generation gap myth, 295 identity achievement, 288 identity crisis, 286 identity diffusion, 288 identity foreclosure, 288 identity formation, 284-290 identity-versus-identity-confusion stage,

286--288 individuative-reflective stage of faith, 290 intimacy versus isolation, 287 juvenile delinquency, 300-301 LGBTQ couples, 302 MAMA cycle, 289 Marcia's categories, 288-289 moratorium, 288 neglected adolescents, 299 parenta l conflict, 295-296 peer pressure, 300 peers, 287 popularity, 299-300 psychological difficulties, 290-293 psychological moratorium, 287 race segregation, 298 rejected adolescents, 299 rejection, 299-300 relationships, 293-301 sexual orientation, 303-304 sexual relationships, 302-306 socialized delinquents, 301 societal pressures, identity and, 286--287 status, 299-300 suicide, 292-293 teenage pregnancy, 305-306 transgender, 304 undersocialized delinquents, 300-301 virginity, 306

adolescent egocentrism, 278 adopted children, 58

adult day-care, 427 adulthood

developmental tasks, 331 emerging adulthood, 289, 332

affordances, 115 African Americans. See also race

college attendance, 328 grandparenting, 385, 436 infant mortality, 84-85 marriage gradient, 337-338 puberty, 262 self-esteem, children, 238 sick.le-cell anemia, 47 terminology, 7 twins, dizygotic, 44

age of viability for infants, 80 age ranges

adolescence, 5 baby boomers, 6 emerging adulthood, 5 Generation X, 6 infancy and todd lerhood, 5 late adulthood, 5 middle adulthood, 5 middle childhood, 5 Millennial Generation, 6 post-Millennials, 6 prenatal period, 5 preschool period, 5 social constructions, 5 topical areas, 6 young adulthood, 5

age stratification theories, late adulthood, 422

age-graded influences, 6--7 ageism, 398-399 agentic p rofessions, 349 age-related macular degeneration

(AMD), 402 aggression

cognitive approaches, 198 instrumental, 196 modeHng, 197 preschoolers, 195-199 relational, 196 social learning approaches, 196--197 video games, 198

aging. See also late adulthood activity theory, 424 adult day-care, 427 age stratification, late adulthood and, 422 calorie restriction, 410 college attendance and, 326 continuing-care communities, 426 continuity theory, 425 creativity and, 324 cultural differences, 399 disengagement theory, 424 drug therapy, 409 fitness and, 313 free radicals, 410 generalized slowing hypothesis, 401 genetics, 409-410 illness and, 406--407 in temal, 400-401 life expectancy, 408-411, 409 life review, 421-422 myths, 399 organ transplants and, 410 peripheral slowing hypothesis, 401 personality types, 420-421 primary aging, 400 secondary, 314, 400 selective optimization with compensation,

425-426 senescence, 311, 400

51-1

Sl-2 Subject Index

aging (Continued) skilled-nursing facilities, 427 socio-elemental selectivity theory, 425 telomere therapy, 409 telomeres, 408 wisdom and, 423 women and, 400

AIDS (acquired immune deficiency syndrome), 67, 272

Ainsworth Strange Situation, 142-143 alcohol use

adolescence, 269-270 binge drinking, 269 brain, effects on, 270 early adulthood, 314 FAE (feta! alcohol effects), 68 FASO (feta! alcohol spectrum disorder), 68 prenatal period, 68 sexual assault and, 270 signs of abuse, 270

alcoholism, 47, 57 alleles, 45 Alzheimer's disease, 404-407 amniocentesis, 48-49 anal stage of psychosexual development, 12, 13 androgens, 149

gender and, 184 puberty, 260

androgynous, 185 anorexia nervosa, 265-266 antidepressants, middle childhood, 210 antisocial personality disorder, 301 anxiety disorders, 291 Apgar scale for neonates, 73 applied research, 32-33 arousal, newborns, 90 arthritis, 404 artificial insemination, 63 artistic personality type, career choice and, 348 Asian American families, 252 assimilation (cognitive development), 16, 118 assisted living facilities, 427 assisted suicide, 453-454 asthma, middle childhood, 209 attachment, 141-144, 338-339 auditory perception in infants, 112-113 auditory problems, middle childhood, 211-212 authoritarian parenting style, 189 authoritative parenting style, 189 autism spectrum disorder, 17-18, 57, 160, 187-188 autobiographical memory, 415, 170 autonomous cooperation stage of morality

development, 194 autonomy versus shame and doubt, psychosocial

development, 13, 146 auto-stimulation, brain, 103

B baby boomers, 6 Bayley Scales of Infant Development, 126-127 behavior

abstract modeling, 195 adoption studies, 52-53 classical conditioning, 14 environmental factors, 50-51 factors, 50 family studies, 52-53 friendship and, middle childhood, 243 interaction of factors, 51 modeling, 194 multifactorial transmission, 51 nature versus nurture, 51-53 nonhuman animal studies, 51 observable, 14 operant conditioning, 14 twin studies, 52-53

behavior modification, 15 behavioral genetics, 22, 46-47 behavioral perspective, 11, 14-18, 23 Bell Curve, intelligence and, 230-231 benevolent sexism, 327 bereavement, 458. See also grief

consequences, 460

beta amyloid precursor protein, Alzheimer's disease and, 405

bicultural identity, 224-225, 290 Big Five personality traits, 378, 419 bilingualism, 220-221 Binet's intelligence test, 226 binge drinking, 269 binge eating, 266 bioecological approach, 19-20 biological addition, drugs, 269 birth. See childbirth birth control, 67, 69, 305 birth rates, 343 blastocyst, 60, 61 blended families, 250-251 blood pressure screening, 362 BMI (body mass index), 158, 205, 313 bodily kinesthetic intelligence, 229 body transcendence versus body preoccupation, 420 boomerang children, 383-384 Bradley Method of childbirth, 75 brain

abuse and, 193 adolescence, 266-267 alcohol use, 270 autism spectrum disorder, 18 auto-stimulation, 103 cerebellum, 162 cerebral cortex, 99, 162 cognitive development and, 161-162 corpus callosum, 161 early adulthood, 311, 320 environmental influences, 99-100 feta I stage of prenatal period, 62 hemispheres, 62, 161 language, 161 myelin, 62, 160 myelination, 266-267 plasticity, 99 plasticity in late adulthood, 414 prefrontal cortex, 267 preschool years, 160-162 pruning, 266-267 psychological maltreatment and, 193 reading and, 223 reticular formation, myelination, 162 sensitive period, 100 sensory experiences and, 100 shaken baby syndrome, 99 subcortical levels, 99

brain death, 443 breast cancer, 366 breastfeeding, 110 Bronfenbrenner, U., 23 Brown, Louise, 3 Buddhist philosophy, inherited traits and, 56 bulimia nervosa, 266 bullying, 246-247 burnout, 388-389

c cancer, 365-366 career choice, 347-350, 389-390 career consolidation, 345 case studies, 28 cataracts, 402 causality, experiments and, 31 centration, preoperational thought, 166 cephalocaudal principal, 97 cerebellum, preschool years, 162 cerebral cortex, 99, 162 cervix, birth and, 71-72 cesarean delivery (c-section), 82--S3 change

continuous, 8, 10 discontinuous, 8, 10

chemotherapy, cancer, 365 chiao shun, Chinese parenting, 190 childcare, 150-152 childbirth, 71-84

multiples, 43-44 postpartum depression, 85 teen mothers, 149

childhood-onset fluency disorder (stuttering), 212 Chinese parents, chiao shun, 190 chlamydia, 271 cholesterol screening, 362 chromosomes, 42-44, 47-48, 58 chronological age, 226 circulatory system, exercise and, 357 Civil Solidarity Pacts, 340 classical conditioning, 14, 8S--S9 cluster suicide, 292 code-based approaches to reading, 222 cognitive approaches, aggression, 198 cognitive decline, 403, 413-414 cognitive development, 4. See also Piaget's theory of

cognitive development brain growth and, 161-162 formal, logical thought, 16 lifespan approaches to, 4 Piaget, Jean, 16 play and, 187 schemes, 16

cognitive development, adolescence abstract thinking and, 275 brain growth and, 266-267 egocentrism, 278 formal reasoning, 275 information processing, 277-278 media use, 281-282 metacognition, 277-278 Piaget's approaches, 275-277 propositional thought, 275 school dropout, 281 school performance, 278-281

cognitive development, early adulthood brain development, 320 college attendance, 324-329 intellectual grow th, 319-322 intelligence, 322-324 life events and, 322 maturation reform, 326 postformal thought, 319-322 Shaie's stages of development, 321-322

cognitive development, infancy, 116-135 accommodation, 118 assimilation, 118 Bayley Scales of Infant Development, 126 development quotient (DQ), 126 development scales, 126-127 information processing, 122-129 language, 129-135 Piaget's approach, 117-122 promoting, 129 visual-recognition memory measurement, 126

cognitive development, middle adulthood, 367-368 competence, sources, 370 expertise, development, 371 intelligence, 368-371 memory, 371-372 selective optimization, 370

cognitive development, middle childhood, 256 cooperative learning, 218 education, 221-225 educational trends, 223-225 information processing, 217-218 intellectual development, 215-219 intelligence, 225-234 language development, 219-221 memory, 217-218 reading, 222-223 reciprocal teaching, 218-219 right and wrong, 216-217

cognitive development, preschool period, 164 conservation, 167-168 cultural tools, 173 culture and, 172-174 egocentrism, 168 functionality, 168 identity, 168-169 information processing theory, 169-174 intuitive thought, 168-169 language, 174-175 learning, 176-180 Piaget's approach, 165-169

preoperational stage, 166 scaffolding, 173 transformation, 168 Vygotsky, L., 172-174 ZPD (zone of proximal development), 173

cognitive neuroscience approaches, 17-18, 125 cognitive perspective, 11, 16, 23, 24 cognitive-developmental theory, gender constancy

and, 185 cohabitation, 340 cohort effects, 6

history-graded influences, 6 intelligence in middle adulthood, 368 late adult cognitive functioning, 413

cohorts, 6, 10, 34 collagen, aging and, 400 collectivistic orientation, 7

adolescent autonomy, 294 bioecological approach and, 20 preschool period, 182

college, 324--329, 416 colonoscopy, 362 communal professions, 349 communication, prelinguistic, 130 companionate grandparents, 385 companionate love, 334--335 competence, middle adulthood, 370 compliant agents, 140 complicated grief, 434, 459 conception, 3, 62-63 concrete operational state of cognitive development,

117, 2 1 6 conditioning, 1 4 conjunctive stage of faith, 290 conservation, preoperational thought, 167-168, 217 constructive play, 186 consummate love, 335 contextual perspective, 11, 19-20, 23, 24 continuing-care communities, 426 continuity theory of aging, 425 continuous change, 8, 1 0 contraception, 342 control strategies for memory, 219 controversial adolescents, 299 conventional morality, 240--241 conventional personality type, career choice

and, 348 cooperative play, 186 coregulation, families, 249 correlation coefficient, 27-28 correlational research, 26--29, 37 co-sleeping, 103 creativity, early adulthood, 323--324 CRH (corticotropin-releasing hormone), 71 critical period of development, 8--9, 10 cross-sectional studies, 34, 368 crowds, adolescence, 297 crystaLiized intelligence, 228

middle adulthood, 369-370 CT (computed tomography) scan, 29 cultural assimilation model, 223-224 cultural tools, cognitive development, 173 culture

aging and, 399 anorexia nervosa, 266 attachment and, 144 autonomy, adolescents, 294 cognitive development, preschool period, 172-174 collectivistic orientation, 7 death and dying, 447 family violence, 387 formal operations and, 276 funeral rituals, 457 health risks in early adulthood, 314 individualistic orientation, 7 infant mortality and, 84 infant-directed speech, 135 influences on development, 7 inherited traits, 56 labor and, 72 late adulthood and, 422--423 life expectancy and, 41 0--411 middle age, 377

motor development, 109 parental caregiving, 384 parental conflict and, 296 parenting and, 190 Piaget's theory, 122 reflexes and, 105--106 schemas and, 372 speech styles, 133 subcultural groups, 224 theory of mind and, 188

CVS (chorionic villus sampling), 48, 49 cyberbullying, 246, 282 cyberspace, middle childhood, 209-210 cycle of violence hypothesis, 192, 386--387

D Darwin, C . , 23 date rape, alcohol use and, 270 dating, 301-302 death and dying, 442

acceptance stage, 451 adolescence, 445 anger stage, 450 bargaining stage, 450 brain death, 443 childhood conceptions of death, 445 complicated grief, 434 cultural differences, 447 death education, 447--448 denial stage, 449--450 depression stage, 450--451 DNR (Do Not Resuscitate), 452--453 durable power of attorney, 453 dying process, 449--455 end-of-life care, 454--455 four component theory, 452 functional death, 443 health-care proxy, 453 hospice care, 455 infancy, 444 Kiibler-Ross's theory, 449--452 in late adulthood, 446 living wills, 453, 454 locations, 454--455 in middle adulthood, 446 partner, 433--434 spouse, 433--434 stages of grief, 433--434 suicide, 446 in young adulthood, 445--446

defended personalities, aging and, 421 defensive coping, stress, 317 dementia, 404 dependent variables, experiments, 30 depression

adolescence, 291 genetics and, 57 grief and, 459 late adulthood, 404 postpartum, 85 preparatory, 451 reactive, 450 sleep deprivation and, 267 taste and smell, 403

depth perception in infants, 112 DES (diethylstilbestrol), 67 development

cognitive development, 4 cohorts, 6--7, 10 continuous change, 8, 10 critical period, 8-9, 10 culture and, 7 discontinuous change, 8, 10 environmental influences, 9-10 ethnicity and, 7 influences on, 6--7 maturation, 9 nature, 9-10 nature versus nurture, 51-53 nurture, 9-10 personality development, 4 physical development, 4 race and, 7

reciprocal transaction, 21 sensitive period, 8--9, 10 social development, 4

Subject Index Sl-3

development quotient (DQ), 126 developmental tasks of adulthood, 331, 420 developmentalists, 3, 4 diaries, ethnographies, 28 digital divide, SES (socioeconomic status), 282 disabilities, early adulthood, 312 disciplining children, 190, 192 disenchantment phase of retirement, 430 disengagement theory of aging, 424 disidentification, academic, 327-328 disintegrated/ disorganized personalities, aging

and, 420 divorce

families and, 253 global rates, 341 late adulthood, 432 middle adulthood, 380--381 rates, 341

dizygotic twins, 43, 52 OMO (Duchenne muscular dystrophy), 42 DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) molecules, 42 DNR (Do Not Resuscitate), 452--453 domestic violence, 385-387 dominance hierarchy, 247 dominant genes, genetic disorders and, 45 dominant traits, 44, 45 double contrast barium enema, 362 doulas, 76 Down syndrome, 47, 65, 232 drug use, 268--270, 314 dualistic thinking, 320 durable power of attorney, 453 dynamic assessment of intelligence, 228

E early adulthood, cognitive development

brain development, 320 college attendance, 324--329 intellectual growth, 319-322 intelligence, 322-324 life events and, 322 maturation reform, 326 postformal thought, 319-322 Shaie's stages of adult development, 321-322

early adulthood, physical development alcohol, 314 brain, 311 disabilities, 312 drug use, 314 health risks, 313--314 height, 311 motor functioning, 312 nutrition, 313 obesity, 313 physical fitness, 312-313 PNI (psychoneuroimmunology), 315 secondary aging, 314 senescence, 311 senses, changes, 311-312 stress, 315--318 tobacco, 314

early adulthood, psychosocial development, 13, 333 early adulthood, social and personality

development, 330--331 attachment style, relationships and, 338--339 boomerang children, 383 developmental tasks, 331 friendship, 333 intimacy, 333 love, 334--339 parenthood, 342-345 partner choice, 336--338 re.lationships, 339-345 work choices, 345--350

early childhood education, 1 78--179 easy babies, 147 e-cigarettes, 271 education, 128, 221-225, 232, 416 EEG (electroencephalogram), 29 ego, 12

Sl-4 Subject Index

ego transcendence versus ego preoccupation developmental task, 420

egocentrism, adolescence, 278 ego-integrity versus despair, psychosocial

development, 13, 419-420 elder abuse, 436-437 embryonic stage (prenatal period), 6�1 embryoscopy, 49 emerging adulthood, 5, 289, 310, 332 emotional intelligence, early adulthood, 323 emotional self-regulation, preschool period, 196 emotion-focused coping, stress, 317 emotions, infants, 137-139 empathy, 141, 195 encoding, memory and, 217, 372 end-of-life care, 454-455 environment, 9-10

behavior, 51-53 brain development, 99-100 genes influencing, 58 genetics, 53-58

epigenetic inheritance, 51-52 episodic memory, 414 erectile dysfunction, 360 estrogen

hormone therapy (HT), 359-360 puberty, 260

ethgender, 286 ethics

intelligence and genetics, 54 Little Albert, 88 reproduction, 63-64 research and, 35-36

ethnic identity, 290 ethnicity, 7

adolescent depression and, 291 college a ttendance and, 325 dating and, 302 dementia, 404 ethgender, 286 grandparenting, 385 identity formation and, 290 influences on development, 7 life expectancy and, 410-411 poverty in late adulthood, 428 preschool period, 182 versus race, 7 reflexes and, 105-106 school performance and, 28(}-281 segrega lion, adolescence, 298 self-esteem and, 286 sexual intercourse, initial, 303 social identity theory, 238

ethnography, 28-29 ethology, evolutionary perspective and, 22 euthanasia, 453-454 evolutionary perspective, 11, 21-24 executive stage of postformal thought, 321 exercise

adolescence, 265 early adulthood, 313 middle adulthood, 357 obesity and, 206 prenatal period, 69

experimental research, 26, 37 experiments, 29-31 expert advice, 36 expertise, middle adulthood, 371 explicit memory, 125 expressive style of speech, 133 extroversion, 54 eye examination, 362 eye-blink reflex, 105 eyewitness testimony from preschoolers, 171

F Facebook, adolescence, 282 facial expressions, infants, 139 FAE (feta! alcohol effects), 68 fallopian tubes, 60, 63 false belief task, theory of mind and, 187 false consensus effect, drinking and, 270

familial intellectual disabilities, 232 families

2lst century, 149-151 Asian American, 252 autonomy, adolescence, 294-295 blended, 25(}-251 boomerang children, 383 child care, 15(}-152 discipline, 190 divorce, 253 empty nest syndrome, 382 fertility rate decline, 343 FMLA (Family and Medical Leave Act), 84 gay parents, 251 generation gap myth, 295 grandparenting, 384-385 group care, 254 helicopter parents, 383 Hispanic, 252 income, 149 late adulthood, 426-427, 435-436 lesbian parents, 251 middle childhood, 249, 252-254 multigenerational, 250, 384 only children, 249 orphanages, 254 parental conflict, adolescence, 295-296 poverty and, 254 preschool years, 186-187 race and, 251-252 residential treatment centers, 254 sandwich generation, 384 self-care children, 252-253 single-parent, 149 single-parent families, 250 size, 149, 342-343 social support, 150 Study of Early Child Care and Youth

Development, 150 teen mothers, 149 transgender parents, 251

family child-care centers, 178 family violence, 385-387, 436-437 fantasy period of career choice, 347 FASO (feta I alcohol spectrum disorder), 68 fast mapping, language, preschool period, 174 fathers, attachment and, 144 fatuous love, 335 FBS (feta! blood sampling), 49 fecal occult blood screening, 362 female climacteric, 358-359 female reproductive organs, 60 fertility, menopause and, 359 fertility rates, decline, 343 fertiliza lion, 60 feta! alcohol syndrome, 232 feta! stage (prenatal period), 6(}-62 field studies, 31 filtering model for spouse choice, 337-338 finances in late adulthood, 428-429 fine motor skills, 107

middle childhood, 207-208 preschool years, 164

first-year adjustment to college, 328 fixation, 12 flexible sigmoidoscopy, 362 Flint, Michigan, lead contamination and, 160 fluid intelligence, 228

middle adulthood, 369-370 FMLA (Family and Medical Leave Act), 84 fMRI (functional magnetic resonance imaging)

scan, 29 forensic developmental psychology, 171 formal learning, 176-180 formal operational state of cognitive development,

117, 275-276 formal thought, 16 four component theory of dying, 452 Fragile X syndrome, 47 free radicals, aging and, 410 free will, humanistic perspective, 19 free-range parenting, 253

Freud, Sigmund, 12-13, 23 friendship

early adulthood, 333, 334 late adulthood, 434-435 middle childhood, 242-248 preschool years, 186-187

functional age old old, 397 oldest old, 397 young old, 397

functional death, 443 functional play, 186 funeral rituals, 457

G gametes, 42, 43 Gardner's eight intelligences, 229 gay and lesbian couples

domestic violence, 385 middle adulthood sexuality, 358 parenthood, 345

GDFll, 409 gender

adolescent depression and, 291 androgyny, 185 career choices and, 348-350 chromosomes and, 44 college attendance and, 325-326 dominance hierarchy, 247-248 ethgender, 286 friendship, middle childhood, 248 grandparenting, 385 gross motor skills, 207 health in middle adulthood, 363 infancy, 149 influences on development, 7 life expectancy, 411 media portrayals, 184 moral judgments, 241 self-esteem in adolescence, 285 versus sex, 148 social and personality development, 148-149 spouse choice and, 336 stress and, 291 wage gap, 349

gender constancy, 185 gender gap, college attendance and, 326-327 gender identity

biological perspectives, 184 gender schema and, 184-185 hormones, 184 mimicking behavior, 184 play and, 183 preschool years, 183-185 sexual orientation and, 304 social learning approaches, 184 transgender, 185

gender schema, 184-185 gene expression, environment and, 50-53 generalized slowing hypothesis on aging, 401 generation gap myth, 295 Generation X, 6 generativity versus stagnation, 13, 375 genes, 42, 46-47 genetic counseling, 48-50, 59 genetic disorders, 41, 45-48. See also behavioral

genetics nonhuman animal studies, 51 psychological, 56-58

genetic programming theories of aging, 408-409 genetics, 3

ADHD (attention deficit hyperactivity disorder), 57

adopted children, 58 aging and, 408-409, 409-410 alcoholism and, 57, 270 alleles, 45 autism spectrum disorder and, 57 BRCA (breast cancer), 366 depression and, 57 dominant traits, 44, 45 environment and, 53-58

genotypes, 44 hemophilia, 46 heterozygous, 45 homozygous, 45 human genome, 46 influencing environment, 58 intelligence and, 53-54 karyotype, 48 Mendel, Gregor, 44 obesity and, 206 personality and, 54-56 phenotypes, 44 philosophical outlook, 56 physical traits, 53 polygenic inheritance, 45-46 recessive traits, 44, 45 schizophrenia spectrum disorder, 56-57 transgeneration epigenetic inheritance, 51-52 X-linked genes, 46

genital herpes, 272 genital stage of psychosexual development, 12, 13 genome mapping, 46 genotypes, 44, 58

multifactorial transmission, 51 germ line therapy, SO germinal stage (prenatal period), 60-61 gerontology, 397 GIFT (gamete intrafallopian transfer), 63 gifted and talented students, 233-234 Ginzberg's career choice theory, 347 glass ceiling, 349 glaucoma, 356, 402 gonorrhea, during pregnancy, 67 goodness-of-fit, temperament, 147 Gould's transformations in adult development,

375-376 grammar, preschool period, 175 grand parenting, 384-385, 436 Great Depression, 6 grief and bereavement, 434, 457-461 gross motor skills, 106-107

middle childhood, 207-208 myelin and, 208 preschool years, 162-163

group homes, 254 groups, 6. See also cohorts

dominance hierarchy, 247 growth, physical, 3

H habituation, 89 handedness, 164 happiness

across lifespan, 379 late adulthood, 425

health care, cultural beliefs, 314 health risks, early adulthood, 313 health-care proxy, 453 health-care screening, 362 hearing

difficulties, middle childhood, 211-212 infants, 112-113 late adulthood, 402-403 middle adulthood, 356-357 newborns,87 presbycusis, 357 presbyopia, 356

heart disease, middle adulthood, 364-365 height

early adulthood, 311 middle childhood, 204-205 middle childhood changes, 355-356 preschool years, 158

helicopter parents, 383 hemophilia, 46 hermaphrodite, 304 heteronomous morality, 194 Hetherington & Elmore 03, 251 history-graded influences, 6 Holland's personality type theory of career choice,

347-348 homogamy, 337

home care, death and, 455 homosexuality, 303-304 honeymoon period of retirement, 430 hooking up, 301 hormone therapy (HT) for menopause, 359-360 hormones

androgen, 149 feta! stage, 62 late adulthood, 407 menopause, 359 perimenopause, 359 puberty, 261

hospice care, 455 hostile sexism, 327 HPV (human papilloma virus), 271 human development, 4 human genome, 46 humanistic perspective, 11, 18-19, 23, 24 Huntington's disease, 47, 49-50 Hypertension, 362, 403, 404 hypnobirthing, 75 hypotheses, 25, 37

I id, 12 IDEA (Individuals with Disabilities Education

Act), 232 identity

adolescence, 286-288 work in early adulthood, 346

identity formation, 289-290 identity versus role diffusion, psychosocial

development, 13 identity-versus-identity-confusion stage, 286 imaginary audience, adolescence, 278 immigrant children, success, 239 immigrant workers, 391 immune system, stress and, 316 implicit memory, 125, 415 imprinting, 142 impulse control, adolescence, 267 incipient cooperation stage of morality develop-

ment, 194 incomplete grief, 459 independent variables, experiments, 30 Indian versus Native American, 7 individualistic orientation, 7

bioecological approach and, 20 preschool period, 182

individuative-reflective stage of faith, 290 infancy. See also newborns

brain, stimulation and, 100 childcare choices, 151 co-sleeping, 103 death in, 444 emotions, 137-140 lifecycles, 100-104 obesity, 110 sensitive period, 100

infancy, cognitive development, 116 accommodation, 118 assimilation and, 118 babbling, 131 communication, 130-131 holophrases, 131 infantile amnesia, 125 information processing approaches, 122-129 language, 129-135 memory capabilities, 124-125 nonverbal encoding, 137 prelinguistic communication, 130 promoting, 129 schema, 117-118 sentences, 131 sounds, 130-131 speech comprehension, 130 speech production, 130 words, 131

infancy, physical development, 96-114 bottle-feeding, 110 brain, 98-100 breastfeeding, 110

Subject Index Sl-5

cephalocaudal principal, 97 crawling, 106 head size, 97 height, 96 milestones, 106-107 motor development, 104-108 NBAS (Brazelton Neonatal Behavioral

Assessment Scale), 107-108 nervous system, 98-100 nutrition, 108-111 principle of hierarchical integration, 97 principle of independence of systems, 97 proximodistal principle, 97 rhythms, 100-101 sensitive period, 100 sensory development, 111-114 SIDS (sudden infant death syndrome), 103-104 sleep, 101-103 solid foods, 110-111 states, 100-101 walking, 106 weight, 96

infancy, social and personality development, 137-152

Ainsworth Strange Situation, 142-143 attachment, 141-144 deception, 141 difficult babies, 147 easy babies, 147 empathy, 141 facial expression decoding, 139 families and, 149-151 gender, 148-149 imprinting, 142 peer relationships, 145 personality development, 146-149 psychosocial development, 146 relationship formation, 141-145 self-awareness, 140 separation anxiety, 138-139 slow-to-warm babies, 147 smiling, 139 social referencing, 139-140 stranger anxiety, 138 temperament, 146-148 theory of mind, 140-141

infancy and toddlerhood, 5. See also newborns infant intelligence, 125-128 infant mortality, 77-78, 80, 83-84 infant-directed speech, 134-135 infantile amnesia, 125 infatuated love, 335 infectious diseases, late adulthood, 404 infertility, 62-63 influences on development, 6-7, 20 informal learning, 176-180 information processing approaches, 17

infancy, 122-129 middle childhood, 217-218 preschool period, 169-171, 176

inherited disorders, 46-48, 56-58 inherited traits, 51-56 initiative versus guilt, psychosocial development,

13, 181-182 Instagram, adolescence, 282 institutionalism, aging and, 427 instrumental aggression, 196 integrated personalities, aging and, 421 intellectual development, middle childhood

information processing, 217-218 Piaget's theory, 216-217 reversibility, 216 Vygotsky's approach, 218-219

intellectual disabilities, 232-233 intellectual personality type, career choice and, 348 intelligence, 225

alternative concepts, 228-230 Bell Curve controversy, 230-231 Binet's test, 226 bodily kinesthetic, 229 componential element, 230 contextual element, 230

Sl-6 Subject Index

intelligence (Continued) crystallized intelligence, 228 disabilities, 231-233 dynamic assessment, 228 experiential element, 230 fluid intelligence, 228 Gardner's eight intelligences, 229 genetics and, 53-54 gifted and talented students, 233-234 infants, 125-126 intellectual disabilities, 232-233 interpersonal, 229 intrapersonal, 229 IQ (intelligence quotient), 226 Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children,

Second Edition (KABC-Il), 228 linguistic, 229 logical mathematical, 229 mental age, 226 middle childhood, testing, 225-231 musical, 229 naturalist, 229 process, 229 racial differences, 230 selective optimization, 370 spatial, 229 special needs, 231-232 Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, Fifth Edition

(SB5), 226 structure, 229 System of Multicultural Pluralistic Assessment

(SOMPA), 231 testing biases, 230-231 triarchic theory of intelligence, 229 Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children,

Fifth Edition (WISC-V), 227-228 wisdom and, 423

intelligence, early adulthood creativity, 323-324 emotional intelligence, 323 novel thought, 323-324 practical, 323 triarchic theory of intelligence, 322-323

intelligence, late adulthood, 412-414 intelligence, middle adulthood

cross-sectional studies, 368 crystallized, 369-370 expertise, development, 371 fluid, 369-370 longitudinal studies, 368-369

interactional synchrony, 144 interactionist approach, language, 134 internal aging, 400-401 lnternet gambling, 282 interpersonal intelligence, 229 intersex persons, 304 intimacy, adolescence, 302 intimacy versus isolation, psychosocial

development, 13 intimate partner abuse, 385-387 intraocular lens implants, 402 intrapersonal intelligence, 229 intuitive thought, preoperational

thought, 168-169 industry versus inferiority, psychosocial

development, 13 involved grandparents, 385 IQ (intelligence quotient), 226

group differences, 230-231 testing biases, 230-231

!VF (in vitro fertilization), 3, 63

J Jews, Tay-Sachs disease, 47 judgments, 241 just-right phenomenon in nutrition, 158 juvenile delinquency, 300-301

K KABC-11 (Kaufman Assessment Battery for

Children, Second Edition), 228 kangaroo care for preterm infants, 79 karyotype, 48

Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children, Second Edition (KABC-Il), 228

keyword strategies for memory, 219 Kipsigi infants, 103 Klinefelter's syndrome, 47-48 Kiibler-Ross's theory of death, 449-452 kwashiorkor, malnutrition and, 109

L labeling theory of passionate love, 334 labor, childbirth, 71-72, 77 laboratory studies, 31 LAD (language-acquisition device), 133 Lamaze method of childbirth, 75 language

bilingualism, 220-221 boys' friendship, 248 brain and, 161 girls' friendships, 248 hearing difficulties and, 212 holophrases, 131 infant-directed speech, 134-135 as innate skill, 133 interactionist approach, 134 intonation, 219 IQ testing, 231 learning theory approach, 133 longitudinal studies, 33 mechanics, 219 metalinguistic awareness, 220 morphemes, 129-130 nativist approach, 133-134 phonemes, 219 phonology, 129 self-control and, 220 semantics, 130 thought and, 1 66 universal grammar, 133 whole language approach, 222

language development, infancy, 133 babbling, 131 early sounds, 130-131 expressive style, 133 first sentences, 131-133 first words, 131 infant-directed speech, 134-135 interactionist approach, 134 LAD (language-acquisition device), 133 learning theory approach, 133 linguistic comprehension, 130 linguistic production, 130 motherese, 134 nativist approach, 133-134 origins, 133-135 overextension, 132 pragmatics, 175 prelinguistic communication, 130 referential style, 133 telegraphic speech, 132 under-extension, 132 word formation, 175

language development, middle childhood bilingualism, 220-221 conversational skills, 21 9 mechanics of language, 219 metalinguistic awareness, 220 pragmatics, 219 self-control and, 220

language development, preschool period fast mapping, 174 grammar, 175 private speech, 175 social speech, 175 syntax, 174

latchkey children, 252 late adulthood, 5, 396

ageism, 398-399 death in, 446 demographics, 398 developmental tasks, 331 gerontology, 397 labels, 398 myths of aging, 399

psychosocial development, 13 suicide, 446

late adulthood, cognitive development ACTIVE (Advance Cognitive Training for

lndependent and Vital Elderly), 417 cognitive functioning, 413 cognitive functioning improvements, 417 cognitive reserve, 417 college attendance, 416 intelligence, 412-414 learning, 414- 417 memory, 4 14-417 plasticity of the brain, 414 Road Scholars, 416 technology use, 416

late adulthood, physical development active life span, 406 aging and illness, 406-407 Alzheimer's disease, 404-406 arthritis, 404 blood flow, 400-401 cognitive decline, hearing loss and, 403 collagen, 400 dementia, 404 driving and, 401 exercise, 401 flourishing eldering, 398 gender and, 400 generalized slowing hypothesis, 401 genetic programming theories of aging, 408 hearing, 402-403 hormones, 407 hypertension, 404 illness and aging, 406-407 infectious diseases, 404 internal aging, 400 life expectancy, 409 longevity, 406 masturbation, 407 mental disorders, 404 myths about aging, 397-399 osteoporosis, 400 peripheral slowing hypothesis, 401 physical disorders, 404 physical transitions, 400-401 postponing aging, 409-410 primary aging, 400 psychological disorders, 404 reaction time, 401 secondary aging, 400 senescence, 400 senses, 401-403 sexuality, 407-408 smell, 403 taste, 403 vision, 402 wear-and-tear theories of aging, 408 wellness, 406-407

late adulthood, social and personality development

activity theory, 424 adult day-care, 427 age discrimination at work, 430 age stratification, 422 assisted living facilities, 427 change and, 419-422 children, 435-436 continuing-care communities, 426 continuity, 419-422 continuity theory, 425 cultural differences, 422-423 daily life, 426-431 developmental tasks, 420 disengagement theory of aging, 424 ego-integrity versus despair state, 419-420 elder abuse, 436-437 family, 435-436 finances, 428-429 friendships, 434-435 grandchildren, 436 great-grandchildren, 436 happiness, 425 institutionalism, 427

learned helplessness, 427 Levinson's theory, 420 life review, 421-422 living arrangements, 426-427 living patterns, 432 marriage, 431-434 multigenerational families, 426 Neugarten's study, 420-421 personality types, 420-421 positive emotions, 425 relationships, 431-437 retirement, 429-430 selective optimization, 425-426 skilled-nursing facilities, 427 social support, 435 socioemotional selectivity theory, 425 successful aging, 423-426 wisdom, 423 withdrawal and, 424 work, 429-430

latency stage of psychosexual development, 13 lateralization of the brain, 161 Latino versus Hispanic, 7 lead exposure, 159-160 learned helplessness, 245, 427 learning

classical conditioning, 14, 89 formal, 176-180 habitation, 89 informal, 176-180 late adulthood, 416-417 newborns, 88-89 operant conditioning, 14, 89 processes, 89

learning disabilities, middle childhood, 211-212 learning theory approach of language, 133 Lefevre 2016, 17 leisure time, middle adulthood, 392 leptin, 261 LGBTQ persons

adolescence, 303-304 challenges in adolescence, 304-305

life events, non-normative, 7 life events theories of adult development, 375 life expectancy, 363, 408-411 life review, aging and, 421-422 Wespan development, 2

age ranges, 5-6 approaches to, 4 cognitive development, 4 definition, 4 happiness, 379 individual differences and, 5-6 versus periods, 9 personality development, 4 physical development, 4 scope of the field, 4-6, 10 social constructions in, 5 social development, 4 topical areas, 4-5

liking, love and, 335 limbic system, psychological maltreatment

and, 193 linguistic intelligence, 229 living wills, 453, 454 Loewen 2006, 17 logical mathematical intelligence, 229 logical thought, 16 longitudinal studies, 33

intelligence in middle adulthood, 368-369 language, 33 Terman, Lewis, 33

long-term memory, 371 Lorenz, Konrad, 22, 23 love. See also marriage

combinations, 335 companionate, 334-335 consummate, 335 decision /commitment component, 335 empty, 335 fatuous, 335 gay relationships, 338 infatuated, 335

intimacy component, 335 lesbian relationships, 338 liking and, 335 nonlove, 335 passion component, 335 passionate (romantic), 334-335 romantic, 335 triangular theory, 335-336

low-birth weight infants, 79 causes, 80 risk factors, 81

M macula, 402 mainstreaming special needs students, 232-233 major neurocognitive disorder, 404 male climacteric, 360 malnutrition, 108-110, 205 MAMA cycle of identity formation, 289 mammograms, 366 Manning et al 14, 298 marasrnus, malnutrition and, 109 marijuana

adolescence, 268 prenatal period, 67

marriage. See also parenthood arranged, 335 Civil Solidarity Pacts, 340 cohabitation, 340 compromise in, 380 conflict, early, 341 death of spouse, 458 division of labor, 344 filtering models, 337-338 gay and lesbian, 338 homogamy, 337 infidelity, 381 late adulthood, 431-434 legal alternatives, 340 love and, 335 middle adulthood, 379-380 newlywed period, 341 postponement, 341 rates, 340 spouse seeking, 336-337 successful, 340-341 viability, 340

marriage gradient, 337, 381-382 masturbation, adolescence, 302 maturation, 9 maturation reform, 326 media

adolescence, 281-282 gender portrayal, 184 preschool period, 176, 177

Medicare, 429 medication, psychological disorders, 404 meiosis, 43 memory. See also Alzheimer's disease

autobiographical, 170, 415 cognitive neuroscience, 125 control strategies, 219 encoding and, 217, 372 episodic, 414 explicit, 125 eyewitness testimony of

preschoolers, 171 false, 171 forensic developmental psychology, 171 implicit, 125, 415 improving, middle childhood, 219 infancy, 124-125 infant intelligence, 126-128 infantile amnesia, 125 information processing approaches, 127-128 keyword strategies, 219 long-term, 371 metamemory, 219 middle adulthood, 371-372 middle childhood, 217-218 mnemonics, 372 Pollyanna principle, 415 psychological maltreatment and, 193

retrieval, 217 schemas, 372 scripts, 170 semantic, 414 sensory, 371 short-term, 371 strategies, 372

Subject Index Sl-7

visual-recognition memory, 127-128 working memory, 217, 371

memory, late adulthood, 414-415 autobiographical, 415 biological factors, 416 changes, 415-41 6 concentration, 416 environmental factors, 415 episodic, 414 implicit, 415 information processing and, 415-416 Pollyanna principle, 415 recall, 415 recent events, 415 retrieval processes, 416 semantic, 414 short-term, 415

men, testosterone in middle adulthood, 358 menarche, 261 Mendel, Gregor, 44 menopause, 358-359 menstruation, 261-263 mental age, 226 mental health, postpartum depression, 85 mental representation, 12 1 mental retardation, 232 mercy killing, 454 meta-analysis, 31 metacognition, adolescence, 277-278 metalinguistic awareness, language development

and, 220 metamemory, 219 middle adulthood, 354

death in, 446 developmental tasks, 331 psychosocial development, 13

middle adulthood, cognitive development, 367-368

competence, sources, 370 expertise, development, 371 intelligence, 368-371 memory, 371-372 selective optimization, 370

middle adulthood, physical development, 354 appearance, 355 cancer, 365-366 chronic disease, 362 death rate, 362 driving, 357 erectile dysfunction, 360 exercise, 357 female climacteric, 358-359 glaucoma, 356 health, 361-366 health-care screening, 362 hearing changes, 356-357 heart disease, 364-365 height changes, 355-356 hypertension, 362 illness, 361-364 male climacteric, 360 mammograms, 366 menopause, 358-359 osteoporosis, 355-356 perimenopause, 359 physical changes, 355-356 PNI (psychoneuroimmunology), 362-363 presbyopia, 356 reaction time changes, 357 sexuality, 358-360 strength changes, 355-356 stress, consequences, 364 vision changes, 356 weight changes, 355-356 wellness, 361-364 worries in, 361

Sl-8 Subject Index

middle adulthood, social and personality development

boomerang children, 383 burnout at work, 388-389 career change, 390 cultural differences, 377 divorce, 38(}-381 empty nest syndrome, 382 family, 379-387 feeling younger than age, 377 generativity-versus-stagnation stage, 375 Gould's stages, 375-376 grandparenting, 384-385 happiness across lifespan, 379 helicopter parents, 383 immigrant workers, 391 keeping the meaning, 375 leisure time, 392 life events theories, 375 marriage, 379-380 midlife crisis, 376-377 midlife transition, 376 multigenerational families, 384 normative-crisis theory, 374-375 parents, aging, 384 remarriage, 381-382 sandwich generation, 384 seasons of life theory, 376 self-concept, 378 stability of personality, 377-379 unemployment, 389-390 work, 388-391

middle childhood, 5, 203 accidents, 209 ADHD (attention deficit hyperactivity disorder),

212-213 antidepressants, 210 asthma, 209 auditory problems, 211-212 childhood-onset fluency disorder (stuttering), 212 cyberspace safety, 209-210 divorce and, 253 education, 221-225 fitness, 207 group homes, 254 health, 208-211 hearing difficulties, 211-212 learning disabilities, 212 motor development, 207-208 orphanages, 254 popularity, 244-246 psychological disorders, 21(}-211 residential treatment centers, 254 safety, 208-211 self-care children, 252-253 sensory difficulties, 211-212 special needs, 211-213 speech impairment, 212 visual impairment, 211

middle childhood, cognitive development, 256 cooperative learning, 218 education, 221-225 educational trends, 223-225 information processing approach, 217-218 intellectual development, 215-219 intelligence, 225-234 language development, 215-219 memory, 217-218 reading, 222-223 reciprocal teaching, 218-219 reversibility, 216 right and wrong, 216-217 ZPD (zone of proximal development), 218

middle childhood, physical development, 256 height, 204-205 nutrition, 205-207 obesity, 205-207 weight, 204-205

middle childhood, social and personality development, 256

family life, 249-254 friendships, 242-248

moral development, 239-242 the self, 236-242

mid life crisis, 376-377 midlife transition, 376 midwives, 76 mild intellectual disability, 233 Millennial Generation, 6 mindfulness, stress and, 317 mirror neurons, 145 miscarriage, 64, 444 mnemonics, 372 moderate intellectual disability, 233 monozygotic twins, 43, 52 Montessori preschools, 178 mood

puberty and, 263 sleep deprivation and, 267

Moore & Wei 12, 335 moral development, middle childhood, 239

behavior, 241 conventional morality, 240-241 judgments, 241 postconventional morality, 24(}-241 preconventional morality, 24(}-241

moral development, preschool period, 193-194 aggression, 195-199 autonomous cooperation stage, 194 empathy and, 195 genetic approaches, 195 heteronomous morality, 194 incipient cooperation stage, 194 Piaget's theory, 194 prosocial behavior, 194 social learning approaches, 194-195

moral domain theory, 241 morality, 194-195 moratorium, adolescence identity, 288 Moro reflex, 105-106 mothers, attachment and, 143-144 motor development

cultures and, 109 fine motor skills, 107 gross motor skills, 106-107 middle childhood, 207-208 NBAS (Brazelton Neonatal Behavioral

Assessment Scale), 107-108 norms, 107-108 preschool years, 162-164 reflexes, basic, 104-105

motor functioning, early adulthood, 312 mourning, 457 mTOR, 409 multicultural education, 224 multiculturalism, self-esteem and, 238 multifactorial transmission of traits, 51 multigenerational families, 250, 384

late adulthood, 426 multimodal approach to perception, 114-115 muscle system, exercise and, 357 musical intelligence, 229 myelin, 62, 99, 160, 208 myelination, adolescence, 266-267

N Native American versus Indian, 7 nativist approach, language, 133-134 naturalist intelligence, 229 naturalistic observation, 28-29, 37 nature/nurture, 9-10 NBAS (Brazelton Neonatal Behavioral Assessment

Scale), 107-108 neglect, preschool years, 189, 19(}-193 neglected adolescents, 299 neonates, 71 nervous system, exercise and, 357 nervous system, 98-100 neurons, 98

dendrites, 98 myelin, 62, 99 neurotransmitters, 98 synaptic pruning, 98-99

neuroticism, 54, 378

newborns, 72-73 age of viability for infants, 80 Apgar scale, 73 appearance, 74 bonding, 25, 74 cesarean delivery (c-section), 82-83 circumcision of males, 87-88 classical conditioning, 88-89 crying of others, 87 habituation, 89 initial encounters, 74 kangaroo care for preterm infants, 79 lanugo, 74 learning, 88-89 low-birthweight, 79 low-birthweight infants, 80 meconium, 86 medical screenings, 73-74 neonatal jaundice, 86 operant conditioning, 89 orienting response, 89 physical capabilities, 86 postmature infants, 81 preterm infants, 78-81 reflexes, 86 rooting reflex, 86 sensory capabilities, 86-88 small-for-gestational-age infants, 79 social competencies, 90-91 social interaction, 90 states of arousal, 90 sucking reflex, 86 swallowing reflex, 86 vernix, 74 very-low-birthweight infants, 79-80 vision, 86-87

nonlove, 335 non-normative life events, 7 nonorganic failure to thrive, 110 nonverbal encoding, 137 normative-crisis theory of personality development,

374-375 norms, 296 novel thought, early adulthood, 323-324 nutrition

early adulthood, 313 heart disease and, 364 infants, 108-111 late adulthood, 406 malnutrition, 205 middle childhood, 205 osteoporosis and, 356 ovemutrition, 205 preschool years, 158 puberty and, 262

0 obesity, 158

adolescence, 265 early adulthood, 313 infant, 110 leptin and, 261 middle childhood, 205 rates, 206

object permanence, 120 observable behavior, 14 obstetricians, 76 OCD (obsessive-compulsive disorder), 47 old, 397 old old, 398 oldest old, 398 online activity

adolescence, 282 cyberbullying, 282 cyberspace safety, 209-210 Internet gambling, 282 SES (socioeconomic status), 282 victimization, middle childhood, 246-247

onlooker play, 186 only children, 249 operant conditioning, 14-15, 89 opioids

adolescence, 269 prenatal period, 67

oral stage of psychosexual development, 13 organ transplants, aging and, 410 orienting response, newborns, 89 orphanages, 254 osteoporosis, 355--356, 400 ova, 60 ovaries, 60 overnutrition, 205 overweight, definition, 158 ovulation, 60 oxytocin, birth and, 71

p pain sensitivity in infants, 113 parallel play, 186 parental conflict in adolescence, 295--296 parenthood

co-parenting team, 345 decision to have children, 342-343 division of labor and, 344 dual-earner couples, 343--344 family size, 342-343 gay and lesbian couples, 345 independent of marriage, 342 transition to, 344-345 unwanted pregnancy, 342

parenting authoritarian, 189 authoritative, 189 chiao shun, Chinese parents, 190 cultural differences, 190 death of child, 444 discipline, 190 free-range parenting, 253 helicopter parents, 383 permissive, 189 preschool period, 188-190 responsiveness to child, 189 self-esteem and, 238 uninvolved, 189

passionate (romantic) love, 334-335 passive euthanasia, 454 passive-dependent personalities, aging and, 420 peer relationships

adolescence, 297-300 infants, 145 sex cleavage, 297

perimenopause, 359 peripheral slowing hypothesis on aging, 401 permissive parenting style, 189 personal fables, adolescence, 278 personality development, 4

Big Five traits, 378, 419 continuity, 419 genetics and, 54-56 infancy, 146--151 life events theories, 375 lifespan approaches to, 4 normative-crisis theory, 374-375 stability versus change, 377-378

phallic stage of psychosexual development, 12, 13 phenotypes, 44, 51, 58 phonological recoding skills, reading, 222 physical bullying, 246 physical characteristics

genetics and, 53 phenotypes, 51

physical development, 3, 4 physical development, adolescence

alcohol use and abuse, 269-270 anorexia nervosa, 265--266 body image, 263 bulimia nervosa, 266 drug abuse, 268-269 exercise, 265 menarche, 261 obesity, 265 psychological weight, 263 puberty, 260-263 sexual maturation, 261-264

sleep and, 267 spermarche, 262 ST!s (sexually transmitted infections),

271-273 tobacco use, 271

physical development, early adulthood alcohol, 314 brain, 311 disabilities, 312 drug use, 314 health risks, 313--314 height, 311 motor functioning, 312 nutrition, 313 obesity, 313 physical fitness, 312-313 PNI (psychoneuroimmunology), 315 secondary aging, 314 senescence, 311 senses, changes, 311-312 stress, 315 tobacco, 314

physical development, infancy, 96--97, 96-114 bottle-feeding, 110 brain, 98-100 breastfeeding, 110 milestones, 106--107 motor development, 104-108 NBAS (Brazelton Neonatal Behavioral

Assessment Scale), 107-108 nervous system, 98-100 nutrition, 108 proportion changes through adulthood, 97 rhythms, 100-101 sensitive period, 100 sensory development, 111-114 sleep, 101-103 solid foods, 110-111 states, 100-101

physical development, late adulthood active life span, 406 aging and illness, 406--407 Alzheimer's disease, 404-406 arthritis, 404 blood flow, 400-401 cognitive decline, hearing loss and, 403 collagen, 400 dementia, 404 driving and, 401 exercise, 401 flourishing eldering, 398 gender and, 400 generalized slowing hypothesis, 401 genetic programming theories of aging, 408 hearing, 402-403 hormones, 407 hypertension, 404 illness and aging, 406--407 infectious diseases, 404 internal aging, 400 life expectancy, 409 longevity, 406 masturbation, 407 mental disorders, 404 myths about aging, 397-399 osteoporosis, 400 peripheral slowing hypothesis, 401 physical disorders, 404 physical transitions, 400-401 postponing aging, 409-410 primary aging, 400 psychological disorders, 404 reaction time, 401 secondary aging, 400 senescence, 400 senses, 401-403 sexuality, 407-408 smell, 403 taste, 403 vision, 402 wear-and-tear theories of aging, 408 wellness, 406--407

Subject Index Sl-9

physical development, middle adulthood, 354 appearance, 355 cancer, 365--366 chronic disease, 362 death rate, 362 driving, 357 erectile dysfunction, 360 exercise, 357 female climacteric, 358-359 glaucoma, 356 health, 361-366 health-care screening, 362 hearing changes, 356--357 heart disease, 364-365 height changes, 355--356 hypertension, 362 illness, 361-364 male climacteric, 360 mammograms, 366 menopause, 358-359 osteoporosis, 355--356 perimenopause, 359 physical changes, 355--356 PNI (psychoneuroimmunology), 362-363 presbyopia, 356 reaction time changes, 357 sexuality, 358-360 strength changes, 355--356 stress, consequences, 364 vision changes, 356 weight changes, 355--356 wellness, 361-364 worries in, 361

physical development, middle childhood, 256 height, 204-205 nutrition, 205--207 obesity, 205--207 weight, 204-205

physical development, preschool years accidents and injuries, 159 body shape, 157-159 brain development, 160-162 earaches, 157 eustachian tube, 157 health, 159-160 height, 158 lead exposure, 159-160 motor development, 162-164 nutrition, 157-159 weight, 158

physical fitness, early adulthood, 312-313 physical punishment of children, 192 physiological reactivity, 50 Piaget's theory of cognitive development, 117-122, 320

accommodation, 16, 118 adolescence, 275--277 assimilation, 16, 118 centration, 166 concrete operational, 117 concrete operational stage, 216 conservation, 217 culture and, 122 disagreements, 121-122 egocentrism, 168 formal operational, 117, 275 historical context, 169 intuitive thought, 168-169 language, thought and, 166 middle childhood, 216--217 moral development, 194 Piaget, Jean, 117-122 preoperational, 117, 166 preschool period, 165--169 right and wrong, middle childhood, 216--21 7 schema, 117-118 sensorimotor, 117, 118 symbolic function, 166 transformation, 168

pincer grasp, 107 pituitary gland, puberty, 260-261 PKU (phenylketonuria), 45 placenta, 61

Sl-10 Subject Index

plasticity of the brain, 99 late adulthood and, 414

play, 21, 183, 186-187, 248 pluralistic society model, of education, 224 pneumococcal vaccine, 362 PNI (psychoneuroimmunology), 315, 362-363 Pollyanna principle of memory, 415 polygenic inheritance, 45-46 polyphasic activities, Type A behavior, 365 postconventional morality, 240-241 postformal thinking, 277

early adulthood, 320-322 Schaie's stages, 321-322

postmature infants, 81 post-Millennials, 6 poverty

families and, 254 infant mortality and, 84 late adulthood, 428 obesity and, 206

practical intelligence, 323 pragmatics, language development, 175 preconventional morality, 240-241 prefrontal cortex, 267

early adulthood, 320 pregnancy, 62-67, 342 prelinguistic communication, 130 premarital sex, 303 prema lure birth, 70-71 prenatal period, 5, 42

alcohol use, 68, 69 anxiety during, 65 birth control during, 67, 69 caffeine intake, 69 drugs taken during, 67, 69 embryonic stage, 60, 61 environment optimization, 69 environmental threats, 64-69 exercise during, 69 fathers and, 68-69 fertility pills during, 67 fertilization, 60 feta! stage, 60, 61-62 germinal stage, 60, 61 illness during pregnancy, 67 marijuana, 67 mother's age, 65-66 mother's health, 66-67 mother's mental health, 67 mother's nutrition, 65, 69 opioids, 67 tobacco use, 68, 69 X-rays, 69

prenatal testing, 59 amniocentesis, 48-49 CVS (chorionic villus sampling), 48, 49 embryoscopy, 49 FBS (feta! blood sampling), 49 Huntington's disease, 49-50 sonoembryology, 49 ultrasound sonography, 48, 49

preoperational state of cognitive development, 117, 166

centration, 166 conservation, 167-168 culture and, 217 egocentrism, 1 68 functionality, 168 identity, 168-169 intuitive thought, 168-169 symbolic function, 1 66 transformation, 168

preparatory depression, 451 presbycusis, 357 presbyopia, 356 preschool period, 5

accidents and injuries, 159 appearances and, 166-167 attention span, 171 autobiographical memory, 170 brain development, 160-162 care outside home, 177

childproofing, 159 counting, 170 early childhood education, 177, 1 78 emotional self-regulation, 196 family life changes, 188 forensic developmental psychology, 171 gender schema, 184-185 handedness, 164 lead exposure, 159-160 learning, 176-180 media use, 176 memory, 1 71 motor development, 162-164 numbers, 170 parenting, 188-190 screen time, 176 scripts, memory, 170 skills perception, 182 social speech, 175 terminology, 177 toilet training, 163 transgender children, 185 video deficit, 177

preschool period, cognitive development, 164 appearances and, 166-167 conservation, 167-168 cultural tools, 173 culture and, 172-174 egocentrism, 168 functionality, 1 68 identity, 168-169 information processing theory, 169-174 intuitive thought, 168-169 language, 174-175 learning, 176-180 Piaget's approach, 165-169 preoperational stage, 1 66 scaffolding, 173 transformation, 168 Vygotsky, L., 172-1 74 ZPD (zone of proximal development), 173

preschool period, moral development, 193-198 aggression, 195-199 autonomous cooperation stage, 194 empathy and, 195 genetic approaches, 195 incipient cooperation stage, 194 social learning approaches, 194-195

preschool period, social and personality development

abuse, 190-193 aggression, 195-199 collectivistic orientation, 182 conflict resolution, 1 81-182 family, 186-187 family life, 188-190 friendships, 186-187 gender identity, 183-185 individualistic orientation, 182 initiative-versus-guilt stage, 181-182 morality, 194-195 neglect, 190-193 race dissonance, 1 82 self-concept, 1 81-182 skills perception, 182 social lives, 185-187 theory of mind, 187-188 violence, 195-199

preschools, 178-179 preterm infants, 78-81

age of viability, 80 causes, 80 kangaroo care, 79 low-birthweight, 79 RDS (respiratory distress syndrome), 79 risk factors, 81 small-for-gestational-age, 79 survival rates, 80 very-low-birthweight, 79-80

primary aging, 400 primary appraisal, stressors, 316 primary sex characteristics, menstruation and, 262

principle of hierarchical integration, 97 principle of independence of systems, 97 problem-focused coping, stress, 317 profound intellectual disability, 233 progesterone, hormone therapy (HT),

359-360 prolonged grief disorder, 459 propositional thought, adolescence, 275 prosocial behavior, 194 prostate gland, male climacteric and, 360 proximodistal principle, 97 PSA (prostate-specific antigen), 366 psychoanalytic theory, 12 psychodynamic perspective, 11-13, 23 psychological addiction, drugs, 269 psychological benefits of exercise, 357 psychological disorders

genetics, 56-58 late adulthood, 404 medications, 404 middle childhood, 210-211 schizophrenia spectrum disorder, 47, 56-57

psychological maltreatment, childhood, 192-193

psychological moratorium, adolescence, 287 psychomotor abilities, early adulthood, 312 psychoneuroimmunology. See PNI

(psychoneuroimmunology) psychophysiological methods of research, 29 psychosexual development, 12-13 psychosocial development, 12-13

adolescence, 286-287 autonomy versus shame and doubt, 13 early adulthood, 13, 333 ego-integrity versus despair, 13, 419-420 generativity versus stagnation, 13, 375 identity versus role diffusion, 13 infancy, 146 initiative versus guilt, 13, 181-182 intimacy versus isolation, 13 industry versus inferiority, 13 late adulthood, 13 middle adulthood, 1 3 middle childhood, industry-versus-inferiority

stage, 236 preschool period, 181-1 82 stages, 287 trust versus mistrust, 1 3

puberty, 260-261 androgens, 260 anxieties, 263 boys, 262-263 early maturation, 263-264 estrogens, 260 girls, 261-262 late maturation, 264 leptin, 261 menarche, 261 mood and, 263 peer relationships, 298 primary sex characteristics and, 262 psychological challenges, 263-264 secondary sex characteristics and, 262 secular trends, 262 sex cleavage in peer relationships, 298 spermarche, 262

public policy, research and, 32 punishment, operant conditioning, 15

Q qualitative research, 28-29

R race

adolescent depression and, 291 college attendance and, 325 dating and, 302 death, early adulthood, 314 versus ethnic group, 7 family life and, 251-252 friendship, middle childhood, 248 grandparenting, 385

identity formation and, 290 infant mortality and, 84 influences on development, 7 intelligence and, 230 life expectancy and, 410--411 masturbation and, 302 poverty in late adulthood, 428 school performance and, 280-281 segregation, adolescence, 298 self-esteem and, 238, 285-286 sexual intercourse, initial, 303 as social construct, 7

race dissonance, preschool period, 182 racial groups, preschool period, 182 racial identity, 290 radiation therapy, cancer, 365 random assignment, experiments, 30 rapamycin, 409 reactive depression, 450 reactivity, temperament, 50 reading, 222-223 realistic period of career choice, 347 realistic personality type, career choice and, 348 recessive genes

genetic disorders and, 45 X chromosome, 46

recessive traits, 44, 45 reciprocal teaching, middle childhood, 218-219 rectal exam, 362 redefinition of self versus preoccupation with work

developmental task, 420 reference groups, peer relationships, 296 referential style of speech, 133 reflexes

cultural differences, 105-106 ethnic differences, 105-106 eye-blink, 105 Moro reflex, 105-106 motor development, 104-105 newboms, 86 swimming reflex, 104-105

reinforcement, operant conditioning, 14-15 reintegrative stage of adult development, 322 rejected adolescents, 299 relational aggression, 196 relational bullying, 246 relationships, early adulthood

cohabitation, 340 singlehood, 341-342

relationships, infants, 141 attachment, 141-144 peer relationships, 145

relationships, middle adulthood divorce, 380-381 family changes, 382-385 family violence, 385-387 marriage, 379-380 remarriage, 381-382

relative intelligence, 226 relativism, early adulthood, 321 relaxation response, 317-318 relaxation techniques, stress and, 317 religion, 289-290 REM (rapid eye movement), 102-103 remarriage, 381-382 remote grandparents, 385 reorientation phase of retirement, 430 replication, experiments and, 31 reproduction

artificial insemination, 63 blastocyst, 60 chromosomes, 42, 43 DNA, 42 ethics, 63-64 fallopian tubes, 60 female reproductive organs, 60 fertilization, 60 gametes, 42 gender, chromosomes and, 44 genes, 42 GIFT (gamete intrafallopian transfer), 63 implantation, 60

infertility, 62-63 !VF (in vitro fertilization), 63 meiosis, 43 ova, 60 ovaries, 60 ovula lion, 60 placenta, 61 sperm, 42, 60 surrogate mothers, 63 uterus, 61 ZIFT (zygote intrafallopian transfer), 63 zygote, 42, 60

reproductive technology, 63 research

applied, 32-33 correlational, 26, 37 cross-sectional studies, 34 deception in, 35-36 ethics and, 35-36 experimental, 26, 29-31, 37 expert ad vice, 36 field study, 31 laboratory study, 31 longitudinal studies, 33 meta-analysis, 31 privacy, 36 psychophysiological methods, 29 public policy applications, 32 qualitative, 28-29 samples, 31 sequential studies, 34-35 source checking, 36 theoretical, 32-33

residential treatment centers, 254 resilience, 193 responsible stage of postformal thought, 321 restrictive play, 248 retirement

disenchantment phase, 430 honeymoon phase, 430 late adulthood, 429-430 marriage and, 432-433 planning for, 431 reorientation phase, 430 routine phase, 430 termination, 430

Reuters Health eLine (2002), 15 rhythms

infant development, 100-101 temperament, 147

Road Scholars, 416 role ambiguity in blended families, 250 romantic (passionate) love, 334-335 rubella, during pregnancy, 67 rule of thumb, spousal abuse, 387

s safe sex practices, 272-273 safety, middle childhood, 208-211 samples, research, 31 sandwich generation, 384 SB5 (Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, Fifth

Edition), 226 scaffolding, sociocultural theory, 21, 173 Schaie's stages of adult development, 321 schemas, memory and, 372 schemes (cognitive development), 16, 117-118 schizophrenia spectrum disorder, 47, 56-57 school childcare, 178 school performance

adolescents, 279-281 dropping out, 281 ethnic differences and, 280-281 racial differences and, 280-281 SES (socioeconomic status) and, 280 U.S. students, 279-280

school years. See middle childhood scientific approach, 4 scientific method

hypotheses and, 25 replication, 31 theories and, 25

Subject Index Sl- 1 1

screen time adolescence, 281-282 preschool period, 176, 177

scripts, memory, 170 seasons of life theory of adult development, 376 secondary aging, 314, 400 secondary appraisal, stressors, 316 secondary sex characteristics, menstruation and, 262 secular trends, puberty, 262 selective dropout, cross-sectional studies, 34 selective optimization with compensation, 370

aging and, 425-426 self-actualization, 19 self-awareness, infants, 140 self-care children, 252-253 self-concept

adolescence, 284-285 lifespan, 378 middle childhood, 237 preschool years, 181-182 redefinition of self versus preoccupation with

work, 420 self-control, language and, 220 self-esteem

adolescence, 285-286 change and, 237-238 gender differences, 285 middle childhood, 237-239 parenting style, 238 race and, 238, 285-286 SES (socioeconomic status) and, 285-286 social media and, 297 stability and, 237-238

semantic memory, 414 senescence, 311, 400 senses, early adulthood, 312 sensitive period of development, 8-9, 10 sensorimotor stage of cognitive development,

117, 118 beginnings of thought, 121 coordination of secondary circular reactions,

120-121 first habits and primary circular reaction

substage, 118, 120 object permanence, 120 secondary circular reactions, 120 simple reflexes substage, 118 substages, 119 tertiary circular reactions, 121 transitions, 119

sensory development, infants affordances, 115 auditory perception, 112-113 multimodal perception, 114-115 pain sensitivity, 113-114 smell, 113 stimulation, 115 taste, 113 visual perception, 111-112

sensory difficulties, middle childhood, 211-212 sensory experiences, brain development and, 100 sensory memory, 371 separation anxiety, infants, 138-139 sequential studies, 34-35 SES (socioeconomic status)

aging and illness, 406 cognitive decline, 413 digital divide, 282 family violence, 385-387 health in middle adulthood, 363 life expectancy and, 363 school performance and, 280 self-esteem and, 285-286

severe intellectual disability, 233 sex cleavage, peer relationships, 297 sex versus gender, 148 sexism, 327 sexual abuse, childhood, 191 sexual assault, alcohol and, 270 sexual identity

adolescence, 303-304 challenges in adolescence, 304-305

Sl-12 Subject Index

sexual intercourse adolescence, 302-303 middle adulthood, 358 rates, 305 substitutes, adolescents, 306

sexual maturation. See puberty sexual orientation

adolescence, 303-304 challenges in adolescence, 304-305 determination, 304 gender identity and, 304

sexual relationships, adolescence masturbation, 302 premarital sex, 303 sexual intercourse, 302-303 sexual orientation, 303-305

sexuality, late adulthood, 407-408 sexuality, middle adulthood, 380

gay and lesbian couples, 358 intercourse frequency, 358 menopause, 358-359 sex drive, estrogen and, 359

shaken baby syndrome, 99 short-term memory, 371

late adulthood, 415 sibling rivalry, middle childhood, 249 sickle-cell anemia, 47, 48 SIDS (sudden infant death syndrome), 103-104, 444 single-parent families, 250 skeletal system, exercise and, 357 skilled-nursing facilities, 427 sleep

adolescence, 267 co-sleeping, 103 infancy, 101-103 REM (rapid eye movement), 102-103 SIDS (sudden infant death syndrome), 103-104

slow-to-warm babies, 147 small-for-gestational-age infants, 79 smell

infants, 113 late adulthood, 403

smiling, social smile, 139 Snapchat, adolescence, 282 social and personality development, adolescence

antisocial personality disorder, 301 anxiety, 29{}-293 conformity, 300 conjunctive stage of faith, 290 controversial adolescents, 299 dating, 301-302 depression, 29{}-293 family, 293-301 family, autonomy from, 294-295 friends, 293-301 generation gap myth, 295 identity, 284-293 identity-versus-identity-confusion stage, 286-288 individuative-reflective stage of faith, 290 intimacy versus isolation, 287 juvenile delinquency, 30{}-301 LGBTQ couples, 302 MAMA cycle, 289 Marcia's categories, 288-289 moratorium, 288 neglected adolescents, 299 parental conflict, 295--296 peer pressure, 300 peers, 287 popularity, 299-300 psychological difficulties, 29{}-293 psychological mora torium, 287 race segregation, 298 rejected adolescents, 299 rejection, 299-300 relationships, 293-301 self-concept, 284-285 self-description, 285 self-esteem, 285--286 sexual orientation, 303-304 sexual orientation, 303-304 sexual relationships, 302-306

socialized delinquents, 301 societal pressures, identity and, 286-287 status, 299-300 suicide, 292-293 teenage pregnancy, 305--306 transgender, 304 undersocialized delinquents, 30G-301 virginity, 306

social and personality development, infancy, 137-152

social and personality development, late adulthood activity theory, 424 adult day-care, 427 age discrimination at work, 430 age stratification, 422 assisted living facilities, 427 change and, 419-422 children, 435-436 continuing-care communities, 426 continuity, 419-422 continuity theory, 425 cultural differences, 422-423 daily life, 426-431 developmental tasks, 420 disengagement theory of aging, 424 ego-integrity vs. despair state, 419-420 elder abuse, 436-437 family, 435-436 finances, 428-429 friendships, 434-435 grandchildren, 436 great-grandchildren, 436 happiness, 425 institutionalism, 427 learned helplessness, 427 Levinson's theory, 420 life review, 421-422 living arrangements, 426-427 living patterns, 432 marriage, 431-434 multigenerational families, 426 Neugarten's study, 420-421 personality types, 420-421 positive emotions, 425 relationships, 431-437 retirement, 429-430 selective optimization, 425-426 skilled-nursing facilities, 427 social support, 435 socioemotional selectivity theory, 425 successful aging, 423-426 wisdom, 423 withdrawal and, 424 work, 429-430

social and personality development, middle adulthood

boomerang children, 383 burnout at work, 388-389 career change, 390 cultural differences, 377

divorce, 38{}-381 empty nest syndrome, 382 family, 379-387 feeling younger than age, 377 generativity-versus-stagnation stage, 375 Gould's stages, 375--376 grandparenting, 384-385 happiness across lifespan, 379 helicopter parents, 383 immigrant workers, 391 keeping the meaning, 375 leisure time, 392 life events theories, 375 marriage, 379-380 midlife crisis, 376-377 mid life transition, 376 multigenerational families, 384 normative-crisis theory, 374-375 parents, aging, 384 remarriage, 381-382 sandwich generation, 384 seasons of life theory, 376 self-concept, 378 stability of personality, 377-379 unemployment, 389-390 work, 388-391

social and personality development, middle childhood, 256

family life, 249-254 friendships, 242-248 moral development, 239-242 the self, 236 self-esteem, 237-239

social and personality development, preschool years abuse, 19{}-193 aggression, 195--199 conflict resolution, 181-182 family, 186-187 family life, 188-190 friendships, 186-187 gender identity, 183-185 morality, 194-195 neglect, 19{}-193 self-concept, 181-182 social lives, 185-187 theory of mind, 187-188 violence, 195-199

social comparison peer relationships, 296 social media and, 297

social competencies friendship and, middle childhood, 244 newborns, 9{}-91 teaching, 246

social constructions age ranges, 5 race, 7

social development, 4 lifespan approaches to, 4

social identity theory, 238 social interaction, newborns, 90 social learning approaches, 196-197, 184 social media

adolescence, 282 self-esteem and, 297 social comparison and, 297

social personality type, career choice and, 348 social problem-solving abilities, middle childhood

friendships, 244-245 social referencing, infants, 139-140 Social Security, 429 social smile, 139 socia 1 speech, 175 social support

late adulthood, 435 stress and, 317

social-cognitive learning theory, 15 socialized delinquents, 301 Society for Research in Child Development, 35 sociobiologists, aggression and, 196 sociocultural theory, 2{}-21 sociocultural-graded influences, 7

socioeconomk differences, influences on development, 7

socioelemental selectivity theory of aging, 425 solitary play, 186 sonoembryology, 49 sound localization, 113 spanking, 192 spatial intelligence, 229 special needs, 231-232 speech impairment, middle childhood, 212 sperm, 42, 60 spermarche, 262 spirituality, identity formation, 289-290 spousal abuse, 385

acute battering incident, 386 cycle of violence hypothesis, 386-387 loving contrition stage, 386 stages, 386 tension-building stage, 386

SSRis (selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors), middle childhood, 210

Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, Fifth Edition (SBS), 226

states of arousal, newborns, 90 status

adolescence, 299-300 middle childhood friendship, 244 work and, 347

stereotype threat, college attendance and, 327-328 stillbirth, 83-84 STis (sexual transmitted infections)

adolescence, 271-273 AIDS (acquired immune deficiency

syndrome), 272 chlamydia, 271, 272 genital herpes, 272 gonorrhea, 272 HN (human immunodeficiency virus), 272 HPV (human papilloma virus), 271 infections by age, 272 infertility and, 62-63 during pregnancy, 67 syphilis, 272 trichomoniasis, 271

strength, middle childhood changes, 355-356 stress

acute stressors, 315 causes, 315-317 chronic stressors, 315 consequences, 315-317, 364 defensive coping, 317 early adulthood, 315 emotion-focused coping, 317 gender, 291 heart disease and, 364-365 immune system and, 316 middle adulthood, 362 mindfulness and, 317 PNI (psychoneuroimmunology), 315, 362-363 primary appraisal, 316 problem-focused coping, 317 questionnaire, 316 relaxation response, 317-318 relaxation techniques and, 317 secondary appraisal, 316 social support, 317

stuttering (childhood-onset fluency disorder), 212 subcultural groups, 224 subjective well-being, 379 suicide

adolescence, 292-293 assisted suicide, 453-454 cluster suicide, 292 in the elderly, 446 prevention, 293 warning signs, 292-293

superego, 12 surrogate mothers, 63 survey research, 28-29 swimming reflex, 104-105 symbolic function, preoperational thought, 166 synapses, 98

synaptic pruning, 98-99 syntax, preschool period, 174 syphilis, 67, 272 System of Multicultural Pluralistic Assessment

(SOMPA), 231

T taste

infants, 113 late adulthood, 403 newborns, 87

Tay-Sachs disease, 47 teenage pregnancy, 305-306 telegraphic speech, 132 television

preschool period, 176 violence on, 197-198

telomeres aging and, 408 anti-aging therapy, 409

temperament, SO activity level, 146-147 difficult babies, 147 easy babies, 147 goodness-of-fit, 147 irritability level, 147 personality development, infants, 146-148 slow-to-warm babies, 147

tentative period of career choice, 347 teratogen, 65

sensitivity, 66 texting, adolescents, 281-282 thanatologists, 447 theoretical research, 32-33 theories, 11, 12, 37

psychoanalytic theory, 12 scientific method and, 25 social-cognitive learning, 15

theory of mind autism spectrum disorder and, 187-188 cultural factors, 188 false belief tasks, 187 infants, 140-141 preschool years, 187-188

thought beginnings of thought, 121 centration, preoperational thought, 166 conservation, preoperational thought, 167-168 creativity, 323-324 dualistic, 320 formal, logical thought, 16 formal thought, 1 6 intuitive thought, preoperational thought, 168-169 language, thought and, 166 logical thought, 16 novel thought, 323-324 propositional thought, 275 symbolic function, preoperational thought, 166 transformation, preoperational thought, 168

tobacco use adolescence, 271 early adulthood, 314 prenatal period, 68 vaping, 271

toilet training, preschool period, 163 topical areas, 4-5

age ranges and, 6 touch response in infants, 113-114 transformation, preoperational thought, 168 transgender adolescents, 304 transgender children, preschool period, 185 transgeneration epigenetic inheritance, 51-52 triangular theory of love, 335-336 triarchic theory of intelligence, 229

componential aspect, 322 contextual aspect, 323 experiential aspect, 322-323

trichomoniasis, 271 trust, friendship and, 243 trust versus mistrust, psychosocial

development, 13, 146 Turner's syndrome, 48

twins dizygotic, 43 inherited traits, 52-53 monozygotic, 43

Subject Index Sl-13

Type A behavior pattern, heart disease and, 364-365 Type B behavior pattern, 365

u ultrasound sonography, 48, 49 umbilical cord, 72 the unconscious, 12 undersocialized delinquents, 300-301 unemployment, middle adulthood, 389-390 uninvolved parenting style, 189 United Nations Department of Economic and Social

Affairs, Population Division 13, 398 universal grammar, 133 urinalysis screening, 362 uterus, 61, 71-72

v vaccinations

autism spectrum disorder, 160 middle adulthood, 362

vaping, 271 variables, experiments, 30 verbal bullying, 246 very-low-birthweight infants, 79-80 video deficit, preschool period, 177 video games, 198, 282 violence

cycle of violence hypothesis, 192 death, early adulthood, 314 preschool years, 195-199 television, 197-198 video games, 198

vision, late adulthood, 402 age-related macular degeneration (AMO), 402 cataracts, 402 glaucoma, 402 intraocular lens implants, 402 macula, 402

vision, middle adulthood, 356 vision, middle childhood, 211 visual perception in infants, 111-112 visual-recognition memory, 127-128 voluntary active euthanasia, 454

w water birthing, 75 wear-and-tear theories of aging, 408-409 Web access, adolescence, 282 Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children,

Fifth Edition (WISC-V), 227-228 weight

middle childhood, 204-205 middle childhood changes, 355-356 obesity, 158 preschool years, 158

whole language approach to reading, 222 WISC-V (Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children,

Fifth Edition), 227-228 wisdom, late adulthood and, 423 women

age and pregnancy risk, 63 appearance double standards, middle

adulthood, 355 female climacteric, 358-359 hormone therapy (HT), 359-360 menopause, 358-359 moral development, 242 sexuality in late adulthood, 408

work, early adulthood agentic professions, 349 career consolidation, 345 choosing, 347-350 communal professions, 349 extrinsic motivation, 346-347 gender and career choice, 348-350 gender wage gap, 349 Ginzberg's career choice theory, 347 glass ceiling, 349

S l - 1 4 Subject Index

work, early adulthood (Continued) high-burnout careers, 389 Holland's personality

type theory, 347-348 identity and, 346 intrinsic motivation, 34&-347 job quizzes, 348 job satisfaction, 347 millennial generation, 346 Puritan work

ethic, 346 role of, 345-347 status and, 347

work, immigrants, 391 work, late adulthood, 429-430 work, middle

adul thood, 387-389 career change, 390 unemployment, 389-390

working memory, 217, 371 World Factbook 18, 83

x X chromosome, 44 X-linked genes, 46 X-rays, prenatal period, 69

y Y chromosome, 44 young adulthood, 5

death in, 445-446 young old, 398

z ZIFf (zygote intrafallopian transfer), 63 ZPD (zone of proximal development)

middle childhood, 218 preschool period, 173

zygote, 42 fertilization, 60

Answers to C h eck You rself Q u est i o n s Chapter 1 Module 4.2 Module 7.3 Module l.1 (1) a (1) d

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(3) c (4) d (4) a (4) a Module 4.3 Chapter 8 Module l.2 (1) c Module 8.1

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(4) a Chapter 5 (4) a Module l.3 Module 5.1 Module 8.2

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Chapter 2 Module S.2 Module 8.3 Module 2.1 (1) b (1) c

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(4) b Module S.3 Chapter 9 Module 2.2 (1) b Module 9.1

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(2) c (3) d (2) a (3) a-feta!, b-embryonic, c-germinal (4) b (3) c

(4) b Chapter 6 (4) c Module 2.3 Module 6.l Module 9.2

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Chapter 3 Module 6.2 Module 9.3 Module 3.1 (1) b (1) d

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(3) a (4) d (4) b (4) d Module 6.3 Chapter 10 Module 3.2 (1) b Module 10.1

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(4) a Chapter 7 (4) c Module 3.3 Module 7.1 Module 10.2

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Chapter 4 Module 7.2 Module 10.3 Module 4.1 (1) c (1) c

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A-1

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Discovering the Life Span 5th Edition [Robert S. Feldman]
Title Page
Copyright
Brief Contents
Contents
Preface
About the Author
Chapter 1 Introduction
Chapter 2 The Start of Life
Chapter 3 Infancy
Chapter 4 The Preschool Years
Chapter 5 Middle Childhood
Chapter 6 Adolescence
Chapter 7 Early Adulthood
Chapter 8 Middle Adulthood
Chapter 9 Late Adulthood
Chapter 10 Death and Dying
Glossary
References
Name Index
Subject Index