Developmental Psycology. 10 Questions to answer

understanding of other people’s intentions (Behne et al., 2005; Willatts, 1999). Cognitive awareness coincides with the emergence of the motor skills (e.g., crawl- ing, walking) needed to achieve goals; both developments are the result of neuro- logical maturation (Adolph & Berger, 2006).

Piaget thought that the concept of object permanence emerges at about 8 months. Object permanence refers to the awareness that objects or people con- tinue to exist when they are no longer in sight. Other researchers agreed that a goal- directed search for toys that have fallen from the baby’s crib, rolled under a couch, or disappeared under a blanket does not begin to emerge until about 8 months, just as Piaget indicated. However, many current scientists question Piaget’s interpreta- tions, as the following explains.

object permanence The realization that

objects (including people) still exist when

they cannot be seen, touched, or heard.

158 CHAPTER 6 ■ The First Two Years: Cognitive Development

thinking like a scientist Object Permanence Revisited

Before Piaget, it was assumed that infants understood objects

just as adults do. Piaget demonstrated with a simple experiment

that that assumption was wrong. An adult shows an infant an

interesting toy, covers it with a lightweight cloth, and observes

the infant’s response. The results:

■ Infants younger than 8 months do not search (by removing

the cloth).

■ At about 8 months, infants search immediately after the

object is covered but seem to forget about the object if

they have to wait a few seconds.

■ By 2 years, children seem to understand object perma-

nence: They search well but not perfectly. Imperfection is

evident when playing hide-and-seek: Preschoolers may

fear that someone has really disappeared, or they may hide

in obvious places (such as behind a coat rack with their

feet still visible or as a big lump under a sheet on a bed).

As you learned in Chapter 1, thinking like a scientist means:

(1) replication (thousands of scientists in dozens of nations have

done this with Piaget’s original research design) and (2) question-

ing the conclusions. Piaget claimed that failure to search for a

hidden object meant that infants have no concept of object per-

manence. Other researchers ask whether other immaturities,

such as imperfect motor skills or fragile memory, could mask an

infant’s understanding that objects still exist when they are no

longer visible (Cohen & Cashon, 2006; Ruffman et al., 2005).

Apparently they can. As one researcher points out, “Amid his

acute observation and brilliant theorizing, Piaget . . . mistook

infants’ motor incompetence for conceptual incompetence”

(Mandler, 2004, p. 17). A series of clever experiments, in which

objects seemed to disappear behind a screen while researchers

traced eye movements and brain activity, revealed some inkling of

object permanence in infants as young as 41⁄2 months (Baillargeon

& DeVos, 1991; Spelke, 1993).

The specific finding that contradicted Piaget is that, long

before 8 months, infants showed surprise (by staring longer, for

instance) when an object they saw was hidden by a screen and

Peek-a-Boo The best hidden object is Mom under an easily

moved blanket, as 7-month-old Elias has discovered. Peek-a-boo

is fun from about 7 to 12 months. In another month, Elias will

search for more conventionally hidden objects. In a year or two,

his surprise and delight at finding Mom will fade.

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tertiary circular reactions The third of three

types of feedback loops in sensorimotor

intelligence, this one involving active

exploration and experimentation. The

infant explores a range of new activities,

varying his or her responses as a way of

learning about the world.

“little scientist” Piaget’s term for the stage-

five toddler (age 12 to 18 months) who

experiments without anticipating the

results.

deferred imitation A sequence in which

an infant first perceives something that

someone else does and then performs the

same action a few hours or even days

later.

Stages Five and Six: Tertiary Circular Reactions

In their second year, infants start experimenting in deed and in thought, typically acting first and thinking later. Tertiary circular reactions begin when 1-year- olds take their first independent and varied actions to discover the properties of other people, animals, and things. Infants no longer simply respond to their own bodies (primary reactions) or to other people or objects (secondary reactions); they also begin new sequences, in a pattern more like a spiral than a closed circle.

The first stage of tertiary circular reactions, Piaget’s stage five (age 12 to 18 months), is called new means through active experimentation. This builds on the accomplishments of stage four, but goal-directed and purposeful activities become more expansive and creative. Toddlerhood is a time of active exploration, when babies delight in squeezing all the toothpaste out of the tube, taking apart the iPod, uncovering the anthill.

Piaget referred to the stage-five toddler as a “little scientist” who “experi- ments in order to see.” Their scientific method is trial and error. Their devotion to discovery is familiar to every adult scientist—and to every parent.

Finally, in the sixth stage (age 18 to 24 months), toddlers begin to anticipate and solve simple problems by using mental combinations, an intellectual experi- mentation that supersedes the active experimentation of stage five. The child is able to put two ideas together, such as that a doll is not a real baby but a doll can be belted into a stroller and taken for a walk. Because they combine ideas, stage- six toddlers think about consequences, hesitating a moment before yanking the cat’s tail or dropping a raw egg on the floor. Their strong impulse to discover sometimes overwhelms reflection; they do not always choose wisely. But at least thought precedes action.

Being able to use mental combinations makes it possible for the child to pre- tend. A toddler might sing to a doll before tucking it into bed. This is in marked contrast to the younger infant, who treats a doll like any other toy, throwing or bit- ing it, or to the stage-five toddler, who tries to pull off the head, arms, and legs to see what is inside.

Piaget describes another stage-six intellectual accomplishment, involving both thought and memory. Deferred imitation occurs when infants copy behavior they noticed hours or even days earlier (Piaget, 1962). A classic example is Piaget’s daughter, Jacqueline, who observed another child

who got into a terrible temper. He screamed as he tried to get out of a playpen and pushed it backward, stamping his feet. Jacqueline stood watching him in amazement, never having witnessed such a scene before. The next day, she herself screamed in her playpen and tried to move it, stamping her foot lightly several times in succession.

[Piaget, 1962, p. 63]

Sensorimotor Intelligence 159

then vanished, became two objects, or moved in an unexpected

way. This reaction suggests object permanence, in that the in-

fants seemed to think the object still existed behind the screen

(Baillargeon, 1994).

Further exploration of infant cognition came from a series of

experiments in which 2-, 4-, and 6-month-olds watched balls

moving behind a screen, sometimes disappearing, sometimes

reemerging in a smooth path, sometimes reemerging in the

wrong place (Johnson et al., 2003). The 2-month-olds showed

no awareness of anything odd, no matter what the balls did; the

4-month-olds showed signs that they knew something was

amiss; the 6-month-olds demonstrated (with attentive stares)

that they expected the balls to move in the usual way and were

surprised when they didn’t.

These researchers do not believe that the concept of object

permanence (or, at least, perception regarding object trajectories)

is inborn. It is the result of maturation and experience, as Piaget

thought. The difference between this research and Piaget’s is

the age at which infants demonstrate the concept. With clever

experiments (i.e., relying on visual tracking rather than on the

motor skills involved in reaching), researchers have shown that

object permanence begins to emerge at 41⁄2 months.

Bib and Bath Learning to use eating utensils

is a cognitively stimulating experience that is

largely a matter of trial and—often messy—

error.

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Especially for Parents One parent wants

to put all the breakable or dangerous objects

away because a toddler is now able to move

around independently. The other parent says

that the baby should learn not to touch

certain things. Who is right?

Piaget and Research Methods

Infants reach the various stages of sensorimotor intelligence earlier than Piaget predicted. Not only do 41⁄2-month-olds comprehend object permanence, but many researchers have found that babies pretend and defer imitation as early as 9 months (Bauer, 2006; Meltzoff & Moore, 1999).

One reason Piaget underestimated the speed of infant cognition is that he based his conclusions on what he could see his own three infants do. Direct ob- servation of only three children is a start, but no contemporary researcher would stop there. There are problems with “fidelity and credibility” (Bornstein et al., 2005, p. 287) in collecting data on infants; modern researchers have statistics, design, sample size, and new strategies to overcome these problems (Hartmann & Pelzel, 2005). For example, habituation (from the word habit) refers to getting used to an experience after repeated exposure to it. Habituation occurs when the school cafeteria serves macaroni day after day or when an infant repeatedly hears the same sound, sees the same picture, plays with the same toy. Evidence of habit- uation is loss of interest (or, for macaroni, loss of appetite).

Using habituation as a research strategy involves repeating one stimulus until babies lose interest and then presenting another, slightly different stimulus (a new sound, sight, or other sensation). Babies can indicate in many ways—a longer or more focused gaze; a faster or slower heart rate; more or less muscle tension around the lips; a change in the rate, rhythm, or pressure of suction on a nipple— that they detect a difference between the two stimuli. These often subtle indica- tors are recorded by technology that was unavailable to Piaget.

By inducing habituation and then presenting a new stimulus, scientists have learned that even 1-month-olds can detect the difference between a pah sound and a bah sound, between a circle with two dots inside it and a circle without any dots, and much more. Babies younger than 6 months perceive far more than Piaget imagined.

More recent techniques involve measurement of brain activity (see Table 6.2) (Johnson, 2005). In functional magnetic resonance imaging, or fMRI, a burst of electrical activity within the brain is recorded, indicating that neurons are firing, which leads researchers to conclude that a particular stimulus has been noticed

fMRI Functional magnetic resonance imaging,

a measuring technique in which the brain’s

electrical excitement indicates activation any-

where in the brain; fMRI helps researchers

locate neurological responses to stimuli.

habituation The process of getting used to

an object or event through repeated expo-

sure to it.

160 CHAPTER 6 ■ The First Two Years: Cognitive Development

I’m Listening This 14-month-old is a master

at deferred imitation. He knows how to hold

a cell phone and what gestures to use as the

“conversation” goes on.

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TABLE 6.2

Some Techniques Used by Neuroscientists to Understand Brain Function

Technique Use Limitations

EEG (electroencephalogram)

ERP (event-related potential)

fMRI (functional magnetic

resonance imaging)

PET (positron emission

tomography)

Especially in infancy, much brain activity of interest

occurs below the cortex.

Reaction within the cortex signifies perception, but

interpretation of the amplitude and timing of brain

waves is not straightforward.

Signifies brain activity, but infants are notoriously

active, which can make fMRIs useless.

Many parents and researchers hesitate to inject

radioactive dye into an infant’s brain unless a serious

abnormality is suspected.

Measures electrical activity in the top layers of the

brain, where the cortex is.

Notes the amplitude and frequency of electrical

activity (as shown by brain waves) in specific parts of

the cortex in reaction to various stimuli.

Measures changes in blood flow anywhere in the

brain (not just the outer layers).

Also (like fMRI) reveals activity in various parts of the

brain. Locations can be pinpointed with precision, but

PET requires injection of radioactive dye to light up

the active parts of the brain.

For both practical and ethical reasons, these techniques have not been used with large, representative samples of normal infants. One of the

challenges of neuroscience is to develop methods that are harmless, easy to use, and comprehensive for the study of normal children.

and processed. Using such advanced methods, scientists have been convinced that infants have memories, goals, and even mental combinations in advance of Piaget’s stages.

As explained in Chapter 5, many measurements of neurons show that early brain development is wide-ranging: Dendrites proliferate, and pruning is extensive. The first years of life are filled with mental activity and may be prime time for cognitive development (Johnson, 2005). In fact, discoveries have given develop- mentalists a new worry: People might think that these years are the only ones for brain growth. Not so. As 20 leading developmentalists explain, the

focus on “zero to three” as a critical or particularly sensitive period is highly problematic, not because this isn’t an important period for the developing brain, but . . . attention to the period from birth to 3 years begins too late and ends too soon.

[National Research Council and Institute of Medicine, 2000, p. 7]

SUMMING UP

Piaget discovered, described, and then celebrated active infant learning, which he de-

scribed in six stages of sensorimotor intelligence. Babies use their senses and motor

skills to gain an understanding of their world, first with reflexes and then by adapting

through assimilation and accommodation. Object permanence, pursuit of goals, and

deferred imitation all develop earlier in infancy than Piaget realized. The infant is a little

scientist, not only at age 1, as Piaget described so well, but even in the first months of

life. Thinking develops before motor skills can execute thoughts. ■

Information Processing Piaget was a “grand” theorist of cognition; he had an appreciation of shifts in the nature of cognition that occur at about ages 2, 6, and 12 years. His sweeping over- view, with its notion of distinct stages, contrasts with information-processing theory, a perspective modeled on computer functioning, including input, mem- ory, programs, calculation, and output.

Information-processing theorists believe that a step-by-step description of the mechanisms of thought add insight to our understanding of cognition at every age. Human information processing begins with input picked up by the five senses; proceeds to brain reactions, connections, and stored memories; and concludes with some action, such as a word or gesture. For infants, the output might be moving a hand to uncover a toy (object permanence), saying a word (e.g., mama) to signify recognition, or simply staring at a new photo (habituation). For example, instead of crying reflexively at the pain of hunger, an infant might focus on a bottle, remember that it can relieve hunger, reach for it, and then suck on it. Each step of this process requires information processing except the reflexive sucking, and even with that, the older infant is much more effective than the newborn because of better information processing.

With the aid of the sensitive technology just described, information-processing research has found some impressive intellectual capacities in the infant. For ex- ample, concepts and categories seem to develop in the infant brain by about 6 months (Mandler, 2004; Quinn, 2004). This perspective helps tie together various aspects of infant cognition. We review two of these now: affordances and memory. Affordances concern perception or, by analogy, input. Memory concerns brain organization and output—that is, information storage and retrieval.

information-processing theory A perspective

that compares human thinking processes,

by analogy, to computer analysis of data,

including sensory input, connections, stored

memories, and output.

Information Processing 161

➤Response for Parents (from page 159):

It is easier and safer to babyproof the house,

because toddlers, being “little scientists,”

want to explore. However, it is important for

both parents to encourage and guide the

baby, so it is preferable to leave out a few

untouchable items if that will help prevent a

major conflict between husband and wife.

Especially for Computer Experts In what

way is the human mind not like a computer?

➤Response for Parents (from page 157):

Both decisions should be made within the

first month, during the stage of reflexes. If

parents wait until the infant is 4 months or

older, they may discover that they are too

late. It is difficult to introduce a bottle to a 4-

month-old who has been exclusively breast-

fed or a pacifier to a baby who has already

adapted the sucking reflex to a thumb.

Affordances

Perception, remember, is the mental processing of information that arrives at the brain from the sensory organs. It is the first step of information processing the input to the brain. One of the puzzles of development is that two people can have discrepant perceptions of the same situation, not only interpreting it differently but actually observing it differently.

Decades of thought and research led Eleanor and James Gibson to conclude that perception is far from automatic (E. Gibson, 1969; J. Gibson, 1979). Percep- tion—for infants, as for the rest of us—is a cognitive accomplishment that re- quires selectivity: “Perceiving is active, a process of obtaining information about the world. . . . We don’t simply see, we look” (E. Gibson, 1988, p. 5).

The Gibsons contend that the environment (people, places, and objects) affords, or offers, many opportunities for perception and for interaction with what is per- ceived (E. Gibson, 1997). Each of these opportunities is called an affordance. Which particular affordance is perceived and acted on depends on four factors: sen- sory awareness, immediate motivation, current development, and past experience.

As a simple example, a lemon may be perceived as something that affords smelling, tasting, touching, viewing, throwing, squeezing, and biting (among other things). Each of these affordances is further perceived as offering pleasure, pain, or some other emotion. Which of the many affordances a particular person per- ceives and acts on depends on the four factors just mentioned: sensations, mo- tives, age, and experience. Consequently, a lemon might elicit quite different perceptions from an artist about to paint a still life, a thirsty adult in need of a re- freshing drink, and a teething baby wanting something to gnaw on.

Clearly, infants and adults perceive quite different affordances. A toddler’s idea of what affords running might be any unobstructed surface—a meadow, a long hallway in an apartment building, or a road. To an adult eye, the degree to which these places afford running may be restricted by such factors as a bull grazing in the meadow, neighbors in the hallway, or traffic on the road. Moreover, young chil- dren love to run, so they notice affordances for running; some adults prefer to stay put—so they do not perceive whether running is afforded or not.

affordance An opportunity for perception

and interaction that is offered by a person,

place, or object in the environment.

162 CHAPTER 6 ■ The First Two Years: Cognitive Development

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Look at Me These 1-year-olds are just learning

about the affordances of objects. Thus, a rattle

may be pushed against a friend’s face to gain

the friend’s attention. This “little scientist” has

not yet discovered that doing so may not be a

good idea.

Observation Quiz (see answer, page 164):

Are these two toddlers boys or girls?

Baby in Charge As this mother no doubt re-

alizes, for her toddler, playing with blocks af-

fords touching, stacking, and tossing them,

not trying to identify the letters and numbers

on them.

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➤Response for Computer Experts (from

page 161): In dozens of ways, including speed

of calculation, ability to network across the

world, and vulnerability to viruses. In one

crucial way the human mind is better:

Computers crash within a few years, while

human minds keep working until death.

visual cliff An experimental apparatus that

gives an illusion of a sudden drop between

one horizontal surface and another.

Research on Early Affordances

As information processing improves over the first year, infants become quicker to recognize affordances. A detailed study traced the responses of infants to eight dif- ferent displays on a TV screen (Courage et al., 2006; see Research Design). This research measured, among other things, how many times the infants glanced away from the displays, how long their most extensive look lasted, and whether their heart rate slowed down. The older infants were quicker to process the display and decide if it was interesting, a sign of better information processing. For example, the 14-week-olds looked at static dots for 10 seconds at a time, the 20-week-olds for 6 seconds, and babies from 26 to 52 weeks for only 5 seconds.

Developmental trends were apparent, especially for the most interesting dis- play, which was a video from Sesame Street. Babies stared at this video for an aver- age of 18 seconds at 14 weeks (usually one long look), 10 seconds at 26 months, and then back up to 15 seconds at 52 months. According to the researchers, input became quicker with age (hence shorter looks for less interesting things), but cog- nitive processing advanced (hence more intense looks at Sesame Street) (Courage et al., 2006).

Affordances are sought by infants of every age. For instance, one study found that when 9- to 12-month-olds were presented with unknown objects that rattled, rang, squeaked, or were silent, they decided what noise the object afforded on the basis of whether the object’s shape was similar to that of another noise-making object. By 12 months, they also used vocabulary: They predicted the noise that an object would make according to whether the object’s name was like the name of another object that, they knew, rattled, rang, or squeaked (Graham et al., 2004).

In another experiment, 12- to 24-month-olds watched adults look at or bend a laminated photograph and then followed the example, either looking at or bending it themselves. They did not yet know that photos are primarily for viewing, so they used whichever affordance they had been shown (Callaghan et al., 2004).

Sudden Drops

The fact that experience affects which affordances are perceived is quite apparent in studies of depth perception. This research began with an apparatus called the visual cliff, designed to provide the illusion of a sudden dropoff between one horizontal surface and another. Mothers were able to urge their 6-month-olds to wiggle toward them over the supposed edge of the cliff, but even with mothers urging, 10-month-olds fearfully refused to budge (E. Gibson & Walk, 1960).

Researchers once thought that inade- quate depth perception kept young ba- bies from seeing the drop and that, as the visual cortex became more mature, 8-month-olds could see it. Later research (using advanced technology) found that that interpretation was wrong. Even 3- month-olds notice a drop: Their heart rate slows and their eyes open wide when they are placed over the cliff. But until

Information Processing 163

Research Design Scientists: Mary L. Courage, Greg D.

Reynolds, and John E. Richards.

Publication: Child Development (2006).

Participants: One hundred infants aged

14, 20, 26, 39, and 52 weeks (20 at each

age). None had birth complications or

known disabilities. Each was tested sit-

ting in the mother’s lap.

Design: Babies saw eight displays on a

TV monitor, four of them motionless (a

face, dots, triangles and lines, a Sesame

Street scene) and the other four show-

ing the same objects in motion. Dura-

tion of looking was measured in

seconds by researchers who did not

know what the babies saw, and heart

rate was measured via an electrocardio-

gram (EEG).

Major conclusions: Look time and heart

rate varied by age and display. Moving

displays captured attention more than

static ones; human forms were more at-

tractive than geometric designs.The

youngest babies often just stared

blankly (and showed almost no slowing

of heart rate), while the older babies

glanced, glanced away, and then looked

more closely. Age differences suggested

advances in processing; the oldest ba-

bies were most “stimulus dependent”—

that is, most influenced by the specifics

of what they saw.

Comment:This study provides rich data

on age and information processing, in-

cluding one table with 360 data

points—72 at each age.This richness

complicates analysis, but because the

study compares heart rate, look time,

age, and display, its conclusions are

more reliable.

Depth Perception This toddler in a labora-

tory in Berkeley, California, is crawling on the

experimental apparatus called a visual cliff.

She stops at the edge of what she perceives

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they can crawl, they do not realize that crawling over an edge affords falling, per- haps with a frightening and painful result. This depends, of course, on each infant’s particular history. The difference is in processing, not input; in affordance, not mere perception. The same process happens with walking: Novice walkers are fear- less and reckless; experienced walkers are more cautious and deliberate (Adolph & Berger, 2005).

Movement and People

Despite all the variations from one infant to another in the particular affordances they perceive, two general principles of perception are shared by all infants: dynamic perception and people preference. Both of these principles were demon- strated by the study of the 8 displays mentioned above (Courage et al., 2006).

Dynamic perception is primed to focus on movement and change. Infants love motion. As soon as they can, they move their own bodies—grabbing, scooting, crawling, walking. To their delight, these movements change what the world af- fords them; as a result, perception and body motion advance as quickly as possible (Adolph & Berger, 2005).

Other creatures that move, especially their own caregivers, are among the first and best sources of pleasure, again because of dynamic perception. That is one reason it’s almost impossible to teach a baby not to chase and grab a moving dog, a cat, or even a cockroach.

The other universal principle of infant perception is people preference. This characteristic may have evolved over the centuries because humans of all ages sur- vived by learning to attend to, and rely on, one another. As you remember from Chapter 5, all human senses are primed to respond to social stimuli (Bornstein et al., 2005).

Very young babies are interested in the emotional affordances of their care- givers (whether a person is likely to elicit laughter or fear), using their limited per- ceptual abilities to respond to smiles, shouts, and so on. Infants connect facial expressions with tone of voice long before they understand language. This ability has led to an interesting hypothesis:

Given that infants are frequently exposed to their caregivers’ emotional displays and further presented with opportunities to view the affordances (Gibson, 1959, 1979) of those emotional expressions, we propose that the expressions of famil- iar persons are meaningful to infants very early in life.

[Kahana-Kalman & Walker-Andrews, 2001, p. 366]

Building on earlier research by other scientists on infant perception, these re- searchers presented infants with two moving images on a video screen. Both im- ages were of a woman, either their mother or a stranger. In one, the woman visibly expresses joy; in the other, sorrow. Each image is accompanied by an audiotape

of that woman’s happy or sad talk. By 7 months, but not before, babies show that they can match emotional words with facial expressions by looking longer at the face expressing the same emotion as in the tone of voice.

Some infants in this experiment were only 31⁄2 months old. When they did not know the woman, they failed to match the ver- bal emotion with the facial expression. In other words, when the face was that of a stranger, these 31⁄2-month-olds did not tend to look more at the happy face when they heard the happy talk or to match sad voice and sad face.

However, when the 31⁄2-month-olds saw their own mother on the video (two images, happy and sad) and heard her happy or her

dynamic perception Perception that is

primed to focus on movement and change.

people preference A universal principle of

infant perception, consisting of an innate

attraction to other humans, which is evi-

dent in visual, auditory, tactile, and other

preferences.

164 CHAPTER 6 ■ The First Two Years: Cognitive Development

One Constant, Multisensual Perception

From the angle of her arm and the bend of

her hand, it appears that this infant recognizes

the constancy of the furry mass, perceiving it

as a single entity whether it is standing still,

rolling in the sand, or walking along the

beach.

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Especially for Parents of Infants When

should you be particularly worried that your

baby will fall off the bed or down the stairs?

➤Answer to Observation Quiz (from

page 162): Surprise! Both babies are girls,

named Anne and Sarah. Illustrating the power

of stereotyping, many observers would have

guessed that they are boys because their

blue garments afford masculinity.

sad voice, they correctly matched visual and vocal emotions. They looked longest at their happy mothers talking in a happy way, but they also looked at their sad mothers when they heard their mother’s sad voice—an amazing display of con- necting speech tone with facial expressions.

The researchers noticed something else. When infants saw and heard their happy mothers, as opposed to the happy strangers, they smiled twice as quickly, seven times as long, and much more brightly (with cheeks raised as well as lips up- turned) (Kahana-Kalman & Walker-Andrews, 2001). Obviously, experience had taught these babies that a smiling mother affords joy. The affordances of a smiling stranger are difficult to judge.

Memory

A certain amount of experience and brain maturation are required in order to process and remember experiences. Infants have great difficulty storing new memories in their first year, and older children are often un- able to describe events that occurred when they were younger. But on the basis of a series of experiments, developmentalists now agree that very young infants can remember under the following circumstances:

■ Experimental conditions are similar to real life. ■ Motivation is high. ■ Special measures are taken to aid memory retrieval.

The most dramatic evidence for infant memory comes from a series of innovative experiments in which 3-month-olds were taught to make a mobile move by kicking their legs (Rovee-Collier, 1987, 1990). The in- fants lay on their backs, in their own cribs, connected to a mobile by means of a ribbon tied to one foot (see photograph).

Virtually all the infants began making some occasional kicks (as well as random arm movements and noises) and realized, after a while, that kick- ing made the mobile move. They then kicked more vigorously and fre- quently, sometimes laughing at their accomplishment. So far, this is no surprise—self-activated movement is highly reinforcing to infants, part of dynamic perception.

When some infants had the mobile-and-ribbon apparatus reinstalled in their cribs one week later, most started to kick immediately; this reaction indicated that they remembered their previous experience. But when other infants were retested two weeks later, they began with only random kicks. Apparently they had forgotten what they had learned—evidence that memory is fragile early in life.

Reminders and Repetition

The lead researcher, Carolyn Rovee-Collier, developed another experiment that demonstrated that 3-month-old infants could remember after two weeks if they had a brief reminder session before being retested (Rovee-Collier & Hayne, 1987). A reminder session is any perceptual experience that is intended to help a person recollect an idea, a thing, or an experience.

In this particular reminder session, two weeks after the initial training, the in- fants watched the mobile move but were not tied to it and were positioned so that they could not kick. The next day, when they were again connected to the mobile and positioned so that they could move their legs, they kicked as they had learned to do two weeks earlier.

Watching the mobile move on the previous day revived their faded memory. The information about how to make the mobile move was stored in their brains;

Especially for Parents This research on

early affordances suggests a crucial lesson

about how many babysitters an infant should

have. What is it?

reminder session A perceptual experience

that is intended to help a person recollect

an idea, a thing, or an experience, without

testing whether the person remembers it

at the moment.

Information Processing 165

He Remembers! In this demonstration of

Rovee-Collier’s experiment, a young infant

immediately remembers how to make the fa-

miliar mobile move. (Unfamiliar mobiles do

not provoke the same reaction.) He kicks his

right leg and flails both arms, just as he

learned to do several weeks ago.

Observation Quiz (see answer, page 167):

How and why is this mobile unlike those

usually sold for babies?

M IC

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they needed some processing time to retrieve it. The reminder session provided that time. Overall, some early memories can be “highly enduring, and become even more so after repeated encounters with reminders” (Rovee-Collier & Ger- hardstein, 1997).

A Little Older, a Little More Memory

After about 6 months, infants can retain information for longer periods of time than younger babies can, with less training or reminding. Toward the end of the first year, many kinds of memory, including that involved in deferred imitation, are apparent (Meltzoff & Moore, 1999). For example, suppose a 9-month-old watches someone playing with a toy he or she has never seen before. The next day, if given the toy, the 9-month-old is likely to play with it in the same way as he or she had observed. (Younger infants do not.)

By the middle of the second year, toddlers can remember and reenact more complex sequences. In one study, 16- and 20-month-olds watched an experi- menter perform various activities, such as putting a doll to bed, making a party hat, and cleaning a table (Bauer & Dow, 1994). For each activity, the experimenter used props and gave a brief “instruction” for performing each step. For instance, to clean the table, the experimenter wet it with water from a white spray bottle, say- ing, “Put on the water”; wiped it with a paper towel, saying, “Wipe it”; and placed the towel in a wooden trash basket, saying, “Toss it.”

A week later, most toddlers remembered how to carry out the sequence when they heard “Put on the water. Wipe it. Toss it.” They followed what they had seen, not only with the same props but also with different props (for instance, a clear spray bottle, a sponge, and a plastic garbage can). This shows that infants are de- veloping concepts, not imitating behavior (Mandler, 2004). Many other experi- ments also show that toddlers are thinking conceptually, not just repeating what they have experienced.

Aspects of Memory

Memory is not one thing, “not a unitary or monolithic entity” (Schacter & Badgaiyan, 2001, p.1). People are inaccurate when they make general statements about their “memory,” as in “I have a good memory” or “My memory is failing.” Brain-imaging techniques (such as fMRI) reveal many distinct brain regions de- voted to particular aspects of memory. There is probably a memory for faces, for sounds, for events, for sights, for phrases, and much more.

One distinction is between implicit memory, which is memory for routines and memories that remain hidden until a particular stimulus brings them to mind (like the mobile), and explicit memory, which is memory that can be recalled on de- mand. As you can see in Table 6.3, explicit memory is probably impossible in the first months of life. Some aspects of it are evident after age 1 (see Chapter 9); at about age 5 or 6, when children begin school, explicit memory improves dramati- cally as those parts of the brain mature (Nelson et al., 2006).

Because there are so many types of memory, it is not surprising that infants re- member some things better than others: That’s the way human brains are con- structed. Thus, early memories may be either fragile or enduring, depending on which type of memory is involved (Nelson & Webb, 2003).

Infants probably store within their brains many emotions and sensations that they cannot readily retrieve, whereas memories of motion (dynamic perception) are remembered once that particular action is cued by the context (as when the infants remembered how to kick to make the mobile move). Once they under- stand words, a verbal reminder aids retrieval, even after a delay (Bauer, 2006).

166 CHAPTER 6 ■ The First Two Years: Cognitive Development

Memory Aid Personal motivation and action

are crucial to early memory, and that is why

Noel has no trouble remembering which

shape covers the photograph of herself as a

baby.

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A N

/ P

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IT

➤Response for Parents of Infants (from

page 164): Constant vigilance is necessary

for the first few years of a child’s life, but the

most dangerous age is from about 4 to 8

months, when infants can move but do not

yet have a fear of falling over an edge.

➤Response for Parents (from page 165):

It is important that infants have time for

repeated exposure to each caregiver, because

infants adjust their behavior to maximize

whatever each particular caregiver affords in

the way of play, emotions, and vocalization.

Parents should find one steady babysitter

rather than several.

SUMMING UP

Infant cognition can be studied using the information-processing perspective, which

analyzes each component of how thoughts begin and are organized, remembered, and

expressed. Infant perception is powerfully influenced by particular experiences and

motivation, so the affordances perceived by one infant differ from those perceived by

another. Memory depends on both brain maturation and experience. That is why mem-

ory is fragile in the first year (being increased by dynamic perception and reminders)

and becomes more evident (although many types of memory remain quite fragile) in

the second year. ■

Language: What Develops in the First Two Years? The acquisition of language, with its thousands of words, idiomatic phrases, gram- mar rules, and exceptions, is the most impressive intellectual achievement of the young child. In fact, language is the most impressive human accomplishment: It differentiates Homo sapiens from all other species, and it may be the reason human brains are more complex than those of other animals (Leonard, 2003).

For instance, humans and gorillas are close relatives, with about 99 percent of their genes in common. Gorillas are bigger than people, but an adult gorilla’s brain is only one-third as big as a human’s and has far fewer dendrites, synapses, and other components. This means that a 2-year-old human has twice as much brain- power as a full-grown gorilla. Many animals communicate, but no species has any- thing approaching the neurons and networks that support the 6,000 human languages.

Language: What Develops in the First Two Years? 167

TABLE 6.3

The Major Memory Systems and Developmental Tasks

Brain Systems

General System Subsystems Tasks Related to Tasks Infancy Example

Implicit memory

(nondeclarative

memory)

Explicit memory

Rare before age 1

Procedural learning

Conditioning

Perceptual

representation system

Pre-explicit memory

Semantic memory

(generic knowledge)

Episodic memory

(autobiographical)

Serial reaction time (SRT)

task

Visual expectation paradigm

(VExP)

Conditioning

Perceptual priming

paradigms

Novelty detection in

habituation and paired

comparison tasks

Semantic retrieval, word

priming, and associative

priming

Episodic encoding

Recall and recognition

Striatum, supplementary motor

association, motor cortex,

frontal cortex

Frontal cortex, motor areas

Cerebellum, basal ganglia

Modality dependent; parietal

cortex, occipital cortex, inferior

temporal cortex, auditory cortex

Hippocampus

Left prefrontal cortex, anterior

cingulate cortex, hippocampal

cortex

Left prefrontal cortex, left

orbitoprefrontal cortex

Right prefrontal cortex, anterior

cingulate cortex, parietal cortex,

cerebellum, hippocampal cortex

Kick to make mobile move

Laugh when tickled

Recognize mother’s voice

Hear difference between

sounds

First spoken words

Remember usual routines of

dinner

Remember when and how a

painful event occurred

Source: Adapted from Nelson & Webb, 2003, p. 103.

➤Answer to Observation Quiz (from

page 165): It is black and white, with larger

objects—designed to be particularly attractive

to infants, not to adult shoppers.

The Universal Sequence

The timing of language acquisition varies; the most advanced 10 percent of 2-year-olds speak more than 550 words, and the least advanced 10 percent speak fewer than 100 words—a fivefold difference (Merri- man, 1999). (Some explanations are discussed at the end of this chapter.) But children around the world follow the same sequence of early language devel- opment (see Table 6.4).

Listening and Responding

Infants begin learning language before birth, via brain organization and auditory experiences during the final prenatal months. Newborns prefer to hear speech over other sounds; they prefer to listen to high- pitched, simplified, and repetitive adult speech. This

form of speech is quite distinct from normal speech. It is sometimes called baby talk, since it is talk directed to babies, and sometimes called motherese, since mothers all over the world speak it. Both these terms may have misleading impli- cations, so scientists prefer the more formal term child-directed speech.

Newborns respond to adult noises and expressions (as well as to their own in- ternal pleasures and pain) in many ways, crying, cooing, and making a variety of other sounds even in the first days of life. Their responses gradually become more varied. By 4 months, most babies squeal, growl, gurgle, grunt, croon, and yell, as well as make speechlike sounds (Hsu et al., 2000).

child-directed speech The high-pitched,

simplified, and repetitive way adults

speak to infants. (Also called baby talk or

motherese.)

168 CHAPTER 6 ■ The First Two Years: Cognitive Development

TABLE 6.4

AT ABOUT THIS TIME: The Development of

Spoken Language in the First Two Years

Age* Means of Communication

Newborn

2 months

3–6 months

6–10 months

10–12 months

12 months

13–18 months

18 months

21 months

24 months

Reflexive communication—cries, movements, facial expressions

A range of meaningful noises—cooing, fussing, crying, laughing

New sounds, including squeals, growls, croons, trills, vowel sounds

Babbling, including both consonant and vowel sounds repeated in

syllables

Comprehension of simple words; speechlike intonations; specific

vocalizations that have meaning to those who know the infant well. Deaf

babies express their first signs; hearing babies also use specific gestures

(e.g., pointing) to communicate.

First spoken words that are recognizably part of the native language

Slow growth of vocabulary, up to about 50 words

Vocabulary spurt—three or more words learned per day. Much variation:

Some toddlers do not yet speak.

First two-word sentence

Multiword sentences. Half the toddler’s utterances are two or more

words long.

*The ages of accomplishment in this table reflect norms. Many healthy children with normal intelligence attain

these steps in language development earlier or later than indicated here.

Source: Bloom, 1993, 1998; Fenson et al., 2000; Lenneberg, 1967.

Too Young for Language? No. The early

stages of language are communication

through noises, gestures, and facial expres-

sions, very evident here between this !Kung

grandmother and granddaughter.

C O

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Y B

A N

N IS

T E R

Babbling

Between 6 and 9 months, babies begin to repeat certain syllables (ma-ma-ma, da-da-da, ba-ba-ba), a phenomenon referred to as babbling because of the way it sounds. Babbling is experience-expectant; all babies do it, even deaf ones. Responses encourage babbling; deaf babies stop (because they cannot hear re- sponses) and hearing babies continue. All babies make rhythmic gestures, waving their arms as they babble, again in response to the actions of others (Iverson & Fagan, 2004). Toward the end of the first year, babbling begins to sound like the native language; infants imitate what they hear.

Videotapes of deaf children whose parents sign to them show that 10-month- old deaf infants use about a dozen distinct hand gestures—which resemble the signs their parents use—in a repetitive manner similar to babbling. Parents of hearing babies should also use gestures; children understand and express con- cepts with gestures sooner than with speech (Goldin-Meadow, 2006).

Pointing is an advanced gesture that requires understanding another person’s perspective. Most animals cannot interpret pointing; most humans can do so at 10 months. This is one of the intriguing aspects of human development, since point- ing indicates a strong preference for social interaction.

First Words

Finally, at about 1 year of age, the average baby speaks (or signs) a few words. Usually, caregivers understand the first word before strangers do, which makes it hard for researchers to pinpoint exactly what a 12-month-old can say. For example, at 13 months, Kyle knew standard words such as mama, but he also knew da, ba, tam, opma, and daes, which his parents knew to be, respectively, “downstairs,” “bottle,” “tummy,” “oatmeal,” and “starfish” (yes, that’s what daes meant) (Lewis et al., 1999).

In the first months of the second year, spoken vocabulary increases very gradu- ally (perhaps one new word a week). However, 6- to 15-month-olds learn mean- ings rapidly, and they comprehend about 10 times as many words as they speak (Schafer, 2005; Snow, 2006).

The Naming Explosion

Once vocabulary reaches about 50 expressed words (understood words are more extensive), it builds rapidly, at a rate of 50 to 100 words per month, with 21- month-olds saying twice as many words as 18-month-olds (Adamson & Bakeman, 2006). This language spurt is called the naming explosion because many of the early words are nouns, or naming words (Gentner & Boroditsky, 2001).

In almost every language, each significant caregiver (often dada, mama, nana, papa, baba, tata), sibling, and sometimes pet is named between 12 and 18 months (Bloom, 1998). (See Appendix A, p. A-4.) Other frequently uttered words refer to the child’s favorite foods and to elimination (pee-pee, wee-wee, poo-poo, ka-ka, doo-doo).

No doubt you have noticed that all these words have a similar structure: two identical syllables, each a consonant followed by a vowel sound. Many more words follow that pattern—not just baba but also bobo, bebe, bubu, bibi. Others are slightly more complicated—not just mama but also ma-me, ama, and so on.

Cultural Differences

Although all new talkers say names, using similar sounds, and say more nouns than any other part of speech, the ratio of nouns to verbs and adjectives shows cultural

naming explosion A sudden increase in an

infant’s vocabulary, especially in the num-

ber of nouns, that begins at about 18

months of age.

Language: What Develops in the First Two Years? 169

babbling The extended repetition of certain

syllables, such as ba-ba-ba, that begins

between 6 and 9 months of age.

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Lip-Reading Communication begins in early

infancy. Infants closely watch speakers’ mouth

movements and facial expressions. By this

baby’s age, 5 months, bilingual infants can tell

by looking who is speaking French and who is

speaking English.

Especially for Caregivers A toddler calls

two people “Mama.” Is this a sign of

confusion?

Especially for Nurses and Pediatricians

The parents of a 10-month-old have just been

told that their child is deaf. They don’t believe

it, because, as they tell you, the baby doesn’t

always respond to noises, but he babbles as

much as their other children did. What do you

tell them?

influences (Bornstein et al., 2004). For example, by 18 months, English-speaking infants use relatively more nouns but fewer verbs than Chinese or Korean infants do. Why?

One explanation goes back to the language itself. Chinese and Korean are “verb-friendly,” in that verbs are placed at the beginning or end of sentences, which makes them easier to learn. In English, verbs occur in various positions within sentences, and their forms change in illogical ways (think of go, gone, will go, went). This irregularity makes English verbs harder than nouns for novice learners (Gentner & Boroditsky, 2001).

An alternative explanation considers the entire social context: Playing with a variety of toys and learning about dozens of objects are crucial in North American culture, whereas East Asian cultures emphasize human interactions—specifically, how one person responds to another. Accordingly, North American infants are ex- pected to name many objects, whereas Asian infants are expected to encode social interactions into language.

Every language has some concepts encoded in adult speech that are easy and some that are hard for infants. English-speaking infants confuse before and after; Dutch-speaking infants misuse out when it refers to taking off clothes; Korean infants need to learn two meanings of in (Mandler, 2004).

Learning adjectives is easier in Italian and Spanish than in English or French because of patterns in those languages (Waxman & Lidz, 2006). Specifically, adjectives can stand by themselves without the nouns. If I want a blue cup from a group of multicolored cups, I would ask for “a blue cup” or “a blue one” in English but simply “uno azul” (a blue) in Spanish. Despite such variations, in every language, infants demonstrate impressive speed and efficiency in acquiring both vocabulary and grammar (Bornstein et al., 2004).

Sentences

The first words soon take on nuances of tone, loudness, and cadence that are precursors of the first grammar, because a single word can convey many messages by the way it is spoken. Imagine meaningful sentences encapsulated in “Dada!” “Dada?” and “Dada.” Each is a holophrase, a single word spoken in such a way that it expresses an entire thought (Tomasello, 2006).

holophrase A single word that is used to

express a complete, meaningful thought.

170 CHAPTER 6 ■ The First Two Years: Cognitive Development

Where in the World? Different cultures influ-

ence children’s language learning in different

ways. Children who spend a lot of time with

adults receive abundant exposure to the

unique speech patterns of their culture.

Observation Quiz (see answer, page 173):

What elements in this photograph suggest

cultural differences between this family and

most European or North American ones? JO R

G E N

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H Y

T T E /

P E T E R

A R

N O

LD

➤Response for Caregivers (from page

169): Not at all. Toddlers hear several people

called “Mama” (their own mother, their

grandmothers, their cousins’ and friends’

mothers) and experience mothering from

several people, so it is not surprising if they

use “Mama” too broadly. They will eventually

narrow the label down to the one correct

person.

➤Response for Nurses and Pediatricians

(from page 169): Urge the parents to accept

the diagnosis and take action. They should

begin learning sign language immediately and

investigate the possibility of cochlear implants.

Babbling has a biological basis and begins at

a specified time, in deaf as well as hearing

babies. However, deaf babies eventually begin

to use gestures more and to vocalize less than

hearing babies.

Intonation (variations of tone and pitch) is extensive in babbling and again in holophrases at about 18 months, with a dip in between (at about 12 months). At that one-year point, infants seem to reorganize their vocalization from universal to language-specific (Snow, 2006). They are no longer just singing and talking to themselves (babbling) but communicating with others (uttering holophrases).

Grammar includes all the methods that languages use to communicate meaning. Word order, prefixes, suffixes, intonation, verb forms, pronouns and negations, prepositions and articles—all of these are aspects of grammar. Gram- mar is obvious when two-word combinations begin, at about 21 months. These sentences follow the word order “Baby cry” or “More juice,” rather than the reverse. Soon the child is combining three words, usually in subject–verb–object order in English (for example, “Mommy read book”), rather than any of the five other possible sequences of those words.

A child’s grammar correlates with the size of his or her vocabulary (Snow, 2006). The child who says “Baby is crying” is advanced in language development compared with the child who says “Baby crying” or simply the holophrase “Baby” (Dionne et al., 2003). Comprehension advances as well. Their expanding knowl- edge of both vocabulary and grammar helps toddlers understand what others are saying (Kedar et al., 2006).

If the child’s family is bilingual, the acquisition of language is not slowed down, but “development in each language proceeds separately and in a language-specific manner” (Conboy & Thal, 2006, p. 727). Thus an English–French bilingual child who understands the word on does not yet necessarily understand sur.

Theories of Language Learning

Worldwide, people who are not yet 2 years old already use language well. Bilingual children keep two languages separate, and speak whatever language a given lis- tener understands. Some teenagers compose lyrics or deliver orations that move thousands of their co-linguists. Some adults are fluent in two, three, or even more languages. For many older adults, cognitive abilities decline, but language contin- ues to advance. How do these amazing examples of language learning happen?

Answers come from three schools of thought, each of which is connected to a theory (behaviorism, epigenetic theory, and sociocultural theory, respectively). The first says that infants are directly taught, the second that infants naturally under- stand language, and the third that social impulses propel infants to communicate.

Each theory of language acquisition has implications for parents and educators, all of whom want children to speak fluently, but none of whom want to teach something that infants cannot learn or that they will learn without instruction. Which theory should guide them?

Theory One: Infants Need to Be Taught

The seeds of the first perspective were planted more than 50 years ago, when the dominant theory in North American psychology was behaviorism, or learning theory. The essential idea was that all learn- ing is acquired, step by step, through association and reinforcement. Just as Pavlov’s dogs learned to associate the sound of a bell with the presentation of food (see Chapter 2), behaviorists believe that infants associate objects with words they have heard often, especially if rein- forcement occurs.

B. F. Skinner (1957) noticed that spontaneous babbling is usually reinforced. Typically, every time the baby says “ma-ma-ma-ma,” a grin- ning mother appears, repeating the sound as well as showering the

grammar All the methods—word order,

verb forms, and so on—that languages

use to communicate meaning, apart from

the words themselves.

Language: What Develops in the First Two Years? 171

Cultural Values If his infancy is like that of

most babies raised in the relatively taciturn

Ottavado culture of Ecuador, this 2-month-old

will hear significantly less conversation than

infants from most other regions. According to

many learning theorists, a lack of reinforce-

ment will result in a child who is insufficiently

verbal. In most Western cultures, that might

be called maltreatment. However, each cul-

ture tends to encourage the qualities it most

needs and values, and verbal fluency is not a

priority in this community. In fact, people

who talk too much are ostracized and those

who keep secrets are valued, so encourage-

ment of language may be maltreatment here.

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baby with attention, praise, and perhaps food. These affordances of mothers are ex- actly what the infant wants, and the baby will make those sounds again to get them.

Most parents are excellent instructors. For instance, parents who talk to their young infants typically name each object—“Here is your bottle,” “There is your foot,” “You want your juice?” and so on—often touching and moving the named object at the same time as they speak the target word loudly, clearly, and slowly (Gogate et al., 2000). They also use child-directed speech, capturing the baby’s interest with high pitch, short sentences, stressed nouns, and simple grammar— exactly the kind of teaching techniques that behaviorists would recommend.

The core ideas of this theory are the following:

■ Parents are expert teachers, although other caregivers help. ■ Frequent repetition is instructive, especially when linked to daily life. ■ Well-taught infants become well-spoken children.

Behaviorists note that some 3-year-olds converse in elaborate sentences; others just barely put one simple word with another. Such variations correlate with the amount of language teaching the child receives. Parents of the most verbal chil- dren teach language throughout infancy—singing, explaining, listening, respond- ing, and reading. For instance, parents of the most verbal children typically read to them every day, even at age 1 (Raikes et al., 2006; see Research Design).

Providing another example, researchers analyzed the language that mothers (all middle-class) used with their preverbal infants, aged 9 to 17 months (Tamis- LeMonda et al., 2001). One mother never imitated her infant’s babbling; another mother imitated 21 times in 10 minutes, babbling back as if in conversation. Over- all, mothers were most likely to describe things or actions (e.g., “That is a spoon you are holding—spoon”). The range was vast: In 10 minutes, one mother described things only 4 times, while another provided her baby with 33 descriptions.

The frequency of maternal responsiveness at 9 months predicted language ac- quisition many months later (see Figure 6.1). It was not that noisy infants, whose genes would soon make them start talking, elicited more talk from their mothers. Some quiet infants had noisy mothers, who suggested play activities, described things, and asked questions. Quiet infants with talkative mothers usually became talkative later on.

This research is in keeping with the behaviorist theory that adults teach lan- guage and then infants learn it. If adults want language-proficient children who speak, understand, and (later) read well, they must talk to their babies.

Especially for Nurses and Pediatricians

Bob and Joan have been reading about

language development in children. They are

convinced that language is “hardwired,” so

they need not talk to their 6-month-old son.

How do you respond?

172 CHAPTER 6 ■ The First Two Years: Cognitive Development

100

80

60

40

20

0 13.0 15.0 17.0

Age in months

19.0 21.0

Percent of

infants

knowing at

least 50 words

Infants of highly

responsive mothers

Infants of less

responsive (bottom

10 percent) mothers

Source: Adapted from Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2001, p. 761.

FIGURE 6.1

Maternal Responsiveness and Infants’

Language Acquisition Learning the first 50

words is a milestone in early language acqui-

sition, as it predicts the arrival of the naming

explosion and the multiword sentence a few

weeks later. Researchers found that half the

infants of highly responsive mothers (top 10

percent) reached this milestone as early as

15 months of age and the other half reached

it by 17 months. The infants of nonresponsive

mothers (bottom 10 percent) lagged signifi-

cantly behind.

Research Design Scientists: Helen Raikes, Barbara

Alexandra Pan, Gayle Luze, Catherine S.

Tamis-LeMonda, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn,

Jill Constantine, et al.

Publication: Child Development (2006).

Participants: From 17 Early Head Start

programs, 2,581 mother–infant pairs

were interviewed. All were low income;

26 percent were married; 53 percent

were high school graduates. About a

third each were Americans of European,

African, and Hispanic heritage.

Design:When the infants were 14, 24,

and 36 months old, their language abil-

ity was measured and the mothers

were asked how often they read to

them and how many books the babies

had.The children’s language abilities

were compared to 15 variables.

Major conclusions: Being read to corre-

lated with language, but early reading

(at 14 months) was not as strong a pre-

dictor of future language scores as were

two other factors, maternal warmth and

education. By 36 months, children

whose mothers read to them often

were quite verbal.

Comment:The size and diversity of this

sample add to confidence in the conclu-

sions. Being read to as a baby is one of

many factors that foster language.

Some of the details of this study could

be used to confirm all three theories of

language learning discussed here.

Theory Two: Infants Teach Themselves

A contrary theory holds that language learning is innate; adults need not teach it. The seeds of this perspective were planted soon after Skinner proposed his theory of verbal learning. Noam Chomsky (1968, 1980) and his followers felt that lan- guage is too complex to be mastered merely through step-by-step conditioning. Although behaviorists focus on variations among children in vocabulary size, Chomsky focused on similarities in language acquisition.

Noting that all young children master basic grammar at about the same age, Chomsky cited this universal grammar as evidence that humans are born with a mental structure that prepares them to seek some elements of human language— for example, the use of a raised tone at the end of an utterance to indicate a question. Chomsky labeled this hypothesized mental structure the language acquisition device, or LAD. The LAD enables children to derive the rules of grammar quickly and effectively from the speech they hear every day, regardless of whether their native language is English, Thai, or Urdu.

Other scholars agree with Chomsky that infants are innately ready to use their minds to understand and speak whatever language is offered (Gopnik, 2001). The various languages of the world, as different as they are from one another, are all logical, coherent, and systematic. Infants, who are also logical, are primed to grasp the particular language they are exposed to, making caregiver speech “not a ‘trigger’ but a ‘nutrient’” (Slobin, 2001, p. 438). There is no need for a language trigger, according to theory two, because words are “expected” by the developing brain, which quickly and efficiently connects neurons in the first year to support whichever particular language the infant hears.

Research supports this perspective as well. As you remember, all infants babble ma-ma and da-da sounds (not yet referring to mother or father) (Goldman, 2001). No reinforcement or teaching is needed; all infants need is for dendrites to grow, mouth muscles to strengthen, neurons to connect, and speech to be heard. Then, in the second year, infants shape their noisemaking quickly to whatever language they hear. Toddlers are naturally endowed to learn vocabulary simply by overhear- ing it, as many parents discover—occasionally to their dismay (Akhtar et al., 2001).

Theory Three: Social Impulses Foster Infant Language

The third theory is called social-pragmatic because it perceives the crucial starting point to be neither vocabulary reinforcement (behaviorism) nor the innate con- nection (epigenetic), but rather the social reason for language: communication.

Language: What Develops in the First Two Years? 173

language acquisition device (LAD)

Chomsky’s term for a hypothesized mental

structure that enables humans to learn

language, including the basic aspects of

grammar, vocabulary, and intonation.

Show Me Where Pointing is one of the earli-

est forms of communication, emerging at

about 10 months. As Carlos demonstrates,

accurate pointing requires a basic under-

standing of social interaction, because the

pointer needs to take the observer’s angle of

vision into account.M IC

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➤Answer to Observation Quiz (from

page 170): At least four elements are unusual

in today’s Western families: large size (four

children), a child held in the mother’s lap to

eat (i.e., no high chair for the baby), the father

pouring for everyone, and the fact that the

whole family, including teenagers, is eating

together. This family lives in Mozambique, in

southeastern Africa.

According to this perspective, infants communicate in every way they can because humans are social be- ings, dependent on one another for survival and joy.

Newborns look searchingly at human faces and listen intently to human voices because they seek to respond to emotions, not because they want to know content. Before age 1, infants vocalize, babble, ges- ture, listen, and point—with an outstretched little index finger that is soon accompanied by a very so- phisticated glance to see if the other person is look- ing at the right spot. These and many other examples show that communication is the servant of social in- teraction (Bloom, 1998).

Here is an experiment. Suppose an 18-month-old is playing with an unnamed toy and an adult utters a word. Does the child connect that word to the toy? A

behaviorist, learning-by-association prediction would be yes, but the answer is no. When toddlers played with a fascinating toy and adults said a word, the toddlers looked up, figured out what the adult was looking at, and assigned the new word to that, not to the fascinating toy (Baldwin, 1993). This supports theory three: The toddlers were socially focused.

According to theory three, then, social impulses, not explicit teaching or brain maturation (as in the first two perspectives), lead infants to learn language, “as part of the package of being a human social animal” (Hollich et al., 2000). They seek to understand what others want and intend, and therefore “children acquire linguistic symbols as a kind of by-product of social action with adults” (Tomasello, 2001).

A Hybrid Theory

Which of these three perspectives is correct? As you can see, each position has been supported by research. Scholars have attempted to integrate all three per- spectives, notably in a monograph based on 12 experiments designed by eight researchers (Hollich et al., 2000). The authors developed a hybrid (which literally means “a new creature, formed by combining other living things”) of previous the- ories. They called their model an emergentist coalition because it combines valid aspects of several theories about the emergence of language during infancy.

These researchers point out that children learn language to do numerous things—indicate intention, call objects by name, put words together, talk to family members, sing to themselves, express their wishes, remember the past, and much more. Therefore, the scientists hypothesize that some aspects of language are best learned in one way at one age, others in another way at another age.

For example, the name of the family dog may be learned by association and rep- etition, with family members and eventually the dog itself reinforcing the name, a behaviorist process. However, the distinction between cat and dog may reflect a neurological predilection (epigenetic), which means that the human brain may be genetically wired to differentiate those species.

Which theory do you think explains the fact that the 6-month-old’s ability to hear a difference in sounds predicts that child’s ability to talk at 13 months, 18 months, and 24 months? This could be the result of listening to many words (behaviorist), of inborn potential (Chomsky), or of social impulses (sociocultural). After intensive study, the scientists who reported that hearing differences lead to spoken proficiency endorsed a hybrid theory, concluding that “multiple atten-

Especially for Babysitters Should you do

anything for your clients’ infants besides

keeping them safe and clean?

174 CHAPTER 6 ■ The First Two Years: Cognitive Development

B R

A N

D X

P IC

T U

R E S

/ A

LA M

Y

Not Talking? No words yet, but this infant

communicates well with Dad, using eyes,

mouth, and hands. What are they telling each

other?

➤Response for Nurses and Pediatricians

(from page 172): While much of language

development is indeed hardwired, many

experts assert that exposure to language is

required. You don’t need to convince Bob and

Joan of this point, though—just convince

them that their baby will be happier if they talk

to him.

tional, social and linguistic cues” contribute to early language (Tsao et al., 2004, p. 1081).

Another study supporting the hybrid theory began, as did a study previously mentioned (Baldwin, 1993), with infants looking at objects that they had never seen and never heard named. One of each pair was fascinating to babies and the other was boring, specifically “a blue sparkle wand . . . [paired with] a white cabi- net latch . . . a red, green, and pink party clacker . . . [paired with] a beige bottle opener” (Pruden et al., 2006, p. 267).

The experimenter said a made-up name (not an actual word), and then the in- fants were tested to see if they assigned the word to the object that had the exper- imenter’s attention (the dull one) or the one that was interesting to the child. These were 10-month-old infants, not 18-month-old toddlers as in the earlier ex- periment, and they seemed to assign the word to the fascinating object, not the dull one. This response is what behaviorists, not social-pragmatists, would predict, because the more rewarding object was named.

These researchers interpret their experiment as supporting the emergentist- coalition model, which holds that how language is learned depends on the par- ticular circumstances. Behaviorism works for young children, social learning for slightly older ones: “The perceptually driven 10-month-old becomes the socially aware 19-month-old” (Pruden et al., 2006, p. 278).

It makes logical and practical sense for nature to provide several paths toward language learning. Each path may be preferred or more efficient in some stages, cultures, and families, but every child learns to communicate and uses a variety of ways to do so. This hybrid perspective returns the child to center stage: Infants are active learners not only of the concepts described in the first half of this chapter but also of language, and they use many ways to master knowledge. As one expert concludes:

Word learning theories will have to come to terms with the fact that children . . . are more than perceivers, receivers, or possessors of external supports. Instead, the word learning child is a child with feelings and thoughts about other persons, a child engaged in dynamic real-life events, a child learning to think about a world of changing physical and psychological relationships—in short, a child poised to act, to influence, to gain control . . . to embrace the learning of language for the power of expression it provides.

[Bloom, 2000, p. 13]

SUMMING UP

From the first days of life, babies attend to words and expressions, responding as well

as their limited abilities allow—crying, cooing, and soon babbling. Before age 1, they un-

derstand simple words and communicate with gestures. At 1 year, most infants speak.

Vocabulary accumulates slowly at first, but then more rapidly with the naming explosion

and with the emergence of the holophrase and the two-word sentence.

The impressive language learning of the first two years can be explained in many

ways. One theory contends that caregivers must teach language, reinforcing the infant’s

vocal expressions. Another theory relies on the idea of an inborn language acquisition

device, a mental structure that facilitates the acquisition of language as soon as matura-

tion makes that possible. A third theory stresses social interaction, implying that infants

learn language because they are social beings. A hybrid model combines all three of

these theories. Because infants vary in culture, learning style, and social context, the

hybrid theory acknowledges that each of the other theories may have some validity at

different points in the acquisition of language. ■

Language: What Develops in the First Two Years? 175

Especially for Educators An infant day-

care center has a new child whose parents

speak a language other than the one the

teachers speak. Should the teachers learn

basic words in the new language, or should

they expect the baby to learn the majority

language?

176 CHAPTER 6 ■ The First Two Years: Cognitive Development

Sensorimotor Intelligence 1. Piaget realized that very young infants are active learners, seeking to understand their complex observations and experiences. Adaptation in infancy is characterized by sensorimotor intelli- gence, the first of Piaget’s four stages of cognitive development. At every time of their lives, people adapt their thoughts to the experiences they have.

2. Sensorimotor intelligence develops in six stages—three pairs of two stages each—beginning with reflexes and ending with the toddler’s active exploration and use of mental combinations. In each pair of stages, development occurs in one of three types of circular reactions, or feedback loops, in which the infant takes in experiences and tries to make sense of them.

3. Reflexes provide the foundation for intelligence. The continual process of assimilation and accommodation is evident in the first acquired adaptations, from about 1 to 4 months. The sucking re- flex accommodates the particular nipples and other objects that the baby learns to suck. As time goes on, infants become more goal-oriented, creative, and experimental as “little scientists.”

4. Infants gradually develop an understanding of objects over the first two years of life. As shown in Piaget’s classic experiment, in- fants understand object permanence and begin to search for hid- den objects at about 8 months. Other research finds that Piaget underestimated the cognition of young infants.

Information Processing 5. Another approach to understanding infant cognition is infor- mation-processing theory, which looks at each step of the think- ing process, from input to output. The perceptions of a young infant are attuned to the particular affordances, or opportunities for action, that are present in the infant’s world.

6. Objects that move are particularly interesting to infants, as are other humans. Objects as well as people afford many possibilities for interaction and perception, and therefore these affordances enhance early cognition.

7. Infant memory is fragile but not completely absent. Reminder sessions help trigger memories, and young brains learn motor sequences long before they can remember verbally. Memory is multifaceted; explicit memories are rare in infancy.

Language:What Develops in the First Two Years? 8. Eager attempts to communicate are apparent in the first year. Infants babble at about 6 to 9 months, understand words and ges- tures by 10 months, and speak their first words at about 1 year.

9. Vocabulary begins to build very slowly until the infant knows approximately 50 words. Then a naming explosion begins. Toward the end of the second year, toddlers begin putting two words to- gether, showing by their word order that they understand the rudiments of grammar.

10. Various theories attempt to explain how infants learn lan- guage as quickly as they do. The three main theories emphasize different aspects of early language learning: that infants must be taught, that their brains are genetically attuned to language, and that their social impulses foster language learning.

11. Each of these theories seems partly true. The challenge for developmental scientists has been to formulate a hybrid theory that uses all the insights and research on early language learning. The challenge for caregivers is to respond appropriately to the in- fant’s early attempts to communicate.

sensorimotor intelligence (p. 155)

primary circular reactions (p. 156)

secondary circular reactions (p. 157)

object permanence (p. 158)

tertiary circular reactions (p. 159)

“little scientist” (p. 159) deferred imitation (p. 159) habituation (p. 160) fMRI (p. 160) information-processing theory

(p. 161)

affordance (p. 162) visual cliff (p. 163) dynamic perception (p. 164) people preference (p. 164) reminder session (p. 165) child-directed speech (p. 168) babbling (p. 169)

naming explosion (p. 169) holophrase (p. 170) grammar (p. 171) language acquisition device

(LAD) (p. 173)

SUMMARY

KEY TERMS

4. Why are some researchers concerned about too much empha- sis being placed on early brain development?

5. How do researchers figure out whether an infant has a con- cept of something even if the infant cannot talk about it yet?

6. What does research on affordances suggest about cognitive differences between one infant and another?

1. Why is Piaget’s first period of cognitive development called sensorimotor intelligence? Give examples.

2. Give examples of some things adults learn via sensorimotor intelligence.

3. What does the active experimentation of the stage-five toddler suggest for parents?

KEY QUESTIONS

Summary 177

10. How would a caregiver who subscribes to the behaviorist the- ory of language learning respond when an infant babbles?

11. According to the sociocultural theory of language learning, what might explain why an 18-month-old is not yet talking?

12. What does the research on language learning suggest to care- givers?

7. Why would a child remember very little about experiences in infancy?

8. What indicates that toddlers use some grammar?

9. How do deaf and hearing babies compare in early language learning?

3. Many educators recommend that parents read to babies even before the babies begin talking. What theory of language develop- ment does this reflect?

4. Test an infant’s ability to search for a hidden object. Ideally, the infant should be about 7 or 8 months old, and you should retest over a period of weeks. If the infant can immediately find the object, make the task harder by pausing between the hiding and searching or by secretly moving the object from one hiding place to another.

1. Elicit vocalizations from an infant—babbling if the baby is under age 1, words if older. Write down all the baby says for 10 minutes. Then ask the primary caregiver to elicit vocalizations for 10 minutes, and write these down. What differences are apparent between the baby’s two attempts at communication? Compare your findings with the norms described in the chapter.

2. Piaget’s definition of intelligence is adaptation. Others con- sider a good memory or an extensive vocabulary to be a sign of in- telligence. How would you define intelligence? Give examples.

APPLICATIONS

➤Response for Educators (from page 175): Probably both. Infants

love to communicate, and they seek every possible way to do so.

Therefore, the teachers should try to understand the baby, and the

baby’s parents, but should also start teaching the baby the majority

language of the school.

➤Response for Babysitters (from page 174): Yes. Babies need to

hear language, so you can assist in their language development by

talking and singing to them.

The First Two Years: Psychosocial Development

T he dynamic interaction of infants’ emotions and their social con- texts is the substance of this chapter. You have witnessed this interplay whenever you have seen a tiny baby smile at an engaging face or a toddler flop to the floor, kicking and screaming, after

being told “no.” I continue to be surprised by mothers and babies. As I sat on a crowded subway train, a young woman boarded with an

infant in one arm and a heavy shopping bag on the other. She tried to steady herself as the train started to move. I asked, “Can I help you?” Wordlessly she handed me . . . the baby. I began softly singing a children’s song. The baby was very quiet, keeping her eyes on her mother. That was a psycho- social moment for all three of us.

This chapter opens with a much longer psychosocial episode, the early development of a boy named Jacob. Then we trace infant emotions over the first two years. This discussion is followed by a review of the five theories first described in Chapter 2, with an overview of what each has to say about psychosocial development in infancy. This leads us into an exploration of research on caregiver–infant interaction, particularly synchrony, attachment, and social referencing—all pivotal to psychosocial development. We then consider the pros and cons of infant day care. The chapter ends with practi- cal suggestions regarding Jacob, whose story appears below.

7

179

CHAPTER OUTLINE

A CASE TO STUDY: Parents on Autopilot

c Emotional Development

Specific Emotions

Self-Awareness

c Theories About Infant Psychosocial Development

Psychoanalytic Theory

Behaviorism

Cognitive Theory

Epigenetic Theory

Sociocultural Theory

A CASE TO STUDY: “Let’s Go to Grandma’s”

c The Development of Social Bonds

Synchrony

THINKING LIKE A SCIENTIST: The Still-Face Technique

Attachment

Social Referencing

Infant Day Care

c Conclusions in Theory and Practice

a case to study Parents on Autopilot

A father writes about his third child, Jacob:

[My wife, Rebecca, and I] were convinced that we were set. We

had surpassed our quota of 2.6 children and were ready to engage

parental autopilot. I had just begun a prestigious job and was

working 10–11 hours a day. The children would be fine. We hired

a nanny to watch Jacob during the day. As each of Jacob’s early

milestones passed, we felt that we had taken another step toward

our goal of having three normal children. We were on our way to

the perfect American family. Yet, somewhere back in our minds

we had some doubts. Jacob seemed different than the girls. He

had some unusual attributes. There were times when we would

be holding him and he would arch his back and scream so loud

that it was painful for us. [Jacob’s father, 1997, p. 59]

As an infant, Jacob did not relate to his parents (or to anyone

else). His parents paid little heed to his psychosocial difficul-

ties, focusing instead on physical development. They noted that

Jacob sat up and walked on schedule, and when they “had some

doubts,” they found excuses, telling themselves that “boys are

Emotional Development Within the first two years, infants progress from reactive pain and pleasure to complex patterns of social aware- ness (see Table 7.1). This is the period of life with “high emotional responsiveness” (Izard et al., 2002, p. 767), marked by speedy, uncensored reactions—crying, star- tling, laughing, raging—and, by toddlerhood, complex responses, from self-satisfied grins to mournful pouts.

Specific Emotions

At first there is pleasure and pain. Newborns look happy and relaxed when fed and drifting off to sleep. They cry when they are hurt or hungry, are tired or

frightened (as by a loud noise or a sudden loss of support), or have colic, the recur- rent bouts of uncontrollable crying and irritability that afflict about a third of all infants in the early months.

Soon, additional emotions become recognizable (Lavelli & Fogel, 2005). Curi- osity is increasingly evident as infants distinguish the unusual from the familiar (Kagan, 2002). Happiness is expressed by the social smile in response to a human face at about 6 weeks and by laughter at about 3 or 4 months. Parents elicit laugh- ter, and so do adept strangers. Among the Navajo, whoever brings forth that first laugh gives a feast to celebrate that the baby is becoming a person (Rogoff, 2003). Laughter builds as curiosity does, so that a typical 6-month-old not only discovers new things but also laughs loudly, with evident joy.

Anger is evident at 6 months, usually triggered by frustration. It is most appar- ent when infants are prevented from reaching a graspable object or moving as they wish (Plutchik, 2003). One-year-olds hate to be strapped in, caged in, closed in, or just held tight on someone’s lap when they want to explore. Anger in infancy is a healthy response to frustration, unlike sadness, which also appears in the first months. Sadness indicates withdrawal and is accompanied by an increase in the level of cortisol, a stress hormone (M. Lewis & D. Ramsay, 2005). Reliable hormone assays are more difficult with infants than with older people, so not all the hor- monal changes that accompany infant emotions are known. However, the fact that sadness brings stress suggests that sorrow is not a superficial emotion for infants.

social smile A smile evoked by a human face,

normally evident in infants about 6 weeks

after birth.

180 CHAPTER 7 ■ The First Two Years: Psychosocial Development

different” or that Jacob’s language delays stemmed from the fact

that his nanny spoke little English. As time went on, however,

their excuses fell short. His father continues:

Jacob had become increasingly isolated [by age 2]. I’m not a psy-

chologist, but I believe that he just stopped trying. It was too

hard, perhaps too scary. He couldn’t figure out what was ex-

pected of him. The world had become too confusing, and so he

withdrew from it. He would seek out the comfort of quiet, dark

places and sit by himself. He would lose himself in the bright,

colorful images of cartoons and animated movies.

[Jacob’s father, 1997, p. 62]

Jacob was finally diagnosed at age 3 with “pervasive develop-

mental disorder.” This is a catchall diagnosis that can include

autism (discussed in Chapter 11). At the moment, you need to

know only that Jacob’s psychosocial potential was unappreciated.

His despairing parents were advised to consider residential

placement because Jacob would always need special care and,

with Jacob living elsewhere, they would not be constantly re-

minded of their “failure.” This recommendation did not take into

account the commitment that Jacob’s parents, like most parents,

felt toward their child.

Yet, despite their commitment, they had ignored signs of trou-

ble, overlooking their son’s sometimes violent reaction to being

held and his failure to talk. The absence of smiling, of social play,

and of imitation should have raised an alarm. The father’s use of

the word autopilot shows that he realized this in hindsight. Later

in this chapter, you will learn the outcome.

TABLE 7.1

AT ABOUT THIS TIME: Ages When Emotions Emerge

Age Emotional Expression

Birth Crying; contentment

6 weeks Social smile

3 months Laughter; curiosity

4 months Full, responsive smiles

4–8 months Anger

9–14 months Fear of social events (strangers, separation from caregiver)

12 months Fear of unexpected sights and sounds

18 months Self-awareness; pride; shame; embarrassment

Fully formed fear in response to some person, thing, or situation (not just dis- tress at a surprise) emerges at about 9 months and then rapidly becomes more fre- quent as well as more apparent (Kagan, 1998). Two fears are obvious:

■ Stranger wariness, when an infant no longer smiles at any friendly face, and cries if an unfamiliar person moves too close, too quickly

■ Separation anxiety, expressed in tears, dismay, or anger when a familiar caregiver leaves

Separation anxiety is normal at age 1, intensifies by age 2, and usually subsides after that. If it remains strong after age 3, it is considered an emotional disorder (Silverman & Dick-Niederhauser, 2004).

Many 1-year-olds fear not just strangers but also anything unexpected, from the flush of a toilet to the pop of a jack-in-the-box, from the sudden closing of elevator doors to the friendly approach of a dog. With repeated expe- riences and caregiver protection, older infants might themselves enjoy flushing the toilet (again and again) or calling the dog (crying if the dog does not come).

Many emotions that emerge in the first months of life take on new strength at about age 1 (Kagan, 2002). Throughout the second year and beyond, anger and fear typically become less frequent but more focused, targeted toward infuriating or terrifying experiences. Similarly, laughing and crying become louder and more discriminating.

New emotions appear toward the end of the second year: pride, shame, embarrassment, and guilt. These emotions require an awareness of other people. They emerge from family interactions, influenced by the culture (Eid & Diener, 2001). For example, pride is encouraged in North American toddlers (“You did it all by yourself”—even when that is

stranger wariness An infant’s expression of

concern—a quiet stare, clinging to a famil-

iar person, or sadness—when a stranger

appears.

separation anxiety An infant’s distress

when a familiar caregiver leaves; most

obvious between 9 and 14 months.

Emotional Development 181

Friendship Begins Emotions connect

friends to each other—these two 1-year-olds

as well as friends of any age. The shared

smiles indicate a strong social connection.

What will they do next?GE R

I E N

G B

E R

G /

T H

E I M

A G

E W

O R

K S

Stranger Wariness Becomes Santa Terror For toddlers, even a

friendly stranger is cause for alarm, especially if Mom’s protective

arms are withdrawn. The most frightening strangers are men who

are unusually dressed and who act as if they might take the child

away. Ironically, therefore, Santa Claus remains terrifying until

children are about 3 years old. JO U

R N

A L-

C O

U R

IE R

/ T

IF FA

N Y

H E R

M O

N /

T H

E I M

A G

E W

O R

K S

untrue), but Asian families discourage pride and cultivate modesty and shame (Rogoff, 2003).

Two-year-olds have many emotional reactions. They are taught which expres- sions of emotion are acceptable and which are not (Saarni et al., 2006). For exam- ple, if a toddler holds on tightly to his mother’s skirt and hides his face when a friendly but strange dog approaches, the mother could pick the child up or bend down to pet the dog. The mother’s response encourages fear or happiness when a dog next appears.

Self-Awareness

In addition to social interactions, another foundation for emotional growth is self- awareness, the infant’s realization that his or her body, mind, and actions are separate from those of other people (R. A. Thompson, 2006). At about age 1, an emerging sense of “me” and “mine” leads to a new consciousness of others. As one developmentalist explains:

With the emergence of consciousness in the second year of life, we see vast changes in both children’s emotional life and the nature of their social relation- ships. . . . The child can feel . . . self-conscious emotions, like pride at a job well done or shame over a failure.

[M. Lewis, 1997, p. 132]

Very young infants have no sense of self—at least, of self as some people define it. In fact, a prominent psychoanalyst, Margaret Mahler, theorized that for the first 4 months of life infants see themselves as part of their mothers. They “hatch” at about 5 months and spend the next several months developing a sense of them- selves as separate from their mothers (Mahler et al., 1975). The period from 15 to 18 months “is noteworthy for the emergence of the Me-self, the sense of self as the object of one’s knowledge” (Harter, 1998, p. 562).

In a classic experiment (M. Lewis & J. Brooks, 1978), babies aged 9–24 months looked into a mirror after a dot of rouge had been surreptitiously put on their noses. If the babies reacted by touching their noses, that meant they knew the mirror showed their own faces. None of the babies less than 12 months old re- acted as if they knew the mark was on them (they sometimes smiled and touched the dot on the “other” baby in the mirror). However, those between 15 and 24 months usually showed self-awareness, touching their own noses with curiosity and puzzlement.

Self-recognition usually emerges at about 18 months, at the same time as two other advances: pretending and using first-person pronouns (I, me, mine, myself, my). Some developmentalists connect self-recognition with self-understanding (e.g., Gallup et al., 2002), although “the interpretation of this seemingly simple task is plagued by controversy” (Nielsen et al., 2006, p. 166).

Pride and shame seem to be, at this phase, linked to the maturing self-concept, not necessarily to other people’s opinions. If someone tells a toddler, “You’re very smart,” the child may smile but usually already feels smart—and thus is already pleased and proud. Telling toddlers that they are smart, strong, or beautiful may even be unhelpful.

One longitudinal study found that positive comments from mothers to 2-year- olds did not lead to more pride or less shame by age 3 (Kelley et al., 2000). How- ever, certain negative comments (such as “You’re doing it all wrong”) diminished effort and increased shame. Neutral suggestions fostered a willingness to try new challenges. Toddlers’ self-esteem seems to result more from accomplishments than from praise.

self-awareness A person’s realization that

he or she is a distinct individual, with body,

mind, and actions that are separate from

those of other people.

182 CHAPTER 7 ■ The First Two Years: Psychosocial Development

She Knows Herself This 18-month-old is

happy to see herself in her firefighter’s hel-

met. She is adjusting the helmet with her

hands on it, and that’s evidence that she un-

derstands what a mirror is. Note, however,

that she is not yet aware that a hat has a front

and a back.

LA U

R A

D W

IG H

T

Especially for Nurses and Pediatricians

Parents come to you concerned that their 1-

year-old hides her face and holds onto them

tightly whenever a stranger appears. What do

you tell them?

SUMMING UP

Newborns seem to have only two simple emotions, distress and contentment, which

are expressed by crying or looking happy. Very soon curiosity and obvious joy, with

social smiles and laughter, appear. By the second half of the first year, anger and fear are

increasingly evident, especially in reaction to social experiences, such as encountering

a stranger. In the second year, as infants become self-aware, they express emotions

connected to themselves, including pride, shame, and embarrassment, and emotions

about other people. Universal maturation makes these emotions possible at around 18

months, but context and learning affect their timing, frequency, and intensity. ■

Theories About Infant Psychosocial Development The five major theories described in Chapter 2 have somewhat different perspec- tives on the origin and significance of infants’ emotions.

Psychoanalytic Theory

Psychoanalytic theory connects biosocial and psychosocial development, empha- sizing the need for responsive maternal care. Both major psychoanalytic theorists, Sigmund Freud and Erik Erikson, described two distinct early stages. Freud (1935, 1940/1964) wrote about the oral stage and the anal stage. Erikson (1963) called his first stages trust versus mistrust and autonomy versus shame and doubt.

Freud: Oral and Anal Stages

According to Freud (1935), psychological development in the first year of life is in the oral stage, so named because the mouth is the young infant’s primary source of gratification. In the second year, with the anal stage, the infant’s main pleasure comes from the anus—particularly from the sensual pleasure of bowel movements and, eventually, the psychological pleasure of controlling them.

Freud believed that both the oral and anal stages are fraught with potential conflicts that have long-term consequences. If a mother frustrates her infant’s urge to suck—weaning the infant too early, for example, or preventing the child from sucking on fingers or toes—the child may become distressed and anxious, eventually becoming an adult with an oral fixation. Such a person is stuck (fixated) at the oral stage and therefore eats, drinks, chews, bites, or talks excessively, in quest of the mouth-related pleasure denied in infancy.

Similarly, if toilet training is overly strict or if it begins before the infant is mature enough, parent–infant interaction may become locked into a conflict over the toddler’s refusal, or inability, to comply. The child becomes fixated and develops an anal personality—as an adult, seeking self-control with an unusually strong need for regularity in all aspects of life.

Erikson: Trust and Autonomy

According to Erikson, the first crisis of life is trust versus mistrust, when infants learn whether the world can be trusted to satisfy basic needs. Babies feel secure when food and comfort are provided with “consistency, continuity, and sameness of experience” (Erikson, 1963, p. 247). If social interaction inspires trust and se- curity, the child (and later the adult) will confidently explore the social world.

trust versus mistrust Erikson’s first psy-

chosocial crisis. Infants learn basic trust if

the world is a secure place where their

basic needs (for food, comfort, attention,

etc.) are met.

Theories About Infant Psychosocial Development 183

Especially for Nursing Mothers You have

heard that if you wean your child too early, he

or she will overeat or become an alcoholic. Is

it true?

The next crisis is called autonomy versus shame and doubt. Toddlers want autonomy (self-rule) over their own actions and bodies. If they fail to gain it, they feel ashamed of their actions and doubtful about their abilities.

Some cultures encourage independence and autonomy (as in the United States); in others (for example, China) “shame is a normative emotion that develops as parents use explicit shaming techniques” to encourage children’s loyalty and harmony within their families (Mascolo et al., 2003, p. 402). Westerners expect toddlers to go through the stubborn and defiant “terrible twos”; parents in many non- Western societies expect the opposite.

Like Freud, Erikson believed that problems arising in early infancy could last a lifetime, creating an adult who is suspicious and pessimistic (mistrusting) or who is easily shamed (insufficient autonomy). These traits could be destructive or not, depending on the norms and expecta- tions of the culture.

Behaviorism

From the perspective of behaviorism, emotions and personality are molded as par- ents reinforce or punish the child’s spontaneous behaviors. For example, if parents smile and pick up their infant at every glimmer of a grin, he or she will become a child—and later an adult—with a sunny disposition. The opposite is also true. Early behaviorists, especially John Watson, expressed this idea in very strong terms:

Failure to bring up a happy child, a well-adjusted child—assuming bodily health —falls squarely upon the parents’ shoulders. [By the time the child is 3] parents have already determined . . . [whether the child] is to grow into a happy person, wholesome and good-natured, whether he is to be a whining, complaining neurotic, an anger-driven, vindictive, over-bearing slave driver, or one whose every move in life is definitely controlled by fear.

[Watson, 1928, pp. 7, 45]

Later behaviorists noted that infants also experience social learning, which is learning by observing others, as in Albert Bandura’s experiment in which young children who had seen an adult punching a rubber Bobo clown treated the doll the same way (Bandura, 1977). Social learning is apparent in many families, when toddlers express emotions—from giggling to cursing—in much the same way their parents or older siblings do. A boy might develop a hot temper, for instance, if his father’s outbursts seem to win respect from his mother.

Both psychoanalytic and behaviorist theories emphasize parents. Freud thought that the mother was the young child’s first and most enduring “love object,” and behaviorists stress the power of a mother over her children. In retrospect, this focus seems too narrow. The other three theories reflect more recent research and the changing historical context.

Cognitive Theory

Cognitive theory holds that thoughts and values determine a person’s perspective. Early experiences are important because beliefs, perceptions, and memories make them so, not because they are buried in the unconscious (psychoanalytic theory) or burned into the brain’s patterns (behaviorism).

Infants use their early relationships to develop a working model, a set of as- sumptions that become a frame of reference that can be called on later in life (Bretherton & Munholland, 1999; R. A. Thompson & Raikes, 2003). It is called a

social learning Learning by observing others.

working model In cognitive theory, a set of

assumptions that the individual uses to

organize perceptions and experiences. For

example, a person might assume that other

people are trustworthy, and be surprised

when this model of human behavior seems

in error.

184 CHAPTER 7 ■ The First Two Years: Psychosocial Development

A Mother’s Dilemma Infants are wonder-

fully curious, as this little boy demonstrates.

Parents, however, must guide as well as en-

courage the drive toward autonomy. Notice

this mother’s expression as she makes sure

her son does not crush or eat the flower.

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autonomy versus shame and doubt

Erikson’s second crisis of psychosocial

development. Toddlers either succeed or

fail in gaining a sense of self-rule over their

own actions and bodies.

➤Response for Nurses and Pediatricians

(from page 182): Stranger wariness is normal

up to about 14 months. This baby’s behavior

actually sounds like secure attachment!

“model” because these early relationships form a prototype, or blueprint, for later relationships; it is called “working” because, while usable, it is not necessarily fixed or final.

For example, a 1-year-old girl might develop a working model, based on her par- ents’ inconsistent responses to her, that people are unpredictable. All her life she will apply that model whenever she meets a new person. Her childhood relation- ships will be insecure, and in adulthood she might be on guard against further disappointment. To use Piaget’s terminology, she has developed a cognitive schema to organize her perceptions. According to cognitive theory, a child’s interpretation of early experiences is crucial, not necessarily the experiences themselves (Schaffer, 2000).

The hopeful message of cognitive theory is that people can rethink and reorgan- ize their thoughts, developing new working models that are more positive than their original ones. Our mistrustful girl can learn to trust if her later experiences— such as marriage to a faithful and loving husband—provide a new model.

Epigenetic Theory

As you remember from Chapter 2, epigenetic theory holds that every human char- acteristic is strongly influenced by each person’s unique genotype. Thus, a child might be happy or anxious not because of early experiences (the three grand theo- ries) but because of inborn predispositions. DNA remains the same from concep- tion on, no matter how emotions are blocked (psychoanalytic theory), reinforced (behaviorism), or interpreted (cognitive theory).

Temperament

Among each person’s genetic predispositions are the traits of temperament, defined as “constitutionally based individual differences” in emotions, activity, and self-regulation (Rothbart & Bates, 2006, p. 100). “Constitutionally based” means that these traits originate with nature (genes) more than nurture.

The concept of temperament is similar to that of personality. Some researchers believe that the line between temperament and personality is unclear (e.g., Caspi & Shiner, 2006). Generally, however, personality traits (e.g., honesty and humility) are considered to be primarily learned, whereas temperamental traits (e.g., shy- ness and aggression) are considered to be primarily genetic. Although tempera- mental traits originate with the genes, the way these traits are expressed can be modified by experiences.

temperament Inborn differences between

one person and another in emotions, activ-

ity, and self-control. Temperament is

epigenetic, originating in genes but

affected by child-rearing practices.

Theories About Infant Psychosocial Development 185

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Twins They were born on the same day and

now are experiencing a wading pool for the

first time.

Observation Quiz (see answer, page 186):

Are these babies monozygotic or dizygotic

twins?

➤Response for Nursing Mothers (from

page 183): Freud thought so, but there is no

experimental evidence that weaning, even

when ill timed, has such dire long-term

effects.

In laboratory studies of temperament, some infants have experi- ences that might be frightening. Four-month-olds might see spinning mobiles or hear unusual sounds. Older babies might confront a noisy, moving robot or a clown who quickly moves close. At such experi- ences, some children laugh (and are classified as “easy”), some cry (“difficult”), and some are quiet (“slow to warm up”) (Fox et al., 2001; Kagan & Snidman, 2004).

The categories of “easy,” “difficult,” and “slow to warm up” come from a classic study called the New York Longitudinal Study (NYLS). Begun in the 1960s, the NYLS was the first among many studies to recognize that each newborn has distinct inborn traits. Although tem- perament begins in the brain, it is difficult to detect via brain scans, so most of the research uses parents’ reports and direct observation. In order to avoid merely reflecting the parents’ hopes and biases, researchers ask for specifics. As the NYLS researchers explain:

If a mother said that her child did not like his first solid food, we . . . were satisfied only when she gave a description such as “When I put the food into his mouth he cried loudly, twisted his head away, and let it drool out.”

[Chess et al., 1965, p. 26]

According to the NYLS, by 3 months, infants manifest nine temperamental traits that can be clustered into the three categories described above, with a fourth category of “hard to classify” infants:

■ Easy (40 percent) ■ Difficult (10 percent) ■ Slow to warm up (15 percent) ■ Hard to classify (35 percent)

Other researchers began by studying adult personality traits and came up with the “Big Five” (whose first letters form the easy-to-remember acronym OCEAN):

■ Openness: imaginative, curious, welcoming new experiences ■ Conscientiousness: organized, deliberate, conforming ■ Extroversion: outgoing, assertive, active ■ Agreeableness: kind, helpful, easygoing ■ Neuroticism: anxious, moody, self-critical

As is further explained in Chapter 22, the Big Five traits are found in many cultures, among people of all ages (McCrae & Costa, 2003). This universality adds to the evidence that some basic temperamental differences are innate, preceding child-rearing practices and cultural values (Rothbart et al., 2000). The Big Five are more complex than the easy/difficult/slow-to-warm-up classifications; but an infant high in agreeableness might be classified as easy, one high in neuroticism would be difficult, and one low in openness would be slow to warm up.

The Parents’ Role

Studies of temperament find that the traits found in the NYLS or described by the Big Five correspond to clusters of behaviors that appear early in life. Easy babies are happy and outgoing most of the time, adjusting quickly to almost any change. Difficult babies are the opposite: irregular, intense, unhappy, disturbed by every noise, and hard to distract—quite a handful. Slow-to-warm-up babies take their time to adapt to new people and experiences.

186 CHAPTER 7 ■ The First Two Years: Psychosocial Development

Which Sister Has a Personality Problem?

Culture always affects the expression of tem-

perament. In Mongolia and many other Asian

countries, females are expected to display

shyness as a sign of respect to elders and

strangers. Consequently, if the younger of

these sisters is truly as shy as she seems, her

parents are less likely to be distressed about

her withdrawn behavior than the typical North

American parent would be. Conversely, they

may consider the relative boldness of her

older sister to be a serious problem.

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➤Answer to Observation Quiz (from page

185): True tests of zygosity involve analysis of

blood type, although physical appearance

often provides some clues. Here such clues

are minimal: We cannot see differences in

sex, coloring, or hand formation—although

the shapes of the skulls seem different. The

best clue from this photo is personality.

Confronting their first experience in a wading

pool, these twins are showing such a differ-

ence on the approach–withdrawal dimension

of temperament that they are probably

dizygotic.

One longitudinal study (Fox et al., 2001) identified three distinct groups— positive (exuberant), negative, and inhibited (fearful)—at 4 months. (Many infants fit into none of these groups.) The researchers followed the children in each group, with laboratory measures, mothers’ reports, and brain scans at 9, 14, 24, and 48 months. Half were very stable in temperament, reacting the same way and having similar brain-wave patterns when confronted with frightening experiences all four times they were tested.

The other half changed their reaction to frightening experiences on at least one later assessment. Those who had been fearful at 4 months were most likely to change, and the exuberant infants were least likely to change (see Figure 7.1). That speaks to the influence of child rearing, since parents and other adults are likely to coax frightened children to be braver but usually encourage happy chil- dren to stay positive.

In response to such adult guidance, infant temperament often changes. In gen- eral, however, the interaction between cultural influences and inherited traits tends to shape behavior by early childhood (Rothbart & Bates, 2006). Traits that are present at age 3 often are still evident at age 26 (Caspi et al., 2003).

Whatever their child’s temperament, parents need to find a goodness of fit— that is, a temperamental adjustment that allows smooth infant–caregiver inter- action. With a good fit, parents of difficult children are able to build a close relationship; parents of exuberant, curious children learn to protect them from harm; parents of slow-to-warm-up children give them time to adjust.

In general, stubborn and anxious children (i.e., high in neuroticism) are more affected by their mother’s responsiveness than positive children are (Pauli-Pott et al., 2004). Ineffective or harsh parenting combined with a negative temperament creates antisocial, destructive children (Caspi et al., 2002). Some children natu- rally cope easily with life’s challenges, whereas “a shy child must control his or her fear and approach a stranger, and an impulsive child must constrain his or her de- sire and resist a temptation” (Derryberry et al., 2003, p. 1061).

The epigenetic perspective emphasizes that inherited differences in tempera- ment are affected by parental behavior (Kagan & Fox, 2006). Parents must first

goodness of fit A similarity of temperament

and values that produces a smooth inter-

action between an individual and his or her

social context, including family, school, and

community.

Theories About Infant Psychosocial Development 187

Fearful at 9, 14, 24,

and 48 months

42%

Positive

(every later time)

12%

Fearful (every

later time)

Variable (sometimes

positive, sometimes not)

Variable (sometimes fearful,

sometimes not)

44%

Positive at 9, 14, 24,

and 48 months

80%

Inhibited (fearful) at 4 months and . . . Positive (exuberant) at 4 months and . . .

Changes in Temperament Between Ages 4 Months and 4 Years

Source: Adapted from Fox et al., 2001.

15%

5%

FIGURE 7.1

Do Babies’ Temperaments Change? The

data suggest that fearful babies are not nec-

essarily fated to remain that way. Adults who

are reassuring and do not act frightened them-

selves can help children overcome an innate

fearfulness. Some fearful children do not

change, however, and it is not known whether

that’s because their parents are not suffi-

ciently reassuring (nurture) or because they

are temperamentally more fearful (nature).

Observation Quiz (see answer, page 188):

Out of 100 4-month-olds who react positively

to noises and other experiences, how many

are fearful at later times in early childhood?

Especially for Nurses and Pediatricians

Parents come to you with their fussy 3-

month-old. They say that they have read that

temperament is “fixed” before birth, and

they are worried that their child will always be

difficult. What do you tell them?

understand their child’s temperamental traits and then teach and guide the child so that those inborn traits are expressed constructively, not destructively.

Many developmentalists caution against too much emphasis on genes, espe- cially in infancy when observations of actual interactions suggest that the mother’s parenting style has more influence on the infant’s behavior than the infant’s temperament does (Roisman & Fraley, 2006). At the same time, it is important to remember that inborn temperament is evident in brain activity as well as in reactions from early infancy, and it influences behavior from childhood through old age (Kagan & Snidman, 2004). (Parenting styles and attitudes are discussed in Chapters 10 and 13.)

Sociocultural Theory

No one doubts that “human development occurs in a cultural context” (Kagitcibasi, 2003, p. 166). The crucial question is how much influence culture has. Sociocul- tural theorists argue that the influence is substantial, that the entire social and cultural context has a major impact on infant–caregiver relationships and thus on infant development.

Ethnotheories

An ethnotheory is a theory that is embedded in a particular culture or ethnic group (Dasen, 2003). Usually the group members are unaware that their theories underlie their customs. However, as you have already seen with breast-feeding and co-sleeping, many child-rearing practices are connected to ethnotheories (Greenfield et al., 2003).

This is true for emotional development as well. For example, if a culture’s ethno- theory includes the idea that ancestors are reincarnated in the younger generation, then “children are not expected to show respect for adults, but adults [are expected to show respect] for their reborn ancestors.” Such cultures favor indulgent child- rearing practices, with no harsh punishments. “Western people perceive [these cultures] as extremely lenient” (Dasen, 2003, pp. 149–150).

For example, we noted earlier that infants become angry when they are re- strained. Nonetheless, many European American parents force their protesting toddlers to sit in strollers, to ride in car seats, to stay in cribs and playpens or

188 CHAPTER 7 ■ The First Two Years: Psychosocial Development

Learning to Worship This boy in Borneo has

learned that Allah is to be shown respect with

a covered head and bare feet. He already prays

five times a day as part of an ethnotheory that

includes concepts of life and death, male and

female, good and evil—just like everyone else

in the world, although the specifics vary

widely. R. IA

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ethnotheory A theory that underlies the

values and practices of a culture and that

becomes apparent through analysis and

comparison of those practices, although it

is not usually apparent to the people

within the culture.

➤Answer to Observation Quiz (from

page 187): Out of 100 4-month-olds, 20 are

fearful at least occasionally later in childhood,

but only 5 are consistently fearful.

➤Response for Nurses and Pediatricians

(from page 187): It’s too soon to tell. Tempera-

ment is not truly “fixed” but variable, especially

in the first few months. Many “difficult” infants

become happy, successful adolescents and

adults.

Especially for Parents of Young Adults

U.S. culture includes the term empty nest,

signifying an ethnotheory about mothers

whose children live elsewhere. What cultural

values are expressed by that term?

Proximal and Distal Parenting

Another example of ethnotheory involves how much parents should hold their infants. Proximal parenting involves being physically close to a baby, often hold- ing and touching. Distal parenting involves keeping one’s distance, providing toys, feeding by putting finger food within reach, and talking face to face instead of handling. Those who are convinced that one of these is right are expressing an ethnotheory.

A longitudinal study comparing child rearing among the Nso people of Cameroon, West Africa, and among Greeks in Athens found marked differences in proximal and distal parenting (H. Keller et al., 2004). The researchers video- taped 78 mothers as they played with their 3-month-old infants. Coders (who did not know the study’s hypothesis) rated the play as either proximal (e.g., carrying,

Theories About Infant Psychosocial Development 189

a case to study “Let’s Go to Grandma’s”

The ethnotheory of Mayan parents includes the belief that chil-

dren should never be forced to comply with their parents’ wishes.

When 18-month-old Roberto did not want to wear a diaper, his

mother used a false promise, and then a distraction.

“Let’s put on your diaper . . . Let’s go to Grandma’s . . . We’re

going to do an errand.” This did not work, and the mother invited

Roberto to nurse, as she swiftly slipped the diaper on him with

the father’s assistance. The father announced, “It’s over.”

[Rogoff, 2003, p. 204]

Lack of compliance by toddlers is a problem for many West-

ern parents because their ethnotheory values independence, as

Erikson recognized in the name he gave his second stage, auton-

omy versus shame and doubt. Many Western parents battle with

their autonomy-seeking 1-year-olds when the child’s self-will

manifests itself in stubborn behavior. Yet the parents value inde-

pendence, so they inadvertently encourage that emotion.

For instance, if a child refuses to get dressed, parents some-

times force compliance by holding the child tight and pulling on

clothes as the child cries and kicks. Or, if the room is warm and

the child will stay inside, parents might give up and let the child

remain half-dressed. Note that, in both cases, one person wins and

the other loses, setting the emotional stage for another battle.

Roberto’s mother chose neither option, even with

increasing exasperation that the child was wiggling and not

standing to facilitate putting on his pants. Her voice softened as

Roberto became interested in the ball, and she increased the

stakes: “Do you want another toy?” They [father and mother]

continued to try to talk Roberto into cooperating, and handed

him various objects, which Roberto enjoyed. But still he stub-

bornly refused to cooperate with dressing. They left him alone

for a while. When his father asked if he was ready, Roberto

pouted “nono!”

After a bit, the mother told Roberto that she was leaving and

waved goodbye. “Are you going with me?” Roberto sat quietly

with a worried look. “Then put on your pants, put on your pants

to go up the hill.” Roberto stared into space, seeming to consider

the alternatives. His mother started to walk away, “OK then, I’m

going. Goodbye.” Roberto started to cry, and his father persuaded,

“Put on your pants then!” and his mother asked, “Are you going

with me?”

Roberto looked down worriedly, one arm outstretched in half

a take-me gesture. “Come on, then,” his mother offered the

pants and Roberto let his father lift him to a stand and cooper-

ated in putting his legs into the pants and in standing to have

them fastened. His mother did not intend to leave; instead she

suggested that Roberto dance for the audience. Roberto did a

baby version of a traditional dance. [Rogoff, 2003, p. 204]

This is an example of an ethnotheory that “elders protect and

guide rather than giving orders or dominating” (Rogoff, 2003,

p. 205). A second ethnotheory is apparent as well. Not only did

the parents avoid dominating, they also used deception.

If a European American mother threatened to leave and then

her child submitted, she probably would take him or her some-

where, because North American ethnotheory holds that false

threats lead children to doubt their parents. The bogeyman and

Santa Claus are less often invoked by today’s educated parents

than they were a few generations ago, more because of changed

ethnotheory than because of new science.

behind gates. If toddlers do not lie down quietly to allow diapers to be changed (and few do), some parents simply hold the protesting child still while diapering. Compare this to the approach used by Roberto’s parents, below.

proximal parenting Parenting practices that

involve close physical contact with the

child’s entire body, such as cradling and

swinging.

distal parenting Parenting practices that

focus on the intellect more than the body,

such as talking with the baby and playing

with an object.

swinging, caressing, exercising the child’s body) or distal (e.g., face-to-face talking) (see Table 7.2 and Research Design).

The Nso mothers were proximal parents, holding their babies all the time and almost never using objects. The Greek mothers were distal parents, using objects almost half the time and holding their babies less.

The researchers hypothesized that proximal parenting would result in toddlers who were less self-aware but more compliant—traits needed in an interdependent and cooperative society such as rural Cameroon. By contrast, distal parenting might result in toddlers who are self-aware but less obedient—traits needed in modern Athens, where independence, self-reliance, and competition are highly valued.

The predictions were accurate. At 18 months these children were tested on self- awareness (the rouge test) and compliance. The African toddlers didn’t recognize themselves in the mirror but obeyed; the opposite was true of the Greek children.

Replicating their own work, these researchers studied a dozen mother–infant pairs in Costa Rica, where play patterns and later toddler behavior were midway between those of the Nso and the Greeks. They then reanalyzed their original lon- gitudinal data, child by child. They found that proximal or distal play at 3 months was highly predictive of toddler behavior, even apart from culture. In other words, Greek mothers who, unlike most of their peers, were proximal parents had more obedient toddlers (H. Keller et al., 2004).

As this study suggested, every aspect of early emotional development interacts with cultural ideas of what is appropriate. For example, other research has found that separation anxiety is more evident in Japan than in Germany, because Japan- ese infants “have very few experiences with separation from the mother,” whereas in Germany “infants are frequently left alone outside of stores or supermarkets” while the mother shops (Saarni et al., 2006, p. 237). From the beginning of life, some emotions are dampened and others are fueled by family responses.

SUMMING UP

The five major theories differ in their explanations of the origins of early emotions and

personality. Psychoanalytic theory stresses the mother’s responses to the infant’s needs

for food and elimination (Freud) or for security and independence (Erikson). Behaviorism

also stresses caregiving—especially as parents reinforce the behaviors they want their

baby to learn or as they thoughtlessly teach unwanted behaviors.

Learning is also crucial in cognitive theory—not the moment-by-moment learning of

behaviorism, but the infant’s self-constructed concept, or working model. Epigenetic

190 CHAPTER 7 ■ The First Two Years: Psychosocial Development

TABLE 7.2

Play Patterns in Rural Cameroon and Urban Greece

Amount of Time Spent in Play (percent)

Age of Babies Type of Play Nso, Cameroon Athens, Greece

3 months Held by mother 100 31

3 months Object play 3 40

Toddler Behavior Measured

18 months Self-recognition 3 68

18 months Compliance (without prompting) 72 2

Source: Adapted from Keller et al., 2004.

Research Design Scientists: A team of six from three

nations (Germany, Greece, Costa Rica).

Publication: Child Development (2004).

Participants: A total of 90 mothers

participated when their babies were 3

months old and again when they were

18 months old (32 from Cameroon,

46 from Greece, 12 from Costa Rica).

In Greece and Costa Rica, researchers

recruited mothers in hospitals. In

Cameroon, permission was first

sought from the local leader, and then

announcements were made among

local people.

Design: First, mothers played with their

3-month-olds, and that play was video-

taped and coded for particular behav-

iors. Fifteen months later, the toddlers’

self-recognition was assessed with the

rouge test, and compliance with preset

maternal commands was measured.

The mother’s frequency of eye contact

and body contact with the infant at 3

months was compared with the tod-

dler’s self-awareness and compliance at

18 months.

Major conclusion:Toddlers with proxi-

mal mothers were more obedient but

less self-aware; toddlers with distal

mothers tended to show the opposite

pattern.

Comment:This is one of the best com-

parison studies of child-rearing practices

in various cultures. Families differed in

income and urbanization; these variables

need to be explored in other research.

Especially for Parents of Toddlers Your

child refuses to stay in the car seat, spits out

disliked foods, and almost never does what

you say. What can you do?

➤Response for Parents of Young Adults

(from page 188): The implication is that human

mothers are like sad birds, bereft of their

fledglings, who have flown away. Chapter 22

details the accuracy of this ethnotheory.

theory begins with the inherited temperament and then describes how inborn tempera-

ment is shaped. Sociocultural theory also sees an interaction between nature and

nurture but emphasizes that the diversity of nurture explains much of the diversity of

emotions. According to sociocultural theory, child-rearing practices arise from ethnothe-

ories, unexpressed and implicit but very powerful. ■

The Development of Social Bonds All the theories of development agree that healthy human development depends on social connections, as you have already seen in the abnormal behavior of emo- tionally deprived Romanian orphans (Chapter 5), in the social exchanges required for language learning (Chapter 6), and in dozens of other examples. All the emo- tions already described elicit social reactions, and infants are happier and health- ier when others (especially their mothers) are nearby (Plutchik, 2003). Now we look closely at infant–caregiver bonds.

Synchrony

Synchrony is a coordinated interaction between caregiver and infant, an exchange in which they respond to each other with split-second timing. Synchrony has been described as the meshing of a finely tuned machine (Snow, 1984), an emotional “attunement” of an improvised musical duet (Stern, 1985), and a smoothly flowing “waltz” (Barnard & Martell, 1995).

Detailed research reveals the mutuality of the interaction: Adults rarely smile at newborns until the infant smiles at them, at which point adults grin broadly and talk animatedly (Lavelli & Fogal, 2005). Since each baby has a unique temperament, parents must be sensitive to their particular infant (Feldman & Eidelman, 2005). Via synchrony, infants learn to read other emotions and to develop the skills of social interaction, such as taking turns and paying attention.

Although infants imitate adults, synchrony usually begins with parents imitating infants (Lavelli & Fogal, 2005). If parents detect an emotion from an infant’s expression (easy to do, because infant facial expressions and body motions reflect uni- versally recognizable emotions), and if an infant sees a familiar face expressing that emotion, the infant learns to connect an internal state with an external expression (Rochat, 2001).

For example, suppose an infant is unhappy. An adult who mirrors the distress, and then tries to solve the problem, will teach the infant that although unhappiness is a negative emotion, it is a valid one, and it can be relieved. Obviously, if the adult’s reaction to unhappiness is always to feed the infant, that might teach a destructive lesson (food equals comfort re- gardless of the cause of the distress). But if an adult’s reponse is more nuanced (by differentiating hunger, pain, boredom, or fear, for instance, and by responding differently to each), then the infant will learn to perceive the varied reasons for unhappiness and the varied ways of responding to it.

One of the important discoveries regarding synchrony is that adults do not merely echo infant emotions; they try to make them more positive. Thus, when their babies seem angry, mothers tend to react not with anger but with surprise (Malatesta et al., 1989).

synchrony A coordinated, rapid, and smooth

exchange of responses between a care-

giver and an infant.

The Development of Social Bonds 191

Dance with Me Synchrony in action, with

each one’s hands, eyes, and open mouth

reflecting the other’s expression. The close

timing of synchrony has been compared to a

waltz—and these partners look as if they

never miss a beat.

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still-face technique An experimental practice

in which an adult keeps his or her face un-

moving and expressionless in face-to-face

interaction with an infant.

Synchrony is experience-expectant, developing connections within the brain (Schore, 2001). For example, parents of triplets spend less time in synchrony with each of them than parents of single infants spend with their child (Feldman et al., 2004); perhaps for that reason, triplet cognition tends to be slightly delayed. Some mothers rarely play with their infants, and that slows down those children’s development (Huston & Aronson, 2005). Apparently, infant brains need social interaction to develop to their fullest. Babies usually elicit such interaction (as you have seen when a stranger makes faces to a baby in a public place), but some adults are too overwhelmed to play. In that case, the brain lacks an essential, expected stimulant.

Synchrony becomes more frequent and more elaborate as time goes on; a 6- month-old is a more responsive social partner than a 3-month-old. Parents and in- fants average about an hour a day in face-to-face play, although variations are apparent from baby to baby, from time period to time period, and from culture to culture (Baildam et al., 2000; Lee, 2000).

attachment According to Ainsworth, “an

affectional tie” that an infant forms with

the caregiver—a tie that binds them

together in space and endures over time.

192 CHAPTER 7 ■ The First Two Years: Psychosocial Development

thinking like a scientist The Still-Face Technique

Is synchrony needed for normal development? If no one plays

with an infant, how will that infant develop? Experiments using

the still-face technique have addressed these questions

(Tronick, 1989; Tronick et al., 1978). An infant is placed facing

an adult, who plays with the baby while a video camera records

each partner’s reactions. Frame-by-frame comparison of the two

videotapes reveals the sequence. Typically, mothers synchronize

their responses to the infants’ movements, usually with exagger-

ated tone and expression, and babies reciprocate with smiles

and arm waving.

Then, on cue, the adult erases all facial expression and stares

with a “still face” for a minute or two. Not usually at 2 months,

but clearly at 6 months, babies are very upset by the still face,

especially from their parents (less so for strangers). Babies frown,

fuss, drool, look away, kick, cry, or suck their fingers.

Interestingly, babies are much more upset when parents

show a still face than when parents leave the room for a minute

or two (Rochat, 2001). From a psychological perspective, this is

healthy: It shows that “by 2 to 3 months of age, infants have

begun to expect that people will respond positively to their initia-

tives” (R. A. Thompson, 2006, p. 29). In one set of experiments,

infants became upset if someone had a still face for any reason—

to look at a wall, to look at someone else, or merely to look away

(Striano, 2004).

In another study, infants experienced not just one but two

episodes of a parent’s still face. The infants quickly readjusted

when their parent became responsive again if synchrony charac-

terized the parent–infant relationship. If the parent was typi-

cally unresponsive, however, infants stayed upset (with faster

heart rate and more fussing) even after the second still-face

episode ended (Haley & Stansbury, 2003).

Many research studies lead to the same conclusion: A parent’s

responsiveness to an infant aids development, measured not only

psychosocially but also biologically (with heart rate, weight gain,

and brain maturation) (Moore & Calkins, 2004). If a mother is

unresponsive to her infant (as usually happens with postpartum

depression; see Chapter 4), the father or another caregiver should

establish synchrony to help ensure normal development (Tronick

& Weinberg, 1997).

Attachment

Toward the end of the first year, face-to-face play almost disappears. Once infants can move around and explore, they are no longer content to stay in one spot and follow an adult’s facial expressions and vocalizations. Remember that, at about 12 months, most infants can walk and talk, which changes the rhythms of their social interaction (Jaffee et al., 2001). At this time a new type of connection, called attachment, replaces synchrony.

Attachment is a lasting emotional bond that one person has with another. Attachments form in infancy. According to attachment theory, new close relation- ships that arise later in life are influenced by these first attachments (R. A.

➤Response for Parents of Toddlers

(from page 190): Remember the origins of

the misbehavior—probably a combination of

your child’s inborn temperament and your

own distal parenting. Blended with your

ethnotheory, all contribute to the child’s being

stubborn and independent. Acceptance is

more warranted than anger.

Thompson & Raikes, 2003). In fact, adults’ attachment to their own parents, formed decades earlier, affects their relationships with their children. Humans learn in childhood how to relate to people, and those lessons echo lifelong (Gross- man et al., 2005; Sroufe et al., 2005).

When two people are attached, they respond to each other in particular ways. Infants show their attachment through proximity-seeking behaviors, such as approaching and following their caregivers, and through contact-maintaining behaviors, such as touching, snuggling, and holding. A securely attached toddler is curious and eager to explore but maintains contact by looking back at the caregiver.

Caregivers show attachment as well. They keep a watchful eye on their baby and respond sensitively to vocalizations, expressions, and gestures. For example, many mothers or fathers, awakening in the middle of the night, tiptoe to the crib to gaze fondly at their sleeping infant. During the day, many parents instinctively smooth their toddler’s hair or caress their child’s hand or cheek.

Over humanity’s evolutionary history, proximity-seeking and contact-maintaining behaviors contributed to the survival of the species (R. A. Thompson, 2006). Attachment keeps infants near their caregivers and keeps caregivers vigilant.

Secure and Insecure Attachment

The concept of attachment was originally developed by John Bowlby (1969, 1973, 1988), a British developmentalist influenced by both psychoanalytic theory and ethology. Inspired by Bowlby’s work, Mary Ainsworth, then a young American graduate student, studied the relationship between par- ents and infants in Uganda (Ainsworth, 1973).

Ainsworth discovered that virtually all infants develop special attachments to their caregivers. Some infants are more securely attached than others—an observation later confirmed by hundreds of other researchers studying in dozens of nations and cultures (Cassidy & Shaver, 1999; Grossman et al., 2005; Sroufe, 2005; R. A. Thompson, 2006).

Attachment is classified into four types, labeled A–D (see Table 7.3). Infants with secure attachment (type B) feel comfortable and confident, The infant derives comfort from being close to the caregiver, and that provides him or her the confidence to ex- plore. The caregiver becomes a base for exploration, giving the child the assurance to venture forth. A toddler might, for example,

The Development of Social Bonds 193 B

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Synchrony Father–infant play is often more

fun than mother–infant play. This father is

teaching his son important lessons about

manhood!

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secure attachment A relationship in which an

infant obtains both comfort and confidence

from the presence of his or her caregiver.

Learning Emotions Infants respond to

their parents’ expressions and actions. If the

moments shown here are typical, one young

man will be happy and outgoing and the

other will be sad and quiet.

Observation Quiz (see answer, page 194):

For the pair on the left, where are their feet?

scramble down from the caregiver’s lap to play with a toy but periodically look back, vocalize a few syllables, and return for a hug.

By contrast, insecure attachment (types A and C) is characterized by fear, anxi- ety, anger, or indifference. Insecurely attached children have less confidence. Some play without maintaining contact with the caregiver; this is insecure-avoidant attachment (type A). An insecurely attached child might instead be unwilling to leave the caregiver’s lap; this is insecure-resistant/ambivalent attachment (type C).

The fourth category (type D) is called disorganized attachment; it may have some elements of any of the other types, but it is clearly different from them. Type D infants may shift from hitting to kissing their mothers, from staring blankly to crying hysterically, from pinching themselves to freezing in place.

About two-thirds of all infants are securely attached (type B). Their mother’s presence gives them courage to explore. The father’s presence makes some infants even more confident. The caregiver’s departure may cause distress; the caregiver’s return elicits positive social contact (such as smiling or hugging) and then more playing. A balanced reaction—being concerned about the caregiver’s departure but not overwhelmed by it—reflects secure attachment.

Almost a third of all infants are insecure, appearing either indifferent (type A) or unduly anxious (type C). The remaining infants fit into none of these categories and are classified as disorganized (type D).

Measuring Attachment

Ainsworth (1973) developed a now-classic laboratory procedure, called the Strange Situation, to measure attachment. In a well-equipped playroom, an infant is closely observed for eight episodes, during which the infant is with the caregiver (usually the mother), with a stranger, with both, or alone.

First, the caregiver and child are together. Then every three minutes the stranger or the caregiver enters or leaves the playroom. Infants’ responses to the stress of caregiver departure and stranger presence indicate which type of attach- ment they have formed to their caregivers. For research purposes, observers are carefully trained and are certified when they are able to accurately differentiate types A, B, C, and D. The key aspects to focus on are the following:

■ Exploration of the toys. A securely attached toddler plays happily. ■ Reaction to the caregiver’s departure. A secure toddler misses the caregiver. ■ Reaction to the caregiver’s return. A secure toddler welcomes the caregiver.

insecure-avoidant attachment A pattern of

attachment in which an infant avoids con-

nection with the caregiver, as when the

infant seems not to care about the care-

giver’s presence, departure, or return.

insecure-resistant/ambivalent attachment

A pattern of attachment in which anxiety

and uncertainty are evident, as when an

infant is very upset at separation from the

caregiver and both resists and seeks con-

tact on reunion.

disorganized attachment A type of attach-

ment that is marked by an infant’s

inconsistent reactions to the caregiver’s

departure and return.

194 CHAPTER 7 ■ The First Two Years: Psychosocial Development

TABLE 7.3

Patterns of Infant Attachment

Name of Toddlers in

Type Pattern In Play Room Mother Leaves Mother Returns Category (percent)

A

B

C

D

Insecure-avoidant

Secure

Insecure-resistant/

ambivalent

Disorganized

Child plays happily

Child plays happily

Child clings, is

preoccupied with

mother

Child is cautious

Child continues

playing

Child pauses, is

not as happy

Child is unhappy,

may stop playing

Child may stare or

yell; looks scared,

confused

Child ignores her

Child welcomes her,

returns to play

Child is angry, may

cry, hit mother, cling

Child acts oddly—

may freeze, scream,

hit self, throw things

10–20

50–70

10–20

5–10

Strange Situation A laboratory procedure

for measuring attachment by evoking

infants’ reactions to stress.

➤Answer to Observation Quiz (from

page 193): The father uses his legs and feet

to support his son at just the right distance

for a great fatherly game of foot-kissing.

[It is reactions to the caregiver that indicate attachment; reactions to strangers (whether tears or signs of interest) are a matter of temperament more than of affectional bond.]

Attachment is not always measured via the Strange Situation, which requires that infants be assessed one by one in a laboratory by carefully trained researchers. Sometimes attachment is measured via 90 questions to be sorted by parents about their children or via an extensive interview with parents about their relationships with their own parents. All these measures find a correlation between secure attachment and desirable personality traits and cognitive development. All also find that the type of attachment changes when circumstances (such as the re- sponsiveness of the mother) change. Many aspects of good parenting correlate with secure attachment (see Table 7.4).

The Development of Social Bonds 195

The Attachment Experiment In this episode

of the Strange Situation, Brian shows every

sign of secure attachment. (a) He explores the

playroom happily when his mother is present;

(b) he cries when she leaves; and (c) he is

readily comforted when she returns.

(a) (b) (c)

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These family and infant characteristics influence

a child’s attachment status in the ways stated

here, but none fully determine it. For example,

parental sensitivity predicts only a modest

amount of the variation between secure and

insecure children. All these correlations have

been found in several studies, but none appear

in every study, because infant temperaments,

contexts, and cultures vary too much.

TABLE 7.4

Predictors of Attachment Type

Secure attachment (type B) is more likely if:

■ The parent is usually sensitive and responsive to the infant’s needs.

■ The infant–parent relationship is high in synchrony.

■ The infant’s temperament is “easy.”

■ The parents are not stressed about income, other children, or their marriage.

■ The parents have a working model of secure attachment to their own parents.

Insecure attachment is more likely if:

■ The parent mistreats the child. (Neglect increases type A; abuse increases C and D.)

■ The mother is mentally ill. (Paranoia increases type D; depression increases type C.)

■ The parents are highly stressed about income, other children, or their marriage. (Parental

stress increases types A and D.)

■ The parents are intrusive and controlling. (Parental domination increases type A.)

■ The parents are active alcoholics. (Alcoholic father increases type A; alcoholic mother

increases type D.)

■ The child’s temperament is “difficult.” (Difficult children tend to be type C.)

■ The child’s temperament is “slow to warm up.” (This correlates with type A.)

Insecure Attachment and Social Setting

Early researchers expected secure attachment to “predict all the outcomes rea- sonably expected from a well-functioning personality” (R. A. Thompson & Raikes, 2003, p. 708). But this turned out not to be the case. Securely attached infants are more likely to become secure toddlers, socially competent preschoolers, aca- demically skilled schoolchildren, and better parents (R. A. Thompson, 2006). However, the correlations are not large, and that makes prediction very tentative. Many children shift in attachment status between one age and another (NICHD, 2001; Seifer et al., 2004).

The most troubled children may be those who are classified as type D. If their disorganization makes them unable to develop an effective strategy for dealing with other people (even an avoidant or resistant strategy, type A or C), they may lash out. Sometimes they become hostile and aggressive, difficult for anyone else to relate to (Lyons-Ruth et al., 1999). (An unusually high percentage of the Romanian children who were adopted after age 2 were type D.)

Social Referencing

Infants seek to understand caregivers’ emotions. At about age 1, social referencing becomes evident when an infant looks to another person for clarification or infor- mation, much as someone might consult a dictionary or other “reference” work. A glance of reassurance or words of caution, an expression of alarm, pleasure, or dismay—each becomes a social guide, telling an infant how to react to an unfamil- iar situation.

After age 1, when infants reach the stage of active exploration (Piaget) and the crisis of autonomy versus shame and doubt (Erikson), the need to consult care- givers becomes urgent. Toddlers search for cues in gaze and facial expressions, pay

close attention to adults’ expressed emotions, and watch carefully to de- tect intentions behind other people’s actions (Baldwin, 2000).

Social referencing has many practical applications. Consider meal- time. Caregivers the world over smack their lips, pretend to taste, and say “yum-yum,” encouraging toddlers to eat and enjoy their first beets, liver, or spinach. For their part, toddlers become astute at reading expres- sions, insisting on the foods that the adults really like. Through this process, children in some cultures develop a taste for raw fish or curried goat or smelly cheese—foods that children in other cultures refuse.

Referencing Mothers

Most everyday instances of social referencing occur with mothers. In- fants usually heed their mother’s wishes, expressed in tone and facial ex- pression. This does not mean that infants are always obedient, especially in cultures where parents and children value independence. Not surpris- ingly, compliance has been the focus of study in the United States, where it often conflicts with independence.

For example, in one experiment, few toddlers obeyed their mother’s request (required by the researchers) to pick up dozens of toys that they had not scattered (Kochanska et al., 2001). Their refusal indicates some emotional maturity: Self-awareness had led to pride and autonomy. The

body language and expressions of some of the mothers implied that they did not really expect their children to obey.

These same toddlers were quite obedient when their mothers told them not to touch an attractive toy. The mothers used tone, expression, and words to make this prohibition clear. Because of social referencing, toddlers understood the

social referencing Seeking information about

how to react to an unfamiliar or ambiguous

object or event by observing someone

else’s expressions and reactions. That other

person becomes a social reference.

196 CHAPTER 7 ■ The First Two Years: Psychosocial Development

Social Referencing Should I be happy or

scared to ride on a bicycle through the streets

of Osaka, Japan? Check with Mom to find out.

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Especially for Grandmothers A grand-

mother of an infant boy is troubled that the

baby’s father stays with him whenever the

mother is away. She says that men don’t know

how to care for infants, and she notes that he

sometimes plays a game in which he tosses

his son in the air and then catches him.

message. Even when the mothers were out of sight, half of the 14-month-olds and virtually all of the 22-month-olds obeyed. Most (80 percent) of the older toddlers seemed to agree with the mothers’ judgment (Kochanska et al., 2001).

Referencing Fathers

In North America, increases in maternal employment have expanded the social references available to infants. Fathers—once thought to be uninvolved with their infants (as was the case with Uncle Henry)—now spend considerable time with their children.

For example, the stereotype is that Latino fathers leave caregiving to their wives. However, a study of more than 1,000 Latino 9-month-olds found “fathers with moderate to high levels of engagement” (Cabrera et al., 2006. p. 1203). Although many possible correlates of father involvement (income, education, age) were analyzed, only one significant predictor of the level of engagement was found: how happy the father was with the infant’s mother. Happier husbands tend to be more involved fathers.

The social information that infants get from their fathers tends to be more en- couraging than that from mothers, who are more cautious and protective. When toddlers are about to explore, they often seek their father’s approval, expecting fun from their fathers and comfort from their mothers (Lamb, 2000; Parke, 1996).

In this, infants show social intelligence, because fathers play imaginative and exciting games. They move their infant’s legs and arms in imitation of walking, kicking, or climbing; or play “airplane,” zooming the baby through the air; or tap and tickle the baby’s stomach. Mothers caress, murmur, read, or sing soothingly; combine play with caretaking; and use standard sequences such as peek-a-boo and patty-cake. In short, fathers are generally more proximal, engaging in play that involves the infant’s whole body.

Infant Day Care

You have seen that social bonds are crucial for infants. How is this need affected by time spent with paid caregivers? More than half of all 1-year-olds in the United States are in “regularly scheduled” nonmaternal care, sometimes by relatives (usu- ally the father or grandmother) but often not (Loeb et al., 2004). Mothers usually prefer care by a relative because it is the least expensive, often free. However, family care varies in quality and availability. (If a mother is employed, chances are her husband and mother are as well.)

Family day care (children of various ages cared for in someone else’s home) is more often used for infants, and older children are more often in center day care (several paid caregivers in a place designed for young children). Quality varies in such places, with standards varying markedly from state to state as well as from nation to nation.

In the United States, most parents encounter a “mix of quality, price, type of care, and government subsidies” (Haskins, 2005, p. 168). Some center care is excellent (see Table 7.5), with adequate space, equipment, and trained providers (the ratio of adults to infants should be about 2:5), but it is hard to find. House- holds with higher incomes are more likely to use center care. In other nations, people of all incomes use center care, funded by the government.

The evidence is overwhelming that good preschool education (reviewed in Chapter 9) is beneficial for young children. Infant day care is more controversial (Waldfogel, 2006), but most developmentalists find that infants are not likely to be harmed by—and, in fact, can benefit from—professional day care (Brooks- Gunn et al., 2002; Lamb, 1998).

The Development of Social Bonds 197

family day care Child care that occurs in

another caregiver’s home. Usually the

caregiver is paid at a lower rate than in

center care, and usually one person cares

for several children of various ages.

center day care Child care in a place espe-

cially designed for the purpose, where

several paid providers care for many chil-

dren. Usually the children are grouped by

age, the day-care center is licensed, and

providers are trained and certified in child

development.

Up, Up, and Away! The vigorous play typical

of fathers is likely to help in the infant’s mas-

tery of motor skills and the development of

muscle control.

C H

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S , IN

C .

A longitudinal study has followed the development of more than 1,300 children from birth to age 11 (NICHD, 2005). The effects of various types of infant care on attachment was a major concern of the researchers, but most analyses of the data found that attachment to the mother is as secure among infants in center care as among infants cared for at home. Like other, smaller studies, this NICHD study confirms that infant day care, even for 40 hours a week before age 1, has much less influence on child development than does the warmth of the mother–infant relationship. Infant and child cognition, especially language learning, advance with center care (NICHD, 2005; see Research Design).

Good infant day care is expensive and scarce, however, because infants need individualized and affectionate attention, which are likely to be in short supply if a caregiver has many infants to care for and limited experience and training (Waldfogel, 2006). Probably for this reason, “disagreements about the wisdom (indeed, the morality) of nonmaternal child care for the very young remain” (NICHD, 2005, p. xiv).

No study finds that children of employed mothers suffer solely because their mothers are working. Many employed mothers make infant care their top priority. For example, time-use research finds that mothers who work full time outside the home spend almost as much time playing with their babies (141⁄2 hours a week) as do mothers without outside jobs (16 hours a week) (Huston & Aronson, 2005). Employed mothers spend half as much time on housework and almost no time on leisure. The study concludes:

There was no evidence that mothers’ time at work interfered with the quality of their relationship with their infants, the quality of the home environment, or children’s development. In fact, the results suggest the opposite. Mothers who spent more time at work provided slightly higher quality home environments.

[Huston & Aronson, 2005, p. 479]

Other research confirms that much depends on the quality of care, wherever it occurs and whoever provides it. According to the NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, early day care seems detrimental only when the mother is in-

Especially for Day-Care Providers A

mother who brings her child to you for day

care says that she knows she is harming her

baby but must work out of economic

necessity. What do you say?

198 CHAPTER 7 ■ The First Two Years: Psychosocial Development

TABLE 7.5

High-Quality Day Care

High-quality day care during infancy has five essential characteristics:

1. Adequate attention to each infant. This means a low caregiver-to-infant ratio and, probably

even more important, a small group of infants. The ideal situation might be two reliable

caregivers for five infants. Infants need familiar, loving caregivers; continuity of care is very

important.

2. Encouragement of language and sensorimotor development. Infants should receive

extensive language exposure through games, songs, conversations, and positive talk of all

kinds, along with easily manipulated toys.

3. Attention to health and safety. Cleanliness routines (e.g., handwashing before meals),

accident prevention (e.g., no small objects that could be swallowed), and safe areas for

exploration (e.g., a clean, padded area for crawling and climbing) are good signs.

4. Well-trained and professional caregivers. Ideally, every caregiver should have a degree or

certificate in early-childhood education and should have worked with children for several

years. Turnover should be low, morale high, and enthusiasm evident. Good caregivers love

their children and their work.

5. Warm and responsive caregivers. Providers should engage the children in problem solving

and discussions, rather than giving instructions. Quiet, obedient children may be an

indication of unresponsive care.

For a more detailed evaluation of day care, see the checklist in NICHD, 2005.

Research Design Scientists: NICHD Early Child Care

Research Network, 30 developmental-

ists cooperating in a study sponsored

by the National Institute of Child Health

and Human Development (NICHD) .

Publication: Hundreds of research arti-

cles in every major child developmental

journal and a book, Child Care and Child

Development (2005), have been pub-

lished analyzing these data.

Participants:Total of 1,364 mother–

infant pairs, from 25 hospitals at 10 sites

throughout the United States. Partici-

pants were recruited within days after

birth. Participating mothers had to be

over 18, English-speaking, and healthy.

Design: Ongoing longitudinal study,

with many repeated measures from

birth to age 10, looking especially at

child-care arrangements and at social,

emotional, and cognitive development.

The data from this study have been

used for many purposes; here we focus

on correlations between infant care and

later development.

Major conclusions: Quality of maternal

care is more important than specifics of

care. Poor-quality day care, especially in

infancy, has some long-term negative

effects. Some researchers have found

that nonmaternal care for 40 or more

hours per week increases the risk of

later aggression.

Comment:This study is large, diverse,

and ongoing, and it continues to pro-

vide fascinating results. One strength is

that many regions within the United

States were sampled; one weakness is

that only one nation was studied.The

main drawback is that low-SES and im-

migrant mothers are not adequately

represented.

➤Response for Grandmothers (from

page 197): Fathers can be great caregivers,

and most mothers prefer that the father

provide care. It’s good for the baby and the

marriage. Being tossed in the air is great fun

(as long as the father is careful and a good

catcher!). A generation or two ago, mothers

seldom let fathers care for infants.

Fortunately, today’s mothers are less likely to

act as gatekeepers, shutting the fathers out.

sensitive and the infant spends more than 20 hours a week in a poor- quality program in which there are too few caregivers, with too little training) (NICHD, 2005).

Although the mother’s sensitivity is the best predictor of a child’s social skills, day care can have a significant effect, too. Some children, espe- cially boys, who receive extensive nonmaternal care are more quarrel- some and have more conflicts with their teachers than does the average student (NICHD, 2003).

The negative effects of poor care have also been found in a study in Israel of 758 infants. Those cared for at home by an attentive father or grandmother seemed to do very well, as did those in a high-quality day- care center. However, those cared for in a center with untrained care- givers and only one adult for five infants fared poorly (Sagi et al., 2002). Other studies also find that a 5:1 ratio of infants to adults is too high; 5:2 not only allows caregivers to provide better instruction and support but also makes children more cooperative (de Schipper et al., 2006).

Regarding home care, children whose primary caregiver is depressed fare worse than they would in center care (Loeb et al., 2004). Many studies find that out-of-home day care is better than in-home care if an infant’s family does not provide adequate stimulation and attention (Ramey et al., 2002; Votruba-Drzal et al., 2004).

Among the benefits of day care is the opportunity to learn to express emotions. When a toddler is temperamentally very shy or aggressive, he or she is less likely to remain so if caregivers and other children are available as social references (Fox et al., 2001; Zigler & Styfco, 2001). But no expert would say that all infants are better off either in day care or at home.

SUMMING UP

Infants seek social bonds, which they develop with one or several people. Synchrony

begins in the early months: Infants and caregivers interact face to face, making split-

second adjustments in their emotional responses to each other. Synchrony evolves into

attachment, an emotional bond with adult caregivers. Secure attachment allows learning

to progress; insecure infants are less confident and may develop emotional impairments.

As infants become more curious and as they encounter new toys, people, and events,

they use social referencing to learn whether such new things are fearsome or fun.

The emotional connections evident in synchrony, attachment, and social referencing

may occur with mothers, fathers, other relatives, and day-care providers. Instead of

harming infants, as was once feared, nonmaternal care sometimes enhances infants’

psychosocial development. The quality and continuity of child care matter more than

who provides it. ■

Conclusions in Theory and Practice You have seen in this chapter that the first two years are filled with psychosocial interactions, all of which result from genes, maturation, culture, and caregivers. Each of the five major theories seems plausible. No single theory stands out as the best.

All theorists agree that the first two years are crucial, with early emotional and social development influenced by the parents’ behavior, the quality of day care, cultural patterns, and inborn traits. It has not been proven whether one influence, such as a good day-care center, compensates for another, such as a depressed mother (although parental influence is always significant). Multicultural research

Especially for Potential Day-Care

Providers What are some of the benefits

and costs of opening and running a day-care

center?

Conclusions in Theory and Practice 199

Secure Attachment Kirstie and her 10-

month-old daughter Mia enjoy a moment of

synchrony in an infant day-care center spon-

sored by a family-friendly employer, General

Mills. High-quality day care and high-quality

home care are equally likely to foster secure

attachment between mother and infant.

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has identified a wide variety of practices in differ- ent societies. These discoveries imply that no one event (such as toilet training, in Freud’s theory) determines emotional health.

On the basis of what you have learned, you could safely advise parents to play with their in- fants; respond to their physical and emotional needs; let them explore; maintain a relationship; pay attention to them; and expect every toddler to be sometimes angry, sometimes proud, sometimes fearful. Parental actions and attitudes may or may not have a powerful impact on later development, but they certainly can make infants happier or sad- der. Parental attentiveness leads to synchrony, at- tachment, and social referencing, which are crucial to infant and toddler development.

Such generalities are not good enough for Jacob, or for all the other infants who show signs of malnutrition, delayed language, poor social skills, abnormal emotional development, insecure or disorganized attachment, or other deficits. In dealing with individual children who have prob- lems, we need to be more specific.

Jacob was 3 years old but not talking. Even in his first year, his psychosocial development was impaired. Looking at Table 7.6 on infant develop- ment, you can see that even at 3 months he was unusual in his reaction to familiar people. All in- fants need one or two people who are emotionally invested in them from the first days of life, and it is not clear that Jacob had anyone, including his nanny, who did not speak English, or his parents. There is no indication of synchrony or attachment.

Something had to be done, as the parents even- tually realized. They took Jacob for evaluation at a major teaching hospital. He was seen by at least

10 experts, none of whom said anything encouraging. The diagnosis was “pervasive developmental disorder,” which suggests serious brain abnormality.

Fortunately, Jacob’s parents then consulted a psychiatrist who specialized in chil- dren with psychosocial problems (Greenspan & Wieder, 2003). He showed them how to relate to Jacob, saying, “I am going to teach you how to play with your son.” They learned about “floor time,” four hours a day set aside to get on their son’s level and interact: Imitate him, act as if they are part of the game, put their faces and bodies in front of his, create synchrony even though Jacob did not initiate it.

The father reports:

We rebuilt Jacob’s connection to us and to the world—but on his terms. We were drilled to always follow his lead, to always build on his initiative. In a sense, we could only ask Jacob to join our world if we were willing to enter his. . . . He would drop rocks and we would catch them. He would want to put pennies in a bank and we would block the slot. He would want to run in a circle and we would get in his way.

I remember a cold fall day when I was putting lime on our lawn. He dipped his hand in the powder and let it slip through his fingers. He loved the way it

200 CHAPTER 7 ■ The First Two Years: Psychosocial Development

TABLE 7.6

AT ABOUT THIS TIME: Infancy

Approximate Age Characteristic or Achievement

3 months Rolls over

Stays half-upright in stroller

Uses two eyes together

Grabs for object; if rattle in hand, can shake it

Makes cooing noises

Joyous recognition of familiar people

6 months Sits up, without adult support (but sometimes using arms)

Grabs and can grasp objects with whole hand

Smiles and laughs

Babbles, listens, and responds with facial expression

Tries to crawl (on belly, not yet on all fours)

Stands and bounces with support

(on someone’s lap, in a bouncer)

Begins to shows signs of anger, fear, attachment

12 months Stands without holding on

Crawls well

Takes a few unsteady steps

Uses fingers, including pincer grasp (thumb and forefingers)

Can feed self with fingers

Speaks a few words (mama, dada, baba)

Strong attachment to familiar caregivers

Apparent fear of strangers, of unexpected noises and events

18 months Walks well

Runs, but also falls

Tries to climb on furniture

Speaks 50–100 words; most are nouns

Begins toilet training

Likes to drop things, throw things, take things apart

Recognizes self in mirror

24 months Runs well

Climbs up (down is harder)

Uses simple tools (spoon, large marker)

Combines words (usually noun/verb,

sometimes noun/verb/noun)

Can use fingers to unscrew tops, open doors

Very interested in new experiences and new children

An Eventful Time This table lists aspects of

development that have been discussed in

Chapters 5, 6, and 7. Throughout infancy, tem-

perament and experience affect when and

how babies display the characteristics and

achievements listed here. The list is meant as

a rough guideline, not as a yardstick for indi-

cating a child’s progress in intelligence or any

other trait.

Emotional Development 1. Two emotions, contentment and distress, appear as soon as an infant is born. Anger emerges with restriction and frustration, between 4 and 8 months of age, and becomes stronger by age 1.

2. Reflexive fear is apparent in very young infants. However, fear of something specific, including fear of strangers and fear of sepa- ration, does not appear until toward the end of the first year.

3. In the second year, social awareness produces more selective fear, anger, and joy. As infants become increasingly self-aware at about 18 months, emotions—specifically, pride, shame, and affection—emerge that encourage an interface between the self and others.

Theories About Infant Psychosocial Development 4. According to all five major theories, caregiver behavior is espe- cially influential in the first two years. Freud stressed the mother’s impact on oral and anal pleasure; Erikson emphasized trust and autonomy.

5. Behaviorists focus on learning; parents teach their babies many things, including when to be fearful or joyful. Cognitive

theory holds that infants develop working models based on their experiences.

6. Epigenetic theory emphasizes temperament, a set of genetic traits whose expression is influenced by the environment. Parental practices inhibit and guide a child’s temperament, but they do not create it. Ideally, a good fit develops between the parents’ actions and the child’s personality.

7. The sociocultural approach notes the impact of social and cultural factors on the parent–infant relationship. Ethnotheories shape infant emotions and traits so that they fit well within the culture. Some cultures encourage proximal parenting (more physical touch); others promote distal parenting (more talk and object play).

The Development of Social Bonds 8. By 3 months, infants become more responsive and social, and synchrony begins. Synchrony involves moment-by-moment inter- action. Caregivers need to be responsive and sensitive. Infants are disturbed by a still face because they expect and need social interaction.

SUMMARY

felt. I took the lawn spreader and ran to the other part of our yard. He ran after me. I let him have one dip and ran across the yard again. He dipped, I ran, he dipped, I ran. We did this until I could no longer move my arms.

[Jacob’s father, 1997, p. 62]

Jacob’s case is obviously extreme, but many infants and parents have difficulty establishing synchrony. From the perspective of early psychosocial development, nothing could be more important than a connection like the one Jacob and his parents established.

In Jacob’s case it worked. He said his first word at age 3, and by age 5 . . . he speaks for days at a time. He talks from the moment he wakes up to the moment he falls asleep, as if he is making up for lost time. He wants to know everything. “How does a live chicken become an eating chicken? Why are microbes so small? Why do policemen wear badges? Why are dinosaurs extinct? What is French? [A question I often ask myself.] Why do ghosts glow in the dark?” He is not satisfied with answers that do not ring true or that do not satisfy his standards of clarity. He will keep on asking until he gets it. Rebecca and I have become expert definition providers. Just last week, we were faced with the ultimate challenge: “Dad,” he asked: “Is God real or not?” And then, just to make it a bit more chal- lenging, he added: “How do miracles happen?”

[Jacob’s father, 1997, p. 63]

Miracles do not always happen. Children with pervasive developmental disor- der usually require special care throughout childhood; Jacob may continue to need extra attention. Nevertheless, almost all infants, almost all the time, develop strong relationships with their close family members. The power of early psycho- social development is obvious to every developmentalist and, it is hoped, to every reader of this text.

Summary 201

➤Response for Potential Day-Care

Providers (from page 199): A high-quality

day-care center needs trained and responsive

adults and a clean, safe space—all of which

can be expensive and may mean that you

will have to charge higher fees than many

families can afford to pay. The main benefit

for you is knowing that you can make a major

contribution to the well-being of infants and

their families.

➤Response for Day-Care Providers

(from page 198): Reassure the mother that

you will keep her baby safe and will help to

develop the baby’s mind and social skills by

fostering synchrony and attachment. Also

tell her that the quality of mother–infant

interaction at home is more important than

anything else for psychosocial development;

mothers who are employed full time usually

have wonderful, secure relationships with

their infants. If the mother wishes, you can

discuss ways she can be a more responsive

mother.

7. Why would a mother and father choose not to care for their infant themselves, 24/7?

8. What are the advantages and disadvantages of three kinds of nonmaternal infant care: relatives, family day care, and center day care?

9. Attachments are said to be lifelong. Describe an adult who is insecurely attached.

10. How would psychosocial development be affected if an infant spent every day in a crowded day-care center—for example, a center with eight infants for every caregiver?

11. In terms of infant development, what are the differences be- tween employed and unemployed mothers?

1. How would a sensitive parent respond to an infant’s distress?

2. How do emotions in the second year of life differ from emotions in the first year?

3. What are similarities and differences in the two psychoanalytic theories of infancy?

4. How might synchrony affect the development of emotions in the first year?

5. What is an example of an ethnotheory of your culture that dif- fers from those of other cultures?

6. What are the similarities between epigenetic and sociocultural theories of infant emotions?

infant is available, observe a pair of lovers as they converse. Note the sequence and timing of every facial expression, sound, and gesture of both partners.

3. Telephone several day-care centers to try to assess the quality of care they provide. Ask about such factors as adult–child ratio, group size, and training for caregivers of children of various ages. Is there a minimum age? If so, why was that age chosen? Analyze the answers, using Table 7.5 as a guide.

1. One cultural factor influencing infant development is how infants are carried from place to place. Ask four mothers whose infants were born in each of the past four decades how they trans- ported them—front or back carriers, facing out or in, strollers or carriages, car seats or on mother’s laps, and so on. Why did they choose the mode(s) they chose? What are their opinions and yours on how that cultural practice might affect infants’ development?

2. Observe synchrony for three minutes. Ideally, ask the parent of an infant under 8 months of age to play with the infant. If no

KEY QUESTIONS

APPLICATIONS

202 CHAPTER 7 ■ The First Two Years: Psychosocial Development

social smile (p. 180) stranger wariness (p. 181) separation anxiety (p. 181) self-awareness (p. 182) trust versus mistrust (p. 183) autonomy versus shame and

doubt (p. 184) social learning (p. 184)

working model (p. 184) temperament (p. 185) goodness of fit (p. 187) ethnotheory (p. 188) proximal parenting (p. 189) distal parenting (p. 189) synchrony (p. 191) still-face technique (p. 192)

attachment (p. 192) secure attachment (p. 193) insecure-avoidant attachment

(p. 194) insecure-resistant/ambivalent

attachment (p. 194) disorganized attachment

(p. 194)

Strange Situation (p. 194) social referencing (p. 196) family day care (p. 197) center day care (p. 197)

KEY TERMS

9. Attachment, measured by the baby’s reaction to the caregiver’s presence, departure, and return in the Strange Situation, is crucial. Some infants seem indifferent (type A—insecure-avoidant) or overly dependent (type C—insecure-resistant/ambivalent), instead of secure (type B). Disorganized attachment (type D) is the most worrisome form.

10. Secure attachment provides encouragement for infant explo- ration. As they play, toddlers engage in social referencing, looking to other people’s facial expressions to detect what is fearsome and what is enjoyable.

11. Fathers are wonderful playmates for infants, who frequently consult them, as well as their mothers, as social references.

12. Day care for infants seems, on the whole, to be a positive experience, especially for cognitive development. Psychosocial characteristics, including secure attachment, are influenced more by the mother’s warmth than by the number of hours spent in nonmaternal care. Quality of care is crucial, no matter who pro- vides that care.

Conclusions in Theory and Practice 13. Experts debate exactly how critical early psychosocial devel- opment may be: Is it the essential foundation for all later growth or just one of many steps along the way? However, all infants need caregivers who are committed to them and are dedicated to encouraging each aspect of early development.

The First Two Years

PA R T I I

BIOSOCIAL

Body Changes Over the first two years, the body quadruples in weight and the brain

triples in weight. Connections between brain cells grow increasingly dense, with com-

plex neural networks of dendrites and axons. Neurons become coated with an insulat-

ing layer of myelin, sending messages faster and more efficiently, and the various

states—sleeping, waking, exploring—become more distinct. Experiences that are uni-

versal (experience-expectant) and culture-bound (experience-dependent) both aid brain

growth, partly by allowing pruning of unused connections between neurons.

Senses and Motor Skills Brain maturation underlies the development of all the

senses. Seeing, hearing, and mobility progress from reflexes to coordinated voluntary

actions, including focusing, grasping, and walking. Culture is evident in sensory and

motor development, as brain networks respond to the particulars of each infant’s life.

Public Health Infant health depends on immunization, parental practices (including

“back to sleep”), and nutrition (ideally, breast milk). Survival rates are much higher

today than they were even a few decades ago, yet in some regions of the world infant

growth is still stunted because of malnutrition.

COGNITIVE

Sensorimotor Intelligence and Information Processing As Piaget describes it, during

the first two years (sensorimotor intelligence) infants progress from knowing their world

through immediate sensory experiences to being able to “experiment” on that world

through actions and mental images. Information-processing theory stresses the links be-

tween input (sensory experiences) and output (perception). Infants develop affordances,

their own ideas regarding the possibilities offered by the objects and events of the world.

Recent research finds traces of memory at 3 months, object permanence at 4 months,

and deferred imitation at 9 months—all much younger ages than Piaget described.

Language Interaction with responsive adults exposes infants to the structure of com-

munication and thus language. By age 1, infants can usually speak a word or two; by

age 2, language has exploded, as toddlers talk in short sentences and add vocabulary

words each day. Language develops through reinforcement, neurological maturation,

and social motivation.

PSYCHOSOCIAL

Emotions and Theories Emotions develop from basic newborn reactions to complex,

self-conscious responses. Infants’ increasing self-awareness and independence are

shaped by parents, in a transition explained by Freud’s oral and anal stages, by Erikson’s

crises of trust versus mistrust and autonomy versus shame and doubt, by behaviorism

in the focus on parental responses, and by cognitive theory’s working models. Much of

basic temperament—and therefore personality—is inborn and apparent throughout life,

as epigenetic theory explains. Sociocultural theory stresses cultural norms, evident in

parents’ ethnotheories that guide them in raising their infants.

The Development of Social Bonds Early on, parents and infants respond to each

other by synchronizing their behavior in social play. Toward the end of the first year,

secure attachment between child and parent sets the stage for the child’s increasingly

independent exploration of the world. Insecure attachment—avoidant, resistant, or

disorganized—signifies a parent–child relationship that hinders infant learning. Infants

become active participants in social interactions. Fathers and day-care providers, as

well as mothers, encourage infants’ social confidence.

The Developing Person So Far:

The Play Years

CHAPTER 8

CHAPTER 9

CHAPTER 10

T he years from age 2 to age 6 are often

called early childhood or the preschool

period. In this book we also call them the

play years. People of all ages play, of

course, but this is prime time. During early child-

hood, children spend most of their waking hours

discovering, creating, laughing, and imagining as

they acquire the skills they will need. They chase

each other and attempt new challenges (developing

their bodies); they play with sounds, words, and

ideas (developing their minds); they invent games

and dramatize fantasies (learning social skills and

moral rules).

Playfulness makes young children exasperating

as well as delightful. To them, growing up is a game,

and their enthusiasm for it seems unlimited—

whether they are quietly tracking a beetle through

the grass or riotously turning their bedroom into a

shambles. Their minds seem playful, too, when they

explain that “a bald man has a barefoot head” or

that “the sun shines so children can go outside to

play.”

If you expect young children to sit quietly or

think logically, you’ll be disappointed. But if you

enjoy play, then these children will bring you joy.

PA R T I I I

205

The Play Years: Biosocial Development

W hen you were 3 years old, I hope you wanted to fly like a bird, a plane, or Superman, and I hope someone kept you safe. Protection is needed, as well as appreciation of this period of development. Do you remember learning to skip or to write

your name? Three-year-olds try all these, but they shuffle instead of skip, and they forget letters of the alphabet. By age 6, they can skip, write, and much more, as long as they have had enough practice.

Thus, not only do children grow bigger and stronger, they also become more skilled at hundreds of tasks. These advances and the need to protect children against serious problems that sometimes occur, are themes of this chapter.

Body Changes Compared with cute and chubby 1-year-olds, 6-year-olds are grown up. As in infancy, the body and brain develop according to powerful epigenetic forces, biologically driven as well as socially guided, experience-expectant and experience-dependent (as explained in Chapter 5).

Growth Patterns

Just comparing a toddling 1-year-old and a cartwheeling 6-year-old makes some differences obvious. During the play years, children become slimmer as the lower body lengthens and baby fat turns to muscle. In fact, the body mass index (or BMI, the ratio of weight to height) is lower at age 5 than at any other age in the entire life span (Guillaume & Lissau, 2002). Gone are the protruding belly, round face, short limbs, and large head that characterize the toddler. The center of gravity moves from the breastbone to the belly button, enabling cartwheels and many other motor skills.

Increases in height and weight accompany these changes in proportions. Each year from age 2 through 6, well-nourished children add almost 3 inches (about 7 centimeters) and gain about 41⁄2 pounds (2 kilograms). By age 6, the average child in a developed nation weighs about 46 pounds (21 kilograms) and is 46 inches (117 centimeters) tall. (As my nephew David said at that point, “In numbers I am square now.”)

8

207

CHAPTER OUTLINE

c Body Changes

Growth Patterns

Eating Habits

c Brain Development

Speed of Thought

Connecting the Brain’s Hemispheres

Planning and Analyzing

Emotions and the Brain

Motor Skills

c Injuries and Abuse

Avoidable Injury

IN PERSON: “My Baby Swallowed Poison” Child Maltreatment

A CASE TO STUDY: A Series of Suspicious Events

A typical 6-year-old:

■ Is at least 31⁄2 feet tall (more than 100 centimeters) ■ Weighs between 40 and 50 pounds (between 18 and 22 kilograms) ■ Looks lean, not chubby (ages 5–6 are lowest in body fat) ■ Has adult-like body proportions (legs constitute about half the total height)

When many ethnic groups live together in the same developed nation, children of African descent tend to be tallest, followed by those of European descent, then Asians, and then Latinos. However, height differences within groups are greater than the average differences between groups. Body size is especially variable among children of African descent, because Africans are more genetically diverse than people from other continents (Goel et al., 2004).

Over the centuries, low-income families encouraged their children to eat, so that they would have a reserve of fat to protect them in times of famine. Now the same pattern has become destructive. In Brazil, for example, undernutrition caused two-thirds of all nutrition problems in 1975. By l997, overnutrition was the most common problem (Monteiro et al., 2004).

A detailed study of 2- to 4-year-olds in low-income families in New York City found many overweight children, with the proportion increasing as income fell (Nelson et al., 2004). Further, more 4-year-olds than 2-year-olds were overweight (27 percent compared with 14 percent), which suggests that eating habits, not

genes, were the cause. Overweight children were more likely to be of Hispanic (27 percent) or Asian (22 percent) descent than of African (14 percent) or European background (11 percent).

Such problems are not limited to New York City. Worldwide, an epidemic of adult heart disease and diabetes is spreading, and the major cause is the overfeeding of children (Gluckman & Hanson, 2006). It has been predicted that by 2020 more than 228 million adults worldwide will have diabetes (more in India than in any other nation) as a result of un- healthy eating habits acquired in childhood.

Eating Habits

Compared with infants, young children—especially modern children, who play outdoors less than their

parents or grandparents did—need far fewer calories per pound of body weight. Consequently, appetite decreases between ages 2 and 6. Instead of appreciating this natural development, many parents fret, threaten, and cajole their children into eating more than they should (“Eat all your dinner, and you can have ice cream”).

Nutritional Deficiencies

Although most children in developed nations consume enough calories, they do not always obtain adequate iron, zinc, and calcium. For example, consumption of calcium is lower than it was 20 years ago because children today drink less milk and more soda (Jahns et al., 2001). Another problem is sugar. Many cultures en- courage children to eat sweets, in birthday cake, holiday candy, desserts, and other treats. Yet sugar causes tooth decay, the most common disease of young children in developed nations (Lewit & Kerrebrock, 1998).

208 CHAPTER 8 ■ The Play Years: Biosocial Development

No Spilled Milk This girl is demonstrating

her mastery of the motor skills involved in

pouring milk, to the evident admiration of her

friend. The next skill will be drinking it—not a

foregone conclusion, given the lactose intol-

erance of some children and the small ap-

petites and notorious pickiness of children

this age.

Observation Quiz (see answer, page 211):

What three things can you see that indicate

that this attempt at pouring will probably be

successful?

LA U

R A

D W

IG H

T

Sweetened cereals and drinks that are advertised as containing 100 percent of a day’s vitamin requirements are a poor substitute for a balanced diet for many rea- sons besides their high sugar content. One is that some essential nutrients have probably not yet been identified, much less listed on food labels. Another is that fresh fruits and vegetables provide more than vitamins; they also provide other diet essentials, such as fiber and fat.

Just Right

Many young children are quite compulsive about daily routines, including meals. They insist on eating only certain foods, prepared and placed in a particular way. This rigidity, known as the “just right” or “just so” phenomenon, would be patholog- ical in adults but is normal and widespread among young children. For example:

Whereas parents may insist that the child eat his vegetables at dinner, the child may insist that the potatoes be placed only in a certain part of the plate and must not touch any other food; should the potatoes land outside of this area, the child may seem to experience a sense of near-contamination, setting off a tirade of fussiness for which many 2- and 3-year-olds are notorious.

[Evans et al., 1997]

Most young children’s food preferences and rituals are far from ideal. (One 3-year-old I know wanted to eat only cream cheese sandwiches on white bread; one 4-year-old, only fast-food chicken nuggets.) When 1,500 parents were surveyed about their 1- to 6-year-olds (Evans et al., 1997), over 75 percent reported that their children’s just-right phase peaked at about age 3, when the children:

■ Preferred to have things done in a particular order or in a certain way ■ Had a strong preference to wear (or not wear) certain clothes ■ Prepared for bedtime by engaging in a special activity, routine, or

ritual ■ Had strong preferences for certain foods

By age 6, this rigidity fades somewhat (see Figure 8.1). Another team of experts puts it this way: “Most, if not all, children exhibit normal age-dependent obsessive compulsive behaviors [which are] usually gone by middle childhood” (March et al., 2004, p. 216).

The best advice for parents is probably to be patient until the just- right obsession fades away. Insistence on a particular routine, a pre- ferred pair of shoes, or a favorite cup can usually be accommodated until the child gets a little older.

Overeating is another story. Almost no young child anywhere in the world, except in times of famine or war, is underfed during these years. Ideally, children would have only healthy foods to eat, a strategy that would protect their health lifelong (Gluckman & Hanson, 2006). Instead, at least in the United States, most children have several unhealthy snacks each day (Jahns et al., 2001).

SUMMING UP

During the play years, children grow steadily taller and proportionately thinner, with vari-

ations depending on genes, gender, nutrition, income, and other factors. Overweight

is more common than underweight. One reason is that adults encourage overeating.

Another is that young children usually have small appetites and picky habits but are

rewarded with foods that are high in calories yet low in nutrition. ■

Especially for Parents of Fussy Eaters

You prepare a variety of vegetables and fruits,

but your 4-year-old wants only French fries

and cake. What should you do?

Body Changes 209

Score on

“just right”

survey items

1 2 43

Age (in years)

5

3.5

3

2.5

2

1.5

1

Source: Evans et al., 1997.

FIGURE 8.1

Young Children’s Insistence on Routine

This chart shows the average scores of

children (who are rated by their parents) on

a survey indicating the child’s desire to have

certain things—including food selection and

preparation—done “just right.” Such strong

preferences for rigid routines tend to fade

by age 6.

Brain Development Brains grow rapidly even before birth. By age 2, not only have brains increased in size but also a great deal of pruning of dendrites has already occurred. The 2-year- old brain weighs 75 percent of what it will weigh in adulthood. (The major struc- tures of the brain are diagrammed in Appendix A, p. A-30.)

Since most of the brain is already present and functioning, what remains to develop after age 2? The most important parts! Those functions of the brain that make us most human are the ones that develop after infancy, enabling quicker, more coordinated, and more reflective thought (Kagan & Herschkowitz, 2005). Brain growth after infancy is a crucial difference between humans and other animals.

Speed of Thought

After infancy, continued proliferation of the communication pathways (dendrites and axons) results in some brain growth. However, most of the increase in brain weight (to 90 percent of adult weight by age 5) occurs because of myelination (Sampaio & Truwit, 2001). Myelin is a fatty coating on the axons that speeds signals between neurons, like insulation wrapped around electric wires to aid conduction.

The effects of myelination are most noticeable in early childhood (Nelson et al., 2006). Greater speed becomes pivotal when several thoughts must occur in rapid succession. By age 6 most children can listen and then answer, catch a ball and then throw it, write the alphabet in sequence, and so on.

Parents must still be patient when listening to young children talk, when help- ing them get dressed, or when watching them try to write their names. All these tasks are completed more slowly by 6-year-olds than by 16-year-olds. However, thanks to myelination, preschoolers are at least quicker than toddlers, who may take so long that they forget what they were doing before they finish.

Connecting the Brain’s Hemispheres

One part of the brain that grows and myelinates rapidly during the play years is the corpus callosum, a band of nerve fibers that connect the left and right sides of the brain (see Figure 8.2). Growth of the corpus callosum makes communication between the two brain hemispheres more efficient, allowing children to coordinate the two sides of the brain or body. Failure of the corpus callosum to develop normally may result in serious disorders, including autism (Diwadkar & Keshavan, 2006).

To understand the significance of coordination of the two brain hemispheres, you need to realize that the two sides of the body and brain are not identical. Each side specializes, so each is dominant for certain functions—a process called lateralization. Lateralization, or “sidedness,” is apparent not only in right- or left-handedness but also in the feet, eyes, ears, and the brain itself. Such special- ization is epigenetic, prompted by genes, prenatal hormones, and early experiences.

The Left-Handed Child

Infants and toddlers usually prefer one hand over the other for grabbing a spoon, a rattle, and so on. For centuries, parents who saw a preference for the left hand forced their children to be right-handed. Indeed, since most people are right- handed, the common assumption was that right-handedness was best. This bias is still evident in language. In English, a “left-handed compliment” is insincere, and no one wants to be “left back” or “out in left field.” In Latin, dexter (as in dexterity) means “right” and sinister means “left” (and also “evil”). Gauche, which in English means “socially awkward,” is the French word for “left.”

myelination The process by which axons

become coated with myelin, a fatty sub-

stance that speeds the transmission of

nerve impulses from neuron to neuron.

corpus callosum A long band of nerve fibers

that connect the left and right hemispheres

of the brain.

lateralization Literally, sidedness. The spe-

cialization in certain functions by each side

of the brain, with one side dominant for

each activity. The left side of the brain con-

trols the right side of the body, and vice

versa.

210 CHAPTER 8 ■ The Play Years: Biosocial Development

Especially for Early-Childhood Teachers

You know you should be patient, but you feel

your frustration rising when your young

charges dawdle on the walk to the playground

a block away. What should you do?

➤Response for Parents of Fussy Eaters

(from page 209): The nutritionally wise answer

would be to offer only fruits, vegetables, and

other nourishing, low-fat foods, counting on

the child’s eventual hunger to drive him or her

to eat them. However, centuries of cultural

custom make it almost impossible for parents

to be wise in such cases. Perhaps the best

you can do is to discuss the dilemma with a

nutritionist or pediatrician, who can advise you

about what to do for your particular child.

Customs, including taboos, also favor right-handed people. For example, in many Asian and African nations, only the left hand is used for wiping after defecation; it is a major insult to give someone anything with that “dirty” hand.

Developmentalists advise against trying to switch a child’s handedness, not only because this causes needless parent–child conflict but also because it might inter- fere with the natural and necessary process of lateralization. Left-handed adults tend to have thicker corpus callosa than others, which may enable better coordi- nation of both sides of the body (Cherbuin & Brinkman, 2006). A disproportion- ate number of artists, musicians, and sports stars are left-handed.

The Whole Brain

Through studies of people with brain damage as well as through brain imaging, neurologists have determined how the brain’s hemispheres specialize: The left half controls the right side of the body and contains the areas dedicated to logical reasoning, detailed analysis, and the basics of language; the right half controls the left side of the body and contains the areas dedicated to generalized emotional and creative impulses, including appreciation of most music, art, and poetry. Thus, the

Brain Development 211

Corpus callosum

(a)

(b)

FIGURE 8.2

Connections Two views of the corpus callosum, a band

of nerve fibers (axons) that convey information between

the two hemispheres of the brain. When developed, this

“connector” allows the person to coordinate functions

that are performed mainly by one hemisphere or the

other. (a) A view from between the hemispheres, looking

toward the right side of the brain. (b) A view from above,

with the gray matter removed in order to expose the

corpus callosum.

Especially for Left-Handed Adults If you

have a left-handed child (as you very well

might, since handedness is partly genetic), at

what age would you try to switch him or her?

➤Answer to Observation Quiz (from

page 208): The cup, the pitcher, and the

person. The cup has an unusually wide

opening; the pitcher is small and has a sturdy

handle; and the girl is using both hands and

giving her full concentration to the task.

left side notices details and the right side grasps the big picture—a distinction that should provide a clue in interpreting Figure 8.3.

No one (except severely brain-damaged people) is exclusively left- brained or right-brained. Every cognitive skill requires both sides of the brain, just as gross motor skills require both sides of the body (Hugdahl & Davidson, 2002). Because older children have more myelinated fibers in the corpus callosum to speed signals between the two hemispheres, better thinking and less clumsy actions are possible for them.

Planning and Analyzing

You learned in Chapter 5 that the prefrontal cortex (sometimes called the frontal cortex or frontal lobe) is an area in the very front part of the brain’s outer layer (the cortex), under the forehead. It “underlies

higher-order cognition, including planning and complex forms of goal-directed behavior” (Luciana, 2003, p. 163). The prefrontal cortex is crucial for humans; it is said to be the executive of the brain because all the other areas of the cortex are ruled by prefrontal decisions. For example, a person might feel anxious on meeting someone new, whose friendship may be valuable in the future. The prefrontal cortex can calculate and plan, not letting the anxious feelings prevent the acquaintance.

Maturation of the Prefrontal Cortex

The frontal lobe “shows the most prolonged period of postnatal development of any region of the human brain” (Johnson, 2005, p. 210), with dendrite density and myelination increasing throughout childhood and adolescence (Nelson et al., 2006). Several notable benefits of maturation of the prefrontal cortex occur from ages 2 to 6:

■ Sleep becomes more regular. ■ Emotions become more nuanced and responsive to specific stimuli. ■ Temper tantrums subside. ■ Uncontrollable laughter or tears become less common.

In one series of experiments, 3-year-olds consistently made a stunning mistake (Zelazo et al., 2003). The children were given a set of cards with clear outlines of trucks or flowers, some red and some blue. They were asked to “play the shape game,” putting trucks in one pile and flowers in another. Three-year-olds can do this correctly, as can some 2-year-olds and almost all older children.

Then the children were asked to “play the color game,” sorting the cards by color. Most of them failed at this task, sorting by shape instead. This study has been replicated in many nations, and 3-year- olds usually get stuck on their initial sorting pattern (Diamond & Kirkham, 2005). Most older children, even 4-year-olds, make the switch.

When this result was first obtained, experimenters wondered whether the children didn’t know their colors, so the scientists switched the order, first playing “the color game.” Most 3-year-olds did that correctly. Then, when they were asked to play “the shape game,” they still sorted by color. Even with a new set of cards, such as yellow or green rabbits or boats, they still tend to sort by the criterion (either color or shape) that was used in their first trial.

Researchers are looking into many possible explanations for this surprising result (Müller et al., 2006; Yerys & Munakata, 2006). All

212 CHAPTER 8 ■ The Play Years: Biosocial Development

FIGURE 8.3

Copy What You See Brain-damaged adults

were asked to copy the figure at the left in

each row. One person drew the middle set,

another the set at the right.

Observation Quiz (see answer, page 214):

Which set was drawn by someone with left-

side damage and which set by someone with

right-side damage?

No Writer’s Block The context is designed

to help this South African second-grader

concentrate on her schoolwork. Large, one-

person desks, uniforms, notebooks, and

sharp pencils are manageable for the brains

and skills of elementary school children, but

not yet for preschoolers.

M . M

E Y

E R

S FE

LD /

M A

S T E R

FI LE

agree, however, that something in the executive function of the brain must mature before children are able to switch from one way of sorting objects to another.

An everyday example is the game Simon Says, in which children are supposed to follow the leader only when his or her orders are preceded by the words “Simon says.” Thus when leaders touch their noses and say, “Simon says touch your nose,” children are supposed to touch their noses; but when leaders touch their noses and merely say, “Touch your nose,” no one is supposed to follow the example. Young children quickly lose at this game because they impulsively do what they see and are told to do. Older children are better at it because they can think before acting.

Maturation of the prefrontal cortex is also discussed in Chapters 5, 11, and 14.

Attention

A major function of the prefrontal cortex is to focus attention and thus to curb impul- siveness. A 3-year-old jumps from task to task and cannot be still, even in church or any other place that requires quiet. Similarly, younger children may want to play with a toy that another child has but lose interest by the time that toy becomes available.

The opposite of the impatient child is the child who plays with one toy for hours. Perseveration is the name for the tendency to persevere in, or stick to, one thought or action. Perseveration is evident in the card-sorting study and in young children’s tendency to repeat one phrase or question again and again or to throw a tantrum when their favorite TV show is interrupted. That tantrum itself may perseverate: The child’s crying may become uncontrollable and unstoppable, as if the child is stuck in that emotion.

Impulsiveness and perseveration are opposite behaviors with the same under- lying cause: immaturity of the prefrontal cortex. Over the play years, brain matura- tion (innate) and emotional regulation (learned) decrease both impulsiveness and perseveration. Children gradually become able to pay attention when necessary (de Haan & Johnson, 2003).

Emotions and the Brain

Now that we have looked at the brain structures involved in planning and analyzing, we turn to the limbic system, an area of the brain that is crucial in the expression and regulation of emotions. Both expression and regulation advance during the play years (more about that in Chapter 10). Three major parts of the limbic system are the amygdala, the hippocampus, and the hypothalamus.

The amygdala, a tiny structure deep in the brain (named after an almond, be- cause it is about that shape and size), registers emotions, both positive and negative, especially fear (Nelson et al., 2006). Increased activity of the amygdala is one reason some young children have terrifying nightmares or sudden terrors.

Fear can overwhelm the prefrontal cortex and disrupt a child’s ability to reason. If a child is scared of, say, a lion in the closet, an adult should open the closet door and tell the lion to go home, not laugh or insist that the fear is nonsense.

The amygdala responds to facial expressions (Vasa & Pine, 2004). This is part of social referencing, explained in Chapter 7. If a child sees a parent look terrified when a strange dog approaches, the child may also feel extreme fear, and if this recurs often enough, the child’s amygdala may become hypersensitive. If instead the parent conveys pleasure or curiosity about the dog, the child will probably overcome initial feelings of fear because of another structure in the brain’s limbic system, the hippocampus.

The hippocampus is located right next to the amygdala. It is a central proces- sor of memory, especially memory of locations. The hippocampus responds to the

perseveration The tendency to persevere in,

or stick to, one thought or action for a long

time.

amygdala A tiny brain structure that registers

emotions, particularly fear and anxiety.

Brain Development 213

➤Response for Early-Childhood

Teachers (from page 210): One solution is to

remind yourself that the children’s brains are

not yet myelinated enough to enable them to

quickly walk, talk, or even button their jackets.

Maturation has a major effect, as you will

observe if you can schedule excursions in

September and again in November. Progress,

while still slow, will be a few seconds faster

in November than it was in September.

➤Response for Left-handed Adults

(from page 211): Preferably never! Most

left-handed adults are quite proud of their

distinctiveness. Developmentalists now

recommend that natural dominance prevail.

However, if you still want your child to switch,

early childhood is too late, as brain lateraliza-

tion has begun. In the first weeks of life, you

might encourage right-handedness—but

don’t insist.

hippocampus A brain structure that is a

central processor of memory, especially

the memory of locations.

Especially for Brain Experts Why do

most neurologists think the limbic system is

an oversimplification?

anxieties of the amygdala with memory; it makes the child remember, for instance, that Mother petted a dog at a neighbor’s house.

Memories of location are fragile in early childhood because the hippocampus is still developing. Indeed, every type of memory has its own timetable (Nelson & Webb, 2003); for example, memory for context is less advanced than memory for content, and source memory (of when, where, and how a certain fact was learned) is hazy (Cycowicz et al., 2003). A preschool child might claim “No one told me that. I always knew it” or might remember that something happened but mis- remember who was involved.

The amygdala and the hippocampus are sometimes helpful, sometimes not, de- pending on how useful fear and memory are. Some children, because their amyg- dala and hippocampus are not well developed, might be fearless when they should remember past events and be cautious. When the amygdala is surgically removed from animals, they are fearless in situations that should scare them; cats will stroll nonchalantly along when monkeys are nearby, for instance—something no normal cat would do (Kolb & Whishaw, 2003).

A third part of the limbic system, the hypothalamus, responds to signals from the amygdala (arousing) and the hippocampus (usually dampening) to produce hormones that activate other parts of the brain and body (see Figure 8.4). Ideally, this occurs in moderation. If excessive stress hormones flood the brain, part of the hippocampus may be destroyed. Permanent deficits in learning and memory may result (Davis et al., 2003).

hypothalamus A brain area that responds to

the amygdala and the hippocampus to pro-

duce hormones that activate other parts of

the brain and body.

214 CHAPTER 8 ■ The Play Years: Biosocial Development

The HPA (Hypothalamus-Pituitary-Adrenal Cortex) Axis

Hypothalamus

Brain

CORT CORT

ACTH

CRH

Pituitary gland

Amygdala Hippocampus

Adrenal cortex

Hypothalamus

Positive feedback loop

Negative feedback loop

Adrenal cortex

Pituitary

Source: Adapted from Davis et al., 2003, p. 183.

Hippocampus Amygdala

FIGURE 8.4

A Hormonal Feedback Loop This diagram simplifies a hormonal linkage, the HPA axis, involving the limbic system.

Both the hippocampus and the amygdala stimulate the hypothalamus to produce CRH (corticotropin-releasing hormone),

which in turn signals the pituitary gland to produce ACTH (adrenocorticotropic hormone). ACTH then triggers the pro-

duction of CORT (glucocorticoids) by the adrenal cortex (the outer layers of the adrenal glands, atop the kidneys). The

initial reaction to something frightening may either build or disappear, depending on other factors, including memories,

and on how the various parts of the brain interpret that first alert from the amygdala. (Some other components of this

mechanism have been omitted for the sake of clarity.)

➤Answer to Observation Quiz (from

page 212): The middle set, with its careful

details, reflects damage to the right half of

the brain, where overall impressions are

formed. The person with left-brain damage

produced the drawings that were just an M

or a D, without the details of the tiny z’s and

rectangles. With a whole functioning brain,

people can see both “the forest and the

trees.”

➤Response for Brain Experts (from page

213): The more we discover about the brain,

the more complex we realize it is. Each part

has specific functions and is connected to

every other part.