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Persuasion and Influence in American Life

Seventh Edition

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Persuasion and Influence in American Life

Seventh Edition

Gary C. Woodward College of New Jersey

Robert E. Denton, Jr. Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University

WAVELAND

PRESS, INC. Long Grove, Illinois

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For information about this book, contact: Waveland Press, Inc. 4180 IL Route 83, Suite 101 Long Grove, IL 60047-9580 (847) 634-0081 [email protected] www.waveland.com

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Contents

Preface xiii

1 Persuasion and Influence 1 The Necessity and Challenge of Persuasion 4 Persuasion Defined 4 Five Introductory Settings 8

The Unanticipated Effects of Selling Inclusion 8 Doubt and Influence in the Jury Room 9 Advocating Dangerous Forms of Religion 11 A Campus Food Fight 13

Persuasion in Everyday Life 14 What These and Other Persuasion Settings Suggest 16

Persuasion is as much about sources as messages. 16 Persuasion is measured by its effects on others. 16 Persuasion is enormously difficult. 16 Even minimal effects can be important. 18 Persuasion can easily stray toward the arts of deception. 19 Persuasion outcomes are not very predictable. 19

Three Types of Communication 20 Pure Information 20 Pure Expression 21 Pure Persuasion 21

Summary 22  QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 23  ADDITIONAL READING 24

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2 The Advocate in an Open Society 27 Freedom of Expression and Its Limits 28 Subduing Advocacy in a One-Party State 30 Weighing the Value of Public Opinion 32

“Man Is the Measure of All Things.” 34 Individual Freedom and the American Experience 35 The Technological Push toward Openness 38

How “Open” Is American Society? 39 Governmental Controls 39 Corporate Controls 41

Summary 44  QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 45  ADDITIONAL READING 47

3 The Advocate and the Management of Symbols 49 The Nature of Language 51

Signs 51 Symbols 52 Meaning 52 Functions of Language 55

Language, Interaction, and Reality 59 The Creation of Reality through Interaction 59 Self as a Product of Interaction with Others 60 Society as a Product of Interaction with Others 60

Political Uses of Language 61 Functions of Political Language 62 Strategic Uses of Political Language 64 Common Political Language Devices 68

The Changing Nature of Public and Political Discourse 73 Summary 76  QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 77  ADDITIONAL READING 78

PART I Origins of Persuasive Practice 25

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4 Persuasion and Reasoning 81 Understanding Practical Arguments: Key Distinctions 83

Analytic Arguments and Practical Enthymemes 84 Demonstration and Argumentation 87 Factual and Judgmental Claims 88 Implied and Stated Components of Arguments 90 Reasoning to Discover and to Defend 91 Finding Good Reasons for Claims 91 The Most Common Error of Reasoning Analysis:

The Alleged Logic–Emotion Distinction 92

Common Forms of Defective Reasoning 93 Ad Hominem 94 False Cause 94 Non Sequitur 95 Circular Argument 96 Fallacy of Oversimplification 97 Excessive Dependence on Authority 98

How Persuasion and Logical Argumentation Differ 98 Denial Often Defeats Reasoning 98 Persuasion’s “Self-Interest” and Argumentation’s “Public Interest” 100

Summary 102  QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 103  ADDITIONAL READING 103

5 Theories and Models of Source Credibility 105 The Three Meanings of “Credibility” 107

Ethos as Good Character 108 The Rational/Legal Ideal of Credibility 109 Source Credibility as Believability 112

Credibility as Authority: Strategic Dimensions 116 Legitimation 116 Mystification 118 Anonymity and Identity Concealment 119 Two-Step Flow 120 Source/Placebo Suggestion 121 Authoritarianism and Acquiescence 122

Summary 125  QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 126  ADDITIONAL READING 127

PART II Four Perspectives on the Nature of Persuasion 79

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6 The Mind in Persuasion 129 Cognitive Elements Affecting Persuasion 130

Beliefs 131 Attitudes 131 Values 134 How These Elements Work Together 134

Essential Theories and Models of Persuasion 135 Stimulus-Response Theory 135 Inoculation Theory 136 Attribution Theory 138 Consistency Theory I: Theory of Cognitive Dissonance 140 Consistency Theory II: Theory of Induced Discrepant Behavior 143 The Boomerang Effect 144 Social Judgment Theory 146 Elaboration Likelihood Theory 148 The Motivated Sequence 152 Theory of Motivated Reasoning 153

Summary 153  QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 154  ADDITIONAL READING 155

7 Persuasion, Audiences, and Social Learning 157 A Conceptual Baseline: Social Learning 159 Audiences: The Generative Forces of Persuasion 160

The Challenge of Finding Homogenous Audiences 161 Is There a Common Center? 162

The Audience Analysis Process 163 The Principle of Identification 164 Universal Commonplaces 165 Audience-Specific Norms 167

Advocates, Messages, and Audiences 170 Believing in Our Words 170 High Credibility/High Agreement Persuasion 172 High Credibility/Low Agreement Persuasion 172 Low Credibility/High Agreement Persuasion 173 Low Credibility/Low Agreement Persuasion 174

Summary: The Ethics of Adaptation 175  QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 176  ADDITIONAL READING 177

Contents  ix

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8 Interpersonal Persuasion 181 Dimensions of Interpersonal Communication 183 Variables of Interpersonal Persuasion 184

Verbal Characteristics 184 Nonverbal Characteristics 185 Power and Control 189 Compliance-Seeking Messages 190 Conflict 194 Gender Differences 199 Culture and Diversity 202 Leadership 204

Contexts of Interpersonal Persuasion 207 Organizations 207 Sales 213 Interviews 217

Summary 219  QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 220  ADDITIONAL READING 221

9 Public and Mass Persuasion 223 Public Communication and Persuasion 224

Characteristics of Public Communication 225 Public Opinion and Persuasion 226

Persuasive Campaigns 229 Product or Commercial Campaigns 230 Public Relations Campaigns 230 Political Campaigns 232 Issue Campaigns 234

Social Movements 244 Characteristics 244 Persuasive Functions 246 Life Cycle 247 Leadership 248 Resistance to Social Movements 249

Campaign Implementation 250 Summary 251  QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 252  ADDITIONAL READING 253

PART III The Contexts of Persuasion 179

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10 Advertising as Persuasion 255 Advertising Today 256

Expenditures 256 Celebrity Endorsements 257 Cross Selling 258

What Is Advertising? 259 The Evolution of Advertising from a

Communication Perspective 262 Cultural Frames 262 Identification with a Product 264 Using Music to Structure the Message 264

The Role of Psychology in Advertising 266 Neuromarketing 266 Psychographics 268 Branding 269

How Advertising Works 270 Consumer Decision Making 271 Involvement 272 Creating Demand 272 Reach, Frequency, and Integrated Marketing 274 Subliminal Advertising 276

Advertising as Myth 277 Common Advertising Appeals 280

Emotional Appeals 280 Transformative Appeals 282 Rational-Functional Appeals 285

How to Critique Ads 285 Criticisms of Advertising 287

Deception 287 Language 289 Children 290 Consumerism 292 Social Effects 292 Freedom of Speech 293 Privacy 293 Private versus Public Interests 294

What Can I Do? 295 Summary 295  QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 296  ADDITIONAL READING 297

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11 Political Persuasion 299 Language, Communication, Politics, and Persuasion 302 Characteristics of Political Communication and Persuasion 304

Short-Term Orientation 304 Specific Objectives 305 Mediated 305 Audience Centered 305

Ideology 306 The Political Socialization Process 307

Political Socialization Outcomes 307 Agents of Political Socialization 308 Levels of Interaction 310

Forms of Political Persuasion 311 Administrative Persuasion 311 Legislative Persuasion 313 Campaign Persuasion 316 Political Persuasion through Symbolic and Status Issues 323 Political Persuasion in the Context of Entertainment 324

What We Can Learn from Political Persuasion 327 Limited Effects Model 327 Significant Effects Model 328

Politics and Trust 328 Summary 329  QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 330  ADDITIONAL READING 331

12 Ethical Considerations of Persuasion 335 Ethics, Values, and Principles 338 Communication, Ethics, and Society 339

Persuasion and Communication Ethics 341 Sources of Attitudes and Values 342 Categories of Communication Ethics 344

PART IV Issues and Strategies of Message Preparation 333

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Considerations for Ethical Communication 346 Communicator Considerations 346 Message Considerations 347 Medium Considerations 347 Receiver Considerations 348 Ethical Values of Communicators 348

Areas of Special Concern 349 Media and New Technologies 349 News Journalism 352 Politics and Political Communication 356 Public Discourse 359

Summary 361  QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 362  ADDITIONAL READING 363

13 Constructing and Presenting Persuasive Messages 365 Strategic Considerations for Nondiscursive Persuasion 367

The Visual Image 368 Honoring Gestalt Values in Visual Design 369 Set Realistic Goals 376 Keep the Message Thematically Simple 376 Consider the Appropriate Cultural Palette 376 Use a Sympathetic Figure or Key Icon to

Communicate Your Central Idea 378 Frame the Discussion in the Imagery of

Heroes, Villains, and Victims 379

Strategic Considerations of a Set Presentation 379 Know the Audience 380 Determine Your Objectives 381 Determine Your Thesis 382 Develop Main Points as Good Reasons 383 Amplify and Support the Main Points 384 Write the Introduction 386 Prepare the Outline 389 Presenting the Message 390

Two Additional Considerations for Discursive Messages 391 When to Reveal the Thesis 391 Whether to Recognize Opposing Views 392

Summary 392  QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 393  ADDITIONAL READING 394

Endnotes 395 Index 431

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Preface

The first edition of this book was published twenty-five years ago. At that time interest in persuasion in universities was largely defined by a tight circle of con- cerns drawn largely from the fields of rhetoric, communication theory, and experi- mental psychology. But the circumference of the subject’s boundaries has grown to such an extent that it is even pushing against formerly distant fields such as ethnog- raphy and neurobiology. Researchers now track “neural pathways” activated when subjects are exposed to everything from “shooter” video games to deodorant ads.1

Factor in recent interest in personal and social media, alternative routes to tradi- tional advertising, or “screen time” as a measure of the dominant activity of humans during their waking hours, and it becomes evident why nearly everyone now seems interested in the processes of personal influence.

We enthusiastically endorse the expanding exploration of persuasion, although with some concern about the growing fashion for seeking answers using brain imaging devices. It is increasingly common to find research where neural imaging is used to map the “brain activity” of individuals while they view movies, play video games, or scan web pages.2 There is no question that we have much to learn about specific brain locations and routes that are awakened by certain kinds of media and presentational forms. And while there is ample evidence that some mes- sages and activities influence hormone releases that affect mood and feelings, we believe such mapping feeds a growing impression that a relatively new “science” will give the analysis of persuasion a form of certainly that it has never had. We heartily welcome all forms of research that give us more insight into how we pro- cess communications, but we doubt that persuasion can be usefully understood as a function of electrochemical processes.3 The reduction of cognition to the connec- tivity of neurons is like describing a piece of music in terms of the physics of the air pressure created by the musicians who created it. To be sure, it is easy to measure sound this way, converting pressure into frequencies, and perhaps displaying them on an audio analyzer. But to study music or persuasion by focusing on their physical processes has the effect of mistaking the conditions necessary for their production with their essence.

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It is important to remember that human communication must be understood as a cluster of outcomes produced when minds are engaged. The brain is indeed the physical site where thinking—cognition—takes place. But unlike nearly all other body organs, it has no single function. In terms of higher-order mental activities, it facilitates thought and perception, but in ways that are always unique to the experiences of an individual. An individual’s presence—a rich mix of genetics, personal and social history, and attendant memories—must be measured in terms of what we say and do, what we “know,” what we believe about our intentions and the inten- tions of others, and so on. Thinking, decision-making, the weighing of options, the interpretation of other’s words are the functions that are more interesting for why they occur than where they occur. The brain is so “plastic”—various centers accom- modate so many different kinds of thought—that any search for a single “pathway” of cognition seems far too simple. Neuroscience usually concedes as much.4 And that acknowledgement serves as a healthy reminder that the analyst of persuasion must be an interpreter of the person in their world.

The processes of influence discussed in this book are drawn from a holistic per- spective that marries the social and “hard” sciences to the humanities and the ori- gins of persuasion in rhetorical theory. This mix of approaches reflects the view that this is a subject that must be explored by placing the individual not just in material realm but also in the conceptual space of their experiences, ideas, atti- tudes, and social judgments.

These myriad complexities keep us humble. The basic idea of a textbook is that it will offer settled knowledge about its subject. But that has never really been true of persuasion, where the contingencies and unique features of every situation com- plicate efforts to make definitive claims. The subject requires respect for nuance and a capacity to accept unanticipated outcomes. Students of persuasion may use the tools of the sciences to test various strategies and approaches, but in basic ways persuasion rarely submits to the kinds of certainties to which researchers aspire. Though textbook style is traditionally the very definition of certainty, we are happy to acknowledge the very soft ground on which theories of influence rest.

As you would expect this far into the new millennium, this edition pays more attention to social media and online communities, to Internet product and politi- cal marketing, and to refinements of theories and models that have become part of the canon of persuasion theory. To better highlight the growing terminology avail- able for analysis, key ideas in each chapter are set off from the running text in bold italics, and simple definitions follow. We hope this formatting creates a useful run- ning glossary of key terms that can be easily referenced when reading or reviewing a chapter.

As with earlier editions, we examine the process of seeking influence from its roots in the timeless ideals of democratic institutions and social ethics. And we continue to see it as a set of interactions typically involving active rather than pas- sive agents. From this perspective, persuasion is not necessarily something some- one does to others. In its best forms, it works with willing recipients and attentive persuaders, often in the same space. When asked about his techniques for manag- ing the outsized Hollywood egos that filled his days, the former chairman of Sony Pictures offered a piece of candid advice that seemed as accurate as it was simple.

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He noted that success often amounts to just being “in the same room” with some- one and “breathing the same air.”5 As academics we instinctively want to add qual- ifiers and exceptions, but his comment is a good place to start.

Endnotes 1 See, for example, Tom Hummer, et. al, “Short-Term Violent Video Game Play by Adolescents Alters

Prefrontal Activity During Cognitive Inhibition,” Media Psychology; April–June, 2010, pp. 136–154, Ebsco Communication and Mass Media Complete, http://ezproxy.tcnj.edu:2417/ehost/ detail?sid=7436d970-3710-4b34-b1f7-fcd2651767ce%40sessionmgr110&vid=16&hid=113&bdata= JnNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZQ%3d%3d#db=ufh&AN=51377162

2 Nicholas Carr, The Shallows: What the Internet Is Doing to Our Brains (New York: Norton, 2011), pp. 115–138.

3 For a preliminary look at how neuroscience fits into studies of communication see Jack Jordynn and Gregory Appelbaum, “‘This is your Brain on Rhetoric:’ Research Directions of Neurorhetorics,” Rhetoric Society Quarterly, Vol. 40, No. 5, 2010, pp. 422–437. See also Sally Satel and Scott Lilienfeld, Brainwashed: The Seductive Appeal of Mindless Neuroscience (New York: Basic Books, 2013), pp. ix–xxiii.

4 Steven Pinker, “My Genome, My Self,” The New York Times Magazine, January 11, 2009, p. 50, and Ibid, pp. 26–35.

5 Michael Cieply, “In Film and Life, The Story Is King,” The New York Times, February 27, 2011, Sun- day Business, p. 6.

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1

Persuasion and Influence Introduction

OVERVIEW

 The Necessity and Challenge of Persuasion

 Persuasion Defined

 Five Introductory Settings The Unanticipated Effects of Selling Inclusion Doubt and Influence in the Jury Room Advocating Dangerous Forms of Religion A Campus Food Fight Persuasion in Everyday Life

 What These and Other Persuasion Settings Suggest Persuasion is as much about sources as messages Persuasion is measured by its effects on others Persuasion is enormously difficult Even minimal effects can be important Persuasion can easily stray toward the arts of deception Persuasion outcomes are not very unpredictable

 Three Types of Communication Pure Information Pure Expression Pure Persuasion

1

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The pursuit of wisdom through discourse is, after all, the charac- teristic humanistic act. We are all worshipers of Peitho, the God- dess of Persuasion.1

—Hugh D. Duncan

Every year about 30,000 men and women between the ages of 18 and 21 pass through a well manicured collection of low buildings that adjoin the Provo campus of Brigham Young University. The Missionary Training Center of The Church of Latter Day Saints (LDS), perhaps the largest institution for that purpose in the world, lies at the base of Utah’s Wasatch Mountains. The specific goal of the center is to prepare recruits to proselytize Mormonism in the United States and overseas. These novice missionaries spend up to twelve weeks honing their foreign language skills, studying the Book of Mormon and the Bible, and getting ready for the rigors of 10-hour days of communicating with strangers in distant locales. It’s all part of the church’s tradition of encouraging young members to devote two years of their lives to finding new converts.

This massive effort at persuasive outreach is a huge change from the mid-nine- teenth century, when small groups of followers of Joseph Smith escaped the East and Midwest in their own diaspora. Although the Mormons eventually settled in the geographic isolation of Utah with the hope of being left alone, the LDS Church is now among the largest five denominations in the United States, and one of the fastest growing religions in the world.

All male Mormons over 18 are asked to serve on a mission, and about half do. Women who are at least 21 can also join the ranks, but they do so in smaller num- bers.2 After they leave the training center, individuals are assigned a partner who will be their constant companion for the duration of the mission. Young men in buttoned-down white shirts, pressed slacks, and conservative haircuts easily stand out from their surroundings. They may end up in Baltimore, Manila, or Sao Paulo, but they all look like they could have just walked out of the pages of your grandpar- ent’s high school yearbook.

Missionaries call potential converts “investigators,” recognizing that conver- sion is usually not sudden. Investigators seem at least willing to listen, often at bus stops, or on street corners, and front yards. The logic is that the more they learn, the more willing they may be to explore the church or to attend services or meetings.

The Student Manual at the Missionary Training Center sees the task of winning converts in terms of the expected biblical admonitions to go out and serve as wit- nesses for the faith. In this frame of reference, missionaries often think of them- selves as “sharing” or “teaching” the two primary works in the Mormon canon, with the hope that some of these scriptures will be prophetic or provide moral clar- ity.3 The church also emphasizes the classic persuasion idea that you should physi- cally embody what you advocate, a principle that echoes back to ancient rhetorics

Persuasion and Influence  3

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that urged persuaders to show in their own conduct the values that they espouse. New missionaries are taught to be positive, courteous, and to approach every per- son as a potential new friend. They also talk up the importance of family and try to communicate with the unambiguous certainty of a committed believer. This is not an effort that owes much to the irony or cynicism that flows through much of the rest of American life.4 Earnestness is the order of the day.

Many new recruits are initially shy. Most who openly write about their experi- ences are positive about the experience. But a reader of these accounts sometimes gets a sense that many of the church’s volunteers don’t see themselves as natural per- suaders.5 After all, this is not going to be their career. Some appear to struggle to find the confidence to approach people in settings far different than the prosperous Rocky Mountain enclave that is the center of the LDS church. What do you say to an impoverished mother of seven in a rundown section of Columbus, Ohio? One resi- dent, Star Calley, feels the awkwardness of the moment, but invites Jonathan Hoy and Taylor Nielsen to sit on her porch and talk. She worries about raising her kids in the neighborhood. The missionaries listen, sympathize, and then ask her to pray with them.6 After they leave, she admits she was just trying to be nice, noting that “it must take a lot of courage to do what they do, for all the good it does.”7 For their part, they hope they can come by again, perhaps building on a first encounter to offer more reassurance that her family will be better off within the local LDS community.

The Manual also offers a range of more secular advice about how to maximize success. As a general rule, it urges missionaries to follow what is by now an axiom of political persuasion: look for people who have recently been buffeted by reversals or unwanted change. “People who are experiencing significant changes in their lives— such as births, deaths, or moving into new homes—are often ready to learn about the restored gospel and make new friendships.”8 It also reminds recruits to find a way to be brief and effective. What can be offered to someone waiting for a bus, or a person who is willing to give up just a few minutes? The promise of eternal salvation is, of course, the primary message. But there are other inducements that open doors as well, such as helping someone do a simple household repair or offering to help a family research its own history through the vast genealogical resources of the LDS church.9

One researcher studying Mormon missionaries estimates that in the thousands of contacts a single member makes in a given year, he or she will convert only about four to seven people.10 That can amount to a “success” rate of a fraction of one percent. Jonathan Hoy went through the experience and remembers even fewer but still found his limited success worth the effort. In 2007 Hoy recalls the nearly 10,000 people he talked to during a 22-month stint in Ohio and Greece. He especially remembers a young woman in Athens who converted after spending time studying various “restored” scriptures from the Book of Mormon. “I saw it change her life,” he said. “That’s what keeps me going.”11

The seemingly low rates of conversion are balanced by the crucial role that this rite of passage has on the missionaries themselves—self-persuasion. Sometimes the greatest effect of a message is on the persuader. While these missionaries may return with limited success in attracting large numbers of converts, they have become committed activists for their faith, carrying some of that fervor into their relation- ships with others.12

4  Chapter One

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 The Necessity and Challenge of Persuasion A mandate that urges young members to find new recruits for a church may be

somewhat unique to Mormons, but the underlying process of reaching out to oth- ers with a vision or belief to share is a lifeline of identity for most of us. Words con- vey praise, blame, guilt, and joy. We invest them with enduring significance. We establish our place in the lives of others by the ways we label our actions and those around us. The natural impulse to associate and connect gives language the awe- some responsibility of carrying our judgments and feelings.

The LDS missionary experience is also a reminder that persuasion is a particu- larly challenging form of communication. Defined as a request for others to agree or yield, it turns out that persuasion is neither simple to understand or easy to achieve. One of its early theorists, the Roman philosopher Cicero, noted that “whether it is acquired by art or practice, or the mere powers of nature, it is the most difficult of all attainments.”13 He thought that mastery of its various compo- nents was beyond the reach of most. Aristotle, who preceded Cicero and wrote one of the first practical persuasion handbooks, was more certain that its study could be systematized, although he also noted that resistance was more the norm than the exception.14 Both Cicero and Aristotle seemed to sense that persuasion was a spe- cial subject made all the more interesting by its tendency to put all forms of human genius and frailty on conspicuous display.

The primary goal of this book is to offer a systematic description and vocabu- lary for the persuasive process, focusing on some of the same questions that first drew the attention of philosophers. How do we change deep-seated attitudes? What makes us susceptible to or immune from constant attempts to persuade us to accept ideas, products, and people? How can advocates sometimes cause people to deny their beliefs and accept actions that impose serious hardships? The answers to these questions not only equip us to better adapt to our communication-saturated world, but they also reveal some interesting and surprising characteristics of human nature.

Persuasion takes no single form. It occurs in a diverse range of contexts and media—from simple exchanges of opinions between friends to elaborate campaigns designed for specific broadcast and Internet audiences. Persuaders may be as well- financed as the Microsoft Corporation or as resource-poor as a small band of home- owners fighting the decisions of a local zoning board. The range of human contacts that call for effective advocacy is nearly endless. As citizens in a free society, we can- not escape the responsibility for organizing or participating in public persuasion. As friends, family members, and coworkers linked to a web of personal relationships, we similarly face the necessity of managing a vast array of demands and opportunities.

In the remainder of this chapter we will offer a definition of persuasion and several additional case studies. We will also offer a set of key propositions about persuasion.

 Persuasion Defined There are two competing traditions in the definition of persuasion. One tradi-

tion sees it as an ethically suspect process—a form of hucksterism—where advo-

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cates firm in their own beliefs ask for change from others. The philosopher Plato at times saw persuasion as little more than a “knack”—“a part of some business that isn’t admirable at all.”15 Others have studied influence by looking at “compliance practitioners,” a variety of organizations dedicated to getting us to agree (i.e. sales- people, fund-raisers, advertisers).16

Compliance practitioners is a disquieting label that suggests a mastery of decep- tive manipulation. In a related sense, during and after World War II it was common to think of many kinds of messages as “propaganda.” The legacy of suspicion reflected in all of these terms remains today in approaches that emphasize that we are likely to be potential victims of messages that cleverly muscle out our better crit- ical instincts.17 Many in the social sciences have learned to live with the “vulgar contentiousness” they associate with “persuasion,” but prefer the newer label of “attitude change.”18 They often speak in terms of gaining “compliance,” inducing “conformity,” the process of “social influence” or “yielding to social forces.”19

While we have no quarrel with so cautionary a stance toward persuasion, or the labeling of its objectives in the impersonal terms of social processes, we prefer a second tradition that is less prejudiced against persuaders and more conscious of how humans use language and symbols to shape consensus and agreement. This might simply be called the rhetorical tradition. Erwin Bettinghaus and Michael Cody retain this neutrality with the observation that a persuasive situation involves “a conscious attempt by one individual or group to change the attitudes, beliefs, or the behavior of another individual or group of individuals through the transmission of some message.”20 Similarly, Herbert Simons describes persuasion as primarily “a form of attempted influence in the sense that it seeks to alter the way others think, feel, or act.”21 Along with Rod Hart and Suzanne Daughton, he also emphasizes what is sometimes missed by persuasion’s critics: that it is a cooperative and coact- ive enterprise.22 Audiences are more than mere “targets” or victims. They are often willing participants in their own persuasion. As Hart and Daughton note, rhetoric

is a reciprocal or transactive art, because it brings two or more people together in an atmosphere of potential change. By sharing communication, both rhetors and audiences open themselves up to each other’s influence. In that sense, com- munication is not something that is done to others. Rather, it is something that people choose to do to themselves by consenting to communicative contact.23

This “coactive” feature is important to keep it mind. In the first tradition it is common to hear analysts assume that people are objects or victims of persuasion, defenseless against the clever appeals of others. The favored phrase within many persuasion industries is “target audience.” The persuader is presented as the active agent searching for vulnerable and passive quarry. From this perspective, the task is to find the hapless victim and to gain unthinking compliance.

While the idea of a target is often useful and sometimes essential, it can dis- tract us from recognizing the more intricate processes of the mind that are already doing much of the work of preparing a person for change. As the popular essayist Chris Hitchens observed, it isn’t always that someone plans something that will change our mind, it’s that our mind changes us.24 Persuaders, in fact, provide what are the final reasons for the mind to complete its own work. Hitchens offered a chilling

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example of a senior member of the Provisional Irish Republican Army who coact- ively changed his mind. The official

was in the room with his leader David O’Connell when the news came that one of their bombs had “successfully” gone off. Among the casualties was a young woman who was pregnant. . . . “Well, that’s two for one, then,” remarked O’Connell, light-heartedly clearing the air. In that instant, his deputy says, he himself internally defected from the IRA and began the second career as an informer for the British which would wreak the most terrible revenge on his former “associates.”25

Kenneth Burke’s redefinition of persuasion from its old name “rhetoric” to the newer label of identification also owes something to the idea that the energy force for changing how we think is already in us. True, he notes, you may be trying to change an audience’s opinion in one respect, but it is typically done by “yielding” to what they already believe or value in other respects. “You persuade a man,” he notes, only insofar as you talk his language . . . identifying your ways with his.”26

Perhaps sensing some of the complexities that take us beyond the idea of the marksman and his target, Daniel O’Keefe makes the unusual decision to decline a “sharp-edged definition,” noting that any precise meaning sets up boundaries that are partially arbitrary. But in spite of his reluctance, he describes a number of fea-

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tures that are almost always found in typical or “paradigm” cases of persuasion— having a specific goal in mind, achieving it through the use of language or sym- bols, and producing “a change in the mental state of the persuadee.” O’Keefe also notes that true persuasion implies “some measure of freedom (free will, free choice, voluntary action).”27 Although not all theorists agree,28 we believe that forcing someone to act is not the same thing as truly persuading them.

We endorse elements of all the definitions we have cited, but with some modi- fications. The important qualifier that persuasion may affect behavior as well as judgments and attitudes is especially relevant. We would resist the urge to reduce persuasion to just behavioral change: what people “do,” rather than what they think.29 It is important to remember that persuasion may create internal changes that may initially not have any outward form. Or behavior may hide important conflicting feelings. For example, an individual’s behavior in a given case may indicate that they have momentarily given in to another’s request. But if underly- ing attitudes are not changed, their behavior is likely to revert to its original form. As anyone who accompanies a friend or spouse to a concert or movie can tell you, compliance is not necessarily an indicator of a deep level of conviction. We think of compliance and conviction as existing on a continuum some distance from each other, even though both fit under our broad definition.

Compliance frequently suggests that you have gained from another person the kind of behavior that you want. If a doctor urges a patient to lose some weight or give up cigarettes, his notes after follow-up visits will no doubt register whether the patient is complaint or noncompliant. But it would be risky to assume the patient likes all of the changes he has been induced to make. Compliance doesn’t really require conviction. We may be convinced that a donut is still a great thing, even if we know we should eat less of them. Conviction is deeper. It represents the goal of many persuaders searching for acknowledgment and assent from others. Some- times the middle ground of agreement that exists between compliance and convic- tion is its own reward, on ideas ranging from the significant (“The United States Senate is a broken institution”) to the less consequential (“The Godfather should be at the top of the American Film Institute’s ‘Top 100’ List.”) Creating agreement seems like a more significant achievement than winning compliance, but creating conviction would be better still. Conviction is the field where we all become mis- sionaries for our own beliefs and passions.

Our initial impressions of persuasion also lead us to slightly amend the previ- ous definitions to include the possibility of strengthening existing attitudes and actions in addition to modifying or changing them. While persuasion is most apparent when a transformation of some sort occurs within an individual, an exclusive emphasis on change overlooks the pervasive role of communication as a way to prevent the erosion of support. As most advertisers know, the most effective persuasive strategies are essentially defensive. It is easier to reassure a listener’s faith in what is already accepted than to urge change to something new. Advertis- ing is often a strategy to protect a product’s current share of the market.

Thus, we define persuasion as a process composed of five concurrent dimen- sions.

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Our definition emphasizes that persuasion is an interactive process that takes place between people. It comes with hopes but no guarantees. One can prepare and present a message, but the outcome is unknown. In true persuasion, as O’Keefe has noted, audiences are autonomous and can easily withhold their consent.

In spite of the plethora of self-help books, pop-psychology tracts, and simple “recipes for success” that offer instruction on changing our lives and those around us, the assumption that one individual or group can discover simple nostrums for altering thought and action is largely a myth. The realities of all human encounters are too complex to be reduced to formulas. If it is to be understood at all, the pro- cess of persuasion requires an open mind, attention to the requirements of and needs of specific audiences, and a capacity to live with conditional rather than cer- tain truths.

 Five Introductory Settings We turn next to some specific cases involving individuals with persuasive

intentions. The cases are instructive as background before considering several addi- tional questions of definition later in this chapter.

The Unanticipated Effects of Selling Inclusion In early 2010 McDonald’s restaurants in France began running a commercial

with the theme, “Come as you are.” The commercial would look familiar to any- one who has encountered ads from the world’s largest fast-food chain. It featured images of family members bonding in the upbeat décor common to the chain and concluded with a visual of the trademark golden arches. What caught the attention of many, though, was the story line of the ad, which featured a young man of per- haps sixteen looking at his school class picture while talking on his cell phone to someone in that group. “I miss you too,” he says. His father arrives with a tray of food. Observing the situation, the father remarks: “You look just like me at your age. I was quite the ladies’ man.” And then there is the twist. The father continues: “Too bad your class is all boys. You could get the girls.” Over some wistful music in the background, the son only looks on with a half smile and lets the comment pass. Then, just before the screen closes with the familiar logo, it goes to black with words in white standing in contrast: “Come as you are.”30

The Persuasive Process

Persuasion is

1. the coactive process of preparing and presenting

2. verbal or nonverbal messages

3. to autonomous and often receptive individuals

4. in order to alter or strengthen

5. their attitudes and/or behaviors.

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In conventional terms this was simply a gay-friendly ad. McDonald’s-France claimed that the message was intended to show that the chain welcomed people from all walks of life.31 It was only for the French market, but videos today travel beyond target audiences via video-sharing sites. This one went viral very quickly. One of the world’s most recognized companies had ventured into a social issue to affirm the status of a group that some would like to see on the margins—a recipe for strong and sometimes unanticipated reactions. Persuasion that intersects with social action can resemble 10 people playing racquetball on the same small court. There is no way to anticipate how and where the balls will ricochet.

Comments on the story in a British newspaper were fairly typical, ranging from “I’m not going to McDonald’s ever again” to “I am gay, I like the ad. But I wouldn’t eat there.”32 Perhaps the greatest surprise was the unanticipated hostility from some gay individuals and groups. “So the message here is, you’re welcome at McDon- ald’s if you’re a closeted gay teen? Show me an ad with a couple of guys snogging in McDonald’s and then I might think we’ve started to make progress.”33 A gay rights group in the U.S. similarly criticized McDonald’s for being “hypocritical” and per- petuating “blatant geological pandering” for supposedly catering to social conserva- tives at home and appealing to gays in France.34 Another wondered how showing a still-closeted teen “serves the gay community or McDonald’s for that matter.”35

The McDonald’s ad went where advertising rarely treads; it flirted with an issue where beliefs are frequently held with a deep sense of confidence. The ad offered a modest theme of tolerance. By acknowledging the quiet challenges of growing up in a “straight” world, it affirmed the disputed status of gays and—at least for many—either affirmed or offended beliefs that would not be easily negoti- ated away. On face value McDonald’s-France seemed to know what they wanted to say. Whether they lost control of their own message is a more open question.

Doubt and Influence in the Jury Room Graham Burnett’s account of his time spent with eleven other jurors deciding

the fate of a murder suspect in New York City is a reminder of so many small and large moments of persuasion.36 To be sure, the jury room is hardly the most com- mon scene for persuasion. Most criminal cases are plea-bargained rather than turned over to juries. And few Americans will have to do little more in their life- time than give up more than a day or two for a minor case. But a trial and the pri- vate deliberations of a jury are a fascinating microcosm of influence. A jury is chosen for its apparent objectivity in evaluating the pleas of the prosecution and defense; they must make a collective and unanimous decision to award the case to one of the sides.

Burnett’s trial was at once bizarre and simple. A man dressed as a woman had lured the suspect to his apartment in Greenwich Village. There was the promise of sex. A scuffle ensued, and the tenant of the apartment ended up with multiple and fatal stab wounds. The prosecution argued a simple case of murder. The defense of the man who was coaxed into going to the apartment claimed self-defense. They argued that the defendant had been lured to a seduction that suddenly was not what it had seemed. When he tried to leave, the seducer had pulled a knife and a deadly fight began.

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In the days of testimony that followed, the basic facts were not in dispute. But there was little convincing evidence supporting a reason for the deadly scuffle. Did the victim bait potential lovers, and then aggressively pursue them? Had the two men known each other before? The jury was left to decide a verdict of second degree murder, or a lesser charge of manslaughter. They could also let the defen- dant go if they believed his story that he had acted in self-defense.

As an academic historian, Burnett was used to looking at the details of events. Throughout the trial and deliberations at the dreary Criminal Courts building on Centre Street he kept a diary of observations that became the basis of his book. Among his first impressions from the trial was the arrogance of the prosecution. The more the lead attorney for the state spoke, the less Burnett liked him and his message. The defendant—poor but soft spoken—was treated with contempt. The prosecutor used a “badgering” and “sneeringly sarcastic” tone. In cross examina- tion, the prosecutor was belligerent in his efforts to get the defendant to change his story: something he politely but firmly refused to do. “So egregious did I find the whole performance,” notes Burnett, that “I felt a deep desire to see the prosecutor lose the case.”37

How did that “whisper of a thought” ultimately affect his thinking? By the time Burnett and his colleagues were sent to the jury room, he had his answer. He recalls that he privately committed himself to a complete acquittal, or at least a hung jury. The aggressive hostility of the prosecution and the judge had uninten- tionally boomeranged.

In the first long day of deliberations, the jury was divided and confused. It would now be the task of individual members who had formed a clear position to try to convince others of the defendant’s guilt or innocence. People sometimes paired off into groups of two or three, some individuals working to weaken the resistance of others. A few retreated to the lavatory in the jury room to compare notes out of earshot of the others. It was a process that would take four days and test everyone’s endurance.

During that period, twelve individuals of considerable diversity engaged in a total of twenty-three hours of sustained conversation in a small, bare room. We ran the gamut of group’s dynamics: a clutch of strangers yelled, cursed, rolled on the floor, vomited, whispered, embraced, sobbed, and invoked both God and necromancy. . . . (W)e had watched one juror pulled from our midst and rushed to the hospital (a physical collapse, caused by some combination of missing medication and the crucible of deliberations), another make a some- what halfhearted effort to escape (he was apprehended), and a third insist on her right to contact her own lawyer to extricate her from the whole affair (she was threatened with contempt).38

In spite of his quasi-neutral status as foreman, Burnett at times found himself engineering the defeat of some views and actively promoting others. Weaving his comments around the constant ebb and flow of discussion, he found ways to iso- late jurors who he believed were taking the jury down endless black holes. At one point when it appeared that the group edged closer to a “not guilty” verdict, Bur- nett collected ballots in a way that made it easy for others to know the vote of a potential holdout. “I placed it, consciously and more or less conspicuously, at the

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bottom of the pile. I wanted the full dismay of the room to land on her if she had voted for a conviction.”39

After three days of deliberations, the stalemate was broken by the sudden elo- quence of Dean, a former bull-riding cowboy who now sold vacuum cleaners, whom Burnett had previously stereotyped as a typical working-class male: “big chest, big gut, big debt.” But Dean’s fluency broke through an impasse that left the jurors wondering how to send a message to the court and the partly culpable defen- dant, even though their formal charge omitted such subtleties. Dean noted that he believed the defendant “did something very, very wrong in that room. But I also believe that nobody has asked me to play God. I’ve been asked to apply the law. Justice belongs to God; men only have the law. Justice is perfect, but the law can only be careful.”40

“To my right I heard Suzy O’Mear whisper something,” Burnett recalled. “Looking over, I saw that her eyes brimmed. ‘He’s convinced me,’ she whispered again. It was close to a sob. She said it a third time.”41 The persuasive force of Dean’s words broke through their deadlock, and for the first time Burnett saw the pathway the jury would eventually follow in reaching a not-guilty verdict.

Advocating Dangerous Forms of Religion By definition, persuasion that succeeds involves the agreement that a receiver

freely offers based on the pleas or requests of an advocate. One of the assumptions we make about this transaction is that listeners will weigh messages against their own self interests. If we buy a car, for example, we are likely to weigh the claims made by the sales person against our own views of what we need and can afford. It seems axiomatic that people cannot be easily persuaded to act in harmful or danger- ous ways. In our recent past, however, Americans have seen two instances involving mass suicides committed at the apparent request of a strong cult leader: the 1997 sui- cides of 39 members of the Heaven’s Gate Group in California and the fiery immola- tion of the Branch Davidians of Waco, Texas. The Davidians died in a catastrophic fire after a long standoff with federal agents. The subdued members of Heaven’s Gate willingly dosed themselves with poison in the belief that they would leave their “containers” and catch a ride on a spaceship behind the comet Hale-Bopp.42

Perhaps Americans were most shocked by news in 1978 that over 900 people died in an apparent mass suicide in the remote South American nation of Guyana. How could so many people apparently agree to their own deaths? What kind of influence did the leader of the American cult in Guyana possess? The deaths of members of the People’s Temple was the final act in what had been a long and increasingly desperate road for its leader, Jim Jones.

Jones was considered unorthodox in his days as a California evangelist, but he shared more similarities than differences with many other groups that mingled pol- itics with religion, social action with antigovernment paranoia. He was especially popular among the poor because his indignation toward “exploiters” and the rich struck a responsive chord. The mission he established attracted members through activities and services designed to make them feel special and different. Like David Koresh—whose Branch Davidian compound was attacked and eventually destroyed by the FBI in 1993—Jones was a powerful leader. He used his pulpit to

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preach not only a religious doctrine but also long diatribes against the secular cul- ture outside. Also, like Koresh, Jones grew increasingly strident and isolated.43 He began to make every issue a personal one and every member a part of his own pri- vate crusade. He cultivated a following by cleverly mixing his gospel of social change with carefully orchestrated demonstrations of support. Members were required to give their money and personal allegiance to “The Father.” For Koresh and his Texas followers, the price of their isolation and identification with a zeal- ous leader would be the loss of 87 lives in a fiery holocaust. For the residents of Jonestown the losses were even more staggering: 912 followers were shot or took their lives in one mass suicide.

The remote Guyana village was an unlikely spot for an American religious commune, but Jones must have realized that a leader’s control is enhanced when their followers’ dependence is increased though physical isolation. He sold his jun- gle location as a place free from persecution and victimage. “I am preparing a promised land for you in Jonestown,” he said. “When you get there all of your trib- ulations will be over. There will be no need for discipline when you get away from the capitalistic society of America. There you will be able to love and be loved.”44

According to one member of the People’s Temple, Jones’ “only source of plea- sure was observing his followers’ total devotion to him.”45 He became obsessed with his control over the inhabitants of the new village. Members were publicly beaten and humiliated. Bizarre marathon meetings were held in which he revealed his belief that he was the target of assassination plots. He began preaching with a gun at his side and erupting into tirades when a member tried to leave a meeting. These were ominous signs of his growing paranoia.

After hearing complaints from members of families that relatives were being held against their wishes, California Congressman Leo Ryan decided to visit the Guyana village with several members of the press. His visit pushed Jones to a deadly state of paranoia and rage. In poor health himself, he calmly planned the demise of his commune and everyone in it. After ordering the assassination of Ryan and several reporters, he persuaded and coaxed almost one thousand people to commit the ultimate act of self-destruction. Many willingly gave doses of a fruit drink laced with poison to themselves and to their children while others were mur- dered by Jones’ bodyguards. A tape recorder that was left running preserved the bizarre final moments:

So my opinion is that you be kind to children and be kind to seniors and take the potion like they used to take it in ancient Greece, and step over quietly, because we are not committing suicide. It’s a revolutionary act. We can’t go back, and they won’t leave us alone. They’re now going back to tell more lies, which means more congressmen. And there’s no way, no way, we can survive.46

Jones’ power to persuade his followers to commit suicide remains a partial mystery. The basic impulse to live should defeat even the most manipulative of per- suaders, but we must not overlook the fact that the murder/suicide was only a last step in what had been an incremental process begun years earlier. From its start, the People’s Temple had fostered the principle of personal obedience. Members of the church were more than followers of a set of religious beliefs. They were disci-

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ples of Jim Jones. Had he been a different person, they might have benefited from their identification with him because persuasion is both a social and rational pro- cess. The attraction to the idea of the People’s Temple—a mission apart from soci- ety—became fatally tied to the magnetic personality of Jones. Like David Koresh, he had attracted supporters first to his ideas, then to his isolated mission, and finally to their deaths.

A Campus Food Fight Sometimes a book or an author catches on and creates ripples of attitude

change. Such has been the writing of Michael Pollan, who teaches journalism at the University of California, but who is more widely known as a best-selling author who has raised the consciousness of Americans about the “industrial” origins of their food. Pollan’s books and articles have become essential reading for anyone intrigued with the ideas that something has gone horribly wrong with the Ameri- can diet. Other books by Pollan have followed the most influential of his works, The Omnivore’s Dilemma. But few have had so great an impact. In 2009 alone, it was assigned as required reading for 35,000 students.47

Pollan’s complaint is that too much of our food exists for the convenience of the large producers, who use federally subsidized crops to make nearly everything with corn—from Chicken McNuggets to potato chips. Turned into sugar or oil, corn is in nearly every form of processed food. In fact, the current national turn away from high fructose corn syrup owes some of its power to Pollan’s book and to influential sources, like The New York Times, who have extensively covered his work. His style is journalistic rather than overtly accusatory. But its cumulative impact is to force Americans to confront products whose origins and chemistry defy the homey advertising images used to sell them.

I don’t mean to suggest that human food chains have only recently come into con- flict with the logic of biology; early agriculture and, long before that, human hunting proved enormously destructive. Indeed, we might have never needed agriculture had earlier generations of hunters not eliminated the species they depended upon. Folly in the getting of our food is nothing new. And yet the new follies we are perpetuating in our industrial food chain today are of a different order. By replacing solar energy with fossil fuel, by raising millions of animals in close confinement, by feeding those animals food they never evolved to eat, and by feeding ourselves foods far more novel than we even realize, we are taking risks with our health and the health of the natural world that are unprecedented.48

Pollan’s accounts of the treatment of animals raised for meat is especially har- rowing, perhaps in its own way as effective as Upton Sinclair’s 1905 exposure of packing plants in The Jungle. If young adults can ever be motivated to shed the eat- ing traditions of their families, it is probably going to happen in the first few years of college. And Pollan has given readers the factual equipment to question the prac- tices of large agribusinesses—an almost perfect match of message and the audi- ence’s readiness to receive it.

The Omnivore’s Dilemma is still such a consistent seller in the nation’s college bookstores that it has triggered a countermovement to try to neutralize the effects

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of Pollan’s arguments. The National Cattlemen’s Beef Association has been so alarmed over the growing disapproval of beef on some campuses that it has launched a campaign of counterpersuasion in an Internet-based program called the “Masters of Beef Advocacy” (MBA). This effort recruits mostly agriculture and veterinary students to take its six-part “course” in order to acquire the persuasive armament to defend the continued consumption of meat.49 After completing the training, the new recruit is ready to be an “everyday advocate” to take on the “anti- animal agriculture activist community.” As the MBA website notes,

This can be as simple as talking to friends, family, and neighbors. Graduates also will be equipped with tools to reach out to broader audiences in their com- munities by: • Giving presentations—schools, civic organizations, etc. • Getting active in the online environment—posting comments/video on web-

sites, blogging, etc. • Participating in media interviews—print and/or broadcast media50

The plan shrewdly activates the peers of students, enlisting them to combat what they see as increasing campus hostility to agribusinesses. One MBA “gradu- ate” at Kansas State University expressed the challenge in defensive terms.

We know the environment is in crisis and we don’t want to contribute to that. But we’re also farmers, so the hard thing for us is to take into account all the criticisms of conventional agriculture, and to also continue to feed the world on the scale we are doing now. I think a lot of young people are primarily worried they won’t be able to have a career in farming at all in the future.51

MBA members now picket when Pollan appears on a campus. The response to some of his Midwestern appearances has been described by one attendee as 3,500 “cheering fans and a handful of fuming pink-cheeked cowboys.”52 It’s not likely that agribusinesses in general have a lot to fear. But the beef-cattle industry seems to know that they are a long way from the days when their products were the reli- able center of the American diet.

 Persuasion in Everyday Life The process of persuasion is embedded in the transactions of daily life. Sociol-

ogist Erving Goffman has a remarkable ability for seeing the recurring patterns that emerge as we seek influence and compliance in even routine moments of com- munication. He notes “that when an individual appears before others he will have many motives for trying to control the impression they receive of the situation.”53

We want to be liked and to have our ideas accepted. We want others to show regard for our feelings and for the values that serve as the anchors for our actions. Goff- man reminds us that children, teachers, parents, close friends, employees, employ- ers, spouses, lovers, and coworkers all have strategies for projecting their interests to those with whom they come in contact. He referred to such strategies as impres- sion management. Since we perform many of these roles simultaneously, we are constantly faced with the imperatives of making our actions and attitudes accept-

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able to others. Every role we play carries a number of possible strategies for influ- encing others. In words, gestures, and small signs, we leave a trail of cues that are meant to guide the responses of our audiences. No moment in the routine events of the day is too small to be devoid of persuasion. Goffman cites George Orwell’s hilarious account of the routine strategies of restaurant waiters to make this point.

It is an instructive sight to see a waiter going into a hotel dining room. As he passes the door a sudden change comes over him. The set of his shoulders alters; all the dirt and hurry and irritation have dropped off in an instant. He glides over the carpet, with a solemn priest-like air. I remember our assistant maitre d’hôtel, a fiery Italian, pausing at the dining room door to address his apprentice who had broken a bottle of wine. . . . “Do you call yourself a waiter, you young bastard? You a waiter! You’re not fit to scrub floors in the brothel your mother came from . . .” Then he entered the dining room and sailed across it dish in hand, graceful as a swan. Ten seconds later he was bowing reverently to a customer. And you could not help thinking, as you saw him bow and smile, with that benign smile of the trained waiter, that the customer was put to shame by having such an aristocrat to serve him.54

Life is full of such moments. Any novel or film could be studied for all of the subtle but significant cues that are “performed” to elicit acceptance or approval. We “read” such acts so routinely that we tend to forget how essential they are as oil for the machinery of everyday interaction.

Consider, for example, how the following conventional situations invite the use of various persuasive strategies:

• You have agreed to work with an organization that promotes literacy. They need your help to recruit more volunteers who can teach reading to adults one evening a week. Can you come up with a plan that goes beyond asking your friends?

• There is a rumor that your university is considering cutting financial support for varsity gymnastics. Its goal is to save the costs associated with coaches, travel, and equipment. As a team captain you would like to make a case to save the program. What should you say to the University’s Athletic Director and Provost, who have agreed to meet with you?

• A friend you have known since high school seems to have a drinking prob- lem. He drinks heavily on the weekend and is increasingly missing meetings and other commitments during the work week. You would like him to see a therapist, but you don’t want to seem like you are prying.

• You are broke. The prospect of eating oatmeal for dinner until the next pay- check arrives is too much to bear. But you do have some rich friends . . .

• As a part-time salesperson paid on commission, every sale increases the amount of your monthly paycheck. You attempt to devise a method for sep- arating serious buyers from more casual and time-consuming “browsers.”

• You have agreed to canvass several neighborhoods on behalf of a candidate for the U.S. House of Representatives. The problem is what to say to mem- bers of households as they come to their front doors.

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 What These and Other Persuasion Settings Suggest All of the cases raise a number of issues that are at the heart of the study of per-

suasion. They also indicate the range of theories and strategies that inform persua- sive analysis and practice. While some theories will be discussed in other chapters, we can draw some preliminary conclusions here.

Persuasion is as much about sources as messages. In 350 BC Aristotle expressed what was already a truism: good character—high

ethos—“may be the most effective means of persuasion” that a person possesses.55

Messages do not stand alone; consumers weigh both the credibility of advocates as well as the quality of their messages. Burnett and presumably some of his jury col- leagues were not impressed by the hectoring style of the New York City prosecutor. And with terrible efficiency, Jim Jones used his popularity to attract followers to his increasingly demented ideas. In each case the process of persuasion makes sense only when we look again at how the reputations of specific individuals “played” to specific audiences. Even as events recede into history, for example, we still seek to understand the power of charismatic persuaders such as Jim Jones, or the roles of celebrities who voice opinions about political and economic conflicts. Drama allows us to peer into the worlds of characters engaged in the ongoing chal- lenges of negotiating differences with others. Research and scholarship formalize this process, identifying specific agents affecting the process of influence.

Persuasion is measured by its effects on others. To insist on the centrality of audiences may be like knocking on an open door,

but the authors continue to be surprised by persuasion analysts who focus on their own responses to messages rather than the responses of the intended audiences. Since persuasion is always addressed to someone, the intended audience is almost always central to the process. Messages usually cannot be productively studied on their own. They need to be understood from the perspective of those whom the per- suader had in mind. Hence, we are more interested in how prosecution and defense arguments in a trial are likely to affect the jury, as opposed to the specific argu- ments presented. And while the temptation is to simply judge the psychotic behav- ior of Jim Jones, we have to acknowledge that he perversely “succeeded.” The only amendment to this guideline is the reminder that the process of persuasion fre- quently includes considering its effects on the source, as illustrated in our discus- sion of Mormon missionaries. We are in some sense part of the audience for a message when we are convinced anew by reading or hearing our own words.

Persuasion is enormously difficult. The topic of persuasion is often accompanied with a vocabulary suggesting

moments of instant conversion—times when an overwhelming force seems to wipe away any resistance. Plato regularly hinted at the risks of teaching the dark arts of manipulation and seduction.56 Mid-twentieth century America was consumed with fears of communist brainwashing, indoctrination, and propaganda—rapid and

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mysterious ways to get people to abandon their beliefs. Even a president of the powerful Screen Actor’s Guild, Ronald Reagan, expressed this view. He noted that the Communist plan for Hollywood was remarkably simple: “to gradually work into the movies the requisite propaganda attitudes . . . to soften the American pub- lic’s hardening attitude toward Communism.”57 The idea was that leftist screen- writers doing Moscow’s bidding would subvert American attitudes from within.58

If only persuasion were so easy and predictable. To be sure, storytelling fre- quently needs the pivot point of a sudden change in attitude. It’s a sure thing that within a two-hour film someone will undergo a significant transformation.59 But the dramatic and sudden collapse of the Soviet system after 1986 speaks to a more complex reality. Even the society that had allegedly mastered the techniques of political influence—from official Komsomols for teens to nearly complete control of the mass media—could not hold back a yearning for political reform and a dif- ferent kind of society.

Every student of persuasion needs to keep in mind the fact that we have an enormous capacity to resist it.60 Mormon missionaries soldier on in spite of seem- ingly low conversion rates; advertisers know that even their best efforts are merely maintaining current market shares for a brand; political candidates often realize that the differences between victory and loss are in the narrow margins of the uncommitted. The suffragist Carrie Chapman Catt estimated that to win votes for women there were 56 separate referendum campaigns in the states, along with “480 campaigns to get legislatures to submit suffrage amendments to voters, 47 campaigns to get constitutional conventions to write woman suffrage into state constitutions; 277 campaigns to get state party conventions to include woman suf- frage planks, 30 campaigns to include woman suffrage planks in party platforms, and 19 campaigns with 19 successive Congresses.”61 With such evidence of the challenges of persuasion, it verges on understatement to note that we are not easy to change.

The primary result of resistance is a low degree of change, expressed in persua- sion analysis as the theory of minimal effects.62 In a nutshell, the analysis of many studies of persuasion confirms that even apparently fluent and effective messages will usually produce only minor changes in their intended receivers. In many cases, percentages of respondents asked to change their views or actions fall within the sin- gle digits. In one meta-analysis of media messages urging health-related changes (i.e., wearing seat belts while driving), Charles Atkin found a success rate of between 5 and 10%.63 Even with an optimistic level of change at the high end, these low numbers are a reminder that the vast majority of people targeted remain unmoved.

In some ways this is hardly surprising. Change carries significant costs for an individual: sometimes in financial terms, but almost always in the subtle ways that pieces of our identity must be reconstructed to reflect “new” choices. Consider, for example, how much is psychologically on the line when we urge a friend to accept the labeling of their behavior—perhaps drinking or gambling—as “addictive.” In short, because persuasion is about change it could create seismic shifts we aren’t willing to accept, and successful resistance that allows us to avoid the challenges of change.

Finally, persuasion is also difficult because Americans live with a multitude of distractions. Not only do we now spread ourselves thin among various venues and

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forms of communication, but even in one form of media such as the Internet or a consumer magazine there is an enormous amount of “clutter,” the advertising industry’s word for too many messages competing for attention in the same limited place. Historically, being in the same physical space and in direct communication with the target of a message was the presumed ideal context for successful persua- sion.64 We now assume that media technologies have successfully changed that requirement, and in some ways they have.65 But researchers generally find that newer ways to communicate with others (including texting and other social media) have different and mostly weaker direct persuasive effects than is possible in face- to-face communication.66 Health communication researchers have similarly discov- ered that a person sitting and watching a videotaped health message is less likely to be compliant with a need to change than a person in face-to-face interaction with a doctor or nurse.67 That’s perhaps no surprise. Even amidst the tsunami of social media and digital devices connecting us, it is still true that direct interpersonal con- tact represents perhaps the optimal chance to produce more than minimal change.

Even minimal effects can be important. We can never be indifferent about even small changes in attitude or behavior.

In the fields of politics and marketing, for example, it is useful to think of what we call the “6-percent rule.” If only 6 percent of all buyers of a product or voters on Elec- tion Day chose other options, enormous change would follow. Voting margins sig- nificantly less than 6 percent have decided many elections. In 2000 and 2004 the margins of difference at the presidential level were very small. And overall, in our

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recent past, a 6-percent change in the popular vote would have denied Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, John F. Kennedy, and Richard Nixon the presidency.68 There are many other examples where a 6 percent shift would create significant social and commercial changes. For example, women would be the dominant majority in the Swedish parliament;69 Miller High Life would be as popular a beer in the United States as Budweiser;70 Kellogg’s Corn Flakes would become the second most con- sumed breakfast cereal rather than the thirteenth;71 and a clear majority of Ameri- cans would favor allowing gays to marry.72

Persuasion can easily stray toward the arts of deception. The variety of cases we have cited remind us that the study of persuasion both

attracts and repels. Few questions are more intriguing than “What makes people change their minds or alter the ways they act?” We have a natural curiosity about the ways we manipulate and influence others and how others do the same to us, but through the ages persuasion has sometimes appeared to be the territory of char- latans and con artists. Some of its synonyms are instructive. “Brainwashing,” “sub- version,” “mind control,” and “subliminal persuasion” are only a few. In fiction and in fact, manipulative “con artists” represent villains, whether they are selling cars or duping believers. Villainous persuaders such as Jim Jones remind us that persua- sion can succeed for all the wrong reasons. Examine any list of classic or current films and you can find a virtual rogue’s gallery of characters—Matt Damon’s Tom Ripley comes to mind73—who cynically exploit the fears and vanities of others. On the other hand, some of the New York jurors were mostly altruistic, doing their best to find the truth in the service of justice. As they debated and argued, their per- sonal inconvenience hardly mattered. At least some became committed to the idea that their deliberations could “save” each other from making mistakes of reasoning that might cost the freedom of the defendant. Study the leaders of the Civil Rights movement in the crucible of the 1960s and we see the pattern magnified: men and women who risked a great deal to promote a righteous cause.

Persuasion may spring from selfish or honorable motivations. We may gain money or prestige from our abilities to influence others, or we may act out of a gen- uine regard for the welfare of those we seek to influence. Although we harshly judge much persuasion as “propaganda” or “manipulation,” anyone could cite countless instances from personal experience where the communication of influ- ence was proactive and even “therapeutic.”74 Looking back, we could find that some who represented themselves as our friends were—figuratively speaking— peddling snake oil. Others who came across as scolds and critics were actually offering something more valuable than we recognized at the time.

Persuasion outcomes are not very predictable. Despite all of the effort that we have devoted to the subject during the last two

thousand years, we are still a long way from creating a true “science” of persuasion. We can recreate and name many appeals, strategies, and theories, but we cannot match the “hard” sciences in fully predicting whether our persuasive efforts will work in new situations. We have theories that suggest possible cause-and-effect

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sequences, but we really have no “laws” of human persuasion that can match the pre- dictive power of the laws of, say, physics. No doubt the prosecutors who addressed Burnett and his jury colleagues thought they were persuasive. If only they had known of the unanticipated effects of their methods. Similarly, it’s unlikely McDonald’s anticipated that its French ad might alienate the very people they thought they were portraying in a sympathetic way. Persuasion that backfires and pushes members of a target audience away from the action we wanted them to take is said to boomerang— and it’s far more common than most us would want to acknowledge.

Persuasion is not a field that allows safe predictions. There are times when the authors reluctantly conclude that they are—at best—custodians of a range of enor- mously interesting questions and hypotheses about persuasion.75 Persuasion requires us to settle for indefinite causation and contingent generalizations, all of which are driven by personal rather than universal needs and logics. Where the biologist can predict accurate timetables of progression and regression in cell for- mation, the student of persuasion deals with the much more volatile effects created by the interaction between an individual’s personal biography and the ever-chang- ing circumstances of one’s contact with a message. We can uncover laws about the workings of the physical world, but the origins of human action are far more diffi- cult to pinpoint.

 Three Types of Communication We close with a brief overview of what persuasion is and is not. There is good

reason to explore what falls inside and outside the very permeable boundaries of persuasion. We discover what is unique about the task of urging change on others by thinking about settings where this is not a goal.

Though not completely foolproof, a scheme that considers what we intend in our conversations and messages is helpful.76 Just as one can use a prism to refract ordinary light into the primary colors, it is equally possible to break down commu- nication into its three primary motivations of information-giving, expression, and persuasion. Although many complex forms of communication contain elements of all three, their theoretical differences reveal how we sometimes deceive ourselves about our real intentions.

Pure Information Information-giving involves communicating facts, attitudes, or data with mini-

mal interest in whether others accept them. If someone asks for directions from New York City to the center of Philadelphia, an information giver might tell them to go through the Lincoln Tunnel and take the New Jersey Turnpike South. The questioner could comment that they dislike the congestion near the tunnel entrance, and find the Turnpike too crowded and busy. The pure information giver will consider her task completed once the recipient indicates that they have received and understood the information. Generally speaking, reception and understanding are the key goals, not acceptance. Place a call to Directory Assis- tance, and an electronic voice will give you the number you seek. A GPS will do much the same for a home address in a particular city. Check Wikipedia for the

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birth date of former President Jimmy Carter and the date—hopefully accurate— will speak for itself.

It’s a little trickier to sort out where the “pure information” line is crossed if you use mobile-phone “apps,” or even Google. An address or local information will appear. But many sites have the persuasive slant of favoring businesses and organizations that have paid to be very visible on a searchable list. The software engineers, designers, and individuals who are providing such information may not be especially interested in how we respond. But even ostensibly “informational” sites that get paid by businesses for “click through” from a user are involved in something more than building just an “information society.”

Pure Expression Pure expression is characterized by a desire to speak one’s mind rather than

have others agree or disagree, act or not act. We may want to unload our anger, joy, anxieties, or fears merely for the sake of the cathartic release it provides. Hit a fin- ger instead of the nail, and you have pure expression. It feels right to offer a verbal response even if no one is within hearing distance. It gives our feelings an outward form, but it is undertaken more for the need it satisfies within us than for those who overhear it. Many expressions can make us feel better: lecturing the family dog for eating the furniture, cheering on the home team, or delivering a long rant to a patient friend about the injustices inflicted on us.

As many bloggers or Facebook aficionados can attest, giving our inward feel- ings outward expression can be its own reward. We know that others will see it, but the release of expressing our opinion often matters more to us than subsequent posts about our message. Pure expression is not intended to elicit a reaction from someone else; we say it because it feels right for us.

President Harry Truman was known for his habit of writing angry letters to various people that he never intended to send.77 He declared that the effect of hav- ing written them was enough—perhaps today’s equivalent of posts on various online sites and bulletin boards. Pure expression is egocentric; it is intended to be a report of our state of mind. In this mode we ask little of others beyond their consid- erable patience and silent acceptance. In ordinary life we understand the common ritual of taking turns with sympathetic others when communicating in the expres- sive mode. We sometimes need little more from the other than quiet acceptance.

Pure Persuasion Pure persuasion differs from and is more complex than either pure information

or pure expression. It involves a new and fascinatingly complex dimension: a con- cern with how our ideas or actions will affect someone else. The persuasive mes- sage is constructed to be believed, not merely understood. In the language of attitude research, it wants “reception” (understanding) as well as “yielding” (acceptance and compliance). A listener could reply, “I understand what you are saying, but I do not accept it.” The information giver could be satisfied with the response; the goal of delivering information was achieved. The persuader, however, would be frustrated because the goal of commitment, approval, and willingness to incorporate the message in future thought or conduct was not achieved.

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In reality, these forms almost always overlap. For example, statistics on auto- mobile seat belt use indicate that wearing seat belts saves lives. These numbers are—in a simple sense—pieces of information. It is also easy to imagine a per- suader using them with the intention of gaining support for increased fines on indi- viduals who still refuse to wear seat belts. If listeners respond by saying that they understand the statistics, the persuader might ask impatiently, “Yes, but do you accept my conclusion?”

It is also apparent from these somewhat artificial distinctions that a good deal of persuasion occurs under the pretext of information-giving. Most of us are far from indifferent to how others accept even simple statements of fact. We want approval and acceptance from those with whom we interact. “Information-giving” is often an interesting deflection of attention away from deeper persuasive inten- tions.78 One thus needs to have a skeptical stance toward news stories, lectures, sci- entific reports, and entertainment. These are often offered as pure information or diversion. But these benign intentions sometimes mask clear suasory objectives. News and entertainment, for example, depend on high circulation or ratings figures. Advertisers are attracted by big audiences. So most media forms use content to attract and hold audiences: a clear persuasive intent. Even professors have suasory intentions. Professors hopefully impart the wisdom of their disciplines. But profes- sors “profess”; that is, they usually offer data and narratives within their own ethical and value-laden boundaries. When a course is over, the self-contained world created in the classroom may be abandoned by a student, but not until after the last exam.

Does this mean that all communication is persuasive? Have the authors fallen into the “expert’s disease” of describing their subject as the inevitable center of the universe? To both questions we give a qualified “no,” but it would not take much effort to engage us in a spirited defense of the view that most messages have at least a latent persuasive attempt. Persuasion is a far more common process than may at first be evident. We frequently do want our messages to change the way others think, act, and feel. It may be the exception rather than the rule when a communicator feels genuine indifference toward whether or not the message is favorably received.

Even so, communication and persuasion are not interchangeable terms. Not all communicators have as their primary goal the listener’s acceptance of the legiti- macy and importance of their messages. To be sure, artists create, poets write, and musicians perform in the hope that their work will fall on receptive eyes and ears. But it would be too simplistic to think that their work is primarily for us. Many cre- ative people we know would continue to do what they do even without an audi- ence. And the rest of us would soldier on in expressing our beliefs even without full acceptance. In these contexts, it would be wrong to assume that the prime motiva- tion is total acceptance. Acknowledgment would probably be enough. But it is oth- erwise for persuasion. Persuasion exists for an audience. Fail with them and there really aren’t many secondary rewards.

 Summary The study of persuasion theory is thus a journey best taken by the intellectu-

ally adventurous. The critic Kenneth Burke wrote that the effective analyst needs

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to be prepared to discard what does not work and constantly search for what does. “So we must keep trying anything and everything,” he noted, “improvising, bor- rowing from others, developing from others, dialectically using one text as com- ment upon another.”79 In that spirit this book draws on diverse and sometimes conflicting systems of knowledge, combining rhetorical models and social science research, strategic thinking with idealistic values, tested theories with educated hunches. Sometimes we worry for the audiences of persuasion. And at other times we admire the cunning with which it is performed. If we have a bedrock premise for the book, it is that human behavior is infinitely complex and varied. Individu- als do not react in consistent and predictable ways. We all carry personalized psy- chological ballast that allow us to weather challenges to our beliefs in unpredictable ways. The best we can usually achieve is a reasonable estimate of an appeal’s probable effects on an audience. Pietho—the daughter of Hermes and Aphrodite and the Greek Goddess of Persuasion—seems to keep the clearest answers to herself.

 QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 1. Some analysts have suggested that Jim Jones was a more effective persuader in

the remote jungle in Guyana than he was in the United States. What differences are evident in the two settings that might explain the increased allegiance of his followers in remote Jonestown? How do less dramatic changes in settings (such as moving from home to a college campus) affect individuals?

2. Take a look at public service announcements prepared by the Truth campaign (http://www.thetruth.com). The campaign receives money from the 1998 tobacco settlement that gave government organizations funds to discourage smoking. The campaign focuses on teens and tries to reach them in their own voice. After sampling some of their videos and materials, write a critique of what you saw using some of the defining features of persuasion cited in the last half of the chapter.

3. Offer your own critique of the French McDonald’s ad (http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=SBuKuA9nHsw) discussed in this chapter. How might its appeals for acceptance work in France? Speculate on why they would produce the same or different results in the United States.

4. In Michael Mann’s 2000 docudrama, The Insider, we see CBS’s Lowell Bergman coax a former tobacco executive into appearing on camera to reveal processes of nicotine manipulation at the company, Brown and Williamson. The film is an extended case study of hard choices made in response to many instances of per- suasion and counterpersuasion. Identify a scene in another film where the focus is similarly on private advocacy. Study and discuss it.

5. Strong leadership may bring misery to those who succumb to persuasive efforts—the Jonestown case being one of the most chilling. Identify other exam- ples of destructive persuasion. Identify positive cases that suggest persuasion can be a constructive process. Compare your examples with a friend.

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6. Using examples of your own choice, probe the five features of the authors’ defi- nition of persuasion. How adequate are they? Does the definition fail to account for certain kinds of persuasion?

7. The authors suggest that persuasion can be contrasted to communication that is “pure information” giving, or “pure expression.” Why are these two categories exempt from the impulse to change others? How common are these two forms?

8. The opening discussion of Church of the Latter Day Saints missionaries sug- gests that the greatest impact they have may be on themselves. Explain the idea of “self-persuasion.” Why is the process of persuading others likely to intensify our own commitment to the persuasion objective?

9. Food is the subject of a great deal of persuasion. What we should buy and what we should eat are increasingly at the center of debates about ethical, healthy, and sustainable living. Interview a friend or acquaintance who has “given up” a conventional food category such as meat. What persuaded them to change? How inclined are they to persuade you to change?

 ADDITIONAL READING Robert Cialdini, Influence: Science and Practice, 5th ed. (New York: Harper Collins, 2009). Erwin P. Bettinghaus and Michael Cody, Persuasive Communication, 5th ed. (New York: Har-

court, 1994). Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (New York: Anchor, 1959). Rod Hart and Susan Daughton, Modern Rhetorical Criticism, 3rd ed. (Boston: Allyn &

Bacon, 2005). Daniel J. O’Keefe, Persuasion: Theory and Research, 2nd ed. (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002). Jefferson Pooley, “Fifteen Pages that Shook the Field: Personal Influence, Edward Shils, and

the Remembered History of Mass Communication Research,” in The Annals of the Amer- ican Academy of Political and Social Science, November, 2006, pp. 130–157.

Anthony Pratkanis and Elliot Aronson, The Age of Propaganda, Revised ed. (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2001).

Herbert W. Simons, Persuasion in Society (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2001).

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PART I

Origins of Persuasive Practice

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2

The Advocate in an Open Society

OVERVIEW

 Freedom of Expression and Its Limits

 Subduing Advocacy in a One-Party State

 Weighing the Value of Public Opinion “Man Is the Measure of All Things” Individual Freedom and the American Experience

 The Technological Push toward Openness

 How “Open” Is American Society? Governmental Controls Corporate Controls

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The only kind of path to freedom that makes intimate sense to many of us, on a gut level related to our own experience, is one in which creative rebellion outwits overbearing authority.1

—Jaron Lanier

The word “freedom” sometimes comes across in political rhetoric as a shopworn cliché; however, it’s worth pondering what living in its repressive opposite would mean. For example, in the harsh theocracy of modern Iran, one can be arrested for forming a rock band. And it’s double trouble if you happen to be a woman. Bah- man Ghobadi’s 2009 award-winning film, No One Knows about Persian Cats, took the risk of telling just such a story in the lives of Negar and Ashkan, two musicians in their twenties who seek visas to flee their own country in order to carry on their quest to perform.2 And he did it by filming the semi-documentary account of this young woman and man as they struggle to gather other musicians for a secret con- cert in Iran before they escape for the freedom of Europe. Filmed surreptitiously in Tehran with small cameras and a crew that was ready to blend into the crowd at the first sight of the police, we see musicians meeting in subbasements or secret tun- nels, playing what they call “indie rock,” angst-ridden music that would seem at home on an American radio station. Ashkan’s rueful songs about love gone bad and a world indifferent to change have already landed him in jail once. The police trash apartments, musical instruments, and hidden recording studios before offer- ing up singers and guitarists to the authorities for sentences of two months or lon- ger. Even so, Tehran has a tough and sophisticated populous, half of whom are under 35. Like thousands of other young musicians in the city, threats of beatings or arrests at the hands of the cultural police only drive the music underground. Reviewing the film for The New York Times, A.O. Scott caught the utter sadness of a government that treats its talented filmmakers and musicians like criminals on the run, denying them the music that is the “universal birthright of modern youth.”3

The idea of persuasion naturally aligns with freedom of speech and press and all that implies: toleration of dissent in the classroom, the workplace, the recording studio, and the comfort of knowing that the individual rather than the state gets to make fundamental life choices. The presence of rigorous debate and persuasion is a key measure of how truly free members of a society are. In this chapter we explore the intimate link between democracy and persuasion. We will briefly trace both of these ideas back to their Western roots in the Mediterranean, and we will examine the practical limits of persuasion in an open society like the United States.

 Freedom of Expression and Its Limits Situated on Washington D.C.’s Pennsylvania Avenue a few blocks from the

White House, the Newseum offers an array of multimedia exhibits focused on the

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human impulse to connect with others through the 24-hour news cycle. The ultra- modern building is for a news junkie what the Air and Space Museum just across the Mall is for fans of aviation. The building is filled with displays of historic news- reel footage, news-gathering equipment, and photographs of triumphs and traumas that have consumed the United States since the Civil War. One exhibit, for exam- ple, features the remnants of the antenna mast that once stood atop One World Trade Center in lower Manhattan. The tangled remains are a testament to its vio- lent demise. It is surrounded by newspaper and visual news sources from 9/11, all trying to capture the horror of the act and the stunned public’s disbelief.

Visitors from other countries visit this museum in large numbers, often search- ing for familiar mastheads from the enormous display of current newspaper front pages: 500 from around the world. Our thirst for news is universal and endless, as the Newseum’s fully equipped television studios remind us. They are frequently booked by national and international journalists producing talk shows, interviews, and other programming that will carry the prestigious dateline of Washington, D.C.

But many of those same international visitors are stunned when they reach the Time Warner World News Gallery on the third floor. Against a stark white wall under a large sign that reads “World Press Freedom” stands a dramatic 22-foot- long world map. Each of the 197 nations in the world are carefully outlined in black and colored in just one of three shades. Nations shaded green are designated as having a truly “free” press. Governments within its borders do not try to censor or control what reporters cover—North America, most of Europe, Australia, and New Zealand with a few isolated nations such as Ghana and Uruguay. Yellow des- ignates countries with a “partly free” press, covering most of South America, Southern Africa, and countries around the Mediterranean (including Italy). The countries shaded in red—“not free”—dominate the huge map. The journalism in all of China, Russia, most of the Middle East, Africa, and pockets in Latin Amer- ica and Southeast Asia exists under restrictive governmental rules. The map vividly indicates that living in a country with a free press is the exception rather than the rule.4 In 2013, Freedom House, a nonprofit organization that has published annual findings about world press conditions since 1980, designated 63 (32%) countries as free, 70 (36%) as partly free, and 64 (32%) as not free. Largely because China (not free) and India (partly free) account for one-third of the world’s population, less than 14% of the population lives in countries with a free press. That is the lowest percentage since Freedom House began incorporating population data into the findings of its survey in 1996. The percentages of population in partly free and not free countries were both 43%.5

A volunteer docent reported to one of the writers that many visitors came away from the gallery with hurt feelings. Israel wore the unflattering color of yel- low due to press restrictions imposed on Gaza. Italy also got the same color because of “official interference in state-owned media.”6 With so many visitors from those or other red or yellow nations, the docent noted, local residents taking foreign visitors on a tour sometimes do their best to steer clear of the third floor. As the Washington Post’s John Kelly notes, “It’s embarrassing to be walking through the lovely Newseum—heady with the tales of Edward R. Murrow, or Woodward and Bernstein—only to look up at the map and see your country painted an unflat-

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tering hue.” He especially remembers a lot of Italians who “were particularly cheesed off ” at seeing their country wearing the color of sharp cheddar.7

We naturally associate press freedom with personal freedom, individualism, and the robust public discussion of committed advocates. Conversely, the suppres- sion of an individual’s rights to public advocacy implies the opposite: intimidation, censorship of unwelcome attitudes or truths, and—in the worst nations—a prefer- ence for intimidation rather than reason. These can seem like distant threats until we remember the severe personal costs paid by individuals who have lost their rights to freedom of speech and choice, whether it is a girl forced out of school in a Taliban stronghold or journalists jailed for publishing embarrassing information about their governments.

From a Western perspective, we assume that we have the right to influence oth- ers, just as they have the right to attempt to persuade us. We routinely believe that everyone has the option to make claims on our loyalties: to encourage us to vote for a candidate, to speak out against a foreign policy decision of our government, to join a church, synagogue, or mosque. Rights of expression come with the possibil- ity to praise, criticize, solicit, or peacefully resist. They also imply the right to be left alone: to live, work, and play without the intrusive surveillance of governments or organizations.8 So while we may sometimes reduce persuasion to a mere set of strategies for getting our way, to do so misses the stake we have in the idea of democracy as a contract with other members of a state to honor free advocacy.

 Subduing Advocacy in a One-Party State It is easier to see the centrality of persuasion in our civil life by looking in

places where vigorous social and political advocacy still strives for cultural legiti- macy. No single nation provides such an interesting collection of contradictory impulses as modern China, with its paradoxical rush into a consumer-oriented economy while clinging to a political culture that tolerates repressive censorship.

In many ways the nation is an economic miracle. Infrastructure improvements in mass transit, roads, and economic development often surpass what civic leaders in the United States can even dream about. The centers of cities that many Ameri- cans rarely hear about—Guangzhou, for example—rival or surpass the skylines of Chicago or San Francisco. In one generation China hopes to create livable cities for over 600 million of its citizens, with Starbucks, McDonald’s, and shopping centers as widespread as they are in the United States.9 Not surprisingly, a dramatic rise in television commercials pitching a broad range of products and services promotes the consumer society that the nation needs to sustain its growth. Yet this economic expansion exists within a political structure that seems more appropriate to the old Soviet Union.

The Chinese Communist Party is still recognized as the only legitimate national political organization, and its ideology guides the decisions of most governmental agencies. Every media outlet—from advertising agencies to Internet providers— must avoid violating the repressive rules. And nearly all churches, nongovernmental organizations, media outlets, university researchers, and organizations must defer to the bureaucracies that interpret the party line. Among many other things, it is a

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crime to distribute material that “disturbs social order,” “preaches the teachings of evil cults,” harms the “honor” of China, or “incites subversion.”10 “Subversion” is the official term for intellectual lawlessness. Essentially, any public criticism of the party or a top leader amounts to a treasonous act of subversion.

Some governmental censorship rules seem harmless. The 50,000 advertising firms in China are careful to avoid anything that is sexually suggestive, such as women in short skirts or glimpses of bare shoulders in shampoo ads. The greater threat arises when dissidents, academics, or journalists suggest that other political parties should be allowed or that corruption exists in high places. As an Amnesty International summary of China’s human rights record points out:

Article 35 of the Chinese Constitution stipulates that “Citizens of the People’s Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of associ- ation, of procession and of demonstration.” The Chinese government’s National Human Rights Action Plan 2009–2010, released in April 2009, also states that “the state will guarantee citizens’ rights to criticize, give advice to, complain of, and accuse state organs and civil servants.” Yet Chinese citizens continue to risk severe punishment if they publish or circulate materials the authorities see as unwarranted criticism.11

A typical problem is the inability of citizens to dissent without running afoul of the prohibitions against subversion. For example, Tan Zuoren, an environmental and human rights activist in Sichuan, was sentenced to five years in prison for pub- licizing the names of children who died during the Sichuan earthquake in May 2008. He also sought to make public an independent report on the collapse of school buildings during the quake. His alleged crime was “inciting subversion of state power.”12 More embarrassing to the government was Norway’s decision to award the prestigious 2010 Nobel Peace Prize to the jailed dissident, Liu Xiaobo. In 2009 he received an 11-year sentence also for “inciting subversion” after calling for multi-party democracy in China.13

And then there is the curious case of regulations governing Tibet’s copy stores. Under new laws proposed recently by the central government, the local version of Kinko’s would be required to get a license from the state to operate and would be forced to keep a log of all their clients and what they sought to copy. The fear, of course, is that Tibetans chafing under the heavy hand of the central government’s con- trols would make photocopies of statements hostile to the government. As one Tibetan activist noted, “Basically, the main purpose is to instill fear into people’s hearts.”14

The dilemma for China is that its repression thwarts the natural cleansing power of civil political opposition. That power is real: criticism is the self-correcting mechanism of change that a state needs in order to survive. Politicians in multi-party sys- tems understand that limits on the free flow of information and persuasion are dan- gerous. When one party is dominant, it might be tempting to try to limit the opposition. But electoral politics are a constant reminder that it is important to pre- serve freedoms for the days when another party is in power. The new minority party will need the freedom to persuade others if they hope to return to majority status.

Perhaps the most anticipated test for China has come with increased usage of the Internet. In 2010 the nation added 40 million computer users for a total of over

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300 million. The govern- ment has encouraged Inter- net use among business and management leaders. But amidst this widespread us- age it also has expressed concern that “harmful” in- formation was too available. Over the years many foreign sites have been blocked, es- pecially—at various times— Google, Twitter, The British Broadcasting Corporation, and sites that discuss Tibet’s exiled Dalai Lama.15 Web- sites containing informa- tion about topics China perceives as subversive, such as the persecuted religious group Falun Gong or Tibet, are censored.16

In North Korea the lack of choices for citizens is far worse. Visitors to that

tightly closed society report that any “legal” radio will only tune to an official gov- ernment station. Non-governmental stations are banned, as are books that might be carried into the country by visitors.17

Most residents of democracies expect that the bounds of social and religious comment will be broadly drawn. An open society is likely to produce ideas that oc- casionally offend or challenge mainstream beliefs. By being open, it tolerates and even protects those views. It is an article of faith in liberal democracies that a cul- ture is often enriched by diversity. “What is freedom of expression?” asked Salman Rushdie. The British writer, who was put under a death threat in 1988 by Iranian clerics for writing a novel, noted that “without the freedom to challenge, even to satirize all orthodoxies . . . it ceases to exist.”18

 Weighing the Value of Public Opinion Humankind has long struggled with the question of how much conformity

should be forced on individuals within a society. Since humans are by nature social, and since living together requires common rules (i.e., whether to drive on the left or the right side of the road, whether criticizing others will be a crime, whether children shall be required to attend school), governments have always sought to impose laws and policies that civilize daily life. While Western society incorporates the ideal of individual freedom into its laws and rules, the price of cit- izenship in totalitarian societies is often enforced silence. In more open societies,

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institutions and governments are more dependent on shared beliefs as the impetus for social change.

As the Newseum map suggests, societies that accept a wide range of individual freedoms are the exception rather than the rule. Those who have minimized the role of dissent and vigorous public debate as positive forces for self-rule have some- times had distinguished allies, such as the Greek philosopher Plato.

Plato spent part of his adult life at his Academy on the edge of Athens arguing that democratic states were ultimately bound to fail. He thought ordinary people were frequently incapable of making decisions about their communities because they lacked the intelligence and thorough training necessary for decision making. Democracies were likely to be governed by mobs unable to separate rhetoric from reason.19 He believed that few citizens were capable of discriminating between the thoughtful judgments of the well-trained leader—described in The Republic as the “philosopher king”—and the irrational “pandering” of the well-trained persuader. Because democratic leaders are elected by the people, they would pander to citizen fears and fantasies rather than focus on the needs of the nation. The leader chosen by popular vote would substitute flattery of the “mob” in place of true wisdom. To the great philosopher, leaders guided by public opinion were bound to be as mis- guided as teachers who let their pupils decide what should be taught.

Plato’s view, however, did not go unchallenged. A prolonged debate over the wisdom of democracy developed between him and other teachers who traveled through the city-democracies along the coasts of Greece, Sicily, and Italy. He was deeply troubled and frustrated by the activities of these independent tutors, whom affluent parents hired to educate their male children. (The enlightenment of the Hel- lenic world ended short of including women, slaves, and the impoverished as full cit- izens—even in democratic Athens.) Among the first tutors was Corax, who taught public speaking skills to citizens who needed to improve their persuasive abilities in legal and political settings. Plato scorned Corax and other itinerant teachers, who were collectively known as Sophists. He disliked them partly because they worked outside of the prestigious intellectual center of Athens and partly because virtually all of these teachers taught the techniques of persuasion. His aversion to the Sophists was so strong that he named some of the weak-thinking characters in his dialogues after several of them. It is a tribute to Plato’s prestige that the term “sophistic” still survives as a label of scorn for people who play too loosely with truth and fact.

In a famous dialogue against the practice of teaching persuasion, Plato writes parts for his own honored teacher, Socrates, and his democratically inclined oppo- site, Gorgias. In the dialogue, Gorgias is portrayed as superficial and illogical. He is no match for Socrates’ superior wisdom and is supposed to be an object lesson about the false delusions of would-be leaders.20 The real Gorgias was born in Sicily but taught and gave performances in many cities, including Olympia, Delphi, and Athens.21 Like all Sophists, he taught many different subjects, but always the art of persuasion. According to W. C. Guthrie, “a special feature of his displays was to invite miscellaneous questions from the audience and give impromptu replies.” To his credit, “he saw the power of persuasion as paramount in every field, in the study of nature and other philosophical subjects no less than in the law-courts or the political arena.”22 Like many of his contemporaries, Gorgias believed that the

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freedom to speak in defense of opinions and beliefs required skill in knowing how to hold an audience’s attention and how to shape their attitudes.23

Though most of the dialogues of Plato are open to varied interpretations, it is clear that he believed that most issues that invited persuasion had a single best or “true” answer. Beauty, for example, was not in the eye of the beholder but rather in comparison to the ideal of perfect beauty. Likewise, he felt that large concepts such as justice were not tied to individual values or specific circumstances, but to “per- fect” (and perhaps unknowable) forms. We might fall short of actually knowing all that can be discovered about an idea, but better knowledge is always possible. Deal- ing with what ordinary people think—something most of the Sophists taught—was simply a wasted detour from the path of truth. Since there is perfect truth, the most fulfilled life is spent working toward perfection rather than popular approval.24 If there was an ideal form of communication, Plato noted, it ought to replicate the kind of selflessness we would expect in two lovers: neither of whom would presum- ably seek to harm or mislead the other.25

In contrast, think of the Sophists as a merry band of hell-raisers: opportunists, populists, intellectual provocateurs, and suspicious of the received wisdom of the sages. If they were somehow transported to modern America as filmmakers, their work would more likely show up on The Daily Show than Meet the Press. Many believed that questions of public dispute were not resolvable by application of rigor- ous reasoning; they were better understood as preferences rather than truths, hence properly left to be resolved in the arena of public debate. For instance, the question of who would be most qualified to lead a government could not be settled by refer- ence to one single standard. There may be no single “true” choice but a range of acceptable options based on the specific interests and priorities of different people. One leader may be better for one group but not for another. On policy issues, solu- tions that are considered “good” or workable may change as public attitudes change. The short form of this standard led to perhaps one of the most discussed phrases to arise out of the classical world.

“Man Is the Measure of All Things.” For the Sophists in particular and for democracies in general, normative atti-

tudes are everything. We are as much about what we believe as what we know. Or, to put it another way, our values and aspirations are as important to us as the hard truths or the philosophical or material world. Perhaps the clearest statement to that effect came from Protagoras, who offered a convenient declaration that could serve as a seven-word definition of democracy. He said “Man is the measure of all things.”26

In matters that affect the collective welfare of a society, the people—not Gods or rul- ers—should be left with the power to judge what is just, true, and fair for themselves.

The concept of “man is the measure” is loaded with evocative implications. The statement is often interpreted to assert that there are no “natural” or fixed guidelines for conduct. The rules we live by cannot be gleaned from divine sources, only from ourselves. Or, as one scholar put it, “nothing exists save but what each of us per- ceives and knows.”27 But the phrase has two practical implications for persuaders.

First, it implies that many issues that spark public persuasion and controversy are about preferences rather than truths or ultimate answers. The Sophists made

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the common-sense observation that most answers to complex problems cannot be rendered totally “false” or useless for all people at all times. In a decision as trivial as which brand of soap to buy, or as important as a decision to speak against a col- league’s proposal, the final choice is personal and unique to our situation. What we think and how we feel determines how we act. No quest for absolute truth can remove the responsibility of making choices from a politician, a legislature, or the electorate. Groups and constituencies have different answers and attitudes that may be addressed and changed by outsiders. Sophists reflected the very modern idea of intersubjectivity of knowledge—that in most realms of human affairs agreement mat- ters more than Truth as the arbiter of success.

Second, the phrase is a refreshing reminder that, ultimately, persuaders must have faith in the good sense of an audience to locate both the wisdom and the “puffery” that comes with public debate. Aristotle seemed to echo this view him- self. He opened his persuasion text by stating a belief in the ultimate soundness of public opinion formed by exposure to various sides of a dispute. Persuasion, he noted, “is useful because things that are true and things that are just have a natural tendency to prevail over their opposites.”28 People, he felt, can judge for them- selves. In closed societies where decisions are reserved for the few, there will be hostility to competition from others or “unofficial” explanations of events. The totalitarian leader can be expected to claim that a variety of viewpoints will “con- fuse” and “bewilder” the ordinary public. The democrat, in contrast, shares the populist’s faith in self-government and the belief that the public can find its own best answers in the give and take of full and vigorous discussion.

Individual Freedom and the American Experience While the Greek intellectual tradition had some influence, most of the thinkers

in the New World were more directly swayed by a belief in individual rights that had its roots in the French Enlightenment of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and others, as well as widely read British intellectuals such as John Milton and John Locke. From these European origins, the colonists acquired a belief in the “natural rights” of humans—freedoms given eloquent expression in the Bill of Rights and the Declara- tion of Independence. Underpinning these liberties was faith in reason and the free- dom necessary to give human logic its rightful sovereignty.29

In addition to their philosophical reasons, citizens of the colonies had the more practical goal of establishing local democratic governments to replace the fre- quently indifferent colonial administrations. They wanted to be able to confront those who were legislating decisions and taxes—an impossibility when the seat of authority was in London. After the War of Independence, they designed indepen- dent states and adapted many legal principles and values from the governments they had known in Europe. They attempted to secure for themselves what England had provided for its own citizens: local governments with direct access to the legis- lative process and the right to raise and spend their own revenues.

They also had pragmatic reasons for breaking with England. The stories have become part of the American canon. Many families had come to the New World years earlier as religious dissidents, most notably Baptists, Quakers, and Catholics. They sought safety in their adopted land by creating governments that were toler-

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ant of difference. Liberty to speak out or to practice a religion different from that of one’s neighbor was a means of self-protection. By moving to the establishment of a confederation of states to replace rule by a monarchy, the newly independent Americans attempted to assure that decisions affecting their lives (with the enor- mous exceptions of women and those enslaved as property) would be subject to public discussion rather than private dictate.

The actual task of inventing a government in the late 1780s was not as easy. The founders of what would become the United States had to deal with one of the questions that divided Plato and the Sophists: how strong a role should persuasion and public opinion play in setting policy? And could a nation be invented that would not see its civil life devolve into opposing parties?

Among the most eloquent voices was Thomas Jefferson’s. The unofficial phi- losopher of American independence expressed enormous faith in the ordinary citi- zen and favored local governments with direct ties to the “grassroots.” Jefferson is remembered for his strong opposition to a centralized federal government and his belief in the inherent wisdom of the common citizen. Along with John Adams, whom he eventually defeated for the presidency, he also shared an aversion to for- mal political parties.30

Other founders such as James Madison and Alexander Hamilton had a gen- eral distaste for the power of unbridled persuasion. With limited faith in how free citizens would ultimately exercise their liberty, they sought to balance the dangers of uncontrolled “factions” and mobs against the broader ideal of honoring individ- ual freedom. They feared that the “turbulence and contention” of pure democra- cies could produce “factions”—their code word for angry citizens who might form political parties that could upset a government of independent thinkers. “So strong is this propensity of mankind to fall into mutual animosities,” noted Madison, “that where no substantial occasion presents itself, the most frivolous and fanciful distinctions have been sufficient to kindle unfriendly passions.”31 Perhaps no fea- ture of contemporary American politics would disturb the nation’s founders more than the realization of this fear. A highly partisan and dysfunctional American Congress was not what most of the founder’s sought.32

Would the founders opt for a pure democracy or a republic of representatives buffered from the explosive impulses of a persuadable crowd? In the Declaration of Independence Jefferson may have written the words, “all men are created equal,” but few of his colleagues were willing to accept the idea that each should have an equal say in the society and its government. They wanted an orderly and stable society, something not necessarily guaranteed in one-person-one-vote democracies. So the colonists settled on a “safer” alternative that provided a layer of insulation between the supposedly unpredictable passions of ordinary citizens and the cooler reason- ing of those who would run the government. They formed a republic, not strictly a government “of the people,” but a government of representatives who would be elected to act for the people. Even after the Constitution was adopted in 1789, only the members of Congress could vote for a president, and citizen voting was restricted to white male landowners. On the whole, the Constitution was intended as much to protect wealth and property as to insure the natural rights of the citizens who had waged war against the British.

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Speaking for many others, Madison noted that “a pure democracy” was “no cure for the mischiefs of faction.”33 For him, a republic was a safe refuge from rapid changes in public opinion. To this day, the Senate functions as a classic insti- tution of Madisonian government. Senators are insulated from the public’s wrath for six years at a time, and each state regardless of population has two senators. It’s interesting to note that if the Senate was true to the idea of full democratic repre- sentation, California would now have something like 136 senators to Wyoming’s 2.34 In contrast, the House of Representatives is more democratic: members repre- sent districts of roughly equal size and must face voters every two years.

Thus, even in what many believe is the world standard for a free society, there was suspicion of the power of the persuader. The fear that freedom of expression could combine with pure democracy to produce unwanted change was very real among the designers of the new government. They believed in popular democracy and public persuasion, but only to a point. Most were less certain than Jefferson, who wrote that “government degenerates when trusted to the rulers of the people alone. The people themselves are therefore its only safe depositories.”35 In times of conflict with other nations, such as the “quasi-war” against France in 1798, even such esteemed advocates of personal freedom as John Adams supported the Alien and Sedition Acts, which were a strong rebuke to the idea of vigorous public debate. As in contemporary China, the acts made it a crime to utter or write “scandalous” or “malicious” statements against the government.36

With the impulse to restrict ideas we don’t like, it’s important to remember that an open society is not only marked by a tolerance for differences but also by the desire to see differences translated into constructive and peaceful change. The result is that new and sometimes unpopular ideas are given the chance to be heard, making government only one of a competing array of voices. Supreme Court Jus- tice Oliver Wendell Holmes clearly summarized the social necessity for freedom of expression in 1919, noting that free societies should offer a marketplace of ideas:

the ultimate good desired is better reached by free trade in ideas—that the best test of truth is the power of the thought to get itself accepted in the competition of the market.37

In an open society the verbal battles of all the “factions” that worried James Madi- son can actually empower individuals and help society renew itself. In the best of circumstances, the process of public debate gives people the chance to be more than cogs in someone else’s wheel.

The First Amendment

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.

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The Technological Push toward Openness Since freedom of expression is the defining trait of an open society, it is inter-

esting to see how totalitarian regimes cope with newer communication technolo- gies that undermine efforts to control what the public sees and hears.

The remarkable disintegration of single-party dictatorships in the Soviet Union, East Germany, Poland, and elsewhere in 1989 are fascinating examples of changes created in part by technology that ignores political borders. Eastern Euro- peans exposed to frequent doses of broadcast and videotaped television grew steadily more impatient with the slow pace of political and economic change in their countries. Inevitably, the growing tides of electronic information finally swamped efforts by the old regimes to control it. Images of Western materialism especially helped plant the seeds of dissolution that later produced popular upris- ings in favor of economic reforms.38 More recently, uprisings against old dictatorial regimes in Egypt and Tunisia did much the same, frequently with the help of social media such as Facebook and Twitter.

But it is easy to overestimate the power of the Internet in revolutions.39 Even given its power to undermine “official voices” at critical moments of political change, many believe that “new” media have yet to fully deliver on the promise of redistributing the power to publicize ideas. Skeptics in the United States note the increasing commercial dominance of the Internet portals and more mainstream media by a limited number of companies. The merger of Time-Warner and AOL in 2001 was an early sign, as was the swallowing of YouTube by Google more recently. As this is written Google has reached a plateau of about 65 percent of the search engine market.40 It and more recent arrivals like Microsoft’s Bing have a clear business model. In the words of Internet pioneer Jaron Lanier, ideas are now “minced into anatomized search engine keywords,” then “copied millions of times by some algorithm somewhere designed to send an advertisement.” The point is less about enlightenment than the production of “bait laid by the lords of the clouds to lure hypothetical advertisers.”41

True, anyone can now “publish” on the Internet. In theory the web idea of “net neutrality”—where search engines give equal access to all forms of web con- tent—dispenses with restrictive gatekeepers. But getting noticed on the crucial first page of a search engine result is still difficult. The exact algorithms of search engine placement are notoriously secret. But most depend on overcoming the difficult hur- dle of having one’s web address linked to several “respected and powerful web- sites.”42 As anyone with a lone blog page has probably noticed, the trick to finding an audience is to devise ways to have your blog sitting as a clickable link from big- ger sites. In practical fact, those sites become their own gatekeepers.

The few remaining media conglomerates with vast holdings—Disney, Time-War- ner, News Corporation, National Amusements (controls Viacom and CBS), and Comcast (owns 51% of NBC Universal)—own a large percentage of the most popular television and print outlets in the United States.43 Although their holdings are diverse, the effect of their control is often to narrow the range of voices to which most of the American public have easy access. For example, a person who spends her leisure time consuming HBO, Cinemax, Turner Classic Movies, Warner Brothers Films, CNN,

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and People magazine will not have ventured out of the Time-Warner empire. Similarly, watch a lot of ABC’s Good Morning America or ESPN, or three television stations in Los Angeles (of 30 nationwide) and the prevalence of stories about Disneyland should not be a surprise, since all are owned by the same parent company.44 These media giants are likely to produce a skewed marketplace that preferences their own products and divisions. It is a basic truism of modern life that new voices in film, magazines, music, and television will find that gaining a foothold can be difficult unless they adjust to the demands of the few existing corporations that control most media access.

 How “Open” Is American Society? The right to free speech—the right to persuade—is alive and well in the United

States. However, it is not an absolute right, nor is it assured by a perfect market- place for ideas. In this section we briefly review examples from the fields of govern- ment and industry that suggest how far we sometimes stray from the ideal of protected rights to expression and persuasion.

Governmental Controls The First (and most important) Amendment to the Constitution states that

“Congress shall make no law . . . abridging the freedom of speech or of the press.” But advocates have some- times been punished for the “crime” of speaking out. Since the First World War, thousands of American citizens have been jailed for distribut- ing pamphlets against war, advocating the over- throw of the govern- ment, protesting against the military draft, march- ing against racial segrega- tion, and joining unpopu- lar political causes.45

Constitutional protec- tions are often not enough to curb local authorities, in particular, from using (and misusing) sometimes vague statutes against li- bel (uttering “false” and defamatory accusations), trespassing, spying, dis- turbing the peace, and marching without a per-

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mit. And many agencies within federal and state governments make extended claims for the right to keep supposedly sensitive information secret. Here are some representative cases.

• The Washington Post’s Meg Greenfield recalled the story of a press officer in the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency who told her that the names of the agency’s Advisory Commission were classified. But she pointed out that they were already printed in the public annual report and went on to note that other classified documents of the agency actually included clippings of newspaper stories stamped “secret.”46 Clearly the federal government some- times overreaches to protect information that is sometimes more embarrass- ing than truly confidential.

• Soon after the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon, the State Department sought to prohibit Voice of America from broadcasting an interview with Afghanistan’s Taliban leader, Mullah Mohammed Omar. Voice of America is a government-supported radio service to many nations around the world. State Department spokesperson Richard Boucher said “We didn’t think that the American taxpayer . . . should be broadcasting the voice of the Taliban,” which has harbored terrorists groups.47 But at least one board mem- ber disagreed. “I happen to believe that any legitimate news organization in the world would do that interview,” said Norman Pattiz. “And if the United States is going to be a proponent of a free press, it has to walk the walk.”48

The interview was eventually broadcast in spite of State Department protests.

• Professional librarians continue to be at the forefront in protecting the rights of readers to read and publishers to provide content without government interference. But sometimes the government that needs to be reminded of its stake in the open society is the one in town rather than the District of Columbia. Every fall since 1983 the American Library Association (ALA) sponsors “Banned Books Week” to draw national attention to censorship and to celebrate the value of free and open access to information.49 The ALA’s Office for Intellectual Freedom also compiles an annual list of the ten most challenged books. Among the most common appearances on the lists (with their alleged sins) are: And Tango Makes Three, an award-winning pic- ture story about two male penguins who become parents (homosexuality); Sherman Alexie’s The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-Time Indian (masturba- tion); Alvin Schwartz’s Scary Stories (violence, occultism); and Khaled Hos- seini’s million-selling novel about friendship and betrayal between two Afghan boys, The Kite Runner (rape, violence).50 To be sure, some books can be inappropriate to young readers, but the association understands the differ- ence between guided reading and censorship.

• The USA Patriot Act passed by Congress in 2001 and reauthorized in 2006 allows the FBI to examine the electronic records of libraries, ostensibly to determine if someone is reading something that might jeopardize the safety of the United States. Courts grant FBI warrants for these searches. Librari- ans contacted by the FBI are forbidden from immediately revealing to any- one that a search has been made. Although the reauthorization was

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supposed to protect the privacy of library users, “it’s virtually meaningless,” notes civil liberties lawyer Ann Beeson.51 The only way libraries can protect a patron’s privacy is to completely delete lending records after a book is returned. Software for doing just that is increasingly used by many of the nation’s libraries.

• When NASA’s climate scientist made several speeches describing the rapid growth in climate warming, he was warned by his superiors that there would be “dire consequences” if he continued. Presumably, his statements—which were at odds with the wait-and-see attitude of the Bush administration— would cost him his job.52 The threats came in the form of phone calls rather than letters or e-mails. James Hanson believed the calls meant there would be no embarrassing paper trail of a government bureaucrat telling one of the nation’s leading climate scientists to sit on the results of his research. New rules later issued at the behest of the Obama administration by the Office of Government Ethics now make it easier for a professional at a federal agency to speak out as a private citizen.53 However, as former employees have indi- cated, there are sometimes onerous procedures to follow before an expert in a government agency can express opinions or report on research directly to the public.54

Issues that involve challenges to freedom of expression frequently require choices between competing values. In many similar instances, courts and legisla- tures have weighed the ideal of free expression and freedom of the press against the desire for a peaceful and orderly society. Because advocates for causes have often created inconveniences such as traffic jams or angry crowds, careful vigilance is necessary to be sure that such problems do not become a pretext for curtailing the right to persuade. Similarly, we have come to expect that popular government should mean open government. While it may be acceptable and necessary to accept secrecy for activities such as pending military actions against terrorists, most people are less inclined to accept a wall of governmental silence that holds back information that is merely embarrassing.

Corporate Controls Compared to our counterparts in the late 1700s and early 1800s, our knowl-

edge of the world owes less to our neighbors and daily contacts than to the wealth of sources that come via the commercial media. Without question, our lives are enriched by ready access to the products of the nation’s publishers and broadcast- ers. Many of these essentially private, “old media” sources of information have inherited a power that the first citizens of the United States could not have envi- sioned. As we noted above, major corporations—rather than governments or indi- viduals—now play a major role in encouraging and sometimes impeding the flow of information. The much-discussed “power of the media” involves advertisers, individual media outlets, and the parent corporations that use channels of public communication. With some exceptions, advertisers are reluctant to underwrite the kinds of persuasion that may provoke public debate. They spend huge amounts to reach large audiences. In 2010 the program American Idol charged $642,000 for just

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one 30-second spot.55 For such high stakes, advertisers want to entertain and to reassure audiences rather than to inform and provoke them. Few corporate spon- sors are interested in subsidizing television programs that question or attack the audience’s judgments or attitudes. For their part, the privately held mass media in the United States have increasingly replaced the back fence, the church, and the town meeting as forums in which issues of the day are discussed. As George Gerb- ner noted, corporations can almost act as “private governments,” with the power to buy access to the mass media as the virtual equivalent of the right to operate a pri- vate “ministry of culture.”56 The danger, of course, is that their agendas are not necessarily the same as the public’s. Consider some of the following cases.

• In 2008 the European Union fined the Microsoft Corporation $1.3 billion for engaging in anticompetitive practices that, they argued, had the effect of limiting alternative voices and systems from reaching consumers. Among the other companies and systems frozen out by the alleged “monopolistic” practices of Microsoft were AOL, Word-Perfect, Netscape, Java, and rival media players.57 With fewer Internet platforms, the EU notes, Microsoft has been able “to protect its monopolies, which has led to a lack of choice, higher prices, and less innovation than would otherwise have prevailed in a competitive marketplace.”58

• Yahoo, Microsoft, and America Online have turned over records of millions of Internet search queries to American Justice Department Investigators. Presumably, the corporations felt they had to cooperate with intelligence- gathering efforts to fight “the war on terrorism.”59 Similarly, before mid-2010 Microsoft provided a similar service of working with the Russian police to harass political dissidents who in most cases were using pirated copies of Windows software. In essence, the huge American corporation allowed itself to be a tool of political repression by aiding police who were anxious to find any reason to raid the offices of dissident writers, journalists, and bloggers. After coverage of this activity in the press, the software giant admitted that the policy was wrongheaded and has taken steps to end the practice.60

• Procter & Gamble is one of the nation’s largest advertisers and is frequently in the crosshairs of groups on the left and right for its traditional reluctance to buy time in topical programming. In 2001 CBS decided to cancel its rebroad- cast of several episodes of Family Law after the company said it would with- draw its commercials. Episodes dealt with a range of hot-button issues from the death penalty to interfaith marriage. Procter & Gamble refused to discuss their reasons, noting only that the program “has occasionally presented con- tent issues for us.”61 More recently, the company has also pulled ads from programs featuring conservative commentator Glenn Beck.62

• Apple’s iPad is a popular digital platform for all kinds of media, including books, news content, blogs, and much more. But Apple has set itself up as a gatekeeper for the content that it will provide. If someone wants to apply to be an “application” for the digital tool, they must abide by a set of content rules. “Applications may be rejected,” the company notes, “if they contain content or materials of any kind (text, graphics, images, photographs,

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sounds, etc.) that in Apple’s reasonable judgment may be found objection- able, for example, materials that may be considered obscene, pornographic, or defamatory.”63 What can seem like benign limits to some can be very restrictive to others. Many repressive governments have used the same kind of language to restrict comment on leaders (in political cartoons or report- ing) or to repress works of art that have recognized merit. For example, in a case that chillingly duplicates the “subversion” language of the Chinese gov- ernment mentioned earlier, Apple initially declined to carry an application for the iPhone and iPad by Mark Fiore, an editorial cartoonist, because “it contains content that ridicules public figures.”64

• After Natalie Maines of the Dixie Chicks voiced her frustration about Presi- dent George W. Bush from the concert stage just prior to the start of the Iraq war in 2003, radio airplay of the group’s music plummeted. Their 2006 album, “Taking the Long Way,” was one of the first to open in the top spot of the country music sales charts, followed by a swift plummet when practi- cally no stations followed up. Criticizing the president put them on a country radio blacklist.65

• In a memo issued by the Chrysler Corporation’s ad agency, magazines were asked to notify the company if Chrysler ads were to run in issues that con- tained content “that encompasses sexual, political, social issues or an edito- rial that might be construed as provocative or offensive.”66 The company obviously wanted its ads to run only around magazine content that was safely entertaining and noncontroversial. As New York magazine’s Milton Glaser noted, this kind of advance restriction has a devastating effect on the idea of a free press and of free inquiry.”67 In essence, the threat of ad cancel- lations forces magazines to opt for safer content.68 Companies that include Kmart, Revlon, IBM, AT&T, Ford, and Kimberly-Clark have sometimes demanded what is called “complementary editorial content.” This often means passing up stories about politics or social issues in favor of softer features that will not offend any buyers. For example, at the end of 2011 Lowe’s home improvement centers pulled their ads from TLC’s cable program All Ameri- can Muslim, a reality show about a family living in Dearborn, Michigan.69

• In 2007, Verizon Wireless rejected a request from an abortion rights organi- zation to carry an application for text messaging. Naral Pro-Choice Amer- ica’s application was accepted by other wireless providers, but Verizon refused, noting that it does not accept programs that seek “to promote an agenda or distribute content that, in its discretion, may be seen as controver- sial or unsavory to any of our users.”70 This is but one example in a growing battle over the principle of “net neutrality”—the idea that Internet providers should not discriminate against any legal providers of digital content. Land- based phone services still work on a “common carrier” basis, meaning their systems must be available to all persons and organizations in their service areas. But many wireless providers of phone and Internet content would like the power to deny service to some Internet companies and groups, pleading the necessity of controlling access to networks with limited bandwidth. The

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challenge is whether a carrier of Internet content should be allowed to essen- tially “cherry-pick” the kinds of sites or applications that they deem accept- able. To do so challenges the ideal of open access that has been the hallmark of the Internet.

• A poll conducted by the Columbia Journalism Review and the Pew Center for the People and the Press revealed that a quarter of the editors and reporters who responded to a questionnaire admitted that they avoided certain legiti- mate stories that they felt would be unwanted by their bosses or advertis- ers.71 Self-censorship is thought to be a pervasive problem in journalism. It happens when normally curious and skeptical journalists decide not to pur- sue a story because of the tensions or risks it will pose for their organiza- tions. Is your future secure at ABC if you report critically on the hiring practices at Disney World, which is part of the same empire? As a journalist and critic at Entertainment Weekly, can you afford to pan a movie released by Warner Brothers, which is also in the Time-Warner empire? Would it be a good idea for a journalist to write a series of stories about how to get the best price for a new car? Would it offend car dealers who are heavy newspaper advertisers?72 Will NBC report on the embarrassing news that its corporate parent paid no federal taxes in 2010?73

To be sure, the best of the mass media can be remarkably independent of the pressures and views of advertisers, but the constant need for high ratings and large circulation numbers is always a factor in the ways ideas are distributed. The found- ing fathers could not anticipate that public information would be so heavily tied to information industries dominated by major publishing and media corporations. Their idea of popular government was to disperse rather than to centralize influ- ence. They could not have envisioned meaningful discussion as something that would largely take place through paid media that frequently has an interest in mostly “safe” and nonpolitical content.

 Summary The role of the advocate in American society is basic. Few American values

are as cherished as the idea of a free and open society. Open and vigorous persua- sion, another right few would willingly give up, rests on the vital corollaries of open access to information and the basic right of self-governance.

Throughout history people who have built nations or studied existing societies have disagreed about whether—when left to ordinary people—the power of persua- sion can result in decisions that show intelligence and civility. The choices we make as individuals and as citizens of a nation may never fully satisfy critics of public opinion who distrust its wisdom. But of this we are certain: the greater the diversity of choices within a nation, the more it needs vigorous public discussion. We share with Aristotle and the Sophists a faith in communities and societies to find their own ways to enact the values and beliefs of their members. Although we acknowl- edge that persuasive activities as practiced by people like Jim Jones (see chapter 1) can have disastrous and lethal consequences, there is no better alternative. Even for

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societies that have clearly veered away from openness, rescue invariably comes from dissenters and creative thinkers who disseminate opposing viewpoints.

The real challenge facing members of open societies in the twenty-first century is to find meaningful ways to enfranchise citizens as participants as well as con- sumers of both “new” and “old” media. Newer forms of digital media will be tamed and pacified if those who deliver their services can select the voices they will carry. “Net neutrality” is an important cornerstone yet to be laid in this age of por- table communication. It is probably essential if we are to build on the classical leg- acy of free advocacy that started with the Greeks. The freedom to persuade is rendered meaningless if it does not include the opportunity for citizens on the mar- gins as well as the mainstream to reach diverse audiences.

 QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 1. One of the current battlegrounds over freedom of expression in the United

States centers on the Internet. In 1998 the Supreme Court struck down legisla- tion that would have put significant curbs on Internet content. Develop a posi- tion on the question of whether public libraries should employ “blocking” software that would limit reader access to “sensitive” sites (i.e., sites that deal with sexual, political, or religious content).

2. The pioneering Internet designer and philosopher Jaron Lanier has complained that, for all its apparent democracy, the web seems to turn us into compliant herds as much as it enables true democracy.

There used to be a clichéd conversation in Silicon Valley that happened so often that you only needed to get a whiff to know what was about to be said. One per- son would say, “This thing we’re doing lately—giving people free software treats in exchange for gathering data about them as if we were spy agencies and then selling personal access to the highest bidder—is starting to feel creepy.” The other would say, “Yes, it feels kind of creepy to me too, but we mustn’t think only of ourselves. Think of the poor, oppressed people living under lousy gov- ernments who will be saved by this stuff ! We’re doing it for them!” . . . It seems apparent, alas, that Facebook, Twitter, etc. have not improved American democracy, and yet we expect these tools to promote democracy elsewhere. The basic problem is that web 2.0 tools are not supportive of democracy by design. They are tools designed to gather spy-agency-like data in a seductive way, first and foremost, but as a side effect they tend to provide software support for mob- like phenomena.74

Agree or disagree with his skepticism and explain your reasons.

3. The right to freedom of expression is easiest to defend when we consider the cause to be a “good” one, but free speech issues often develop from more unpop- ular roots. In 1977, for example, the American Nazi Party decided to hold a parade and make speeches in Skokie, Illinois. The northern suburb of Chicago has a large Jewish population, many of whom were survivors of Hitler’s infa- mous World War II death camps. If you were the judge presented with Skokie’s request to issue an injunction against the march, what would you decide? Try to

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defend your decision to another member of the class. Look at Nat Hentoff ’s book, The First Freedom, to find out what actually happened.

4. In The Republic, Book VIII, beginning at section 554, Plato describes the prob- lems in democratic governments. Read the pages of this section, consider his arguments, and prepare a short summary of his complaints against democracy. Use his analysis as the basis of a paper or a short oral summary presented to other members of your course.

5. Some American journalists describe the ongoing tensions between Israel and Palestine as the “third rail” of international reporting. They note that they often hear from angry readers or viewers, particularly if their reports seem to be sym- pathetic to the ongoing humanitarian crisis that is the reality of today’s West Bank. View Jut Shally’s 2005 documentary, Peace, Propaganda and the Promised Land (available at many libraries) and comment on the film’s thesis that the American media are “unfair” in their coverage of the Palestine. Is the film cor- rect? Are there commercial or political considerations that might curtail enhanced coverage?

6. The 2001 attacks on the Pentagon and New York’s World Trade Center still pose serious questions for an open society. How much freedom should we exchange for security? Should we curtail visas for visitors and students? Should we give up some of our privacy for the protection of ourselves and others? How tolerant should we be of airport searches, clandestine government wiretaps, and seizures of property? Write an essay for accepting or denying any one of these forms of curtailed freedom.

7. Interview one or two longtime bloggers. Raise some of the issues discussed in the chapter, including these questions: How do they know they are reaching others? Is their blog easily accessible on most search engines? Is the Internet a reasonable alternative to the traditional public forums of news outlets, publish- ing, or filmmaking? Would they feel the need to alter their content if they accepted advertising?

8. The text asks: “As a journalist and critic at Entertainment Weekly, can you afford to pan a movie released by Warner Brothers, which is also in the Time-Warner empire?” But it does not directly answer the question. Develop a study to survey movie reviews in the magazine. Is there evidence that the magazine has a free hand to be critical of films released by another branch of the company?

9. One non-partisan group that fights media mergers and is a consistent advocate for “net neutrality” is Free Press.net (http://www.freepress.net/). Take a look at their website and do one of the following: (1) Identify an issue they cover that you think is significant in preserving the freedoms of advocates in an age increasingly dominated by large media companies. (2) Identify an issue they dis- cuss where you believe they have overstated the risks to our freedom of speech or press. In either case, state your reasons clearly.

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 ADDITIONAL READING Aristotle, Rhetoric, in Richard McKeon (Ed.), Basic Works of Aristotle (New York: Random

House, 1941). Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution, Enlarged Edition (Cam-

bridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1992). W.C.K. Guthrie, The Sophists (Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 1971). Nat Hentoff, Living the Bill of Rights (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999). Jaron Lanier, You Are Not a Gadget: A Manifesto (New York: Knopf, 2010). Don Pember and Clay Calvert, Mass Media Law, 18th ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2013). Plato, The Republic, Books VII–VIII. Trans. W. H. D. Rouse in Great Dialogues of Plato, ed. Eric

Warmington and Philip Rouse (New York: Mentor, 1956).

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3

The Advocate and the Management of Symbols

OVERVIEW

 The Nature of Language Signs Symbol Meaning Functions of Language

 Language, Interaction, and Reality The Creation of Reality through Interaction Self as a Product of Interaction with Others Society as a Product of Interaction with Others

 Political Uses of Language Functions of Political Language Strategic Uses of Political Language Common Political Language Devices

Labeling Acclaiming, Attacking, and Defending Doublespeak Hate Speech Ridicule

 The Changing Nature of Public and Political Discourse

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When we claim to have been injured by language, what kind of claim do we make? We ascribe an agency to language, a power to injure, and position ourselves as the objects of its injurious trajec- tory. We claim that language acts, and acts against us, and the claim we make is a further instance of language, one which seeks to arrest the force of the prior instance. Thus, we exercise the force of lan- guage even as we seek to counter its force, caught up in a bind that no act of censorship can undo.1

—Judith Butler

Symbols and language direct attention. Shakespeare pointed to the arbitrary nature of language symbols in Romeo and Juliet: “What’s in a name? That which we call a rose, by any other name would smell as sweet.” While accurate, it is also true that words and their connotations can set a course of action from which it is some- times impossible to recover. On September 11, 2001, the United States suffered an attack that was quickly characterized as this generation’s Pearl Harbor. The com- parison was powerful. Before a joint session of Congress, President Bush pro- claimed, “on September the eleventh, enemies of freedom committed an act of war against our country. Americans have known wars—but for the past 136 years, they have been wars on foreign soil, except for one Sunday in 1941. Americans have known the casualties of war—but not at the center of a great city on a peaceful morning. Americans have known surprise attacks—but never before on thousands of civilians. All of this was brought upon us in a single day—and night fell on a dif- ferent world, a world where freedom itself is under attack.”2

We were “at war,” but a very different kind of war, a “war on terror.” What did that mean in terms of tactics and strategies? Who were our enemies—nations or groups like al-Qaeda? In some parts of the world, the attackers were “terrorists,” in other parts, “freedom fighters.” President Bush caused alarm and outrage in the Islamic world for using the word “crusade” to describe the fight against terrorism because the term evoked images of Christian soldiers battling against Islam during medieval times. There was even a debate within newsrooms across the nation about whether or not anchors and reporters should wear flag pins or ribbons. Reuters news service instructed reporters to preface any descriptions of attackers with “so-called.”3 The major networks, except Fox News, decided that anchors should not wear flags or ribbons.

In 2012, the Supreme Court of the United States upheld the law requiring most individuals to obtain health insurance coverage or to pay a yearly fee. In the opinion, Justice Roberts wrote that the federal government does not have the power to order people to buy health insurance; if read as a command, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010 would be unconstitutional. He continued that the fed- eral government does have the power to impose a tax on those without health insur- ance; the act “is therefore constitutional, because it can reasonably be read as a tax.”4

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Symbols and language have enormous consequences, as these examples dem- onstrate. The childhood adage that “words can never hurt me” is often devastat- ingly inaccurate. In this chapter, we will investigate the nature of language, identify the elements of language and meaning, consider how language allows us to create the realities on which we act, and examine the political uses of language.

 The Nature of Language Human language is a marvelous and powerful tool. Most of our early educa-

tion in language emphasizes the meaning of words, their placement in sentences, and how sentences form paragraphs. Language, however, is far more than a collec- tion of words and rules for proper usage. Language is the instrument and vehicle for human action and expression. Contrasting the “extensional world” with the “intentional world” illustrates the importance of language. The extensional world is the world of our senses. We are aware of the room we are sitting in—the color of the walls, the texture of the carpet, the comfort of the chair—because we experi- ence it firsthand. The intentional world is the world of language, words, and sym- bols. We know this world by what we read or what we are told. Even if we have never been to Europe, we can describe many European things, people, and places. We know a great deal about the Civil War (the culture, the issues, the battles) not because of firsthand experience but because of what we have read or heard. Our firsthand experiences are very limited. For most of us, the world we know and understand is based on the symbols of language.

Language can describe direct experience as well as past and future events; it can detail the reality confronting us or possibilities that do not yet exist; it is capa- ble of transmitting both true and false messages with equal skill. Theorists often use the terms signs, symbols, and meaning to explain the capacity of language to accom- plish all this. While there is debate over the terminology, it is useful to explore some of the definitions because they provide insights that are helpful both for choosing language to convey a persuasive message and for dissecting messages received.

Signs Susanne Langer describes a sign as a natural indication of the existence of a

condition. Lightning is a sign that a thunderclap will be heard; fever is a sign of an illness; the tapping of a beaver’s tail is a sign of danger. A sign is a symptom of a particular happening; the two are linked by a direct relationship. Another useful distinction about signs is their one-to-one relationship with what they signify. While stop signs are not a natural occurrence, they do have a simple meaning once learned. They do not invite interpretation; they signal a required behavior. Symbols do not have any natural association with what they signify. For Langer, signs announce objects, whereas symbols induce conceptions of objects.5

C. S. Pierce divides signs (a category he uses to name all human signifying activity) into icons, indices, and symbols.6 Icons are replicas of what they represent; they resemble, in some way, the objects they stand for—the universal symbols for male and female restrooms, crosses displayed in churches, or maps of territories. An index signifies an object by having been affected by it; there is a cause-and-

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effect relationship—dark clouds and high winds are an index of thunderstorms. Icons and indices have some connection with the objects they represent. In con- trast, symbols are arbitrary; they have no connection with what they represent and depend on conceptual thought and shared understanding for meaning.

Symbols Ernst Cassirer described three aspects of a symbol: it stimulates sensation; it

stands for something other than itself; and it depends on convention (established through agreement) for what it stands for—there is no natural relationship between the symbol and its meaning.7 Ferdinand de Saussure divided linguistic signs (which Cassirer and Langer would have labeled symbols) into two parts. He referred to the initial sensation—the psychological imprint—as the signifier. The mental concept triggered by the signifier is the signified.8

Symbols, in contrast to signs, may have many relationships to the thing signi- fied. Your name is a symbol that stands for or represents you. A minister is a sym- bol and stands for or represents a specific set of beliefs, values, and modes of conduct. Words are symbols that are conventionally agreed upon to represent cer- tain things. Words are convenient symbols. They simplify the amount of informa- tion needed to communicate about something. We need only say “chair,” and we know that it is an item upon which we sit. We do not need to describe and explain that a chair is an item with a seat, back, and legs that support one’s weight. Sym- bols are flexible, arbitrary, and culturally learned.

Meaning The relationship between a symbol and the thing it represents is what we call

meaning. There is no one-to-one relationship between symbols and meanings. C. K. Ogden and I. A. Richards devised the semantic triangle to articulate the relation- ship of the symbol, object, and meaning.9 Their relational diagram (figure 3.1) dis- tinguishes among the elements of thought, symbol, and referent.

The simple diagram represents a very complex and varied process. At the apex of the triangle is the reference or thought the speaker has of an object or event. At the bottom right of the triangle is the referent or actual object. The symbol, at the bottom left of the triangle, abstractly stands for the object. It is important to note that there is no direct connection (thus, the dashes) between the symbol used and the ref- erent. The only connection is through the thought. In other words, thought, symbol, and referent do not represent an equation. Meanings exist in people, not in the sym- bols themselves. Two individuals could see the same referent—a sleek convertible parked at the curb—use the same symbol (“Corvette”) and have two radically differ- ent thoughts: “dream car” versus “overpriced, uncomfortable piece of fiberglass.”

The process of using signs and symbols to represent things is called significa- tion. Umberto Eco divides this process into four interrelated steps: (1) objects in the world, (2) signs (meaning anything that designates something other than itself), (3) a repertoire of responses, and (4) a set of corresponding rules. Symbols are cre- ated as we develop an ever-expanding set of responses to stimuli. For there to be commonality and understanding, rules evolve to govern the structure of human

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communication. Words, as symbols, are arbitrary; they are created by humans and have significance only when two or more people agree to some general interpreta- tion of the symbol. Everyone assumes the meaning of “chair” is clear, yet your mother may visualize a Queen Anne chair, while your father thinks of a big, com- fortable recliner. Thus, words and symbols, even ordinary ones, have multiple meanings. In fact, the English word with the most meanings is “set.” The word has 464 meanings in the Oxford English Dictionary!10 If simple concepts have so many interpretations, imagine the difficulty with abstract concepts such as freedom, equality, or liberty.

Human use of symbols allows us the capacity to see what might be as well as to see what is not. Burke referred to humans as “inventors of the negative.” There is no negative in nature; the negative is a creation of language—it is a concept with no referent in the physical universe.11 Arthur Asa Berger asks:

Have you ever wondered why it is that often when you think of a word, the opposite of the word pops into your head? . . . It is because meaning is rela- tional. Nothing means anything in itself, and everything means something because of some kind of relationship in which it is embedded.12

Berger continues his explanation by pointing out that rich has meaning only if we know what poor means; large is useful only as compared to small. He cites Sau- ssure’s belief that “concepts are purely differential and defined not by their positive content but negatively by their relations with the other terms of the system.”13

d ir

e ct

r e

la ti

o n

sh ip

d ire

ct re la

tio n

sh ip

Thought or Reference

recollections of past expectations

no direct relationshipSymbol

word that signals the referent in the thought process

Referent

object that creates impressions stored in thought area

Figure 3.1 The Relationships among Symbols, Thoughts, and Objects

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The ability to see negative relationships has a companion image. We make choices about categories to which a new stimulus belongs—we decide it is not one thing but has similarities to another. We make connections between the world of the senses and the world of symbols. “The senses direct attention to particular stim- uli or phenomena, to which humans then assign varying degrees of significance.”14

This is the basic process of language—connecting symbols to experience. Ernesto Grassi adopted the term ingenium from Giambattista Vico to describe

the human ability to see relationships and to meet the demands of the world.15 The metaphor is an example of how ingenium operates in language. Aristotle long ago analyzed the usefulness of metaphor. He described it as uncovering relationships not previously seen. Cicero used a metaphor to “illuminate” how metaphors oper- ate. He said metaphors act as lights in providing insight into relationships.16 In seeking meaning, we need to be aware of both positive and negative relationships.

Context plays an important role in establishing the meaning of symbols. I. A. Richards believed symbols have meaning because they have previously been mem- bers of a context that made an impression on us. Words later serve as substitutes for the part of the context missing from subsequent similar experiences. He used the term “comparison fields” to refer to the contexts of previous experiences that color the meaning of the present experience. Effective communication requires common experiences—an abundance of shared comparison fields so that when the speaker describes an experience the listener has a basis for understanding. Human commu- nication is really a stirring-up process rather than a transmitting process. Contex- tual factors that influence meaning include: the social status of speakers, the social conventions governing the speech act, the physical and social-cultural environ- ments, and previous discourse between the parties.

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We can subdivide meaning into two categories. Denotative meanings refer to formal, dictionary meanings for words. The relationship between the word and its meaning is generally universal and informative. The definition describes essential properties of the referent. In this context, the word “chair” denotes an object upon which one sits. The denotative sense of most profanity, if analyzed literally, would have little application to the situations in which it is used. It is the connotative meanings of words that provide positive or negative overtones. In this sense, the relationships between the word and the object are individual, personal, and subject to interpretation. If we say that an individual “sits in the chair of power,” we mean more than the object upon which the person sits. For some people, the eagle means more than a bird, the flag more than a piece of cloth, and a cross more than a piece of wood. As a result, words can have positive and negative meanings simultane- ously. For some, abortion is murder. For others, it is a constitutional right.

The meanings of words change over time. In the 1960s, something “bad” was awesome. Back then, a “dude” was a geek. Today, a “geek” is a nerd. The word “sick” doesn’t mean ill but refers to something that was awesome, cool, or surprising.

There are several conclusions we can generate about the relationship between symbols and the things symbolized:

• Meanings are in people, not in words. Words evoke different meanings in different people. They are relative and are based on shared experiences and common culture. As Dan Rothwell asserts, “When we treat words as things, it is tantamount to eating the menu rather than the food.”17

• As society and culture change, so do common meanings of words and their acceptable usages. The words “colored,” “Negro,” “black,” “Afro-Ameri- can,” and “persons of color” have referred to the same ethnic group during the past half-century, and each word has varied in degree of acceptability.

• No word is inherently good or bad. The acceptability of words is culturally determined.

We will explore each of these implications further as we continue our discus- sion of language.

Functions of Language Language is an organized, agreed-upon, yet arbitrary system of symbols for

communication. It has two broad components: the structural component focuses on the hierarchical organization of language and the use component focuses on how we use language in daily life.18

According to Ann Gill, there are several criteria for a language.19 Any lan- guage involves the production of physical stimuli in some channel of communica- tion. Humans create sounds or “marks” receivable by auditory, tactical, or visual channels. The stimuli created must be reproducible and receivable by a distinct group of people. In other words, a language system requires more than one person. Interaction, and hence communication, involves an exchange of symbols. The stimuli exchanged must impact or affect the listener, resulting in some reaction or response. Finally, all language systems have some nonrandom rules governing the language system. Rules include syntax, punctuation, and grammar.

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Language serves four broad, basic functions. First, language is a practical tool for getting things done. Each language system allows us to share information and to express desires. It allows us to function as a unit—to build, to create, and to destroy. Language is our primary means of relating to the environment and to oth- ers; language habits reflect our personality and emotional states. Through lan- guage, then, we organize reality and seek security and information. Language is the infrastructure of human culture.

Second, language facilitates thought and creativity. Edward Sapir and Benja- min Lee Whorf argued that language is the basic port of entry for nearly all forms of higher experience.20 In any society, the linguistic system shapes ideas and guides mental activity; “the structure of a culture’s language determines the behavior and habits of thinking in that culture.”21 To be sure, we don’t need the word “hot” to understand that we will burn our finger if we hold it too close to a fire. Our sensory organs enable us to directly experience the heat. But most of modern life involves characterizations of other’s actions and motives—ways of looking at the outside world that are guided by acquired vocabularies. Perception guided by language cre- ates worlds from which it is difficult to escape. Racism in children, for example, is verbally created. If children live in a family environment that defines difference as less desirable, they are guided to see ethnic differences. It is interesting to note how our evolving vocabulary creates new sensitivities and sometimes lets old ones die. Fifty years ago Americans did not talk about attention deficit disorder, sexual harassment, post-traumatic stress syndrome, or perimenopause. The terms are new but not the states of mind or physical conditions they describe. The power to name enhances our ability to see. Vocabularies function as environments. Like all envi- ronments, they determine the limits and boundaries of our world.

Language is based on human experience. It is a way to name happenings and to establish categories that differentiate particular stimuli. At one extreme, we may argue that each word is simply a name of a category of experience, because most languages do share thousands of common categories. For example, the English word “horse” is the French word “cheval” and the German word “pferd.” Some categories of language, however, are untranslatable. The reasons may be grammati- cal, semantical, or experiential. Each language system provides special ways of communicating about experiences; those specific ways of communicating create unique needs, responses, ways of thinking, and behavior.

Language is not just a collection of names for objects and ideas; it colors and shapes the reality perceived. As Ann Gill points out, some concepts are beyond our grasp because we have no signifier for them.22 Without the signifier there is no sig- nified. She creates the word “dewonks” to symbolize humans in their teens missing teeth. If dewonks became commonly accepted usage tomorrow, we would see dewonks frequently, even though yesterday we were not aware of them.

Third, language is a key element in shaping society. Most social scientists today argue that people’s understandings of the world are shaped by the language available to them. If we are, as Aristotle proclaimed, social animals, then language allows us to be so. Through language we define social roles and rules of behavior; our behavior is often regulated more by words than by physical force. S. I. Hay- akawa has noted that language has the same relationship to experience as a map

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does to an area of land.23 A map is a pictorial representation of the territory. To be useful, it must be accurate and current. If not, we might get confused, lost, or even injured. Thus, it is important that a map reflect precisely the physical territory it represents. This is also true for language. Our language system must reflect accu- rately the extensional, empirical world. The symbols of “liberty,” “equality,” and “equal opportunity” do not reflect the real-world experience of some citizens. Frederick Douglass, an ex-slave, was invited to speak at a meeting sponsored by the Rochester Ladies’ Anti-Slavery Society in July 1852 in Rochester, New York.

Fellow citizens—Pardon me, and allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here today? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural jus- tice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? . . . The blessings in which you this day rejoice are not enjoyed in common.24

Disagreements over the meanings embraced by some can escalate to violence. Hitler described a world unacceptable to other nations, and war followed. Patrick Henry articulated the importance of liberty for people that resulted in a commit- ment to arms. In each case, language was the vehicle for social, collective action.

Finally, language links the past with the present and makes civilization possi- ble. We can record our ideas, thoughts, plans, and discoveries for future genera- tions. We can then build on that knowledge and experience. Isolated, alone, and unable to communicate through words, we would have to rediscover again and again the making of fire, the use of tools, the treatment of disease, and so on. We are, therefore, a product of all who have preceded us. Human knowledge grows because we can record and transmit past knowledge. We do not need to start our education again each day; instead, we benefit from centuries of recorded knowl- edge and experience.

Frank Dance identifies three functions of speech communication from a psy- chological perspective: to link an individual with the environment, to develop higher mental processes, and to regulate both the internal and external behaviors of people.25 Joshua Whatmough developed a fourfold classification system of the functions of language from a linguistic perspective: an informative function of lan- guage that conveys information, a dynamic function of altering attitudes and opin- ions, an emotive function influencing the behaviors of others, and an aesthetic function of language.26 Both these scholars recognize the persuasive function of language usage.

Related to the perspectives presented thus far, Roman Jakobson provides a comprehensive classification of the functions of language.27 In his system, each function is associated with one of the six essential elements of human communica- tion: source, channel, message, receiver, language, and thought (or referent). Emo- tive speech is associated with the speaker (source) and expresses the beliefs, attitudes, and values of the source. Phatic speech keeps channels of communication open and provides social cues for interaction; it creates social relationships. Simple greetings are examples of this speech function. Cognitive speech is associated with the message—it deals with the world of information, description, and ideas. Rhe- torical speech, according to Jakobson, is the most complex of all functions of lan-

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guage. It seeks to influence the beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors of others. It is the language of politicians, salespeople, and the clergy. It is the ultimate speech of per- suasion and influence, most associated with the receiver. Metalingual speech is talk about speech itself. It is of a higher order, is more abstract, and is associated with language, the code of communication. Finally, poetic speech structures the mes- sage in an aesthetic, distinctive, and pleasing way; it is associated with thought.

It is important to remember that any utterance may serve any number of func- tions. Although any speech act can have multiple functions, one function may be more dominant than others. Recognizing the many functions of language keeps us mindful of the various ways language helps us perform the tasks of daily life.

Speech and language vary in style as well as in function. Style is the way in which a communicator delivers a message—the pattern or arrangement of sym- bols. The difference in greetings between “Good morning, sir, how are you?” and “Hey, dude, what’s shaking?” are differences in style, word choices, and symbol arrangement. More than two thousand years ago, Cicero identified three styles: a plain style that was direct, simple, and clearly arranged; a moderate style that was more forceful in tone; and the grand style characterized as ornate, copious, and dignified. Throughout the years there have been numerous linguistic classifications of rhetorical style. They all tend to contrast formal and informal styles, casual and intimate styles, and to identify an informative or consultative style. Factors of style will be discussed in greater detail in chapters 7 and 13.

In terms of persuasion, language variations affect judgments about the speaker, message comprehension or recall, or attitude toward the message.28 For example, people’s names impart positive and negative impressions as well as perceptions of attractiveness and power. Simple, short, straightforward sentences are more persua- sive than those that are complex, long, and convoluted. Language imagery and viv- idness increase listener interest and message recall. However, very emotional and intense language has a negative effect on attitude change when delivered by a highly credible speaker. The use of nonstandard language, such as regional or eth- nic dialects or accents, tends to create negative associations with the source in terms of intelligence, competence, and social attraction. Thus, how we talk and the words we use are important elements of the persuasiveness of language.

Frank Luntz is a well known language expert who works with political candi- dates, Fortune 100 companies, public advocacy groups, and world leaders. He is the mastermind of some of the most potent political and corporate campaigns of the last twenty years. Ultimately, for Luntz, the essence is not what is said but what is heard.

Once the words leave your lips, they no longer belong to you. We have a monopoly only on our own thoughts. The act of speaking is not a conquest, but a surrender. When we open our mouths, we are sharing with the world—and the world inevitably interprets, indeed sometimes shifts and distorts, our origi- nal meaning.29

Luntz has ten simple rules for successful communication: simplicity (use small words), brevity (use short sentences), credibility, consistency, novelty (offer something new), sound (make language memorable), aspiration (positive and hopeful messages

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personalized for the audience), visualization (create a picture), questioning (forces audience reflection), and context (explain relevance).

 Language, Interaction, and Reality Symbolic interactionism is a sociocultural approach to communication theory.

From this perspective, social interaction with others influences and creates who we are and the society in which we live. As individuals and as a society, we are largely a product of our daily interactions. We form meaning and structure in society through social interaction.

The Creation of Reality through Interaction Why are so many different classes offered on college curriculums? Most aca-

demic endeavors are attempts to understand the nature and social behavior of human beings. Formal education is a process of presenting a variety of perspectives from which to study or view reality. Sociology, psychology, communication, his- tory, science, politics, and the humanities, to name only a few, present perspectives individuals may use to interpret their worlds. We live in both symbolic and physical environments. Symbolic reality is an interpretation of physical reality. A tree exists in nature. When we paint a picture of it or attempt to describe it, our symbols reflect the physical reality as we perceive it.

Language is the vehicle for sharing meanings and interpretations. Before a response to a situation can be formulated, the situation must first be defined and inter- preted. We construct meanings, define situations, and provide justifications for behav- ior. Hence, communication and interaction with others give meaning to the world and create the reality toward which we respond and act. Humans create, manipulate, and use symbols to control their own behavior and the behavior of others.

Cassirer explained that humans live in a different reality than the physical world of sensation.30 Humans live in a symbolic universe. Language, myth, rituals, art, music, and religion are some of the threads that weave the tapestry of our expe- rience. We often see only symbolic reality; physical reality can be overwritten by symbolic experiences. We don’t deal with an actual object—we deal with our per- ception of it, which has been influenced by a myriad of previous symbolic experi- ences. In Kenneth Burke’s words, humans are separated from the “natural condition by instruments of their own making.”31

Our view of the world may change as our symbol system is modified through interaction. Meanings of symbols are derived from interaction in rather specific social contexts. New interaction experiences may result in new symbols or new meanings for previous symbols. Consequently, one’s understanding of the world may change. In the 1960s, language played an important role in transforming per- ceptions of society. Black citizens challenged years of white domination and dis- crimination in the United States. A “brother” was a fellow black person, and “black power” represented group identity, pride, and self-awareness. The move- ment redefined the heritage of “Negro” into “African American,” reinforced a pos- itive self-concept of “black is beautiful,” and declared a new political activism.

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Self as a Product of Interaction with Others Who are you? Why do you like and dislike certain things? Why do you

believe the things you believe and take the positions on issues you take? The answer lies in your perception of yourself that changes through communicating with others. From birth, we send out signals for others to confirm, deny, or mod- ify. We interpret the feedback and use it to determine who we are and where we fit. We gradually discern our status, our strengths, and our weaknesses. Through communicating with others, we become “somebody” and have opportunities to change ourselves.

The self becomes a social object that we share with others in communication. We learn who we are through our interactions with others. Throughout our lives, we continue to interpret and define ourselves. Our perception of the world, how the world perceives us, and how we perceive ourselves depends on our contacts with other people.

Society as a Product of Interaction with Others Our interactions with others also teach us what is good or bad, right or wrong.

In discovering ourselves, we identify and assume socially defined roles. We form attitudes—likes and dislikes of people, places, or things—through contact with oth- ers. As we form various attitudes, we also develop beliefs—what we know to be true about our world of people and objects. As we organize and test our attitudes through interaction, we establish values that provide general guidelines for behav- ior. Values are the core elements that help us interpret reality; they form the basis of how we judge or evaluate issues and concepts. For example, is loyalty more impor- tant than personal gain? Is war always wrong? Is honesty always good? Values become essential to our self-esteem. Social control is not solely a matter of formal governmental agencies, laws, rules, and regulations. It is a direct result of identify- ing and internalizing the values of a group. When we adhere to the values approved by others, we support the social order.

In addition to creating expectations of behavior, symbols create social sanc- tions (for example, war as God’s will) or function as master symbols or “god terms” (i.e., to die for freedom). The United States sent troops to Afghanistan to “bring the terrorists to justice” and to ensure the “safety” and “security” of our cit- izens. MX missiles were labeled “peacekeepers” to match the rationale for the war. When followers, through socialization, have been taught significant symbols that uphold social order, they require leaders to play defined roles. Leaders must create and use symbols that unite and transcend individual and collective differences. Leaders articulate positions of superiority, inferiority, and equality; they persuade us through symbols of power, majesty, and authority.

We have certainly drawn a rather large circle in our discussion. We started with the role of language in defining and discovering ourselves and concluded with demonstrating how language maintains social order. It is useful to examine further the role of social interaction and language as a function of governing. Chapter 11 focuses on the forms of political persuasion. We conclude this chapter with a dis- cussion of how language structures our social relationships within a democracy

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and how leaders of society use language to define and interpret reality to provide a rationale for future collective action.

 Political Uses of Language Language is not just reserved for the honorable and skilled. This human tool is

available to all—the good and bad, the kind and cruel, the generous and selfish. It is, therefore, open to abuse as freely as it is to proper usage.

The substance of the information language conveys, the setting in which the interaction occurs, and the explicit or implicit functions the language performs determine whether or not language is political. According to Paul Corcoran, the very essence of language is political and, thus, persuasive.

Language in the broadest sense—ordinary conversation, symbolic expression, the grammar of social and sexual roles, the maintenance of customs and institu- tions, the transmission of cultural norms from generation to generation—is inevitably political because it prescribes, constrains, socializes, reinforces, and conserves the status quo.32

Political language is often designed to evoke reaction, not thoughtful response. Political language can be a creative instrument to stimulate passion and commit- ment. In general, the primary goal of politics is to control, manipulate, or structure the audience’s interpretation. Political discourse involves a struggle over meaning, status, power, and resources.33 A successful politician, then, will use specific lin- guistic devices to reinforce popular beliefs, attitudes, and values.

It is important to understand that politics as talk does not imply politics is all talk and no action. Politics as talk is action in very important, although sometimes very subtle, ways. Compare the policy implications of whether abortion is a medi- cal procedure or murder or whether affirmative action is governmental discrimina- tion or a program insuring equal opportunity. Gaining agreement on the definition of an issue in terms favorable to the outcome desired is the necessary first step toward action. As Murray Edelman reminds us,

Because the potency of political language does not stem from its descriptions of a “real” world but rather from its reconstructions of the past and its evocation of unobservables in the present and of potentialities in the future, language usage is strategic.34

There are those within the academy who argue that facts should dominate political discussions and subsequent actions, but even facts are subject to interpre- tation that will affect outcomes. Think of a container that by universal agreement holds six ounces of some liquid. Suppose we pour three ounces of a liquid into the container. The facts are indisputable: three ounces of liquid in a six-ounce con- tainer. Simplistically, there could be two issues: is the container half empty, or is it half full ? If the “reality” is that the container is half empty, then we may be discour- aged and need to take the time to find more resources for additional liquid. If the container is half full, then we are more optimistic and hopeful that adding more liq- uid won’t be a problem. Although the facts are the same, one’s view or interpreta- tion of the facts influences one’s attitudes and behavior.

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The example above is extremely simplistic, but many contemporary political campaigns and legislative issues are extensions of the same premises. Are we too dependent on foreign oil? Should we drill in the Arctic reserves for additional oil? Is the risk to the environment too great? Which view of reality will prevail? Think of some of the real consequences. It may require higher gasoline taxes to pay for exploration or to reduce demand. The legislature could pass new requirements regarding mileage, which could increase the prices of automobiles. If new reserves are not found, gas may be rationed. The fact of relying on foreign oil is not in dis- pute, but one’s interpretation of the fact of that reliance will affect one’s attitudes and impact one’s behavior.

Functions of Political Language Political language creates, alters, and maintains the social state. Political sym-

bols are the direct link between individuals and the social order; they function as a stimulus for behavior. The appropriate symbols can influence people to accept cer- tain policies, arouse support for various causes, and encourage people to obey gov- ernmental authority. Political symbols are the means to social ends and not ends in themselves. They perpetuate the prevailing culture, political beliefs, and values.

Political language is related to power, social relationships, morals, ethics, and identity, to name only a few areas it influences. As Paul Corcoran warns, “while language shapes and empowers its users, the unhappy consequence is that language reproduces and reinforces exploitation, inequality, and other traditions of power.”35 Leaders win and lose; the public is empowered or enslaved; citizens are informed or misled by the strategic use of language.

Doris Graber identifies five major functions of political language: information dissemination, agenda setting, interpretation and linkage, projection for the future and the past, and action stimulation.36 Information dissemination is the sharing of explicit information about the state of the nation. Government agencies dissemi- nate health and safety information—from information about medication approved by the FDA, to “buckle up” seat belt campaigns, to warnings about cigarettes, to advice about how to communicate with children about the dangers of illegal drugs. Such dissemination is vital to the public’s understanding and support of the politi- cal system. This is especially true in democratic nations where the public expects open access to legislative debates and the decision making of government officials. However, the most important information is sometimes how something is stated, when it is stated, or what is not stated. Especially in messages between nations, the public must make inferences about the actual meaning and significance of official statements. Are our relations with China “open,” “guarded,” or “friendly”? Some- times the very act of speaking communicates support, sympathy, or strength. In such instances, the decision to speak rather than the actual words spoken conveys the meaning of the rhetorical event.

The topics politicians choose to discuss channel the public’s attention. The agenda-setting function of political language works as follows. Before something can become an issue, a prominent politician must first articulate a problem to bring the issue to public attention. The issue can be a long-standing concern (poverty), one that needs highlighting (status of U.S. education), or created (the crisis in health

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care). Political language establishes a national agenda by controlling the informa- tion disseminated to the public. Within this realm, there is always a great deal of competition because only a limited number of issues can hold public interest. While certain topics may be critically important to a person, party, faction, or group, the same topics may be perceived as meaningless or even harmful to other factions, persons, or groups.

State of the Union addresses are historically the most direct attempts by presi- dents to set legislative goals and agendas for the pending congressional session. Ini- tiatives are identified, whether national security, the economy, national health, or education. Political campaign speeches also routinely set forth social and legisla- tive goals and objectives.

Graber refers to the third function of political language as interpretation and link- age. Control over the definition of a situation is essential in political campaigns. The very act of calling the public’s attention to a certain issue defines, interprets, and manipulates the public’s perception of that issue. Links are established between particular beliefs and candidates or between original goals and specific outcomes. Participants in election primaries, for example, all proclaim victory regardless of the number of votes received. The top vote-getter becomes the “front runner.” The second-place winner becomes “the underdog” candidate in an “uphill battle.” The third-place candidate becomes a “credible” candidate and alternative for those “frustrated” or “dissatisfied” with the “same old party favorites.” Political language defines and interprets reality, creating a rationale for future collective action.

A great deal of political language deals with projection: predicting the future and reflecting on the past. Candidates forecast idealized futures under their leadership and predict success if their policies are followed. Some projections are formalized in party platforms or in major addresses such as inaugurals or State of the Union speeches. Nearly all such statements involve promises—promises of a brighter future if followed or Armageddon if rejected. Past memories and associations are evoked to stimulate a sense of security, better times, and romantic longings. An important function of political language, therefore, is to link us to past glories and to predict a successful future in order to reduce uncertainty in an increasingly complex world.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, political language mobilizes society and stimulates action. Language serves as the rationale for social action. Words can evoke, persuade, implore, command, label, praise, and condemn. Although politi- cal language is similar to other uses of language, it also stimulates behavior and shapes public discussion about the allocation of public resources, authority, and sanctions. In virtually every major presidential address, there is some call to action: to support a piece of legislation, to call your congressional representative about an issue, or to volunteer for some form of public service.

Craig Smith identifies five functions of governmental language: to unify, to legit- imize, to orient, to resolve conflicts, and to implement policies.37 These are very pragmatic and programmatic uses of political language. From a governmental per- spective, language is a tool to generate a sense of inclusion and participation among citizens. Language also legitimizes and confirms the authority of govern- mental actions. Related to the agenda-setting function, governmental language frames our national goals, policies, hopes, and desires as well as articulates our

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needs, problems, and shortcomings. Social conflicts are resolved by issue discus- sion, explanation, debate, and negotiation. Finally, government implements policy through the creation of legislation and regulatory interpretation. From this per- spective, the language of government encompasses elected officials, government agencies, and government employees.

Strategic Uses of Political Language It is important to remember that the context and content of an interaction is

what makes the use of language political. Contexts can range from a local candi- date talking at a reception, to speeches in the halls of Congress, to citizens rallied outside a courthouse, to name just a few. Below are some strategies commonly used for political purposes.

Argumentation and persuasion. Political language is used to discuss, debate, and negotiate issues and legislation. As already mentioned, political rhetoric is not neutral; it advocates a particular set of attitudes, beliefs, and values. Political lan- guage is about advocacy—creating a symbolic reality from a particular perspective for a specific purpose.

Identification. Political language creates commonality, understanding, and unity. Language is a way to relate to others, to build bridges to understanding. Poli- ticians, both verbally and nonverbally, attempt to demonstrate they understand their constituents and are similar in beliefs, attitudes, and values. According to Kenneth Burke, “you persuade a person only insofar as you can talk the person’s language by speech, gesture, tonality, order, image, attitude, identifying your ways with this person’s.”38 The importance of language as it relates to nationalism can be viewed in light of the debate over English as our standard language. A “homoge- neous linguistic community” is argued in terms of shared values. Social identity is another important use of political language. Language links us as a social class or ethnicity or cultural heritage. The appeal of common experiences is very strong. Language provides a rallying point for issues and a commonality of efforts.

Reinforcement. Persuasion is a difficult process. Most political communica- tion is not about altering attitudes; rather, it attempts to reinforce existing beliefs and attitudes. Most political discourse and even advertising tries to reinforce the public preferences most favorable to the source’s position. Much presidential dis- course is about reinforcing our national goals and values. Political parties and can- didates have “key” constituency groups, and successful persuaders tailor their remarks to the beliefs, attitudes, and values of those constituencies.

Inoculation. This is another message strategy designed to reinforce existing attitudes by promoting resistance to attitude change. By strengthening existing atti- tudes, individuals become less susceptible to subsequent persuasive attempts. What is intriguing about this strategy is that when a persuader acknowledges counterar- guments or introduces negative information related to his or her own position, audiences are not only more likely to believe the speaker’s rhetoric but they are also less likely to entertain counterarguments or information in the future. They have been inoculated against future attempts to change their attitudes. This is most use- ful in political campaigns, especially in generating resistance to the influence of political attacks by opponents.

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Simplification. Most political discourse is simple and straightforward in terms of vocabulary, sentence complexity, and general information details. Complex problems are reduced to rather simple alternatives. Political catch phrases and slo- gans serve as shorthand statements of beliefs or inferred action. “America, love it or leave it” communicates action and attitude. “The War on Terror” defines actions taken (purpose of fighting on foreign soil). Political discourse attempts to make the world, our problems, solutions, and actions understandable.

Generalizations. Along with simplifying messages, political discourse tends to be open, vague, and general. It often provides sweeping assumptions, conclusions, or factors of causation. As an example, “as the divorce rate among Americans con- tinues to rise, so too does the crime rate among youth” or “there is a crisis of confi- dence in America that government will not protect social security in the future.” Both statements provide rather harsh conclusions with no examples or evidence to support the claims. In addition, politicians seldom use qualifiers or note excep- tions. They state propositions in broad generalizations in attempts to obtain as much agreement as possible. After all, who would oppose working for “a healthier economy, more jobs, higher salaries and health care for all workers?” Of course, we all know that the “devil” is in the details.

Narrative. Narratives are stories told from a defined point of view or perspec- tive. They are “first person” accounts of events or situations. They often evoke feel- ings and emotional responses from listeners. Politicians often use narratives or stories to tell the history of their lives or to explain their political views on an issue or the impact of a specific vote. Narratives are useful, especially to politicians, because they simplify complex issues, events, or situations. Done well, they gain audience attention and provide drama. Ronald Reagan excelled at using narratives to explain his political philosophy and worldview. He was the first of recent presidents to evoke the story of a single individual to illustrate a lesson or value, especially during State of the Union addresses. He would recognize community leaders for their volunteer efforts or the heroics of service people to call for shared patriotism.

Polarization. Political language can create likenesses and commonalities; it can also distinguish or separate people, issues, and ideas. Interestingly, sometimes the best way to define an issue or position is by detailing what it is not—contrasting the concept with its opposite. Former President Reagan, for example, was good at articulating U.S. values of freedom and free enterprise by comparing us with Rus- sia. Of course, a more direct mode of polarization is simply labeling the opposition, issue, ideology, etc. as “bad.” While polarizing divides people with opposing beliefs, it can unite those with similar beliefs. It also helps clarify positions, actions, and even aspects of ideology. For some political observers, the harshness of politi- cal campaigns, the “we versus they” perspective on most issues, and the “all or none” strategy of winning at all costs have all contributed to a polarized nation.

Defining. As mentioned earlier, in many ways campaigns are really contests to determine the winning definitions of social reality. Is the economy strong or weak? Is the crime rate high or low? Are our values strong or slipping? Is the opponent lib- eral or conservative? Should “illegal” immigrants receive government entitlements that go to “U.S. citizens”? In essence, whose view of reality are voters going to sup- port? Once again, political language is less about changing opinions than about

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reinforcing prevailing views or providing the dominant view of social reality. Suc- cessfully defining issues or policies so that they resonate with the voting public is the goal of this strategy.

Expression. Many political symbols and rituals are expressive rather than instrumental. Political language allows for the expression of frustration as well as the promotion of specific policy ideas. It deals with hopes as well as fears, successes as well as failures. It is also important to recognize the contribution of political lan- guage to entertainment in U.S. popular culture. Novels, films, television, and popu- lar journalism often explore political themes because of the inherent drama of conflicting narratives.

Power. Much of political communication is about power, domination, or con- trol. Postmodern social science literature views political communication in terms of power—for example, a group of individuals with elite status exploits, controls, or distorts language in order to preserve power. Another viewpoint sees political lan- guage as the attempt to get others to share the same worldview about what is good or bad, right or wrong, just or unjust.

Kenneth Hacker identifies three dimensions of power.39 The first dimension is control over concrete political interests, revealed in policy preferences. In this case, language is objective, descriptive, and disseminates information. The second dimension of power is control over how issues are defined, debated, and enacted. Interpretive language is critical in framing issues and defining concepts. The final dimension of power is control over agendas and decision-making. Language here is once again utilitarian and concerned with getting things done and shaping society. Power in language is exhibited in many ways. For example, language that legiti- mizes the rule of those who govern is the basis for many arguments; other argu- ments appeal to moral authority; still others offer narratives of preferred behavior. It is also important to recognize that how something is said adds to the power of language as much as what is said.

Drama. Most political events are dramatic and attract scholars who examine politics as unfolding drama. For Hugh Duncan, “failure to understand the power of dramatic form in communication means failure in seizing and controlling power” over others.40 It is important to remember that social dramas are not just symbolic screens or metaphors—they are forms of social interaction and integra- tion. For example, a focus on dramas of authority would involve questions such as: Under what conditions is the act being presented? What kind of act is it? What roles are the actors assuming? What forms of authority are being communicated? What means of communication are used? What symbols of authority are evoked? How are social functions staged? How are social functions communicated? How are the messages received? What are the responses to authority messages? The drama can involve one person or many, a symbolic (rhetorical) event or physical act, or one moment or a specific period of time.

Politics, in Burkean terms, is a study of drama composed of many acts: acts of hierarchy, transformation, transcendence, guilt, victimage, redemption, and salva- tion. Using an act as the pivotal concept, Kenneth Burke suggests that we investi- gate scenes that encompass and surround the act, for the scene provides the context

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for an act. Next, he suggests that we consider the agents involved in an act—the actors who mold, shape, create, and sustain movements. We should also consider the agency (channels of communication) in an act, which will reveal the impact of rhetorical activities. Finally, consideration of the purpose of an act aids in discover- ing the ultimate motives or meaning of that act.

Drama is part of the communication process by which public issues and views are created, shared, and given life. Ernest and Nancy Bormann call this process “group fantasy.” A relatively small number of people may attach significance to some term or concept such as justice, freedom, or the American dream. These fan- tasies are shared and passed on to others. In some cases, the mass media pick up the message and become channels for broad dissemination of the fantasies. When a fantasy theme has “chained through the general public,” a rhetorical vision emerges. “A rhetorical vision is a symbolic reality created by a number of fantasy types, and it provides a coherent view of some public problem or issue.”41 Slogans or labels that address a cluster of meanings, motives, or emotional responses usually indi- cate the emergence of a rhetorical vision. There are several useful implications to the notion of fantasy themes. As a result of creating and sharing fantasies, there is a greater sense of community, cohesiveness, and shared culture. The fantasy theme illuminates common beliefs, attitudes, and values on which to act—and communi- cation is the foundation of it all.

Today, many scholars note that political campaigns are presented as dramas complete with winners, losers, good guys, and villains. Television, in particular, reduces abstract principles to human, personal components. Political issues and actions are linked to individuals. The presenter dominates in television; it is a

Political events are dramatic. Kenneth Burke suggests evaluating the scene, the agents, the agency, and the purpose of an action.

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medium for actors and animate objects rather than complex treatises. We choose among actors rather than ideologies or policies. Victims, villains, and heroes are easier to identify and address than complex issues, causes, or ideas.

Entertainment values encourage tabloid journalism, which has become the mainstay of news today.

The tabloid reporting style is designed to heighten readers and viewers’ sensory experience with the news. The details of stories are presented in graphic form. Tabloid news is written in dramatic, engaging, and readable prose presented in short paragraphs and set off with attention-grabbing headlines and visual accompaniments. TV tabloids feature quick cuts between plots and subplots, highlighting conflict and crisis.42

As David Brinkley (former anchor and journalist for ABC News) acknowledged, “the one function that TV news performs very well is that when there is no news we give it to you with the same emphasis as if there were news.”43

Our position is that public views on issues must be mobilized and all these strategies are key elements for that mobilization. Issues are identified and then pre- sented to the public in symbols that appeal to past allegiances or future goals. Nei- ther issues nor specific positions on issues exist in a vacuum. Connecting policies to the attitudes and values of the public insures that they will receive full consider- ation. Political office and legislation are the result of using appropriate symbols to create political followings and mass support.

Common Political Language Devices Words can be both descriptive and evaluative. They create a specific reality

toward which we act and react. The connotative, interpretive meanings of words are potentially the most dangerous and easily abused. We’ll review some of the more common ways language is used to evoke specific responses in people before concluding with an analysis of the changing nature of public discourse.

Labeling. Similar to the strategic use of defining, labeling is effective because it renders judgment by making positive or negative associations. For example, how we act toward and perceive an individual differs greatly if we are told the person is inquisitive or nosey, cool or frigid, reflective or moody, thorough or picky, forgetful or senile. Labels tell us what is important and what to expect; socialization pre- scribes how we should act or interact with the person or object defined.

Labeling also forces us to make judgments and evaluations, which causes the potential for abuse. During World War II, for instance, it was easier to justify kill- ing a “gook” or a “Jap” than a “person.” Are our soldiers in Afghanistan shooting at “terrorists” or “insurgents”? Labeling an action as communistic or socialistic produces negative connotations in the United States. How should we characterize the government’s bailout of the Chrysler Corporation or the numerous savings and loan associations? What is government’s role in terms of subsidies to the poor or social security? Are these examples of socialism? Perhaps. Although we value the concepts of capitalism, free enterprise, and democracy, none of these concepts exist in a pure form. If government officials had described the saving of Chrysler as a socialistic solution, the legislation probably would have failed.

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The 1994 congressional elections resulted in a Republican Party majority in the House of Representatives for the first time in forty years. Newt Gingrich, a former history professor from Georgia, became the Speaker of the House. He is credited with reinvigorating the Republican Party. Throughout the 1980s, Congressman Gin- grich had served as the nation’s leading conservative lightning rod and had gained a reputation as a razor-tongued, oratorical street fighter. In 1990 as president of a Republican group known as GOPAC, Gingrich prepared a list of “positive govern- ing words” and their opposites for distribution to supporters.44 A large list of colorful adjectives, nouns, and adverbs were supposedly screened by market researchers to locate those that would have special potency with voters. The goal was to offer lists of words to praise or condemn that candidates and campaign workers could use effectively to win their local elections. A letter mailed to party workers entitled “Lan- guage: A Key Mechanism of Control” noted that many politicians had expressed the wish that they “could speak like Newt.” The recommendations of GOPAC included the following: characterize yourself and your own record with terms like moral, proud, and hardworking. Words GOPAC recommended as useful to “define oppo- nents” included liberal, shallow, and self-serving. Once labels of individuals or groups are publicly established, they are difficult to change. Which political party favors the rich? The poor? The educated? Big business? If you have somewhat auto- matic responses to these questions, you are demonstrating the power of social labels.

Acclaiming, Attacking, and Defending. According to William Benoit, most political campaign communication involves acclaiming, attacking, or defending.45

An “acclaim” is a statement describing the benefits, advantages, or positive attri- butes of a candidate. Most stump speeches provide lists of issues and positive out- comes if elected. An attack is a statement that provides negative or harmful information about an opponent. Certainly in political ads, most consist of attacks on candidate positions, votes, or statements. Naturally, if attacked, one must defend past statements, votes, or actions. As Benoit recognizes, acclaims invite attacks. Attacks, in turn, invite defense. It is easy to see how most campaign rheto- ric revolves around these three strategies.

Doublespeak. Members of the National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE) passed two resolutions aimed at studying and publicizing the “dishonest and inhumane use of language.” The resolutions were the result of growing concern about the manipulation of language by government and military officials in charac- terizing and reporting the Vietnam War. The NCTE later created the Committee on Public Doublespeak to monitor and combat the misuse of public language by gov- ernment, public, and corporate officials. The committee began publishing a news- letter (that later evolved into the Quarterly Review of Doublespeak).46 They began presenting a doublespeak award in 1974 for “language that is grossly deceptive, eva- sive, euphemistic, confusing, or self-contradictory and which has pernicious social or political consequences.”47 The 2011 recipient of the NCTE Doublespeak Award was Cherokee Principal Chief Chad Smith. Smith won the award for his attempts to exclude descendants of Cherokee Freedmen as citizens of the Cherokee Nation. The Freedmen had been a part of the Cherokee nation for more than 200 years and were black and intermarried descendants.48

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According to William Lutz, doublespeak is language that “pretends to com- municate but really does not.”49 It says one thing but means something else. It con- fuses or hides the true meaning or intent of the communicator. It conceals or prevents thought. Doublespeak is a destructive ploy; it destroys relationships by corrupting thought, destroying communication, and eroding trust. Doublespeak is not the result of careless grammar or sloppy thinking—it is the intentional use of language to mislead, to distort, and to corrupt.

As we have already suggested, language forms the basis of all human actions. We use language to think, to make decisions, and to express our thoughts and feel- ings on issues. We act as a result of processing information, which we can only do by using language. If the language we hear and read is corrupt and misleading, it will corrupt and mislead our thought processes. Not only does language affect how we think and act, but it also affects our ability to communicate with other people. We cannot truly relate to people who attempt to mislead. To discuss issues intelli- gently, we must share agreement on the language used. If people use doublespeak that hides the truth and misleads the receivers of the message, then open, honest discussion cannot take place. Only through clear language do we have any hope of defining, debating, and deciding the issues of public policy that confront us.

Perhaps the most devastating effect of doublespeak is the erosion of trust. Our nation is founded on the ideal of free speech—of open, honest discussion of ideas and issues. When we hear doublespeak from all sides—government, education, the advertising industry, the media—we begin to be cynical and distrustful of institu- tions. Distrust creates another barrier to true, open communication.

Lutz identifies four kinds of doublespeak: euphemisms, jargon, bureaucratese, and inflated language. It is useful to discuss each of these in relation to public pol- icy, as well as the related strategy of slanting.

Euphemisms are words or phrases designed to avoid a negative or unpleasant reality. We use euphemisms to be courteous and sensitive to the feelings of others. For example, instead of referring to someone as “fat,” we substitute terms such as “full-figured,” “husky,” or “portly,” to name only a few. Big business does not fire workers; it reengineers, restructures, and downsizes. Companies initiate workforce adjustments, head count and consensus reductions, redundancy eliminations, and negative employee retention programs. Workers are dehired, deselected, reposi- tioned, or rightsized.

Within the realm of politics, euphemisms mislead, cover up, or avoid sensitive issues, problems, or positions. During the bombings in Iraq and Afghanistan, mis- siles that struck civilian areas rather than military targets did “collateral damage.” Military personnel who were mistakenly and tragically killed by allied forces were casualties of “friendly fire.” Such terminology is less unpleasant than the reality of our bombs killing innocent women and children or our soldiers being killed by fel- low troop members.

Jargon is the specialized language created for specific functions by people in a trade or profession. The use of jargon is an efficient way to communicate with group members. However, the situation changes decisively when in-group mem- bers use jargon with individuals outside the group. At best, jargon discourages interaction, and it may also confuse or hide the truth. A “needs assessment” (a sur-

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vey) in order to develop an adequate “evaluation tool” (a test) for those who will manage a “transportation component” (a bus) certainly sounds like a complex and expensive project. Legal documents are full of jargon. They require special inter- pretations that make us dependent on attorneys for help, advice, and action. The medical profession also relies heavily on specialized jargon to communicate. Jar- gon reduces interference from those outside the inner circle and acts as an inhibitor to full, open discussion.

Bureaucratese is the piling on of compound words and complex sentences that actually communicate very little. It is often a combination of specialized jargon within rambling sentence structures. In the following example, the U.S. Tariff Commission refuses to complete a questionnaire. (Note the irony of the conclud- ing statement.)

The problems and considerations together with ancillary ramifications have been carefully analyzed in conjunction with manipulative and nonmanipulative factors relative to administrative equilibrium. Our conclusions, while tentative and perhaps unsuited to peripheral institutionalization, suggest in marked degree, a submarginal coefficient of applicability vis-à-vis the activities of the Commission and have thus been deemed an appropriate basis for nonactional orientation toward the questionnaire accompanying your letter.

Please advise us if further information is needed.

Inflated language—marked by euphemisms, jargon, and bureaucratese—is designed to make the common appear uncommon, the ordinary seem extraordi- nary. Renaming is the most common way to make everyday things more important or impressive: environmental engineers instead of garbage collectors, maintenance engineers instead of custodians, vacation specialist instead of travel agent, or rela- tionship manager instead of salesperson, to name only a few. While the above examples at least serve the function of enhancing worker esteem, others are tragi- cally distorted: pacification center for a concentration camp, tactical withdrawal for a military retreat, or selective deniability for lies by government officials.

Slanting is a form of outright misrepresentation where a particular implication is suggested by omitting certain crucial information. For example, a politician may proclaim that more people are employed today than ever before in our nation’s his- tory—while the percentage of people employed might well be lower than ever before. During the bombing of the Balkans in 1999, NATO held daily press brief- ings showing videos of the pinpoint accuracy of “smart bombs.” Omitted from the briefings was any mention of the percentage of the “ordinance” that missed their targets. Without outright lying, the information presented created a different impression than all the facts warranted.

Hate Speech. In the mid-1980s verbal abuse and violence directed at people of color and other minority groups increased. Many colleges and universities responded by developing policies and codes addressing public speech acts. State and federal hate crime legislation proliferated. Hate speech traditionally includes any speech act, gesture, conduct, written or graphic communication that is pejorative towards a “protected” person or group, usually based on race, gender, disability, sexual orienta- tion, nationality or religion. Speech that may incite violence is of the most concern.

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Rita Whillock and David Slayden recognize hate speech as an operational tactic and rhetorical tool of persuaders. Rhetors use hate to dominate the opposition by rhetorical (and sometimes physical) force. Whillock and Slayden argue that hate speech is used to “polarize particular groups in order to organize opposition, solid- ify support, and marshal resources toward forcing a ‘final solution’ to a thorny problem.”50 In effect, polarization “predisposes audiences to negate likely oppos- ing claims, typically utilizing a literal and often highly symbolic object of hatred at which anger is focused.”51

According to Whillock, “rather than seeking to win adherence through superior reasoning, hate speech seeks to move an audience by creating a symbolic code for violence.”52 More specifically, the goals of hate speech are to inflame the emotions of followers, denigrate the designated out-class, inflict permanent and irreparable harm to the opposition, and ultimately conquer. Hate appeals are insidious because they attract immediate attention and exploit buried cultural beliefs and stereotypes.

Hate speech divides and segregates; it does not invite rational consideration of issues. Compromise is unlikely. Janette Muir suggests that opportunities for tradi- tional persuasive attempts are limited when issues of absolute values conflict with political positions. In such situations, hate speech is used to sustain a movement “by rallying members around core doctrines and focusing their efforts against a common enemy.”53

Hate speech is a troubling matter for people who believe in free speech. The First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution protects speech no matter how offensive its content. The courts have been very hesitant to restrict hurtful actions or speech, which has resulted in judicial protection of the burning of crosses, KKK marches, Nazi Party gatherings, picketing funerals of fallen soldiers, or even the burning of the American Flag.

Nearly every college or university has some code that attempts to prohibit speech or conduct that creates a hostile or intimidating environment. Private col- leges and universities have more freedom to base restrictions on pure content than do state-supported institutions. Opponents of hate speech codes argue that any restrictions should be limited to actions that may cause serious and physical harm to others. There must be “clear and present danger” for the restriction. Speech that may be offensive or “ugly” is not physically dangerous. Critics also argue that hate speech codes are used to suppress free discussion of issues or ideas. Students or fac- ulty with minority views are afraid to express their ideas and remain silent.

Free speech is integral to a democratic society; the freedom of all depends on each individual’s right to express his or her views. Free speech advocates claim that hate speech laws cannot legislate an end to ethnic and racial violence. In fact, they argue that what is needed is more speech, not less. The goal should be to facilitate learning and understanding through open debate and discussion of all viewpoints. Dialogue and democracy are more effective tools in understanding the anatomy of hate than silence; for that reason, freedom of expression is necessary.

Ridicule. This rhetorical tactic makes a person, group, action, or idea an object of laughter or scorn. Ridicule attacks the basic worth and credibility of per- sons and ideas and thus endangers any assigned or claimed legitimacy. By inspiring

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an emotional response, ridicule highlights the counterintuitive aspects of an argu- ment or action, making it appear foolish or ridiculous and contrary to common sense. Saul Alinsky claims “ridicule is man’s [woman’s] most potent weapon” because “it is almost impossible to counterattack ridicule. Also it infuriates oppo- nents, who then react to your advantage.”54 Ron Roberts and Robert Kloss write that ridicule is a form of humor usually employed by individuals, special interest groups, or even social movements “to demean the status of another individual or group.” It is effective “in keeping people ‘in their place.’ ”55 Ridicule makes a per- son, action, or idea seem inconsistent, illogical, or silly. It does not present any evi- dence or facts.

 The Changing Nature of Public and Political Discourse As society and technology change, so do the ways politicians campaign and

govern. Political rhetoric has undergone a fundamental change in both form and content. Barnet Baskerville argues in The People’s Voice that

societal values and attitudes are reflected not only in what the speaker says but also in how he says it—not only in the ideas and arguments to be found in speeches of the past but in the methods and practices of representative speakers and in the role and status accorded speakers by the listening public. As public tastes and public needs change, so do speaking practices—types of appeal, ver- bal style, modes of delivery.56

The United States has a rich history of political oratory. For much of our his- tory, public speaking provided the main avenue to success and popularity. Politi- cians were expected to make frequent, lengthy, public orations. Political speeches were public spectacles with banners, bands, slogans, and fireworks. Beginning with Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, political oratory began to change. He established a trend toward brevity and simplicity. There was also a shift of public attention from politics to business. Businesspeople espoused virtues of directness, conciseness, and pragmatism. In the media, the number of magazine articles and newspaper stories increased while their length decreased. Political speeches followed those trends and became shorter and more colloquial. In fact, political oratory became public speak- ing with an emphasis on utility of message and the sharing of information.

The introduction of the radio signaled another shift in political oratory. It introduced lively discussion shows, news reports (unlike news stories), and time constraints on both the speaker and audience. Radio crossed ethnic and regional boundaries. Public officials had to speak “at” audiences, not “with” audiences. The press became filters rather than vehicles of political communication.

Television caused the third major change in political campaign rhetoric. By 1974, Kevin Phillips proclaimed that the mass media had reduced the role of the Republican and Democratic parties. “Effective communications are replacing party organizations as the key to political success. . . . As the first communications society, the United States is on its way to becoming the first ‘mediacracy.’ ”57

Today, we are witnessing the evolution of presidential rhetoric that differs in both form and content from that of only 35 years ago.

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Television, as a medium, has changed the form and content of politics. We know our leaders only through the media; the days of impassioned, fiery oratory presented to packed auditoriums are over. Presidents invite us, through the medium of television, into the privacy of their living rooms, offices, or studios for informal “presidential conversations.” Kathleen Jamieson argues that the illusion of interpersonal, intimate context created through television requires a new elo- quence, one in which candidates and presidents adopt a personal and revealing style that engages the audience in conversation.58

This means shorter speeches crafted specifically for television. Presidential speech is increasingly familiar, personalized, and self-revealing. Ronald Reagan was the first to excel at this style, which stands in marked contrast to the style of Franklin D. Roosevelt, for example. The strength of Reagan’s rhetoric was that we felt we knew and understood him, while the strength of FDR’s was that he knew and understood us. Reagan’s use of contractions—simple and often incomplete sentences, informal transitions, colloquial language, and frequent stories—trans- formed his Oval Office addresses into informal conversations.59

Reagan skillfully used the television camera to simulate direct eye contact with individuals in his audience. His communication seemed like an interpersonal con- versation, in which he invited the audience to conclude that it knew and liked him. Public officials adapt to the medium of television by using higher levels of intimacy and expressiveness. The illusion of intimacy makes the audience feel as if they know the official as a friend and encourages the audience to render positive, per- sonal judgments. Frequent conversations lead to friendship, trust, and intimacy. Issue disagreements are less important and are tolerated because of the appearance of friendship.60

While Reagan proved that television’s intimacy could heighten audience identifi- cation, the 1992 presidential campaign introduced another format. William Clinton mastered the town-hall meeting format, which epitomizes “presidential mediated interpersonal conversation.”61 Clinton used the meetings with live audiences as the primary means of conveying policy orientations and projecting an image. These ses- sions, sometimes with viewer call-ins, seemed to move the president closer to the public. Participation and interaction were encouraged. Settings gave the appearance of a casual interaction where the audience participates in the conversation.

Both the structure and the content of mediated presidential conversation differ from nonmediated conversation. Interviews on television differ greatly from those in print. The secret is a controlled response best suited for the medium of television. On television, how one responds is as important as the content of the response. Per- ceptions of personal characteristics conveyed primarily through nonverbal commu- nication influence viewer perception of specific presidential performances. Was there a hesitation, a shift of the brow, an expression of emotion? In the 1992 Rich- mond presidential candidate debate with Clinton and Perot, George H. Bush took a quick glance at his watch. This simple action communicated an impatience with the event. The glance dominated the headlines the day after the debate.

We are currently riding the crest of a new wave of technologies. Higher-speed communication technologies greatly impact the creation, collection, and dissemi- nation of information, promising to enhance the public’s understanding of political

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issues and to motivate citizen participation. The new media transcend the time and space constraints of traditional media and media bypass national and interna- tional boundaries.

Richard Davis and Diana Owen identify several major differences in the potential and actual influence between the new media and traditional media.62

First, the new media have an anti-institutional bias. Historically, the mainstream media had, as part of their mission, public service and an obligation to cover gov- ernmental affairs. Because the new media cover politics as entertainment, their focus is more on personalities and human-interest stories than education about the issues. The coverage is more personal, colorful, and conflict oriented. In addition, the new media are populists in content and coverage. The focus is on conflict with an antiestablishment, anti-incumbent slant. Finally, the new media are less con- cerned with more traditional standards of ethics than are the traditional media. There is less objectivity or even fairness in presentation. Members of the new media are more ideological and willing to use their positions to advance specific people or causes.

The Internet is a defining scientific and social innovation. The information superhighway, as labeled by politicians and the media, has the ability to link people and resources in a way that was never previously possible. Users can share data, communicate messages, transfer programs, discuss topics, and connect to com- puter systems all over the world. The potential of the Internet as a tool for retriev- ing information is almost limitless. As a result of the freedom of expression allowed on this unique network, the possibilities for learning and enrichment are endless. But with a network so large (and a territory so uncharted), there is great concern about the material readily available to anyone accessing the Internet.

Bruce Gronbeck argues that we are transitioning from candidate-centered campaigns to citizen-centered campaigns. Citizen-centered campaigns not only encourage general participation but also multiple types of participation. This tran- sition, according to Gronbeck, “is a paradigm shift in American politicking,” where the classic media theories relating to campaigns are no longer informative.63

We are moving very rapidly from mediated communication to electronic commu- nication in the digital age.

By 2004, the Internet was on par with more traditional sources of campaign news such as the Sunday morning news shows, weekly news magazines, and public broadcasting programming.64 For young people between the ages of 18 to 29, the Internet was among the top sources of political campaign news. Overall, the use of the Internet for political purposes was twice that of just four years earlier. Notice- ably, 52 percent of those who voted indicated that information gathered from the Internet influenced their voting decisions.65 By 2010, 67 percent of adults identified television as a main source of political news, essentially unchanged from 66 percent in 2002; the same was true of radio, with percentages of 14 percent in 2010 versus 13 percent in 2002. Newspapers, however were a major source for only 27% of adults, compared to 33% in 2002. The Internet showed the greatest gains—from 7 percent in 2002 to 24 percent in 2010.66

Republicans were the first party to embrace early technology, such as polling, the use of computers, and marketing techniques. However, Democrats mastered

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the use of new media in the 2006 campaigns. The Democratic National Committee spent $7.4 million on web-oriented campaigning compared to $600,000 by the Republican National Committee.67

In the 2008 campaign, the Internet became a substantial component in the mix of political uses of the web. Early in 2007, there was a specific webpage on YouTube that would direct you to material for every Democrat and Republican running for the party’s nomination. On each candidate’s site, there was an introductory video as well as other ads, commentaries, and opportunities to join the campaign and to share items with friends. The same was true for MySpace and Facebook sites as well. There were even YouTube candidate debates. These social networking sites became an integral part of state and national campaigns.

Although new technology had been utilized by presidential candidates prior to the 2008 campaign, no candidate had used new media to the extent nor enjoyed the success of Barack Obama during his campaigns. Paul Harris and David Smith noted, “Obama’s embrace of new ways of communicating—comparable to John F. Kennedy’s mastery of the relatively new medium of television—means he can bypass the traditional political media in a way no other President can have dreamt of. It will put the Washington media establishment in the unusual position of being outsiders on a relationship between a President and his public.”68 The Obama cam- paign’s goal was to utilize the Internet to motivate both young and new voters. Sixty-six percent of the voters under the age of 30 supported Obama, and an impressive 69 percent of new voters supported Obama.69 Media scholar David Perlmutter astutely notes “successful mass political communication is that which best approximates successful personal communication.”70

In the 2012 campaign, 55 percent of adults watched political videos.71 Elec- tronic sources continue to grow. Twenty-seven percent of registered voters who owned a cell phone used it to keep up with election news or political issues. Nine- teen percent sent text messages related to the campaign to friends. Five percent signed up to receive messages directly from a candidate or group involved in the campaign. Thirty-five percent used smartphones to fact-check a candidate’s or campaign’s statements. Eighteen percent used smartphones to post comments on a social networking site about a candidate or the campaign in general; forty-five per- cent read the posts of others.72 Sixty-six percent of social media users “like” candi- dates and encourage friends to vote or take action on issues.73

In addition to age, socioeconomic position and education affect participation in politics and community affairs online. As was the case with political activity prior to the availability of new media, those with more resources and education are the most likely participants. Political activity in social networking spaces reflects a more moderate version of the same demographics. Despite the growth of online platforms in political affairs, day-to-day political conversations still occur primarily offline.74

 Summary We began this chapter by considering the impact and importance of lan-

guage. The various reactions to President Bush’s words about the September 11

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attack remind us that perceptions of the same event vary dramatically. Language reveals a great deal about the speaker and the listener—and the society in which they live.

Symbols are human inventions. They have meaning or significance only when—through experience or agreement—we interpret them. Through language we construct the reality that influences our behavior. Through interaction with oth- ers, we come to know who we are, how we fit in, and what we are supposed to do.

Finally, we investigated the nature of political language, several common polit- ical uses of language, and the changing nature of political discourse. We saw how language can be used to control us, to confuse us, and to hide information from us. To communicate effectively and to understand the communication of others, we must analyze the process of selection, interpretation, and symbolism used in con- structing all messages.

The words of Frank Luntz, a pollster who has worked on both political and cor- porate campaigns, summarize the necessity of managing the symbols of language.

For most people, language is functional rather than being an end in itself. For me, it’s the people that are the end; language is just a tool to reach them, a means to an end. But it’s not enough to simply stand there and marvel at the tool’s beauty . . . you must realize that it’s like fire, and the outcome depends on how it is used . . . to light the way . . . or to destroy.75

 QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 1. Why does it matter if we say a glass is half full or half empty?

2. Think of words or expressions that have clear meanings for you but may not be clear to your parents. Why?

3. What is your greatest strength? How do you know?

4. What is your greatest weakness? How do you know?

5. Give an example of how you define “self ” through an interaction you’ve had with another or others.

6. Do you stop at a stop sign even if no one is around? Why or why not?

7. What does the term “freedom” mean to you? What does the term “equality” mean to you?

8. Prepare a list of five words to describe the United States, China, and Iran. How do the lists differ? Why?

9. Find the stockholders’ report for a large company on the Internet. Identify examples of doublespeak, euphemisms, jargon, bureaucratese, inflated lan- guage, and slanting.

10. Select several magazine print advertisements and analyze the language of the ads. What promises are implied? What does the ad not tell you?

11. Can you think of an example of hate speech? Should there be some restrictions on the use of hate speech?

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12. Go to the library or on the Internet and select the most recent presidential State of the Union address in Vital Speeches. How many functions of political language were used in the address?

13. Go to YouTube. Find and review the content of a political candidate for Congress.

 ADDITIONAL READING Robert E. Denton, Jr. and Jim A. Kuypers, Politics and Communication in America: Campaigns,

Media, and Governing in the 21st Century (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2008). Guy Deutscher, Through the Language Glass: Why the World Looks Different in Other Languages

(New York: Picador, 2011). Sonja K. Foss, Karen A. Foss, and Robert Trapp, Contemporary Perspectives on Rhetoric, 3rd

ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2002). Frank Luntz, Words that Work: It’s Not What You Say, It’s What People Hear (New York: Hyper-

ion, 2007). Steven Pinker, The Language Instinct: How the Mind Creates Language (New York: Harper, 2007).

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PART II

Four Perspectives on the Nature of Persuasion

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4

Persuasion and Reasoning

OVERVIEW

 Understanding Practical Arguments: Key Distinctions Analytic Arguments and Practical Enthymemes Demonstration and Argumentation Factual and Judgmental Claims Implied and Stated Components of Arguments Reasoning to Discover and to Defend Finding Good Reasons for Claims The Most Common Error of Reasoning Analysis: The Alleged

Logic–Emotion Distinction

 Common Forms of Defective Reasoning Ad Hominem False Cause Non Sequitur Circular Argument Fallacy of Oversimplification Excessive Dependence on Authority

 How Persuasion and Logical Argumentation Differ Denial Often Defeats Reasoning Persuasion’s “Self-Interest” and Argumentation’s “Public Interest”

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Then again, even if I were informed, what’s the likelihood of chang- ing anyone’s opinion, especially a couple of strangers? If my own lit- tle mind is nailed shut, why wouldn’t theirs be?1

—David Sedaris

Reasoning is about linkages. We invent, organize, and communicate ideas with the intention of establishing connections that others recognize as making sense. We hope compelling reasons might be sufficient to overcome the resistance of minds “nailed shut.” Over the centuries rhetoricians and logicians have attempted to cod- ify this process in ways that are sometimes helpful and sometimes not. While they have usually reached different conclusions, they have shared the ideal of logical thought as the essential bedrock of nearly every form of communication.

Even in the simple transactions of everyday dialogue we see the brilliance or confusion of advocates and their ideas. In virtually all forms of persuasion, logical connections are made or missed in the continual process of estimating the signifi- cance of ideas. Consider comedy as a structured form of storytelling. Humor in most forms is premised on intentional violations of the logical. It is an important cultural vehicle for celebrating the threshold where sense becomes nonsense. Our laughs serve as signs that we hold membership in the society of the sane.

In the whimsical Wallace and Gromit animation epics, the faithful dog Gromit must face all forms of mayhem in service to his owner’s love of both untested con- traptions and a good English cheese.2 Only the wary Gromit seems to understand the logic coming from Wallace’s tunnel-like brain. The hapless dog knows that he will usually pay the price for questionable inventions produced in the back-garden shed.

There is also the gleefully contorted logic of a print cartoon. Every week The New Yorker magazine offers up a cartoon from one of its award-winning artists with- out a caption. Readers are invited to submit their own for a small prize. When you begin to study the images without words, you begin to see the logic of the whole business. The images often put visual elements together that clearly are from two different worlds. One week featured two business people talking as they walk under a giant door-knob and key hole. In their scale, the huge piece of hardware reaches perhaps to the height of a fifth floor. What can be said to link these deliberately mismatched images? The winning caption: “I think we’ve been downsized.”3

In logical terms, humor often flows from such non sequiturs —things or events that do not naturally go together. The humor lies in the tortured rationale for how these elements could share the same contextual space.

This chapter defines reasoning as an essential component of successful persua- sion. It suggests ways to estimate how patterns of reasoning vary in their power to gain compliance or command agreement. In addition, we will identify common logical mistakes that persuaders often make and some important distinctions between logical reasoning and persuasion.

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In an ideal world, all persuasion would be grounded in good reasons and clear rationality. But individuals are not always willing to commit the nec- essary mental energy to the task of determining whether conclusions have significant rational justifi- cations.4 Our reasons for accepting persuasive mes- sages are sometimes more personal and eclectic than strictly “logical.” Many of us have what Michael Kin- sley describes as “the touching belief in the influ- ence of words.”5 Indeed. But it remains apparent that persuaders will often be doomed to failure if they do not recognize the important role of rational- ity in persuasion. After all, it was a sense of the logical that led authorities even before the 9/11 attacks to de- tain a man who enrolled in a Minnesota flight school who was more interested in learning how to fly an airliner than to land it.6

 Understanding Practical Arguments: Key Distinctions Stephen Toulmin, Richard Rieke, and Allan Janik note that reasoning “is a col-

lective and continuing human transaction, in which we present ideas or claims . . . and offer the appropriate kinds of ‘reasons’ in their support.”7 Claims linked to premises and evidence are what we mean when we use the term argument. In the con- text of controversy, claims are assertions, vulnerable to challenge, that we hope we can convince others to accept. Some claims are never stated in public because we feel we do not have the rational means to defend them. We may privately believe claims that the “French are lazy” or “New Yorkers are pushy.” But when we publicly express our conclusions, we enter the realm of reasoning, because we assume that our assertions will be able to withstand the critical scrutiny of others. Phrases such as “I know . . . ,” “It’s true that . . . ,” and “It would be difficult to doubt . . . ,” all carry a tone of certainty that implies we can provide evidence to back up our views.

Statements of common knowledge that go on to support such claims are called premises. Premises can be axiomatic and obvious, as with those we might trot out to support the claim it’s a nice day: for example, “a sunny day with a temperature

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of 65 degrees constitutes ‘nice weather’ for Indianapolis in November.” At other times they may be assertions that aren’t necessarily true. We usually don’t need to verbalize premises for the obvious. But we could, if someone wanted to challenge the point. Regarding the claim about New Yorkers, the key premises would be less universal but still “known” as true (at least to some people). There is the aphorism about doing things “in a New York minute,” meaning doing something quickly and sometimes abruptly. And there are those hordes of impatient commuters sprinting to trains in the bowels of Penn Station.

Evidence is different. We cite evidence when we have specific data—examples, statistics, testimony—to support our claims. Evidence is mostly used to establish a “hard” benchmark that ideally binds a receiver to take a claim seriously. Regarding “pushy” New Yorkers, no doubt someone has tried to develop a city-based scale of personal affability. But we wouldn’t have much faith in its reliability as a tool of prediction. Chapter 5 offers ways to judge the credibility of sources and—by exten- sion—the evidence they supply.

Aristotle was among the first to put practical reasoning at the center of persua- sion theory. He criticized other teachers of persuasion in ancient Greece for pre- senting “but a small portion of the art,” neglecting the important role that practical reasoning plays in winning converts. “Persuasion,” he noted, “is clearly a sort of demonstration” that depends on a sequence of logically related statements or argu- ments.” A statement is persuasive and credible either because it is directly self-evi- dent or because it appears to be proved by other believable statements. Aristotle called these arguments containing facts or judgments acceptable to audiences enthymemes and noted that they “are the most effective of the modes of persua- sion.”8 We will have more to say about the special nature of enthymemes after we point out several key differences between “formal” arguments used by logicians and the everyday “practical” arguments used in persuasion.

Analytic Arguments and Practical Enthymemes The reasoning of “formal ” logic is very different from the enthymemes of ordi-

nary life. Formal logic starts with the ideal of the analytic argument where claims necessarily follow from a series of widely accepted premises or assertions of evi- dence. An argument is “analytic” when its conclusion is “contained in” (or abso- lutely follows from) its premises.9 In this kind of ironclad reasoning sequence, the claim is “necessary” rather than “probable” because acceptance of the premises dictates acceptance of the conclusion.

Although the messy variability of real life rarely allows us to construct valid and true analytic arguments, this ideal provides a tantalizing model for persuaders. Who would not like to have ironclad arguments with the certainty of a mathemati- cal sum on their side? We don’t usually argue about mathematical outcomes, we accept them without a rejoinder if they conform to certain universal rules.

Mathematics provides the easiest language for the writing of analytic argu- ments because—unlike ordinary language—mathematical symbols are completely unambiguous and value free. For example, the expression

2 + 5 = 7

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is analytic because its conclusion (the sum of 7) necessarily follows from its prem- ises (universally accepted definitions of what “2,” “5,” and “+” mean). Similarly, the equation

(3 × 62 ÷ 4) – 25 + 8 = 10

uses a rigid logic that leads to an unchallengeable result. Anywhere in the world, a mathematically competent person (whether a socialist, capitalist, Muslim or Chris- tian) could be expected to reach the same conclusion by correctly applying univer- sally accepted rules and premises. Denotative terms, such as those in mathematics, have precise meanings and are not subject to interpretation.

We can also use letters rather than numbers to represent analytic arguments. For example:

1. If A then B. 2. A. Therefore, B.

In this argument—sometimes also called “deductive” or “syllogistic”—the rela- tionship defined in the first premise (“If A is present then B is also present”) sets up a reasoning sequence that leads irreversibly to the claim. We can substitute ordi- nary language in place of letters or numbers to give the same argumentative form a concrete setting.

Premise: If Harry decides to go to Europe this summer, Jane says she will also go with him. Premise: Harry has decided to go. (Therefore) Claim: Jane will also be in Europe this summer.

The most interesting characteristic of valid analytic arguments is that there is no way to deny the force—persuasiveness or potency—of their claims if you accept the soundness of their premises. In fact, the conclusion is essentially contained in the premises.

The prospect of developing a series of statements that implies a built-in certainty has attracted scholars and scientists for hundreds of years. The idea of asserting a string of statements of fact that cannot be refuted is extremely alluring. Philosophers from Descartes to Bentham hoped that humankind would benefit from a logic that used known premises to reach certain and unchallengeable conclusions. They were intrigued by the possibility that people could move beyond the “fictions,” “false- hoods,” and exceptions common to ordinary discussion. As “a system of necessary propositions which will impose itself on every rational being,” the idea of the valid analytic argument promises timelessness and dispute-free truth.10 A logic as univer- sal as that of mathematics—if it could be found or invented—would be a valuable pathway that could save the human race from wars and other destructive forms of conflict. Imagine persuasion through argument that virtually requires acceptance.

But life is messy. It is difficult to construct valid analytic arguments about ordi- nary events, especially when—as is frequently the case with persuasion—issues under discussion involve values and judgments. It is hardly surprising, therefore,

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that in many persuasive statements we see the general form of analytic arguments, but their actual force is less than their form implies.

Consider a controversial ruling of the Southern Baptist Convention—the coun- try’s largest Protestant denomination—on the role of women in the family. Article 18 of the “Baptist Faith and Message” notes that a woman should “submit herself graciously” to her husband’s leadership. Wives, the statement notes, “were created to be ‘helpers’ to their husbands. A wife’s submission to her husband does not decrease her worth but rather enhances her value to her husband.”11 Many prem- ises and pieces of evidence were offered for these claims, for example:

Premise: Ephesians 5:22–23 notes that a husband’s relationship with his wife should be like Christ’s “rule” over the church. Premise: The Bible is the word of God. (Therefore) Claim: Wives should submit to the leadership of their husbands.

Although the Southern Baptist statement raised eyebrows when it was announced, the argument on its own terms is analytic. If the Bible is the world of God, and its content must be followed by believers, then claims derived from the testimony of the Bible seem to be binding. Those who accept both premises would find it hard to reject the conclusion.

But even with its strong internal structure, acceptance still depends upon the externalities of one’s own faith: for example, how we “read” biblical and doctrinal claims (i.e., advisory or infallible), and how we interpret them in light of changing social conventions. In addition, by its very nature “faith” does not require the defense of argument. Among other things, taking something on faith means that a person is willing to suspend the search for hard empirical reasons.

The farther we move away from purely denotative languages such as mathemat- ics, the less likely we are to locate valid analytic arguments that can fully deal with the complexities of the real world. Ordinary language is less precise than numbers. It frequently communicates attitudes and judgments as well as simple descriptions. The symbols “2” or “%,” for example, have single stipulated meanings. It would be extremely odd to hear that a friend “liked” the number “7” better than “2,” or grew anxious at the sight of a percent sign. By contrast words such as “is,” “allows,” or “cannot” may seem to define precise relationships but actually fall short.

Language carries our values and feelings. In certain contexts we may feel good or bad, angry or pleased about subjects represented with connotative words—sym- bols with widely varying associations—like “sovereignty,” “democracy,” “clever,” or “lustful.” It does not surprise us that thousands of years of human history have failed to produce agreement about what constitutes a “democracy” or even “truth” itself.12 In fact, most persuasive claims cannot be constructed to apply to all cases, categories, or people. The claim “all As are Bs” is easy to state and manipulate as an abstract expression, but it is much more difficult to make comparable categori- cal assertions that would help settle real human differences. People, groups, and cultures are rarely “all” of anything. In the realm of human affairs, the only state- ments that can be made without citing useful exceptions are either obvious (“water is necessary to sustain life”) or trivial (“all children have parents”).

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So of what use is logic if it is so conditional and limited? This is where the con- cept of the enthymeme is useful. Aristotle shrewdly noted that this kind of everyday argument was “sort of ” analytic, because ordinary persuasion finds its premises in the “probable” existing opinions of audiences rather than in categorical truths (the “alls” and “if-thens”) of formal logic.13 The conclusions of enthymemes are contin- gent on audience acceptance; they are not certain. Because enthymemes spell out logical relationships based on generally accepted opinions,14 they must be at least partially judged by how well the persuader has used audience beliefs as premises for persuasion. Use them well, and you succeed. Miss the norms and beliefs an audience holds dear, and you will pay a price. In everyday life the audience is the arbiter of the force of the argument.

Here, for example, is an enthymeme that Aristotle cites to show how to argue from accepted beliefs to persuasive claims. He’s talking about his culture’s long list of human-like Gods such as Zeus or Apollo:

Thus it may be argued that if even the gods are not omniscient, certainly human beings are not. The principle here is that, if a quality does not in fact exist where it is more likely to exist, it clearly does not exist where it is less likely.15

Or, in a simpler diagrammatic form:

Premise: Even gods are not omniscient. Premise: (Since the gods are better than people . . .) Claim: Certainly human beings are not omniscient.

Note that the premise “the gods are not omniscient” is a statement of social belief, not (at least for most of us) a truth for which there could be universal agreement. Like the declaration from the Southern Baptists, the reasoning sequence “makes sense” only if the premises are accepted. Recall that we paid homage to Protagoras’ idea that “Man is the measure of all things” in chapter 2. This is the kind of contin- gent knowledge that phrase describes. In persuasive messages, the known forms of logical processes are understood in the context of an audience’s judgments about the true and the good. What we lose in certainty we gain in our awareness that conclu- sions and truths are often intersubjective, meaning they are socially constructed within a culture and validated by consensus.16

Demonstration and Argumentation We can approach the distinction between formal arguments and practical

enthymemes from another useful perspective. Aristotle observed what many ana- lysts of reasoning continually rediscover: that the reasoning of analytic arguments is a form of demonstration, and that everyday persuasion requires far less certain argumentation. The terms are helpful because the differences between the two are enormous. A mathematics problem is usually a demonstration because its final sum is self-evidently true. The transformation of the various operations into a con- clusion is in practical terms “beyond discussion.” No one spends much time delib- erating over claims that are self-evident by definition or direct observation. In contrast, everyday “argumentation” is not so much concerned with Truth as with the possible agreement of readers or listeners. We may argue a point to a resistant

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audience using a wide variety of reasoning skills, but we know that we cannot sweep away all of their doubts in the same way that we can correct the incorrect operations of a math problem.

As Aristotle noted, practical reasoning works from “opinions that are gener- ally accepted.” Demonstrations work from basic premises where it would be “improper to ask any further for the why and wherefore of them.”17 A math teacher demonstrates how to solve a given problem; she would be puzzled (under- standably) if she were asked to “argue” her case. But there probably are no univer- sally accepted procedures for “demonstrating” conclusions such as “the United States is the most democratic society on earth.” In broad swaths of human action and judgment there are fewer ways to make claims that are immune from potential disagreement. Real world persuasion is thus always subject to the acceptance of a particular audience. In locating persuasive ideas to build arguments, we meet our audiences “on the ground . . . of their own convictions.”18

Factual and Judgmental Claims Implicit in our discussion so far is the important but often misunderstood dis-

tinction between arguments that contain claims of fact and those that argue claims of judgment. Facts hold out the possibility of being proven true or false. Judgments, in contrast, express priorities, preferences, or values that may differ from individual to individual. Generally speaking, the force of an argument focused on a claim of judgment will not be as great as a well-constructed reasoning sequence in support of a claim of fact.

Persuaders frequently mistake claims of judgment for claims of fact, thereby overestimating how powerful “proof ” will be in silencing disagreement. After all, a claim of fact should be provable beyond doubt. The culprit that leads us to mistak- enly assume we are simply demonstrating a fact is the simple word “is.” “Is” and other indicative verb forms (i.e., “was” and “were”) have an aura of finality that makes judgmental claims sometimes seem provable and factual. This language sometimes misleads us into assuming we have earned the right to high levels of cer- tainty. For instance, the statement “Barack Obama is a better president than George W. Bush” is not a statement of fact. We can utter this claim with all the finality and certainty that we can muster. Neither it (nor its opposite) will ever be universally true. There is simply no single standard for judging an individual’s presidency as there would be for, say, determining the acidity of tap water. As applied to an indi- vidual’s performance on the job, “better” can legitimately be defined in different ways. One person may rank a president’s foreign policy decisions higher than his domestic policies; someone else may reverse the importance of those issues. By contrast, factual claims are statements that hold the promise of being demonstrated true or false for all people.19 Here are some examples of factual claims:

• North Korea is capable of launching missiles with nuclear weapons.

• There are more acres of forest now in the Northeast than there were in 1912.

• Google is the most common search engine used in the United States.

• There are just under 11,000 bookstores in the United States.20

• Smoking increases a person’s chances of contracting lung cancer.

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• There are more pigs than people in Minnesota, Iowa, Nebraska, North Car- olina, and South Dakota.21

• Drivers talking on cell phones increase their chances of being in an accident.

• One in three teens sends or receives text messages over 100 times a day.22

• Half of Manhattan’s population was killed in an 1832 outbreak of cholera.23

All of these statements share the possibility of being conclusively shown to be right or wrong. We say “possibility” because the available evidence is sometimes insufficient to discover the truth about actual events. For example, we know (it is an unchallenged fact) that the baby of aviation hero Charles Lindbergh mysteri- ously disappeared from his family’s Hopewell, New Jersey, home. We also know that a carpenter, Bruno Richard Hauptmann, was convicted of the crime of kidnap- ping in a gaudy 1935 trial and was later executed. But there are still doubts that Hauptmann committed the crime.24

The most common claims in the realm of persuasion are judgmental. These cannot be proved or settled by citing supporting facts, nor can they be known in the same way that we “know” the truth of a statement such as “Texas was once a part of Mexico.” A judgmental claim involves the assignment of personal preferences to persons, objects, or ideas. The words we use in these claims indicate how we feel about what we are describing. The object of our attention is “good,” “bad,” “worthwhile,” “dangerous,” or “desirable,” reflecting our preferences about what is right or wrong, decent or indecent, moral or immoral, important or insignificant. Consider these representative samples:

• Professional athletes are grossly overpaid.

• Albuquerque, New Mexico, has the best Tex-Mex in the country.

• Professional baseball has overexpanded into too many cities.

• Insurance companies unfairly discriminate against young car drivers.

• Legalized gambling is a legitimate way for governments to raise revenue.

• Pixar is the best studio for animated features.

• The sound quality of MP3 technology is not very good.

Note that in every statement, either an adjective or a noun gives a judgmental “spin” to the claim. Words like “better,” “right,” “most,” “legitimate,” and “unfairly,” express feelings about the qualities of ideas or objects. We can “prove” to the satisfaction of most reasoning people that “smoking increases a person’s chances of contracting lung cancer”—a valid cause-and-effect factual claim with ample proof to support it. But we cannot prove with the same certainty that “Uni- tarian Universalism is the most socially inclusive American religion.”

This is not to say that the old axiom warning us not to argue about religion or politics is correct. It isn’t. We must debate our preferences with others, and with all the logic we can muster. After all, preferences and values are the basis of most of the laws and codes we live by. We have no choice in an open society other than to try and win supporters, buyers, or believers. The only caution is that it is unreasonable to expect that persuasion will put all contrary positions to rest in the same way that a piece of evidence may “prove” that a defendant is guilty beyond any reasonable doubt.

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Implied and Stated Components of Arguments When we make passing comments about noncontroversial subjects, as we have

noted, the logical relationships that lead to assertions hardly need to be explored at all. For example, the claim that “it is too hot today” is usually accompanied by obvi- ous evidence (high temperature and humidity, bright sun, etc.) that makes it unneces- sary to provide supporting reasons. If pressed, however, we could make the reasoning behind almost any assertion explicit by writing down all relevant claims and prem- ises. A complete argument about the weather might include a factual premise (“the thermometer reads ninety-two degrees”) and a judgmental premise that “interprets” the significance of the facts (ninety-two degrees is, by our criteria, too hot). This argument diagrammed as an enthymeme could be represented in simple form:

Factual Premise: “The thermometer reads ninety-two degrees.” Judgmental Premise: (implied but not stated) A temperature of over ninety- two is too hot. (Therefore . . .) Claim: “It is too hot today.”

Talk about stating the obvious. But that’s the point here. It is often unnecessary to make all of the premises (and sometimes even the claims) of our arguments explicit. Aristotle reminds us that we can count on our listeners to supply parts of the reasoning sequence. He was perhaps the first to offer the savvy persuasion advice that a successful persuader often uses the audience’s beliefs coactively rather than asks for entirely new beliefs. The pioneering advertising guru Tony Schwartz said the same thing. The skill- ful persuader uses the audience as a “workforce.” When you focus on persuading them using beliefs they already hold, they are essentially participants in their own persuasion.25

Key words or images are enough to activate premises that the audience already accepts. There are other times when we need to locate hidden premises in order to dis-

cover the unstated relationships on which assertions are based. In effect, we need to reconstruct arguments to discover unstated assumptions that are furthering or hinder- ing agreement. What we are frequently looking for are called “warrants” for argu- ments. Though often unstated, warrants allow one to make an inferential leap from evidence to claims.26 The warrant is what makes a piece of evidence relevant to a claim. If we deeply sense the connection, we often don’t bother to explain the logical jump that weds the two. We assume others will know it as well. Sometimes a war- ranting assumption that is clear to us is not so evident to others. For example, take the common claim that “Islam promotes violence and religious intolerance.” This view has been expressed many times since the devastating 2001 attacks on the Pentagon and World Trade Center. The evidence cited is often the sometime murderous rheto- ric and actions of al-Qaeda or militant groups in Pakistan or Afghanistan who would like to create a “holy war” against Western “infidels.” The argument has somewhat varied from source to source,27 but in diagrammatic terms it often took this form:

Claim: Islam promotes violence against the west. Premise: The Taliban and their counterparts in Pakistan and elsewhere fan the flames of Jihad against the United States. (Unstated but necessary warrant: The Taliban are a representative segment of Islamic thought.)

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What is interesting here is that—aside from the claim itself—the most debatable assertion is implied rather than explicitly argued. There has been no shortage of thought- ful analysts who hold that the Taliban are no more representative of Islamic thought than Reverend Jim Jones or David Koresh were of Christian thought. The debate goes on.28 But it is clear from recent polling and research that militant Islam is rejected by most who practice the faith.29 Cases like this remind us that sometimes the claims and premises most in need of a closer look are unstated—and, therefore, sometimes not adequately debated. If problematic conclusions are smuggled into a discussion, we lose the clarity that a written or spoken warrant would provide.

Reasoning to Discover and to Defend It follows from what we have said that reasoning is used to rationalize ideas as

well as to discover them. This is an important distinction to consider. To take the second case first: we can employ the processes of logical demonstration to discover what we might have overlooked. For example, we might research rates of HIV infection in the U.S. to test our guess that they have been falling in the last few years. Or we can test possible actions such as a big purchase or a risky investment to see what others think. We want to check our impulses against conclusions and reasons to see if we are making a shrewd decision.

The reasoning of persuasion, however, more typically defends what we believe we already know. As a persuader on a given topic, your view is more or less fixed; what you hope to alter is the attitude of your listeners. Logic in persuasion is thus a kind of rationalization: a process of finding defensible reasons in support of cher- ished positions. And persuasion is often suspect because of this. We are often wary of advocates who have adopted arguments that seem more convenient for them than compelling for us.

Ideally, the best persuasion flows from arguments that were formed in the process of discovery. Aristotle’s teacher, Plato, made the telling point that elaborate efforts at persuasion without equally intense efforts to discover the “best” or “true” may result in the exploitation rather than enlightenment of an audience.30 When we wonder if celebrities actually use the services they endorse in advertisements, we are using this principle. An endorsement ideally carries at least the superficial implication that the famous spokesperson has made a discovery that they are com- fortable promoting. We can be forgiven the more cynical view that most endorse- ments are little more than cash-for-comments transactions.

Finding Good Reasons for Claims Having considered some of the primary issues contained in the idea of logical

persuasion, we are now in a better position to offer some practical guidelines. We get significant help from communications scholar Karl Wallace, who assessed prac- tical messages in terms of a theory of good reasons. According to Wallace, “Good reasons are a number of statements, consistent with each other,” in support of state- ments that ask others to make choices.31 They provide explanations for arguable judgments that the persuader believes will elicit widespread agreement from an audience. The anticipated agreement is based on the fact that good reasons fre-

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quently summarize what members of a society already accept as “right” or “good.” As Wallace notes, “One can scarcely declare that something is desirable without showing its relevance to values.” A person would be near the mark to characterize persuasion “as the art of finding and effectively presenting good reasons.”32 Con- sider this example with a judgmental claim and its good-reason premises:

Claim: Companies that direct advertising to very young children are engaged in unethical conduct. Reason #1: Young children lack sufficient experience and sophistication to discount for the “puffery” in advertising. Reason #2: Ethical persuaders—by definition—will not exploit gullible audi- ences who lack the ability to weigh the motives of communicators.

Note that Wallace’s point is especially affirmed in the second reason. As a state- ment of support it communicates a widely endorsed value that condemns exploitation. You may agree, disagree, or find fault with one or both of the reasons. Sometimes one person’s “common sense” is another’s irrationality, especially when cultural traditions and differences have affected one’s experiences. But within the same culture we can usually sense when we have located reasons that will hold up under public scrutiny.

Some reasons function as factual evidence, as in the first premise above. Many can be tested scientifically. Yet practical reasoning frequently boils down to what might be called the “ethical pivots” of “common sense.” When we isolate the premises that we intend to use in support of a claim, our “sense” of what works is often based on judgments about the appropriateness of conduct that we hold in common with others in the culture. Learning and rationality is the lifelong process of acquir- ing norms about “what goes with what,” and what contexts are friendly or hostile to certain ideas. In chapter 13, we will show how the search for good reasons can be put to work in the construction of persuasive messages.

The Most Common Error of Reasoning Analysis: The Alleged Logic–Emotion Distinction

In Rhetoric, Aristotle identified three forms of “proof ” available to the persuader: ethical, logical, and emotional.33 Ethical proof (ethos) focuses on the traits of charac- ter within an advocate. Logic (logos) is the search for good reasons. And “emotional” content (pathos) points to how deeply we feel about a claim or its evidence. Although he did not specifically note that the presence of one meant the absence of another, popular usage over hundreds of years has had that effect. Ask the average person to analyze an advertising “pitch” or a pamphlet from a group seeking social change. Many will come up with a variation of Aristotle’s distinction. Some parts of the mes- sage will be identified as containing “logical” reasons and other parts as containing “emotional” appeals. The presence of one suggests the absence of another.

We think the assumption that the presence of emotional content means the lack of log- ical content is a significant error of analysis. We call this the false dualism of logic and emotion. Karl Wallace called reliance on these terms the use of “weasel concepts.”34

Even among experts who study messages closely, the wording may be fancier, but the implication that logic and emotion are separate and frequently opposites is still present. Thus, a law school professor regrets that “emotion can activate any behav-

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ior which has not been inhibited by reason.”35 Another expert on political commu- nication notes that the statements of most politicians are “nothing more than emotional appeals.”36 There are two problems with this false distinction.

One is that we have increasing evidence to rethink reason and emotion as com- plementary processes.37 One fuels the other. In actual practice, a sense of reasoned jus- tification usually increases our emotional attachment to ideas. When we feel that we have a strong case for a point of view, our sense of urgency in communicating that commitment is usually enhanced.38 Think about your experiences with the emo- tion of anger. Most of us have been warned to “calm down” and not let our emo- tions get the better of us. Presumably—as conventional thinking goes—too much emotion will shortchange our capacities for reasoning. In fact, your anger probably develops in proportion to the good reasons—the logic—you have for it. Reasoning motivates our emotions and serves as a register of conviction. We can usually artic- ulate why we are angry. What we commonly call “emotion” is an outward measure of the certainty of our logic. Hence, anger, anxiety, fear, and joy generally do have their rational origins, and we can often describe them to another person. Just because our logic is not clear to others, it doesn’t follow that none exists.

The second problem is that this distinction is sometimes a way to dismiss an argument we don’t like or can’t understand. The label “emotional appeals” some- times serves the intellectually dishonest function of dismissing an idea. Emotion is sometimes viewed as a kind “back door” to persuasion: the last refuge for those who don’t have reasoned arguments to offer. There is perhaps no easier way to dismiss an opponent’s views than to claim that “they have resorted to the rants of emotional appeals.” In his groundbreaking analysis of Adolf Hitler’s rhetoric, critic Kenneth Burke noted that it was not enough to simply characterize Hitler’s words as the rav- ings of a fool. To do so, he noted, “contributed more to our gratification than our enlightenment.”39 Instead, Burke’s analysis assumed that Hitler had a logic for his actions and that his claims had found a receptive audience. Indeed, there was a logic that had a certain internal consistency based on the treatment of the defeated Ger- many by its enemies after World War I. What Hitler’s rhetoric lacked, of course, were the good reasons rooted in civil rights values we cherish, such as respect for religious and ethnic diversity and a healthy skepticism of governmental power.40

 Common Forms of Defective Reasoning Textbooks that address reasoning almost uniformly attempt to provide readers

with the logician’s equivalent of the Rock of Gibraltar—some sturdy reference points that will simplify the problem of navigating toward sound reasoning. If we know what “good” reasoning is, then it follows that there must be systematic ways to classify forms of “bad” reasoning—fallacies. “A fallacy,” notes philosopher Max Black, “is an argument which seems to be sound without being so.”41 Fallacious arguments typically take on the forms of arguments but frequently suggest more than they deliver. They take the form of a strong statements that have force, while none actually exists. No list is inclusive. And none of us can engage in advocacy very long without committing some of these fallacies. We include only the most common mistakes or subversions of logic.

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Ad Hominem When real estate developer and television personality Donald Trump got into a

public fight with comedian Rosie O’Donnell a few years ago, the result was a series of ad hominem attacks. Ms. O’Donnell first criticized Trump for his actions, espe- cially his treatment of a contestant in his Miss USA pageant. But Trump mostly responded with ad hominens, noting that Rosie was “not smart,” “crude,” “disgust- ing,” “a slob,” and “an animal.”42 Ad hominem occurs when statements worded as arguments are actually directed against persons rather than their ideas. The language is personal and negative, often in an attempt to deflect attention away from the mer- its of an argument to alleged and largely irrelevant defects of an individual or a group. In private, former President Richard Nixon uttered what a former aide called an “undeniably ugly” range of attacks on his opponents. He was, notes Leon- ard Garment, “a champion hater,”43 a fact that has been revealed in releases of White House conversations Nixon taped in the White House. A writer at The New York Times was “that damned Jew.” Crude epithets were uttered about Supreme Court members, publishers, and his famous lists of White House enemies.44

We are now awash in mean-spirited “commentary” from the web to newspa- pers to prime-time cable talk shows. The language of these screeds is the tip-off. Presidents may be described as “pinheads,” “too old,” “a loser,” or a “jerk.” A reporter may be a “windbag,” “stupid,” or a “fanatic.” In many ways these kinds of comments are as old as politics, but there is now a crucial difference. Web “com- ments” are frequently posted by unidentified persons. Respondents to articles and other content can now say anything without having to identify themselves and risk being associated with their intemperate attacks. Ad hominem has thus been given an unfortunate new life—a refuge for individuals unable or unwilling to expend the effort to argue the merits of ideas. A reliance on personal invective is an indication of a person’s resistance to finding the higher ground of true public discourse, where choices should be defended based on good reasons.

In the aftermath of a shooting in Tucson, Arizona that killed six people, wounded twenty, and nearly took the life of a member of Congress, President Obama reminded Americans that their words have consequences.

[A]t a time when we are far too eager to lay the blame for all that ails the world at the feet of those who think differently than we do—it’s important for us to pause for a moment and make sure that we are talking with each other in a way that heals, not a way that wounds.45

False Cause Are tornados attracted to mobile home parks? Do the world’s roosters keep the

sun on schedule? Is composing a Ninth Symphony tempting death? A persuader who has fallen victim to the fallacy of false cause mistakenly assumes that because two events have occurred together, one has caused the other. Arguments from false cause proliferate mostly because of the error of mistaking correlation for causation.

Ordinary discourse is full of false-cause reasoning. For example, it has been reported by the Physicians Committee for Responsible Medicine that mortality rates are more than twice as high in neighborhoods that are close to fast-food res-

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taurants.46 But it would be too simplistic to assume that the correlation of these two elements mean that one causes the other. Poorer Americans tend to live in urban neighborhoods closer to all kinds of commercial businesses. More than anything else, having a low income is what puts a family near a fast-food restaurant. Similarly, cultural observers have noted a tendency in our public discourse to identify obese people as the causes of all kinds of social and technical problems. While obesity is linked to health problems, there is little evidence for other allegations, such as: their extra weight in cars causes the United States to use more gasoline and create more carbon dioxide and the extra weight causes plane crashes.47 As the author of one study notes, identifying obesity as a primary cause for multiple woes amounts to little more than making fat people scapegoats for problems with deeper causes.48

Individuals searching for simple answers to complex problems also sometimes resort to false-cause arguments. In 1998 a Texas minister—frustrated by the appointment of a woman to lead a large church in Waco—unintentionally offered a classic example. Along with the Baptist church that appointed her, he blamed “feminists” for a long list of real and imagined social ills, including

child abuse, abortion, domestic violence, divorce, teen pregnancies, drug and alcohol abuse, pornography, teen crime, gang violence, racial tensions and the ever-increasing coming out of the closet of the sodomites and lesbians.49

Having sorted out the problems of the world in a sentence, the minister might have felt better. But few would take his analysis as empirically valid.

In an age when much of our survey research looks for causes within correlations, even seasoned scientists with the best intentions can fall victim to this fallacy. For example, many studies over the years have suggested the moderate levels of alcohol can actually have beneficial effects on men and women who want to avoid heart problems or diabetes. Some of these correlational studies find lower rates of these dis- eases in people who drink moderately (typically one or two glasses of wine or their equivalents). As another researcher has pointed out, those who drink in moderation may just be better at managing their lives and health. They “tend to do everything right—they exercise, they don’t smoke, they eat right and they drink moderately.”50

Many of these other factors could play a role in helping to reduce rates of disease. The best an advocate can do is to be a perennial skeptic, particularly when the force of a claim rests on correlational data. Correlations easily mask sometimes unidenti- fied causes that can be far more accurate in accounting for a particular social effect.

Non Sequitur The Comedy Channel and late-night television hosts love these fallacies. A non

sequitur occurs when a conclusion does not follow from the reasons that have been cited. More generally, two or more elements that are intended to be related are—in actual fact—at odds with each other. Non sequiturs may leave us simply puzzled or perplexed at how a person could say or do two things that seem to be completely at odds with each other. One of the authors recently noticed a car with a “Conquer Cancer” slogan on its license plate, which was not itself unusual. But he also noted that the driver was smoking. That’s a non sequitur: not unlike a poignant situation at a nursing home where a visiting musician realized too late that Andrew Lloyd

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Weber’s anthem “Memories” was probably not a good call for an audience com- posed of many Alzheimer’s patients. Similarly, in his memoir, stage actor Christo- pher Plummer recounts the story of hearing his entrance cue spoken in a potboiler costume drama but being unable to find a place to enter from backstage. In a panic, he ran to the only hole of light he could find and surprised everyone by entering through the scenery’s fake fireplace.51

Most formal arguments that exhibit non sequitur reasoning have at least super- ficial connections that link claims to supporting “reasons.” Closer examination, however, reveals that the connection is insufficient or downright inconsistent. Con- sumer Reports loves to collect these and pass them on to readers: testimony from a truck driver for Alka-Seltzer Plus Cold Medicine, which, its package warns, should not be used “while operating heavy machinery”;52 the coupon for “10% off a ser- vice call” that in fine print notes “not valid on service calls”; or the label identifying a package of Nips coffee candies as the “value pack,” even though it contains less product than their regular box.53 Each case offers its own non sequitur, where the sum total of claims and supporting data does not fit together.

On serious matters of policy, non sequiturs rarely announce themselves. Individ- uals may differ about the kinds of arguments that might deserve this designation. For example, a pro-choice supporter may marvel at what they consider the non sequitur of a pro-life advocate who opposes using federal money in the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program. If someone is supporting the “rights” of the unborn, they might argue, shouldn’t one also be willing to support those children already here living in poverty? Economic conservatives might similarly point out what they see as a serious disconnect between what university professors who advocate free markets say and their acceptance of lifetime tenure. We are all reasonably good at attempting to explain away the non sequiturs of our lives. However, the concept is useful for analyzing the persuasion of others (and, ideally, our own). Is it probable that the evidence presented caused a particular outcome? Is it possible that the “evi- dence” merely accompanies the outcome without contributing to its occurrence?

Circular Argument Sometimes the reasons cited for a claim are little more than a rewording of the

claim. Supporting premises in circular arguments are really just restatements that give the appearance of more support than actually exists. Ad slogans such as the classic “When you say Budweiser, you’ve said it all” have the structure of claims that imply good reasons, but actually start and end with the same idea. Parents reg- ularly use this form of argument on their children in the familiar retort, “Do it because I said so.” What follows after “because” is essentially a duplicate of what preceded. And we’ve all fallen back on locutions that cheat on the idea of genuine argument, such as “We should do this because it’s the right thing to do.”

Circular arguments can cut short public debate on pressing issues by narrowly focusing on only unchallengeable claims. By August of 1968, for example, the United States had committed 541,000 troops to the Vietnam War. Many leaders in Congress and in the Johnson and Nixon Administrations argued that because we were so deeply committed to the defense of South Vietnam, we should stay to see the war through. The fact of being at war became its own justification for delaying

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our departure from Vietnam until over fifty-eight thousand American lives had been lost.54 Many have argued that we have repeated this fallacy again with the United States’ ongoing military involvement in Afghanistan.55 “We can’t win, but we can’t afford to lose” is the common refrain, and another way of saying that “we need to stay because we’re already there.”

Fallacy of Oversimplification The burden of persuasion comes with the natural human tendency to make

categorical claims that seem to have more force because they are unqualified and emphatic. The fallacy of oversimplification is perhaps the disease of our distracted age. We want to make simple conclusions that exclude any exceptions because we sometimes prefer certainty over truth. We often think like journalists who need a captivating print headline or news anchors who need a story that can be explained in 45 seconds of airtime. Imagine a television news reporter trying to detail in very limited time that the government of Cuba is sometimes politically repressive and educationally progressive, or that the most urban state in the nation (New Jersey) is also a leader in farmland preservation, or that most residents of Manhattan are from somewhere else. The story structure of television news demands simple con- clusions and one-size-fits-all generalizations. Usually only public-affairs broad- casts, print reporting in magazines, or extended newspaper investigations allow sufficient exploration of the facts to produce a nuanced description of events.56

Human action is far more complex than our rhetorical efforts to describe it. Our desire to capture essential points relevant to a persuasive case is often at odds with real-world complexities that cannot be represented in Twitter-length epi- grams. Prevention magazine, for example, has rated San Francisco one of the most “walkable” cities in the United States. But it also has one of the highest rates of pedestrian deaths in accidents involving cars.57 Can we acknowledge that both statements are true? Can we make our minds bend to two different but compatible truths? Similarly, can we account for the United States as a beacon of human rights and personal freedom to the rest of the world while at the same time accept the fact that worldwide it imprisons the most people (and has the world’s highest rate of incarceration)—higher than even Russia or China?58

When considering our attempts to characterize complex realities in simple declarative statements, we would do well to remember that simplification is often the same as distortion. The following assertions, or similar wording, have been used for years to acknowledge complexity.

“His strengths are also his weaknesses.” “I believe this to be true, but there are important exceptions.” “I don’t think anyone knows for sure.” “We get comfort in believing this, but it less apparent that it is still true.” “We are clearer about the effects of this problem than its root causes.”

Because the statements are tentative, they might seem to weaken a person’s persuasive case. On the other hand, thoughtful listeners may assign more credibil- ity to a source that seems open and acknowledges complexity than to one who is categorically ideological.

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Excessive Dependence on Authority It is a legitimate pattern of reasoning to support a persuasive claim by citing

the expertise of like-minded authorities. Expert testimony in support of a claim is a common and honored form of persuasive argumentation, but excessive deference to an alleged authority is significantly different. As Toulmin, Rieke, and Janik have noted, “Appeals to authority become fallacious at the point where authority is taken as closing off discussion of the matter in question. No further evidence is considered; the authority’s opinion has settled the matter once and for all.”59

There is no shortage of experts—real or self-styled—who are prepared to argue that they should have the last (and sometimes only) word. History has demon- strated repeatedly the error in such thinking. Radio pioneer David Sarnoff at one time thought it unlikely that Americans would accept advertising as a basis for the new and emerging broadcast industry. Some aviation engineers once believed that no plane or pilot could survive a flight beyond the speed of sound. More than a few Hollywood studio executives of the early 1920s doubted that film audiences would really want to hear their favorite actors talk.60 And more recently, many auto ana- lysts in the financial industry had given up on a revival of the American auto indus- try after the sharp 2008 downturn that left GM and Chrysler bankrupt.61

This fallacy in many ways feeds on a public need for clarity and certainty. “Experts” of all sorts populate our media as they try to fill the voids of uncertainty that can be unsettling. We need to believe someone has answers. We can reduce our destructive doubts if we grant a charismatic or apparently knowledgeable source infallibility. In chapter 5 we will examine in more detail persuasion based on acceptance of an ultimate authority.

 How Persuasion and Logical Argumentation Differ Thus far, we have shown how a claim supported by reasonable premises can

lead to persuasion. We labeled this single logical unit an “argument” and noted that Aristotle discovered everyday forms of argumentation (enthymemes) that rou- tinely appear in most types of persuasion. Does it follow that we can use the words “persuasion” and “argumentation” interchangeably? Is persuasion always subject to the rules of practical reasoning? The answer to both questions is “no,” because factors other than reasoning influence what people believe. We close this chapter with an explanation of why we think persuasion is more than the construction of reasoned arguments, vital though they are.

Denial Often Defeats Reasoning Under repeated and hostile questioning from members of the opposition party,

former British Prime Minister James Callahan used to respond to statements of dis- belief with the same expression of frustration: “I can tell you the truth, but I can’t make you see it.” How right he was. Denial is a potent antidote to even the best sequence of persuasive logic. Callahan expressed perfectly the persuader’s lament. We have all had the experience of communicating to the human equivalent of a brick wall. As the quote from writer David Sedaris implies at the beginning of this chapter,

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self-interest often trumps what looks like a winning hand. Tell teens that the volume levels are too loud on their MP3 players, and the result can be that they listen at even higher levels.62 Few tobacco farmers would agree that their commodity promotes serious health problems.63 Persuasion is not easy. And persistence of inaccurate or incorrect belief is common. When we are asked to give up cherished beliefs, familiar ways of acting, and views of the world that have become part of the comfortable fur- niture of our lives, we frequently resist. Our psychology immunizes us against the infection of others’ ideas just as our biology marshals its defenses against toxic bacte- ria. The instinct for ideological self-preservation works as an immune system reject- ing unwanted or unacceptable conclusions. Workers at Apple Computer even had a name for it. The brilliant and innovative Steve Jobs who headed Apple often rejected what his engineers said was possible. He had a “reality distortion field,” they noted, denying vital truths that made Jobs the complex manager he was.64

Denial routinely functions as an effective shield that can be used to ignore rea- soning that takes one to an unpleasant conclusion. Smoking and the industry that supports it is an interesting case. All of us have habits that are threatening to our health. But tobacco use is a special case; publicity about its dangers have crept into every corner of American public life. Appeals to quit smoking are pervasive and constructed in arguments that have a lot of force. Cessation will increase the chances of a longer life and fewer debilitating illnesses. But it is easy to find smok- ers who will explain that (1) they understand it is a behavior that carries some risks, and (2) they still do not intend to quit. A common “end-run” around smoking- effects evidence is to challenge some of its credibility, or simply not to deal with it.65 The likelihood of getting smokers to quit increases if you immerse them in pro- longed exposure to anti-smoking arguments through extended group contact. That is the most widely accepted way to seek behavioral change of almost any kind: pro- vide a supportive environment while at the same time making it impossible to escape to a state of denial.66

It is rare to find someone involved in what appears to have been a bad decision who is willing to pay the psychological price of a full mea culpa. A former Lehman employee who sold the kind of mortgage securities that would eventually bring down his firm (and very nearly the entire American economy) is a notable excep- tion in confessing “I have blood on my hands.”67 The questionable securities gener- ated by firms like Lehman contributed to the housing crash that began in 2007 and to the spate of home foreclosures that still continues today. More typically, others at the firm were reluctant to accept blame for creating “financial products” that were unsustainable. They, and counterparts at other banks, point to failures of the regu- lators rather than admit responsibility.68

Part of what is going on in the denial of the obvious is what psychologists call “motivated reasoning ”: a tendency to look for evidence or exceptions that can con- firm our worldview. If you don’t want to acknowledge a state of affairs like climate change, you can look for evidence that confirms your view and ignore the rest.69 If your firm sold bad products, it is easier to blame federal regulators than the com- pany’s misdeeds. To be sure, this can be done cynically. But it is also in our nature to search for answers that preserve our self-respect and our understanding of how the world works.

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Persuasion’s “Self-Interest” and Argumentation’s “Public Interest” Our earlier point about the mistake of assuming that logical and emotional

appeals are discrete is relevant to a related distinction. As we have noted, someone else’s logic may not necessarily be your logic. Hence, we may sometimes miss or ignore another person or group’s good reasons. To put it another way, reasoning may be personal and specific, appealing to an individual’s needs rather than to a col- lective sense of “the good” or “the True.” The conventional view of logic is that it should be able to withstand scrutiny by many different people. But it is useful to momentarily contrast the difference between persuasion’s “self-interest” and logi- cal argument’s “public interest.”

All persuasion must provide a series of incentives or reasons for winning the approval of audiences, but not all legitimate persuasion involves good reasons. As we have noted, the good reasons of arguments are made with the hope that a wide diver- sity of people might also sense their reasonableness. Make a claim about, say, climate change or the advantages of using debit rather than credit cards and one can hope the reasons will make sense to people with different interests and backgrounds. By con- trast, while persuaders frequently employ rational argumentation, they also rely on their abilities to use appeals to satisfy what are sometimes more clearly personal claims.

The distinction between persuasive appeals and argumentative good reasons is revealing. As we will discuss more fully in chapters 6 and 7, many of us have per- sonal needs for affection, for approval from others, for high self-esteem, and so on. We can be motivated by appeals that promise to satisfy these needs. For example, in a courtroom, jurors are sometimes cautioned by a judge to ignore attempts at flattery directed to them by lawyers eager to win their cases. Appeals to the need for approval are—for the judge, at least—out of place in the legal system’s attempt to reconstruct the historical record of what the defendant did or did not do.70 Yet, persuasion frequently depends on just such identification—on efforts to recognize and appeal to individual needs and motivations.

One reason television or Internet advertising can be effective is that it reaches the viewer as a private rather than a public person. We accept advertising appeals made to us in our homes that we might reject as a member of a “live” audience. We might view a commercial passively, but if we view it at a theater, we may hear groans of disbelief from the audience. To put our point another way, while persuasion can employ rea- soning from facts and general opinions, it also reaches individuals by appeals to sub- jective and personal needs that are not among the ideas “in play” in a public setting.

Consider the example of an advertisement for skin cream to remove “ugly age spots” that ran repeatedly on network television. Like most cosmetic ads, it prom- ised a way to purchase greater satisfaction about the way we appear to others. The commercial for Porcelana Cream opened with a picture of four middle-aged women playing cards. One of the women is obviously ill at ease as she looks down at her hands holding the cards. We hear her think to herself, “These ugly age spots; what’s a woman to do!” Her embarrassment is painfully clear. The solution is obvi- ous—purchase Porcelana to remove the spots and the problem.

From an argumentative point of view, the commercial is hopelessly flawed. Would personal friendships really be at stake merely because a person had a few

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Live, learn, and work with a community overseas.

Be a Volunteer.

peacecorps.gov

See yourself in someone else.

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skin blemishes? Of course not. But the woman’s anxiety has a certain dramatic plausibility as an appeal to vanity. Based on just a few seconds of the commercial, we can believe that there are individuals anxious enough about their acceptance to believe that even minor blemishes could put them at risk. It appeals to the kinds of very private fears that most of us experience from time to time. To dismiss it as “irrational” is to miss the point. The appeal to fear of rejection is not intended to stand up under the close scrutiny that we give arguments. But that does not deny the strong possibility that some users have needs that motivate them to “improve” their personal appearance. Although we hope that persuasion is often constructed using good reasons, we will have missed something important if we fail to recog- nize the power of appeals based on personal needs.

 Summary In this chapter we have looked at the role that reasoning plays in persuasion.

We defined reasoning as the process of supporting controversial claims with prem- ises and evidence that function as good reasons. Reasons are “good” when they build on value-based premises that are as sensible for others as they are for our- selves. They are said to have “force” when their linkages are so strong that they seem to demand our acceptance. Some of the claims and premises of arguments may involve judgments that can never fully be argued away; others may be factual and produce nearly universal acceptance.

We also noted that there is a great deal of misunderstanding about reasoning and about what it can and cannot do. For example, the most direct route to attitude change is sometimes by appealing to private but powerful motivations, such as a person’s need to feel wanted by others. These individualized appeals are not neces- sarily “irrational emotions” nor “unreasonable” grounds for forming attitudes, but neither are they the kinds of statements that can stand up as reasons that would help shape a consensus of support in a public gathering. Advertising is full of moti- vating appeals, which frequently have the effect of allowing people to reward them- selves or sanctioning a certain feeling. Topics of greater consequence, such as efforts to reconstruct the guilt or innocence of a defendant in a trial, demand more rigorous defenses.

Using Aristotle’s writings as a guide, we looked at the unique features of prac- tical arguments called “enthymemes.” Enthymemes have two special features that make them different from the formal “analytic” arguments used by scientists, mathematicians, and logicians. First, the claims in enthymemes are “probable” or “preferable,” since they deal with practical subjects for which demonstrations of fact are usually impossible. Second, usually one or more of their parts (claims or premises) may be implied rather than stated; enthymemes replicate effective per- suasion by building from what an audience already believes or accepts.

Like all forms of reasoning, enthymemes and other forms of argument can be made from premises of dubious quality. In fallacies like ad hominem, false cause, non sequitur, and circular argument, the premises of some arguments may present only the illusion rather than the reality of logical support. The task of the effective persuader is to avoid these superficial linkages in favor of arguments with genuine good reasons.

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 QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 1. Locate a persuasive essay written by a newspaper columnist or blogger. After

studying the column, summarize the claims and premises the author has used. Be careful to look for implied as well as stated premises. Make a judgment about the quality and adequacy of the author’s arguments.

2. Observe a “debate” on a television talk show or threaded web discussion. Iden- tify the extent to which each advocate in a program is able to communicate good reasons in defense of his or her position.

3. Using examples from magazine advertisements, locate and explain messages that contain some of the fallacies mentioned in this chapter: ad hominem, false cause, non sequitur, circular argument, and excessive dependence on authority.

4. Search-engine algorithms attempt to “read” our interests so that ads specific to us can be placed on some of the web pages we see. Search for material on the stage and film actor Christopher Plummer, for example, and you may find that subsequent pages include ads pushing the availability of local plumbers. Cite a recent example of the non sequiturs algorithmic “logic” has produced in your own web use.

5. This chapter describes practical reasoning by comparing several categories of opposites. Briefly explain the differences between each of the following contrast- ing terms, indicating which term identifies a characteristic of practical reasoning:

demonstration vs. argumentation analytic arguments vs. enthymemes

6. Explain the statement in this chapter that analytic arguments offer “a tantalizing model for persuaders.” Construct a simple argument with two premises and a conclusion that illustrates an analytic argument.

7. In this chapter we note that one of the most common mistakes people make with regard to reasoning is the mistaken assumption that they can “prove” a claim of judgment. Cite your own example of a claim of preference that might be mistaken for a claim of fact. Why is the claim not provable with the same cer- tainty as a claim of fact?

 ADDITIONAL READING Aristotle, Rhetoric, in The Basic Works of Aristotle, ed. Richard McKeon (New York: Random

House, 1941). Isabelle Blanchette, “The Effect of Emotion on Interpretation and Logic in a Conditional

Reasoning Task,” Memory and Cognition, July, 2006, pp. 1112–1125. Chaim Perelman and L. Olbrechts-Tyteca, The New Rhetoric: A Treatise in Argumentation,

trans. John Wilkinson and Purcell Weaver (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame, 1969).

Stephen Toulmin, Richard Rieke, and Allan Janik, An Introduction to Reasoning (New York: Macmillan, 1979).

Karl R. Wallace, “The Substance of Rhetoric: Good Reasons,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, October, 1963, 139–249.

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5

Theories and Models of Source Credibility

OVERVIEW

 The Three Meanings of “Credibility” Ethos as Good Character The Rational/Legal Ideal of Credibility Source Credibility as Believability

 Credibility as Authority: Strategic Dimensions Legitimation Mystification Anonymity and Identity Concealment Two-Step Flow Source/Placebo Suggestion Authoritarianism and Acquiescence

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It is not true, as some writers assume in their treatises on rhetoric, that the personal goodness revealed by the speaker contributes noth- ing to his power of persuasion; on the contrary, his character may almost be called the most effective means of persuasion he possesses.1

—Aristotle

We cannot live our lives without judging the quality of sources. Persuasion may seem to be just about messages and ideas, but the sources of appeals and arguments loom large as a deciding factor in whether messages and their evidence are accepted. Although we are not fully conscious of the process of assessing source credibility, we usually run a quick calculation for every request we receive. What do we know about the source? Has unsettling new information about a familiar topic come from a source we can trust? What does a person or organization gain or lose in associating themselves with messages that ask us to yield? In the general mix of persuasion strategies and failures, questions like these are vital. And they can be augmented by an additional set of concerns about whether—as persuaders or tar- gets of persuasion—we should trust the information we have. What do we know and how do we know it? Do we have confidence in statements coming to us that are presented as settled fact?

Consider some examples.

• A member of your family has been taking a popular drug for diabetes. The drug maker has assured doctors and patents the medicine is safe. But a fed- eral panel of experts set up by the FDA to evaluate the drug has indicated that its regular use carries the risk of severe heart attacks. Their recommen- dation is that the drug be “severely restricted.” Whom should your family member believe: the drug maker who affirms that it is safe, or most of the members of the panel, who have serious concerns?2

• In 2012, offensive lineman Jacob Bell announced he was retiring from the Cincinnati Bengals. He still had a contract and a good salary. He said he felt healthy but was concerned about the effects of head injuries. Bell said he feared the diminished mental capacity or worse that some NFL players had suffered after receiving numerous concussions.3 Given recent news about the negative effects of accumulated concussions in contact sports and Bell’s deci- sion, what would you say if you were the parent of a child who is asking to try out for the high school football team? If you agreed, who would have the power to change your mind?

• Perhaps the single greatest example of misplaced faith in the credibility of a source in recent times is the case of Bernard Madoff. The financial “guru” established a firm with offices in Manhattan and London that for decades took the money of hundreds of private and individual investors, issuing peri-

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odic bogus reports of steady returns on their investments. When the financial meltdown came in 2007, he confessed to operating a $50 billion Ponzi scheme, using money from new investors to pay enough “dividends” to older clients that reassured them he was a truly gifted investor. The “returns” on investments that most clients saw were only on paper, ostensibly rein- vested in their accounts. In the badly regulated financial markets, Madoff played the role of sage investor. He courted inept federal regulators, stock analysts, and opinion leaders in corporate boardrooms. Outwardly, he offered tantalizing evidence that his business was legitimate. His offices were in impressive buildings in New York and London, and—as one aide noted, “he appeared to believe in family, loyalty and honesty.”4 Would you have questioned his credibility and recognized the fraud?

• A professor of labor relations on your campus offers the opinion that the mega-store chain Walmart is “bad for business, bad for workers, and a con- tributor to the destruction of smaller ‘main street’ businesses.”5 His sugges- tion: stay away and take your business to “less predatory” retailers. You are aware that Andrew Young, the former Ambassador to the United Nations, Mayor of Atlanta, and civil rights leader, was a paid advisor to the company. Young had noted that Walmart was “making middle-class lifestyles available to poor people.”6 Whom should you believe?

Our attention in this chapter is primarily on the power that flows from a per- suadee’s conviction that a persuader has a legitimate claim to special knowledge or expertise. Credibility thus always figures into calculations about how people will respond to requests for action or change. But the processes that accompany grant- ing authority to a source are anything but simple. As with many variables in per- suasion, there is an enormous gap between the questions that we raise and the relatively incomplete answers current research is able to provide. Communication patterns between people are fascinating, but they are rarely reducible to simple for- mulas. Persuasion theorists are constantly humbled by the subtle and sometimes contradictory ways audiences react to high- and low-credibility sources. In significant numbers humans seem to have the capacity to believe sources they should probably doubt, and resist those who are worthy of our trust.

 The Three Meanings of “Credibility” “Credibility” is a pivotal term in the study of persuasion, but those who use it

frequently have different if equally valid meanings in mind. In a general sense, esti- mates of credibility involve assessing how the reputation of a persuader will affect the way a given audience will respond. For some, credibility means good character, sincerity, or integrity. For others, it is a synonym for valuable expertise or a reputa- tion for fair-minded objectivity. Social scientists often apply a third meaning to the term: a trait identified with a source who is believable to others, even when the qual- ifications or objectivity of the source should raise doubts. As we shall see, these three perspectives sometimes blend together. At other times, each one presents an opportunity to explore the different ways in which sources achieve persuasive goals.

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Ethos as Good Character One of the oldest terms associated with the qualities of an advocate is the

Greek word, ethos. For Aristotle, ethos was one of the three major forms of influ- ence. He wrote in Rhetoric that the ideal persuader should put the audience in the right emotional frame of mind (pathos), state the best arguments (logos), and have the right kind of character (ethos). The persuader “must not only try to make the argument of his speech demonstrative and worthy of belief; he must also make his own character look right.”7

Aristotle labeled the components of good character as good sense, good moral character, and goodwill. “It follows,” he noted, “that anyone who is thought to have all three of these good qualities will inspire trust in his audience.”8 If the audi- ence members perceive that a persuader has good sense, good moral character, and good intentions, they are more likely to believe that a persuader’s judgments are reasonable and justified. Add in the element of goodwill—the important idea that the persuader seems to have honorable intentions toward the audience—and we have a sense of what kinds of advocates are likely to be successful.

Ethos is the personal or professional reputation the persuader brings to the per- suasive setting or constructs in the process of communicating. We usually have lit- tle difficulty recognizing the general traits of credibility. We identify high ethos sources as fair, trustworthy, sincere, reliable, and honest. Their knowledge about a subject may be seen as professional, experienced, and authoritative, and their man- ner of presentation may be perceived as energetic, active, open-minded, objective, bold, or decisive.9

Robert Pirsig’s classic novel/memoir Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance offers various levels of meaning. On one level, this campus cult novel is a critique of the battle between the Platonists and Sophists over the value of teaching rhetoric and citizenship (a feud we briefly examined in chapter 2). On another level, Pirsig explores how character is revealed in ordinary life. Consider his description of two uninvolved and distracted mechanics who were asked to diagnose a strange noise coming from the engine of his motorcycle.

The shop was a different scene from the ones I remembered. The mechanics, who had once all seemed like ancient veterans, now looked like children. A

Prescriptive Descriptive

1. Ethos as

Good Character

Good sense Good moral character Goodwill, etc.

2. Legal Standards for

Judging Sources

Ability to make accurate observations

Objectivity (more reluctant than willing)

3. Behavioral Studies

of Believability

Trustworthiness Honesty Expertise Similarity to receivers

Figure 5.1 Three Perspectives on Credibility

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radio was going full blast and they were clowning around and talking and seemed not to notice me. When one of them finally came over he barely lis- tened to the piston slap before saying, “Oh yeah. Tappets.”10

Pirsig eventually paid a $140.00 repair bill for services that failed to remedy the engine problem. He later discovered that the noisy piston was caused by a dam- aged twenty-five cent pin accidentally sheared off by another careless mechanic. “Why,” he wondered, “did they butcher it so?” What evidence did they provide that indicated they were less than fully competent mechanics?

The radio was the clue. You can’t really think hard about what you’re doing and listen to the radio at the same time. Maybe they didn’t see their job as having anything to do with hard thought, just wrench twiddling. If you can twiddle wrenches while listening to the radio that’s more enjoyable.

Their speed was another clue. They were really slopping things around in a hurry and not looking where they slopped them. More money that way. . . .

But the biggest clue seemed to be their expressions. They were hard to explain. Good-natured, friendly, easygoing—and uninvolved. They were like spectators. You had the feeling they had just wandered in there themselves and somebody had handed them a wrench. There is no identification with the job. No saying, “I am a mechanic.” At 5 PM or whenever their eight hours were in, you knew they would cut it off and not have another thought about their work. They were already trying not to have any thoughts about their work on the job.11

Pirsig argues that a good mechanic is a person of high ethos who can match the precise tolerances of machinery with the kind of rigorous and analytic mind admired by Aristotle. The hosts of National Public Radio’s popular call-in show Car Talk have degrees from MIT—and meet the criteria set by Pirsig. Mechanics are practical artisans who need powers of concentration as well as mechanical knowledge and good character. The ethos of anyone on whom our judgments depend provides a clue as to whether we should heed (and/or pay for) their advice.

The Rational/Legal Ideal of Credibility The second means of determining credibility is through the use of formal

guidelines for judging expertise and reliability. From the rational/legal perspective, statements or views deserve to be believed if their sources meet certain general standards for accuracy and objectivity. Robert and Dale Newman describe a source as believable if she or he tells the truth “with no concern as to whether any specific audience or reader will in fact believe it.”12 Their assessment provides a bridge between ethos and rational credibility—and summarizes one of the central features of testing credibility.

The difference between a persuader’s ethos and his rational credibility rests on objective criteria that exist apart from the beliefs of people in specific settings. Only an audience can decide if they believe a persuader has good character, but the legal rules for judging sources are constructed to apply to all audiences. Members of a jury, for example, may initially have strong suspicions that a defendant of a differ- ent social background is guilty of the charges brought against him or her. But under courtroom guidelines for assessing sources, they must disregard their personal pre-

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conceptions and decide a case based on the rules of evidence. The witness who is instantly likable because they are outwardly most like them (in dress, and educa- tion level, for example) may only be capable of giving “hearsay” (overheard or sec- ondhand) evidence. Under rational/legal rules governing sources, hearsay testimony will be discounted by a judge in favor of statements from an eyewitness, even if in other respects the eyewitness is very different from most of the members of the jury.

The abstract ideal of judging only by objective standards does not always trans- late into practice. Harper Lee’s widely admired novel To Kill a Mockingbird poi- gnantly portrayed the tragic outcome of a jury ignoring the legal requirements of rational credibility. Tom Robinson, a black man, is on trial for the alleged rape of a white woman. As the narrative unfolds, it becomes clear that he is innocent: the victim of racism deeply woven into a small Alabama town at the height of the Great Depression. The young and disturbed woman who coaxed him into her house, kissed him, and then tried to erase her guilt by claiming that she had been assaulted reminds us of the perilously frail nature of real-world justice. Defense attorney Atticus Finch (played in the 1963 film by Gregory Peck) tries valiantly to point out to the all-white jury that no objective review of the evidence can lead a

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thinking person to a verdict of guilty. Mayella Ewell has clearly fabricated the charges, knowing that she had committed an unspeakable breach of her commu- nity’s racial code. In his stirring summation to the jury Atticus concludes, “I am confident that you gentlemen will review without passion the evidence you have heard, come to a decision, and restore this defendant to his family.”13 But the twelve men succumb to their prejudices. “Atticus had used every tool available to free men to save Tom Robinson,” notes Lee, “but in the secret courts of men’s hearts Atticus had no case. Tom was a dead man the minute Mayella Ewell opened her mouth and screamed.”14

What specific standards should have guided the jury? In the practice of law, guidelines for determining the quality of a source are relatively straightforward. They involve two fundamental questions—one concerning a source’s ability and one pertaining to its probable objectivity.

Ability. How do we determine if someone has the ability to tell the truth or to make intelligent observations about a specific subject? The first crucial test is measuring the extent to which an “authority” has been in a position to observe and make considered judgments. Were they eyewitnesses to events, or did they get information secondhand from another source? Do they have the training, experi- ence, access to information, and knowledge to know what to look for? Can their testimony be corroborated by others?

A person diagnosed with a rare medical condition, for example, will want to be sure that the health professional had the expertise to reach an accurate conclu- sion. If the condition is rare and a nonspecialist family doctor did the analysis, it would be appropriate to seek a second opinion from someone who specializes in the condition before making any major decisions about treatment or drastic life- style changes. Expertise, experience, and corroboration by other experts are all common-sense criteria for judging a source’s ability.

Objectivity. After the 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Penta- gon, former NBC Nightly News anchor Tom Brokaw was approached after a speech at Northwestern University and asked why he wasn’t wearing a flag pin on the lapel of his jacket. Many news anchors had started wearing the pins after the terror- ist episodes, as do many today. Brokaw replied: “I don’t think it’s appropriate for a journalist to wear a flag. It suggests that you approve of whatever the government is doing at that time.”15 The anchor recognized that wearing a symbol could affect the audience’s judgment of his objectivity.

Objectivity is the ability to set aside personal needs or prejudices as frames of reference for understanding an event. Journalists aspire to it; scientists claim it; and most academics assert that it is a core value in their research. Complete objectivity, however, may be impossible; arguably, human creativity and imagination may depend on less than objective frames of reference. Even so, we prize sources who can render events and observations with high degrees of accuracy and fairness. Weather forecasting, forensic science, space science, and structural engineering are just a few fields where accuracy is needed. And we hope that journalists can render reasonably accurate accounts of civil or political upheavals unfolding in distant parts of the world. But objectivity is usually more a matter of degrees than abso-

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lutes. The origins of human motivation can be obscure, and the desire to explain the unknown can lead to decisions based on prior beliefs and values rather than objective truths.

Indeed, we often expect personal investments will shape the comments and responses of groups and individuals. In such cases, credibility is said to be willing, and hence, somewhat suspect. Willing sources make claims that confirm judgments or state facts that are flattering or self-serving. We mentioned the natural tendency to fill in unknowns with assumptions and beliefs, and there is an even stronger impulse to put the best face on the actions of groups or institutions to which we feel a certain allegiance. Hence, press releases from university press offices can be counted on to report institutional successes rather than failures. ABC television finds greater news value in motion pictures released by their owner, the Disney Company, than other studios.16 Many former executives at banks and financial business defended the reasonableness of business practices that made them wealthy and their stockholders and employees poor.17 Sometimes such “negative evi- dence”—the absence of data where you would expect to find it—can be its own form of willing testimony.

Willing sources confirm our natural inclination to rationalize events in terms of what we want to see or believe about ourselves. A rash of recent news reports expressing alarm that doctors are sometimes given handsome fees by drug compa- nies to “educate” others in their fields about the virtues of a particular treatment is predicated on such rationalization. If a competitor’s drug would treat a patient’s condition more effectively, can you count on the doctor to do the right thing and forgo the brand they have endorsed?18

In contrast, reluctant sources take positions that go against their own interests. The idea of reluctant testimony is based on a sturdy old principle: “It is assumed that sane individuals will not say things against their own interests unless such tes- timony is true beyond doubt.” If a witness gains little from his or her own testi- mony, it is probably very credible.19 After leaving her position, a former assistant secretary of education said she was wrong to believe that constant testing was essential for measuring progress and improving American schools.20 Similarly, a police commissioner admitted his department “screwed up” by not properly han- dling evidence on a series of drunk-driving convictions.21 Neither person gained by admitting their mistakes while holding positions of responsibility, lending credibil- ity to their testimony.

In reality, the gap between the willing and the reluctant source is an unbroken continuum that is heavily weighted at the willing end of the scale. Like gold nug- gets in a stream, reluctant testimony is understandably rare and valuable. The task left to persuaders and audiences searching for strong evidence for persuasive claims is to find high-ability sources who are not obviously willing—that is, not so tied by self-interest to one point of view that they are incapable of seeing merit and truth in opposing viewpoints.

Source Credibility as Believability A third perspective on credibility comes from experimental studies after World

War II on the formation of attitudes about sources. With the expansion of sources

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of information beyond print and film, many of these studies have been replicated and refined over the years using newer media.

Psychologist Carl Hovland was instrumental in redefining credibility as believ- ability, spawning hundreds of studies of source-related traits that affect audience acceptance of a message.22 His study with Walter Weiss of audience responses to high- and low-credibility sources is considered a classic.23 The researchers asked students at Yale to complete opinion questionnaires that measured the students’ attitudes on four different topics. After completing the questionnaires, the subjects read pamphlets arguing pro and con positions on the same four areas. All read identical opinions on the four issues. They were then randomly subdivided into dif- ferent groups. Hovland and Weiss chose sources with various degrees of credibility, and then told their subjects that a particular point of view had been authored by one of those sources.

One question was: “Can an atomic-powered submarine be built at the present time [in 1950]?” Different groups of students received different opinions. One group was told that the opinion they were reading was from the Russian daily, Pravda. A second but demographically similar group was told that the source was the widely respected physicist, J. Robert Oppenheimer. Another topic was whether the popularity of television would decrease the number of movie theaters in opera- tion. The opinion on this subject was attributed to a high-credibility source for some readers (Fortune Magazine) and a low-credibility source for others (a gossip columnist). The study was designed to hold every variable constant except for the sources to which the comments were attributed.

Would the attributions make a difference? Would there be greater attitude change from the groups who believed in the integrity of their sources? Not surpris- ingly, many of the respondents agreed with opinions when they were attributed to high-credibility sources. Oppenheimer and Fortune, for example, were ranked as more believable than Pravda and the columnist. Did high credibility translate into greater agreement with the source? The answer was a qualified yes. The experi- menters measured shifts in attitudes by comparing the results of initial pre-study responses on questionnaires with changes in attitude measured in a second ques- tionnaire. The net change in attitudes was not enormous, but it was always greater for readers of “trustworthy” sources.24 Other analysts who have studied and repli- cated this research have noted that in order to demonstrate measurable effects on attitudes, the researchers had to create extreme differences in communicator credi- bility to obtain even a slight advantage to the credible source.25

The problems involved in designing precise experimental studies are com- plex.26 As the pioneer researcher Arthur Cohen noted years ago, a “persistent theo- retical problem is that of disentangling the main components of credibility. Is it expertness or trustworthiness, perception of fairness or bias, disinterest or propa- gandistic intent, or any combination of factors which is responsible for the effects of credibility on attitude change?”27 A source can be studied by focusing on one special dimension (dress, gender, age, perceived intelligence, the decision to include both sides of an argument) or on a broader identity (a writer for The New York Times, a representative of the United States government, a member of the Chamber of Congress, or a felon). It may also be useful to link communicator traits to the

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content of a message, as has been done in studies of whether people pick up cues about credibility from the Internet and surrounding advertising. Students in one study looked for clues about the quality of a news source but tended to ignore the role that web-based advertising played in judging the credibility of a website.28

There is also evidence to suggest that the medium through which a message is sent affects the credibility of the source. Because they provide more data about a source’s vocalics, demeanor, and appearance, for example, radio and television nat- urally focus more attention on personal style and appearance.29 Print, in contrast, cannot reveal such details. Hence, many of us feel we know something about the character and personality of CBS’s Katie Couric or Howard Stern on SiriusXM radio. Both project specific and familiar personas. However, few Americans know anything about The New York Times’ Jill Abramson, even though the Executive Edi- tor of that paper arguably has a larger role in setting the nation’s news agenda.

As we have noted, even the simplest communication setting contains a multi- tude of source variables that are difficult to isolate and study. It is hardly surprising that efforts to “control” for all of these factors have raised as many questions as answers. In spite of these limitations, research into how sources are judged by audi- ences has produced useful observations, some of which are summarized below.

1. For many people high credibility means trustworthiness. The concept of trust lies on or near the surface of most individual assessments of sources. Receivers are more willing to accept what a persuader says if they believe that his or her intentions are honorable. Trustworthy sources are seen as people who will not abuse their access to an audience. Audiences who believe that they are being used, deceived, or carelessly misled will pay little attention to an advocate’s ideas.30

2. Sources matter most with audiences that are “centrally” (rather than “peripherally”) processing a message (see the section on Elaboration Likelihood Theory in the next chapter for a detailed discussion of this distinction). High-credibil- ity sources increase confidence in a message, especially if receivers are fully engaged in considering arguments or evidence.31

3. Similarities between communicators and audiences do not necessarily pave the way for influence. Researchers have sometimes found that listeners judge similar sources “as more attractive than dissimilar sources.”32 Most of us would expect as much. But the fact that there is prior agreement between people on a range of topics does not guarantee that they will more easily influence each other.33

4. Physical attractiveness slightly increases a persuader’s chances with audiences. While intense audience involvement with a subject is usually more impor- tant, a number of researchers who have studied audience reactions to per- suaders have concluded that attractive, well-dressed, and well-groomed advocates are likely to be more successful than “unattractive” persuaders.34

5. Prescriptive standards for judging sources (as noted in our previous discussion of rational/legal standards) often have little effect on overall persuasibility. If a source is introduced purely with reference to their high credentials, the additive value of their expertise is sadly less than one would hope.35 Even persuaders

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who carefully document the origins of their information will often not fare much better than less candid advocates.36 There is also some evidence to suggest that home-grown Internet bloggers can seem as credible to many receivers as those with special training and expertise.37 There is a world of difference between the news gathering potential of, say, the British Broad- casting Corporation and the much more modest efforts of gawker.com. Yet, the web user can be influenced by factors such as presentation rather than the capacity of a source to “know.”

6. Audiences seem to learn information regardless of a source’s reliability. A political campaign commercial on television may “teach” the viewer more about the political views of a candidate than an objective news report with ostensibly higher credibility.38 And there is some evidence to suggest that the Internet has found audiences that are receptive to conspiracy theories, bogus medical remedies, and dubious historical “facts.”39 Some research suggests that users are not very curious about the credibility of Internet sources, assuming that there is little difference between the web materials and more professionally edited media such as television or magazines.40 We seem to absorb—if not fully accept—views regardless of our assessments of the quality of the source.

7. Audiences tend to have a shorter memory for the qualities associated with a source than for the ideas expressed. Demonstrating what is sometimes called the “sleeper effect,” some studies have shown that people tend to forget their ini- tial impressions of an advocate while retaining at least a general sense of the point of view expressed. The work of a number of researchers indicates that “the increased persuasion produced by a high-credibility source disappears. Similarly, the decreased persuasion produced by a low-credibility source van- ishes.”41 This is probably good news for advertisers, political campaigners running negative ads, and other sources who deserve some suspicion about their motivations. It also accounts for the common observation we hear oth- ers make when they say, “I don’t know where I heard this, but . . .” If they remembered the source, they might be less inclined to recite what they heard.

8. The needs of receivers often override extensive consideration of a persuader’s credibil- ity. The acceptability of a source is sometimes based on factors far removed from rational source credibility criteria. Gary Cronkhite and Jo Liska ask, “Do listeners always attend to public and television speakers because they consider the sources to be believable? Sometimes that is the reason, of course, but persuasion in such formats also proceeds as a matter of mutual need satisfaction.” At times, “likability, novelty, and entertainment are val- ued more highly” than traditional standards of competence and trustworthi- ness.42 For younger viewers of new media, engaging, concise, hip, understandable, and humorous formats are important features—which is why Comedy Central’s The Daily Show and the late evening talk shows are sources of election “news” for some.43

As we have seen, the qualities that make a given source attractive to a particu- lar audience have been the subject of much speculation. We have outlined three perspectives, summarized in figure 5.1. For the early Greeks, who first systemati-

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cally thought about the role of the advocate in persuasion, credibility was inherent in the quality of a person’s character. A good persuader had to be a good and virtu- ous person. For logicians and historians, credibility resides in sources that have high expertise and reasonable objectivity. To social scientists who are concerned with how attitudes are formed, source credibility means believability, and it is determined by the standards of an audience.44

 Credibility as Authority: Strategic Dimensions Although a message often stands or falls on the weight of its ideas and argu-

ments, this is not the case with the strategies discussed below. Each of the six ele- ments represents a dimension of persuasion that depends as much on an advocate’s attributes—on their implied authority—as on the ideas presented. They include the use of a source’s prestige to legitimate ideas or groups, the use of mystification to tele- graph a communicator’s expertise, the concealment of identity, an important two-step linkage between media and audiences, the power of source/placebo suggestion, and a sometimes dangerous reliance on authority as a substitute for personal responsibility.

Legitimation Within every culture and community, there are individuals who have the

power to give at least superficial legitimacy to almost any idea or cause they endorse. Legitimation adds a sense of success or importance to a gathering, such as when a president chooses a local forum for an appearance. Or their endorsement can lend an aura of prestige to an object or cause. These high-ethos figures may be politicians, business leaders, entertainers, artists, clergy, or local civic leaders. The link may be to contemporaries, such as software pioneer Bill Gates or U2’s Bono, or to historical giants, such as Charles Lindbergh or CBS’s Edward R. Murrow. Hollywood has enshrined the idea of the charismatic rainmaker in films ranging from Orson Well’s Citizen Kane (1941) to Martin Scorsese’s biopic about Howard Hughes, The Aviator (2004). All of these people, real of fictional, had the power to gain acceptance for a point of view because of who they are or were.

Sources that have the power of legitimation are usually either celebrities or charismatic leaders. Celebrities can have influence through notoriety, even when their actual achievements may be fairly modest.45 American advertising pages are filled with celebrity endorsements for everything from drinking plenty of milk to wearing the right wristwatch. Many more accept roles as spokespersons for social and political action groups. Charlize Theron and Alec Baldwin, for example, have been spokespersons for People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals. Robin Wil- liams, Harry Belafonte, and Michael Stipe have produced television ads for Amnesty International USA. Actors Kelsey Grammer and Charlton Heston have appeared at Republican Party events. Interestingly, in these cases the legitimization can be reciprocal. Actors gain from their association with serious causes; and the causes can trade on the notoriety of some of their supporters.

It is an obvious and old ploy in advertising to present a celebrity as a contented user of a product. As early as the 1880s, tobacco companies sought to identify their

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products with athletes and actors.46 Endorsements by celebrities reached their peak on network television in the late 1950s when many stars, program hosts, and even some news reporters were expected to sell their sponsor’s products. This strategy is still evident today, although tempered by the knowledge of potential risk from neg- ative publicity. In the lightning-fast environment of 24/7 news, there is always the possibility that reports of unacceptable celebrity behavior will reach an audience immediately and affect their opinions about the product linked to the celebrity.47 A public figure in full meltdown can be a tricky public relations knot to untangle.

“Charisma” is another form of legitimization. Sociologist Edward Shils describes charismatic leaders as “persistent, effectively expressive personalities who impose themselves on their environment by their exceptional courage . . . self-confi- dence, fluency, [and] insight.”48 They seem to be a force of history: a presence who demands respect and attention from others. In different ways, figures as diverse as Mohandas Gandhi in India, Nelson Mandela in South Africa, and Martin Luther King in the United States were sometimes as powerful as the “official” authorities they confronted in their separate quests for independence and enlarged civil liberties. But, as Shils notes, “it is also possible to apply the general characteristic of charisma to all individuals who can establish ascendancy over human beings by their com- manding forcefulness or by an exemplary inner state which is expressed in a being of serenity.”49 John Kennedy garnered an enormous following in places like Berlin. Bill Clinton produced similar results in Ireland, as did Barack Obama in his first presi- dential visit to Europe.50 They followed a number of leaders who owed part of their effectiveness to the force of their public images and personalities—among them, Adolf Hitler, Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin Roosevelt, Louisiana’s Huey Long, France’s Charles de Gaulle, and Cuba’s Fidel Castro. To be sure, charisma does not buy instant success with an audience. But the presence of this elusive quality primes most audiences to levels of receptivity that ordinary sources usually cannot match.

Mystification Mystification is the use of symbols and technical jargon to imply that the per-

suader has special authority and expertise to which others should defer. Often the impressive display of language or the staging of one’s own environment is enough to ward off challenges from opponents. Clients may have difficulty understanding the diagnostic methods of physicians, the equipment used for various tests, the names of drugs prescribed, or the language of the health sciences. Mystifications are perhaps the only forms of communication that succeed by offering impressive but not fully understood vocabularies and symbols.

Think of mystification as a way of pulling rank: declaring special expertise by communicating in a code that is accepted as a sign of superior insight or knowl- edge. If successful, mystification makes not following the instructions seem wrong or risky. Take a simple example such as the old cliché, “Too many cooks spoil the broth.” Even this overworked chestnut can be whipped into a verbal froth that sug- gests the need to obey:

Undue multiplicity of personnel assigned either concurrently or consecutively to a single function involves deterioration of quality in the resultant product as compared with the product of the labor of an exact sufficiency of personnel.51

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Similarly, one of the authors remembers being initially impressed by former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld’s seemingly interesting riff on the nature of military intelligence:

Reports that say that something hasn’t happened are always interesting to me, because as we know, there are known knowns; there are things we know we know. We also know there are known unknowns; that is to say we know there are some things we do not know. But there are also unknown unknowns—the ones we don’t know we don’t know.52

Is this the thoughtful philosophizing of an incisive mind, or the work of a verbal contortionist with a special knack for doublespeak? Mystifications work if we see them as the former.

Consider Thurman Arnold’s classic analysis of the confusing mysteries of “jurisprudence,” the impressive term used to designate the study of legal philoso- phy. “Here is a subject,” he notes, “which not even lawyers read. Its content is vague; its literature is abstruse and difficult. Nevertheless there is a general feeling that under this title are hidden the most sacred mysteries of the law.”53 He notes that the confusing and jargon-laden language of the legal profession “performs its social task most effectively for those who encourage it, praise it, but do not read it.”54 For most of us, legal jargon remains a mysterious but impressive set of codes that provide a reason for placing our faith in trained specialists.

Anonymity and Identity Concealment Arguably, the migration of news and opinion to the Internet has made it pos-

sible for anyone with a computer to react to blogs, news stories, reviews, and other forms of public discussion. Read online sources like Slate or the Huffington Post, and reader responses—some thoughtful, others obscene or ill-considered—are appended to most stories. If you submit a letter to a traditional magazine or news- paper, you will be asked to sign your name and sometimes give your home address and phone number. But most Internet-based media will post any and all comers, even those who provide a web name that conceals their identity to users of the site. For example, the posted comments on a recent article about Sarah Palin on Slate included responses, ad-hominem attacks, and counterarguments from people identified as “opus 512,” “Beckingorder 25,” “pdavidcATL,” “DBloom75,” and others.55

Some observers have noted that the Internet “opens up” discourse. Anonym- ity can make individuals more honest in relaying their views.56 But we think iden- tity concealment carries more negatives than positives. The more scurrilous the comments are, the more cowardly the advocate seems. When there is no way to determine the source of a comment or opinion, we lose the informational transpar- ency that is vital to open societies.

There are two problems with cloaking one’s own advocacy behind a scrim of anonymity. One is ethical, and the other is practical. The ethical issue speaks to whether someone commenting on other persons or their ideas should be able to do the equivalent of wearing camouflage: that is, to be a participant in an exchange without the usual obligations for civility that is implicit in making oneself known to

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others. There’s good reason why a civil society reserves its wrath for hit-and-run drivers, secret police, cyber-bullies, and the like. We have a moral obligation to be accountable for our actions. If we seek to change the views of others through asser- tions and especially accusations, everyone involved deserves to know the name of the advocate. A person needs no special training in moral philosophy to under- stand the mistake of judgment in concealing one’s own identity.

Putting our names on our views is good reason enough. But there is also a sec- ond practical reason to shun anonymity. There is some evidence that a person is likely to be taken less seriously—to have less credibility—if their remarks come with a concealed identity.57 Stephen Rains found that in online group meetings, individ- uals tended to place less trust in anonymous sources. “Although anonymity may make one more comfortable participating in a group’s discussion, it may also undermine perceptions of one’s contributions.”58

Two-Step Flow Early research on voting influences conducted in the 1940s and 1950s by Paul

Lazarsfeld and Elihu Katz showed that the expectation that the mass media have direct and immediate influence on others is too simple. They observed that even in persuasion scenarios where the mass media appear to be the dominant sources of influence, there are usually at least two layers of influence at work. This idea of two-step flow is simple but important. Key media outlets often have their greatest effects on leaders who are especially attentive to their content—the first step. Opin- ion leaders then relay versions of those messages to people in their circle of influ- ence—the second step.59 (See figure 5.2.) The interesting fact about two-step flow is that motivated leaders act as multipliers of an original message. They can add to the credibility of a message because they are personally known to their followers. No

Figure 5.2 Influence through Two-Step Flow

1 Step

Opinion Leaders

Mass Media

or

Organizational

Messages

2 Step

Audiences for

Targeted Messages

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principle of persuasion is perhaps more durable than this variant on the idea that peers are most likely to influence each other.

This two-step flow from media to opinion leaders to ordinary recipients is evi- dent in many settings. Walk around a television newsroom and you will see key newspapers and wire-service reports on desks. The nation’s most powerful print news sources (The New York Times, the Associated Press list of top stories, The Wall Street Journal, and a few others) frequently influence what national television “jour- nalists” will cover in their own reporting. This pattern is repeated in the flow of ideas on contemporary social problems, new trends, and political positions. Minis- ters, priests, and rabbis pass on what they have seen and read to the congregations. Bloggers interpret media stories for their readers. And the typical family’s political news junkie, sports addict, or film enthusiast typically provides the same media-ini- tiated advocacy to other members of a household.

In applying the principle to persuasion campaigns, strategists frequently calcu- late how to work through opinion leaders so that they can be turned into local agents of advocacy. A savvy health campaign directed to athletes, for example, may actually target team leaders or coaches to be the sources of warnings about the risks of drug use or excessive weight loss.60 The same approach—with an added ethical red flag—is behind the idea of “buzz marketing.” In this kind of selling, confeder- ates working with the persuader are instructed to use and praise a product’s quali- ties to friends and acquaintances, usually without their knowledge that they are really talking to a shill (a paid audience member).61 In all of these instances there is one constant: the idea of using personal influence not in place of the mass media, but as the last stop in the persuasion chain that starts with media sources.

Source/Placebo Suggestion One of the most fascinating forms of authority-induced influence is the effect

of placebos on our sense of well-being. A placebo is a harmless and chemically neutral agent presented to a patient as treatment for an illness. Its most familiar form is a sugar pill, but it may also include impressive machines, bundles of herbs, or virtually any object or symbol system invested with special therapeutic power. The potency of placebos lies partly in their powers of mystification. The inability to understand medical terminology, complicated equipment, and medicines enhances the possibilities for success. Ironically, a more thorough understanding of the limi- tations of treatments might take away the mystery that is the basis of the “cure.”

The remarkable fact about placebos is that they often work. When adminis- tered by medical authorities or other credible agents, placebos can have very real therapeutic benefits: an outcome known as the placebo effect. Frequently, the mere suggestion that a person is receiving a therapeutic treatment is sufficient for actual “healing” to begin. Our knowledge about the powerful connections between mind and body remains rudimentary.

The power of suggestion can have significant physical and mental effects. Jerome Frank notes that “expectations have been shown to affect physiological responses so powerfully that they can reverse the pharmacological action of a drug.”62 Some studies indicate that success in treatment with placebos ranges from 30 to 60 percent. And for the treatment of conditions with a subjective dimen-

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sion—such as depression and allergies—effectiveness may even by higher.63 Much to the chagrin of the pharmaceutical industry, improvement rates for patients receiving placebos for pain can easily rise to 50%, sometimes rivaling the results of powerful new and expensive drugs.

Although recent studies have challenged some of the claims made for placebos in clinical trials of specific drugs and treatments,64 there is little doubt that treat- ments involving subjective outcomes are greatly affected by medical symbols and the high expectations associated with them.65 The best explanation is that anticipa- tion fulfills the stated purpose attached with the placebo. Expectancy may be enough to produce a link between mind and body that triggers the release of endor- phins that can block symptoms and create an enhanced sense of well-being. Whether we take a placebo in a medical study or decide that a doctor’s language qualifies him or her as an expert, our expectations may lead to compliance and (in certain kinds of treatment) substantive improvement.

We can assume a parallel set of outcomes in settings that go beyond conven- tional therapies. Any authority—shaman, faith healer, acupuncturist, psychothera- pist or motivational speaker—who enjoys the unqualified faith of a persuadee may set some of the same wheels in motion. Results from placebo studies often demon- strate that we cannot afford to be too eager to dismiss faith-based or “alternative” treatments. The chemistry of drug therapy is sometimes superseded by the potency of expectant attitudes about high credibility sources.

Authoritarianism and Acquiescence History is filled with examples of strong leaders who have used official author-

ity and persuasion to reshape the attitudes and actions of compliant people. Hitler, Mussolini, and Japan’s Tojo were widely portrayed in the United States as having hypnotic control over their followers during World War II. In his classic study of the “true believer,” Eric Hoffer noted that especially for people who see themselves as society’s victims rather than beneficiaries, strong insurgent leaders can be espe- cially seductive. In Hoffer’s words:

People whose lives are barren and insecure seem to show a greater willingness to obey than people who are self-sufficient and self-confident. To the frustrated, freedom from responsibility is more attractive than freedom from restraint. . . . They willingly abdicate the directing of their lives to those who want to plan, command and shoulder all responsibility.66

This is the central ideal of authoritarianism: a natural tendency among some to defer too readily to unambiguous authority.

T. W. Adorno was the lead researcher of the first major English language anal- ysis of social conditions and personality traits that give rise to obedience to author- ity.67 The researchers, some of whom had escaped from Austria at the start of World War II, traced the origins of a multitude of central European personality traits, including anti-Semitism, “susceptibility to antidemocratic propaganda,” eth- nocentrism (judging others by one’s own cultural values), and predispositions toward fascism. Their efforts to determine how patterns of upbringing instilled such traits is less important here than the fascinating questions their study brought

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into focus. Are certain kinds of listeners overly susceptible to appeals based on authority, especially “official” sources? Are some types of audiences too willing to look past the natural ambiguities of everyday life for the rigid ideological certain- ties of a demagogue (i.e., Hitler’s stereotypes of Jewish “failings”)? And what psy- chological needs are satisfied when total allegiance is promised to a leader?

The F (Antidemocratic) Scale inventory probed for signs of “authoritarian sub- mission” and “uncritical attitudes toward idealized moral authorities” to measure authoritarian predisposition. It consisted of claims, such as the ones listed below, with which the respondent would agree or disagree.

• Obedience and respect for authority are the most important virtues children should learn.

• Every person should have complete faith in some supernatural power whose decisions will be obeyed without question.

• What this country needs most, more than laws and political programs, are a few courageous, tireless, devoted leaders in whom the people can put their faith.68

The researchers found that anti-Semitism, rigidity, ethnocentrism, undue respect for power, and other traits tended to cluster within many of the same peo- ple. They theorized that the clustering was tied to styles of family life. They also learned that authoritarianism can be identified in segments of almost any popula- tion. Some people may be psychologically hardwired or learn through nurturing to seek a “place” in the social order and to follow official authority eagerly.

The dilemma this research raises, of course, is that while every society has an important stake in the rule of law, the failure of ordinary people to challenge leaders who support unjust or inhumane acts can coarsen or even destroy a society. There have been times (in colonial America, for example, or in the decisions of the former Soviet republics to declare autonomy) when disorder arguably served justice. Only with the advantage of hindsight can we fully gauge when the price of obedience has been too costly. For instance, it is now easy to criticize the average German soldier’s obedience to Hitler and his lieutenants during World War II. Nearly every discus- sion of that conflict questions how so many people in the democratic and relatively well-educated Germany of the 1930s could have accepted the blatant xenophobia and racism of the Third Reich.69 But, in fairness, others have also questioned why many Americans accepted the decision to incarcerate 117,000 Japanese Americans in roughly the same period70 and hundreds of “enemy combatants” currently held without trial or legal representation in U.S. military prisons.71 Slick Hollywood war films played their parts in demonizing the enemy in World War II,72 as have many post-9/11 warnings about threats posed by our “enemies.” But a more complete answer must also include the tendency of individuals to give up some freedoms and personal responsibility for a sense of collective security: a condition that govern- ments and leaders have often used to enhance their own authority.

Psychologist Stanley Milgram strikingly revealed how “decent” people can be made to obey oppressive authority in his “shock box” studies. His well-known and controversial work in the 1960s measured the degree to which ordinary people would follow problematic orders from a responsible official. His research design was ingenious, even if most university research boards today would object to the

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psychological stress he imposed on his subjects. Milgram advertised for volunteers to help conduct what was characterized as a learning experiment. Those whom he selected were asked to assist him in the teaching of a “learner”—in reality, a partic- ipant in the experiment. Each time the learner answered a question incorrectly, the “teacher” (the actual subject of the experiment) was instructed to administer an electrical shock. This scheme of reward and punishment was ostensibly designed to help improve the skills of the learner.

In Obedience to Authority, Milgram explained how the subject teachers were introduced to the setting.

After watching the learner being strapped into place, he is taken into the main experimental room and seated before an impressive shock generator. Its main feature is a horizontal line of thirty switches, ranging from 15 volts to 450 volts, in 15 volt increments. There are also verbal designations which range from slight shock to danger-severe shock. The teacher is told that he is to administer the learning test to the man in the other room.

The learner actually received no shock at all. The point of the experiment was to see how far a person would proceed in a concrete and measurable situation in which he was ordered to inflict increasing pain on a protesting victim.73 The dilemma faced by the subject teacher was one of obedience. At what point should he refuse to obey the commands of the experimenter?

In 1942, the United States government ordered more than 110,000 men, women, and children to leave their homes and detained them in remote, military-style camps. Manzanar War Relocation Center was one of ten camps where Japanese-American citizens and resident Japanese aliens were interned during World War II. Photograph by Ansel Adams. American Memory from the Library of Congress.

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The conflicts for the subject teachers was intense. The manifest suffering of the learner pressured him to reject the instructions. Yet, the experimenter, a legitimate authority to whom the subject feels some commitment, orders him to continue.74

Many did continue, even when the learner cried out in agonizing pain. Had the learners actually been wired to the shock box as the subjects were lead to believe, they would have suffered physical and emotional injuries.

To witnesses of this research, the subjects who continued to obey Milgram appeared to be sadistic. But Milgram concluded otherwise, citing the very human tendency to shift responsibility to a higher and seemingly legitimate authority. He notes that “relatively few people have the resources needed to resist authority. A variety of inhibitions against disobeying authority come into play and successfully keep the person in his place.”75

Admittedly, there are differences between a setting in which a subject agrees to carry out the orders of a researcher and a persuasive situation in which a popular advocate elicits support from an autonomous collection of individuals.76 The sub- ject’s desire to be helpful is probably greater than the average listener’s motivations to accept the views of many persuaders. We doubt that most people in open societ- ies are the “servile flock . . . incapable of ever doing without a master” that Gus- tave LeBon described in his famous study of social movements.77 Even so, any casual observer of the workplace, the classroom, and scores of other hierarchical settings will readily see how references to authority function as effective appeals.

 Summary In human communication, the content of a message is almost always under-

stood in terms of the quality and acceptability of a source. As we noted at the beginning of this chapter, there are many questions about the nature of credibility that still need answers, and there are many ways to describe how credibility enables persuaders to succeed. Three forms of credibility were outlined. First, audiences expect that those seeking their support will demonstrate positive traits of character, common sense, and goodwill. Second, in settings such as the courtroom and the laboratory where audiences are prepared to weigh evidence to determine truth, sources are best measured by their abilities to observe events accurately and objec- tively—the rational/legal model of credibility. Third, the believability standard has less to do with the search for truth or good character than with existing audience dispositions. Specific personal attributes of persuaders are likely to be attractive or unattractive to particular types of people.

High credibility can also be understood as a kind of authority. We briefly examined five strategic forms of authority-centered persuasion, with special roles for legitimation through celebrity and charisma, inducements to acceptance using verbal and placebo mystifications and the relaying of mass media messages to audi- ences through opinion leaders. We closed with a look at research on receivers who seem especially susceptible to official sources. They combine the disposition to act on the words of others with a sometimes dangerous desire to relinquish responsibil- ity to others.

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An audience’s awareness of an advocate’s place and character is often the first important moment in the communication process. The sheer force of a dominating advocate remains one of the generative forces in persuasion. Like so many other tools of persuasion, the advocate’s credibility can lead to potential disaster or to extraordinary leadership and action.

 QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 1. Using any search engine such as Google, pick a controversial topic (i.e., “abor-

tion information” or “undocumented or illegal aliens”) and generate a random list of websites discussing it. Answer some of the following questions: Do any of the websites make statements about their own credibility? What cues or signals are included to suggest high credibility? How do you think individuals would respond to the absence or presence of credibility claims?

2. Billy Ray’s 2003 riveting feature film Shattered Glass, tells the true story of Ste- phen Glass, a respected staff writer for The New Republic, Rolling Stone, and other publications. We now know that Glass fabricated many of his stories, nearly destroying The New Republic in the process. View the film and assess the credibil- ity issues Glass raised for his increasingly doubtful coworkers. How serious a problem was the reporter’s fabrication of stories? In what other fields is one’s personal credibility of equal or greater importance? Does an information source make an implicit contract with a reader or consumer?

3. Observe some of the experts and spokespersons making guest appearances on network news programs (i.e., CNN’s Anderson Cooper 360, PBS’s Newshour, CBS Evening News, etc.). Note if the introductions of the guests establish their ethos for the audience. Assess the credibility of one or two experts using both the ratio- nal/legal model and the experts’ own claims.

4. Locate several magazine ads that use prestige and legitimation as a persuasive strategy. Describe the verbal and visual symbols that help sell the product.

5. Observe a criminal trial in your area. Study the way the prosecution and defense attorneys attempt to establish or discredit the credibility of specific witnesses. (As an alternative, watch a film, such as The Rainmaker (1997), The Verdict (1982), Erin Brockovich (2000), or A Civil Action (1998).

6. From films or television programs you have seen recently, locate a character who seems to exhibit some of the characteristics of the authoritarian personality.

7. From your own experiences with family members or with people at work, describe the two-step flow of influence. What media source(s) did an opinion leader use? In your judgment, was the advocacy of the opinion leader more effective than if the audience had heard from the media source directly?

8. From the list below,78 identify and defend eight credibility traits that would most help (1) a male member of a persuasion course advocating a compulsory year of government service for all eighteen-year-olds or (2) a senator from your state urging a cross-section of citizens to support a 15-percent pay increase for all members of Congress.

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fair good speaker respectful good right honest trustworthy loyal to listeners admirable just patient correct sincere straightforward reliable valuable unselfish nice virtuous has goodwill calm moral frank friendly professional manner experienced energetic authoritative has foresight bold aggressive active open-minded decisive proud objective impartial

 ADDITIONAL READING T. W. Adorno, Else Frankel-Brunswik, Daniel J. Levinson, and R. Nevitt Sanford, The

Authoritarian Personality (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950). Gary Cronkhite and Jo R. Liska, “The Judgment of Communicant Acceptability” in

Michael Roloff and Gerald Miller (Eds.), Persuasion: New Directions in Theory and Research (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1980), pp. 101–39.

Andrew Flanagin and Miriam Metzger, “Perceptions of Internet Information Credibility,” Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, Autumn, 2000, pp. 515–540.

Carl Hovland, Irving L. Janis, and Harold Kelley, Communication and Persuasion (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1953).

Charles A. Kiesler, Barry E. Collins, Norman Miller, Attitude Change: A Critical Analysis of Theoretical Approaches (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1969).

William J. McGuire, “Attitudes and Attitude Change,” in Gardner Lindzey and Elliot Aron- son (Eds.), The Handbook of Social Psychology, Vol. II, 3rd ed. (New York: Random House, 1985), pp. 262–269.

Stanley Milgram, Obedience to Authority: An Experimental View (New York: Harper & Row, 1974). Robert P. Newman and Dale R. Newman, Evidence (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1969). Daniel J. O’Keefe, Persuasion: Theory and Research, 2nd ed. (Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 2002). Carolyn W. Sherif, Muzafer Sherif, and Roger E. Nebergall, Attitudes and Attitude Change

(Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders, 1965).

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6

The Mind in Persuasion Theories and Effects of Influence

OVERVIEW

 Cognitive Elements of Persuasion Beliefs Attitudes Values How These Elements Work Together

 Essential Theories and Models of Persuasion Stimulus-Response Theory Inoculation Theory Attribution Theory Consistency Theory I: Theory of Cognitive Dissonance Consistency Theory II: Theory of Induced Discrepant Behavior The Boomerang Effect Social Judgment Theory Elaboration Likelihood Theory The Motivated Sequence Theory of Motivated Reasoning

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A man with a conviction is a hard man to change. Tell him you dis- agree and he turns away. Show him facts or figures and he questions your sources. Appeal to logic and he fails to see your point.1

—Leon Festinger

We can study persuasion from many angles. We can survey audience attitudes before and after exposure to messages and sources. We can deconstruct messages to see how their logic works. We can also identify common strategies for gaining compliance. But at some point an analyst will also sense the need to make judg- ments about what is going on “inside” the receiver. Because persuasion involves changes in attitudes and/or behavior, it requires the discovery of the psychology involved in the process—theories that can help us decipher internal processes that cannot be seen any other way. Theories and models of persuasion allow us to make predictions about how certain persuasion inputs (a given source, a set of appeals, a certain medium) will affect a specific audience.

It’s possible to view (mistakenly) the major theories of attitude change that have evolved since the 1920s as abstract and uninteresting. But in fact they lie at the heart of what it means to understand persuasion. We would be lost without the “golden ideas” that various researchers and thinkers have contributed to the field. Theories and models make the process much more transparent. They offer system- atic answers to important questions, such as: What is going on internally when someone we like says something we dislike? How do we handle the hundreds of requests for money, time, or attention that bombard us daily? What are the likely mental processes that occur when an idea we oppose aligns with one we like? Pos- sible answers may be tentative rather than certain, but they provide a clear advan- tage in predicting how sources and messages will “play” with audiences.

We preface this discussion of key theories with a reminder that even though we usually talk about “attitudes,” there are three levels of cognition that shape persua- sion outcomes. While attitudes are an essential element, we also consider the related categories of values and beliefs.

 Cognitive Elements Affecting Persuasion In chapter 1, we defined persuasion as the process of preparing messages to

alter or strengthen the beliefs, attitudes, or behaviors of the intended autonomous audience. The clearest evidence of successful persuasion is some form of overt behavior. The ultimate goal of most persuasive endeavors is to get someone to do something. Action usually occurs only after important internal changes. Tradi- tional persuasion theory argues that behavior change or modification is predicated on some sort of internal transformation. While that may not always be the case, it

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makes sense to start by examining the conventional categories of thoughts that motivate the ways we think and act.

Beliefs A belief is what we personally “know” to be true or false—our convictions—

even if others disagree. There are many types of beliefs. Deeply held beliefs become core values; we also hold beliefs about matters that are more incidental to our lives. For example, we might believe that honesty is a requirement for good character or that The Daily Show is more entertaining than The Tonight Show. We also hold beliefs about the relationship of an object to something else. We can believe that Mount Everest is the highest mountain in the world, and we can believe that climb- ing it is dangerous. Beliefs are informational statements that link specific attributes to an object.2 Our perceptions of how two or more things are related determine the categories to which we assign information. Attitudes toward an object are a func- tion of salient beliefs about the object.

Consider, for example, some potential beliefs that may contribute to one’s atti- tude about abortion:

1. The purpose of sexual intercourse is procreation.

2. Government has no role in family planning decisions.

3. A woman should be free to decide what happens to her body.

4. Human life begins at conception.

5. Human life does not begin until the fetus can survive outside the womb.

Different individuals would rank some of these statements as true and others false. The rankings would be based on individual experiences and knowledge, which would affect the depth of feeling and the confidence to evaluate the issues. Absolute scientific truth does not necessarily affect a person’s beliefs. Many people believe things that are clearly not true. Indeed, our own ranking of beliefs may change over time. Life events may greatly influence the ordering or reordering of beliefs relevant to an issue. For example, it is reasonable to expect that life events like becoming a parent or knowing a rape victim might change one’s beliefs about abortion. It follows that the more information we have or know about an issue or topic, the more certain our beliefs will be. While one new bit of information may not have much effect, multiple inputs may cause us to question some of the beliefs that contributed to an attitude.

Attitudes Beliefs provide the foundation for attitudes that become “knowledge struc-

tures” or “schemas” that affect the choices we make. Attitudes are a combination of beliefs and the weight we assign to them. Attitudes evaluate; they emerge in everyday conversation as opinions about an issue.3 In other words, attitudes involve our knowledge about a subject and the judgments we apply to it.

Think of beliefs as “givens” that lie at the core of thousands of attitudes about people, places, or things. Attitudes are also learned. When we evaluate some sym- bol in the world as desirable or undesirable, we are often repeating an attitude we

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have heard others express. If we say “smoking is bad” or “Ford makes good hybrid automobiles” we might be mimicking the opinions of others whom we respect.

Gass and Seiter identify a number of definitional characteristics of attitudes, including the one just discussed that attitudes are often learned. In addition, atti- tudes precede and therefore influence individual behavior. They are the sometimes breakable link between what we think and what we do. A person may accept that “smoking is bad” but still smoke. Third, attitudes have an evaluative dimension sig- naling direction of response and intensity of feeling. Persuaders usually think of them as strong, weak, or neutral. Sometimes it becomes vital to make such esti- mates of individuals or audiences in order to make decisions about how to plan messages designed to influence attitudes. Finally, attitudes are directed toward some specific object. The object could be a person, group, idea, policy, event, etc.4

Pick an issue, product, or controversial event, and the chances are good we have an identifiable attitude about it.

It is hard to overstate how many of our attitudes seem to emerge through our interactions with others. What passes as information in our daily lives frequently carries implicit attitudes that we accept as fact. When someone tells us about their nightmare visit to an emergency room, the story and its facts can easily feed into a shared feeling that, to pick one common attitude, the U.S. health care system is broken. We convert stories and face-to-face conversations and experiences into durable beliefs and attitudes. In addition, we obtain a great of information from the mass media. Many of our attitudes are influenced by what we see and hear in the media, such the ways we think about sex, violent entertainment, or fashion, to name only a few.

Related to direct experience is observational learning, sometimes called model- ing or vicarious modeling. By watching others, we form attitudes about what is right and wrong, good and bad. When we emulate those we admire, we accept some of their attitudes and reenact them. (This is a form of social proof, which is discussed in chapter 7.) We are in a constant state of comparing our attitudes with others. As social animals, we seek social acceptance and validation. If we “hang out” with a group whose values differ from our own, there will most likely be some adjustment. Parents often fear that the college experience will “ruin” the values of their children. In truth, a university environment provides a diversity of attitudes and opinions. A good education will force each of us to question our fundamental beliefs and values. However, in most cases, we retain the attitudes formed through- out the years.

Finally, a few studies suggest a genetic basis for the development of at least some attitudes. Some scholars note that phobias or personality traits may well be inherited and thus individuals are more “predisposed” toward certain attitudes than toward others. For example, identical twins are more likely to have similar attitudes than nonidentical twins. While still somewhat controversial, investigating the genetic connection with attitude formation is a growing area of study.5

There are numerous ways and techniques to measure attitudes. First, we can simply ask people. Some of the most useful instruments for measuring attitudes are self-reports. You have probably filled out your share at work, in a shopping mall, or by agreeing to answer questions on a website. Second, we can observe people’s

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behavior—what they say in daily conversation or their actions. There is usually some attempt to correlate attitudes to behavior. For example, it is reasonable to assume that if someone wears a “Redskins” jacket every day, the person probably likes and favors the team. Third, people tend to associate with others who hold similar beliefs, attitudes, and values. By identifying a person’s business and social associations, one might ascertain an attitude profile of an individual (although there is always room for surprises). For example, if someone belongs to the National Rifle Association, we can infer a number of attitudes about a range of political issues that the individual is likely to endorse. Users of Twitter, LinkedIn and Facebook are studied by analytics companies who assess the extent to which they influence others.6

Interestingly, there are also a number of physiological devices and methods to infer attitude intensity and interest within audiences. Galvanic skin response mea- sures the electronic conductivity of the skin. Drastic changes of heart rate or skin moisture responses can reflect intensity of feelings about a subject, as does the extent of eye pupil dilation.7 Even eye movement across a page or website can be converted into estimates of interest. As two Google researchers recently noted, monitoring eye movement “is the next best thing to actually being able to read their minds.”8

Attitudes result from an accumulation of information; therefore, they can change based on new information. While we have numerous attitudes, they differ greatly in terms of their importance or salience to us. The value we assign to some- thing determines its salience. To persuade, we need to examine what consequences are associated with an issue. The goal is to change or to reinforce (depending on the outcome we hope will happen) the receiver’s perceptions about what will result from the action we’re advocating. Mary John Smith identifies four factors that determine the salience of any specific attitude: the number of beliefs an individual has regarding one area of experience; the extent to which one’s beliefs are hierar- chically arranged in an interrelated, supportive structure; the degree to which indi- viduals judge their beliefs to be “true”; and the intensity of one’s affective evaluation of each attitude.9

The formation, changing, and maintenance of attitudes are ongoing and life- long processes. Crime, for example, may not be viewed as a major problem until one becomes a victim. We also form many attitudes based on what we hear or read. This material, in turn, feeds into attitudes based on stereotypes—assumptions resulting from limited and potentially inaccurate information. Attitudes of this nature abound. Statements of sexism and racism reflect attitudes based on stereo- types. If the sources of our information are not accurate and fair, the very basis for our attitudes may be questionable.

As a general rule, attitudes based on direct experience have more impact on behavior than do general arguments. And it appears that the more information people have about a particular issue, the greater their attitude-behavior consistency.10

That is, what they say or express on a given subject generally fits with the way they act. Studies also indicate that the degree of vested interest in an issue affects atti- tude-behavior consistency—the greater the potential impact on the individual, the greater the consistency.11

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Values Values are our central, core ideals about how to conduct our lives. They repre-

sent what we consider intrinsically right or wrong. As a result, values are far more stable than attitudes and beliefs. In general, we learn our value system in child- hood—the legacy of our cultural, community, and group affiliations. Terms like “freedom,” “fairness,” “equality,” “generosity,” and “courtesy” are repeated so often that we sometimes overlook the fact that they represent first-order values invoked as reasons for attitudes or actions. Different values may assume more or less importance at different stages in our lives, but our core values and moral beliefs tend to remain consistent over time. Among other things, we express them to remind ourselves and others what we consider to be part of our identity.

How These Elements Work Together The likelihood that we will accept or reject a message and act accordingly

depends on a subtle intermixing of values, attitudes, and beliefs. The “cognitive” dimension of the self focuses on beliefs—what we know about the object. There is also an “affective” dimension to our attitudes—how we feel about the object. Feel- ings are the sum total of our experiences that affect the relevance of a topic for us. And, of course, there is a “behavioral” dimension as well, revealing the probability of our acting in accordance with our attitudes and beliefs.

For example, supporters of more stringent gun laws in the United States attempt to tap into strong feelings and memories of tragedies resulting from hand- gun violence. Handgun Control Inc. sponsors campaigns that link handguns with deaths. Their ultimate goal, of course, is to combine negative feelings about guns with specific information that will encourage individuals to act on their attitudes and beliefs. The behavioral outcome of the “right” attitudes is to give money to counteract the legislative clout of the powerful National Rifle Association. The NRA uses much the same attitude-belief-behavior linkage. Editorials in The Ameri- can Rifleman tap into existing views that gun control threatens basic freedoms. Members are encouraged to vote for political candidates who support the NRA. The motivating language is both graphic and masculine: “It means a total commit- ment to safeguarding your firearm freedoms on every front with a square jaw and an iron fist.”

Many of our beliefs and values are the “unexamined inheritances” of growing up in specific communities and cultures. As rational beings, it is likely that we can be persuaded to take a look at the underpinnings of certain beliefs and to reassess our opinions. We also have a number of attitudes that may have been formed with- out a sufficient amount of information. These, too, are subject to change. Both atti- tudes and beliefs are relatively easy to ascertain. We express them daily in conversations. Values are much more elusive. We don’t as frequently discuss them—perhaps we could not even name some of the principles guiding our actions. Thus, values are the least likely candidates for change through persuasion.

If we put all of these elements in play, we can see how belief-attitude-value sys- tems shape our daily decision-making. First, this combined system influences our behavior. As we attempt to cope with people, ideas, and situations, our attitudes

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incline us toward or against certain actions and responses. The crush of informa- tion, requests, and solicitations we receive daily would overwhelm and paralyze us if we had to assess the consequences of each proposal without any shortcuts. Atti- tudes provide a shorthand for responses that have been effective in the past—allow- ing us to respond quickly without having to cognitively process possible courses of action for each and every response.

Second, this complex system serves an ego-defensive and expressive function by helping us know who we are and what we stand for—reducing internal and mental conflict.12 We put these elements on display when we show the flag, place bumper stickers on our cars, or demonstrate our concerns by attending a rally.

Third, there is a knowledge function. Our value system gives meaning to the world around us by providing frames of reference and cues for accepted behavior.13

Attitudes help us form the “dos” and the “don’ts” of our daily life. There is a dan- ger, of course, that some attitudes and beliefs are wrong or unfair, and that our actions offend some of our core values. Indeed, pointing out such disconnects (in, say, our love of freedom against evidence of a very high rate of incarceration of young males) is a common persuasive gambit. But they remain the important moti- vators of our conduct.

By understanding the functions of beliefs, attitudes, and values, the analyst of persuasion has a better chance of understanding some of the internal states that produce certain kinds of outcomes. The remainder of the chapter looks at the key theories that use these elements in making predictions about persuasion.

 Essential Theories and Models of Persuasion Imagine persuasion theories as similar to the schematics of electrical design. A

cell phone or any device works when data is processed by circuits and software to yield predictable results. If theory applied to the rich variability of human action lacks the precision and predictability of electrical circuit design—and it clearly does—persuasion theories at least allow us to estimate plausible outcomes that may be activated by certain kinds of messages. While we cannot be exhaustive, our list includes theories with a great deal of explanatory power. These include some of the most powerful tools we have to account for how the mind processes specific appeals and requests.

Stimulus-Response Theory A simplistic behavioral model for persuasion is the stimulus-response model of

learning theory. The most famous example of this theory is Pavlov’s dog. Each time the dog was fed, a bell was rung. Soon, upon only hearing the bell, the animal began to salivate. Learning theories center on the relationship between stimuli and responses. Infants enter the world with a “clean slate.” They learn what behavior is acceptable, what is right, and what not to do. Most learning theories assume rein- forcement is necessary to induce learning.14 Throughout life we learn to seek favor- able rewards and to avoid unfavorable ones. Positive rewards reinforce certain attitudes and behavior. If we are told enough that we are good, beautiful, or smart, we begin to believe it and act accordingly. The stimulus of a teacher’s praise rein-

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forces the student’s motivation to do good work. To the extent this linkage works, a conditioned response is a predictable outcome.

Robert Cialdini argues that such conditioning preprograms scripts of behavior. The scripts are mental shortcuts that we use in making everyday judgments. For example, we are conditioned to equate expensive items with quality or social sta- tus. Named brands are preferred to generic brands. “Preprogrammed” shortcuts preserve time, energy, and mental capacity. Indeed, much of the process of getting people to comply with requests and suggestions is based on the tendency for auto- matic, shortcut responses to external stimuli.15

Research demonstrates that we are more likely to be attracted to those who hold similar attitudes. The stimulus is the discovery of shared attitudes; the response is attraction. Similar attitudes have a reward value for us because the interaction confirms our view of the world and related issues. Attitudes that are rewarded will grow stronger.

Learning theory is important in persuasion. People make decisions by learning to associate consequences with proposals. The persuader wants the audience to associate particular feelings with a proposal. The feelings elicited by a consequence become connected with the object. In the language of learning theory, we are “con- ditioned” to expect a particular result. Thereafter, we identify the proposal itself with our feelings about the consequences. Conditioning works by arousing a dis- like or like without the necessity of repeating the consequences—just the mention of the object is sufficient.

Advertising uses this concept daily. When we hear “Progressive” or “Geico,” what images come to mind? The ever-helpful “Flo”? An Australian gecko with per- fect diction? These icons with cheeky humor keep the two brands near the top of the charts in terms of audience recognition—a form of stimulus-response. If you were to exchange an expensive wine and a cheap wine in the bottles, which do you think would win a taste contest among your friends? Would the stimulus of an expensive label predispose them to favor that bottle? If you were to purchase two paintings from a local artist and sign one Smith and the other Picasso, which do you think would receive more money at an auction? The same process is used when advertisers use a famous spokesperson for ads. They hope we will suspend judgment and attach our good feelings about the celebrity (the stimulus) to their product. As a result, we respond to the person and not to the attributes of the prod- uct. The key is the power of association between objects and images.

Inoculation Theory In our earlier discussion of language in chapter 3, we briefly mentioned the

idea of inoculation. But as a core theory, it merits a more detailed look. Inoculation is a warning not to be taken in by certain messages. The strategy of inoculation is entrenched in many forms of persuasion—from political campaigns to court trials to prevention messages in many health campaigns. The theory predicts that a per- suader who delivers a warning about a future message from a different source can “inoculate” an audience from that message’s persuasive effects.16 When trial law- yers begin their opening statements to a jury by noting that the other side “will try to convince you . . . ,” or when politicians “get out in front” of a problem by reveal-

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ing a mistake they made years ago, they are engaged in inoculation. The theory predicts that the first warning of a problem will increase audience skepticism for a later message that has already been labeled untrustworthy. Thus, after the opening statements of the attorneys in a trial, the jury has been warned to expect certain arguments or testimony that will have dubious value. Similarly, with a candidate who has several DUI arrests or similar run-ins with legal authorities, the rule of thumb is to admit it early, explain it, then move on in the hope that opponents and the press will not have the value of being the first to define the event for voters.

Think of inoculation in terms of its metaphoric origins. Just as immunization can prevent disease by introducing a benign form that triggers the body’s defenses, so it seems equally possible to do much the same in a persuasive message. Inoculation promotes resistance to persuasion. There is strong evidence to suggest, for example, that exposure of preteens to antismoking messages featuring inoculation elements (“Films, friends and the giant tobacco industry will try to convince you that smoking is cool.”) actually work quite well.17 It is less effective to reach older teens, who are not as responsive to authority figures. They may have been inoculated with so many warnings that they have grown weary, and the strategy no longer works.

The prime condition for effective inoculation involves being one of the first to expose an individual to an idea or behavioral request. Unfortunately, by the time

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the average American has reached adulthood, there seem to be fewer opportunities to deliver fresh warnings, especially on entrenched health or social issues such as smoking, binge drinking, gambling, excessive credit card use, and so on. Indeed, the persuasion and counterpersuasion that bounces around popular culture on these topics may mean that older inoculating messages on all sides have reduced the chances for any persuasion at all. Inoculation opportunities remain much greater in areas where a subject is fresh to an audience.

Attribution Theory Fritz Heider noted that it is human nature to try to make sense of the world

and the behavior of others by assigning responsibility, blame, and motives.18 Attri- bution theory is a mainstay of research in the social sciences, education, and the analysis of consumer behavior. We receive messages, decode them, and interpret them. By analyzing the broad situation or context of an action, we attribute a motive, cause, or reason for a behavior. We seem hardwired to do this. Drama and storytelling engage the audience with their invitations to consider why a character has done something. We are constantly “reading” each other’s words and actions so that we can assign meaning to them. As the influential thinker Kenneth Burke reminded us, human action is purposive. We expect that we will be able to account for other people’s actions by discovering their motivations.19

Even though they are often left unspoken, attributions of motives are a part of the subtext of all messages. There may be no direct reference to a source’s motive in a message or conversation. But the receiver will always make a side calculation of the message’s value in terms of the perceived motives of the source. Put another way, the recipient of a persuasive message hears the message, but also implicitly assigns reasons for the source’s advocacy.20 For example, suppose you are a car salesperson and you begin a conversation with a potential customer by complimenting his or her clothing. How will the potential buyer interpret the compliment? It could be read as a sincere ges- ture. But it is more likely to be interpreted as a calculated bit of flattery intended to “soften” up a potential customer. All the communication that follows will be inter- preted in light of the meaning the customer attributes to the persuader’s compliment.

The task for the persuader is to figure out how certain messages or behaviors will be interpreted. What makes the process complex is that human perception plays a major role in interpreting the messages of others. Perception is comprised of a multitude of variables that function differently depending on the individual. Because no two people process information the same way, attributions of intent can vary within an audience exposed to the same persuasion. One person may praise a president for making a courageous defense of policy; another may condemn the very same effort as a collection of cleverly worded half-truths. See figure 6.1.

There are two classifications of attributions: situational and dispositional.21 Situ- ational attributions focus on factors in the environment that might cause people to act in certain ways. A classic example is attributing criminal behavior to environ- mental factors such as poverty, broken homes, or ineffective schools. For example, one of the authors of this text comes from the Appalachian region of North Caro- lina. He tends to be rather “conservative” on social issues such as abortion because of the social values and Baptist upbringing of his youth. The other author from a

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Democrat-leaning “blue” state is more socially “liberal.” Each region could be interpreted as one motivating factor in each person’s views. In each case one’s own history and situation can be a predictor of why someone is motivated to act or believe in a certain way.

Dispositional attributions identify internal, personal factors (such as core values and beliefs) that might affect people’s behavior. For example, religious beliefs or philosophical dispositions may influence behavior. A privileged individual with inherited wealth might have little interest in addressing poverty because of a strong belief in the ability of everyone to “work hard and get ahead.” If we know enough about what a person thinks, we are usually confident that we can determine what motivates their thinking. As social creatures interacting with others we do this all the time. As persuaders and analysts, we can reverse the process and make estimates about how attributions will affect an audience’s acceptance of a message.

As essential as the calculation of attribution is, it offers no guarantees. Obvi- ously, there is no certainty that we can formulate a correct or precise interpretation of an individual’s motives or an audience’s likely assignment of them. It is entirely possible that two individuals could attribute different motives to a single source. And in such ambiguous situations, it is difficult to make predictions about how an event will “play.” For example, a friend has asked you to spend a weekend day working on a Habitat for Humanity building project. It makes a difference if you think his motives are altruistic—he wants to contribute to a good cause. The request looks different if less noble reasons are attributed to your friend. For exam-

Message

Perceives Message

Audience Judges Force

of Presentation

Source

Evaluates motive of source

(based on situational and

dispositional attributions)

Audiences consider source motives when judging message importance.

Figure 6.1 Attribution Theory

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ple, he might need to solicit another volunteer to complete a service-learning requirement for graduation. But note that even if attributions can be ambiguous, the theory is not. It only asserts that motives will be assigned and ultimately affect the salience of the message. It is up to the analyst to make estimates of the most probable attributions.

Consistency Theory I: Theory of Cognitive Dissonance There is probably no more important category of persuasion theories than

those dealing with consistency and “balance.” In various ways, these theories assume that individuals can be made to feel uncomfortable with inconsistency and then will work to reduce any discrepancies between new information and their atti- tudes or behaviors. Although these theories are not ironclad predictors of how atti- tudes might change, they present the possibility of identifying how we might induce change in others. Imagine, for example, that you found out that a close friend has been charged with theft of a piece of artwork owned by the university. If you felt uneasy, would you change current beliefs and attitudes? Would you change your attitude about your friend? Persuasion happens, according to consistency theo- ries, when apparent contradictions between two connected attitudes or behaviors force a realignment toward consistency or consonance.

To imagine how imbalance produces change, consider that—for any attitude— there is at least one related attitude that should be consistent. If the related attitude is inconsistent, it may produce cognitive dissonance, or “mental stress.” For exam- ple, if you have a high regard for the president but a low regard for his ideas about reforming the nation’s high schools, you may feel the “disequilibrium” that Leon Festinger first described as “cognitive dissonance.”22 Or imagine that you have dis- covered that ancestors in your family owned slaves. Writer Cynthia Carr remem- bers her shame and guilt when she learned that fact about her grandfather. She sought to resolve the dissonance by telling an African American friend.23 Like the character of Fanny who is adopted by a slave-owning British family in the film ver- sion of Jane Austen’s Mansfield Park (1999), Carr disowned any association with the racism and cruelty of slavery to alleviate the discomfort she felt.

How does a person resolve the discrepancy created when a respected person takes on a disliked idea? Dissonance theory predicts that the disparity will be resolved by altering one or both of the two original attitudes. If respect for a presi- dent is high, but a person’s attitude toward his administration’s proposal of a public service requirement for all citizens is low, we would expect a process of change that would bring the two elements in consonance. That is, the person’s enthusiasm for the president will moderate and/or his dislike of mandated public service may soften a bit. In short, the balance is restored by changing attitudes to create consis- tency. Possible comments could be: “I still think he’s a pretty good president” or “I don’t like the idea of the enforced public service, but there may be times when it is necessary.” Such comments reveal that there has been a change that reduces the inconsistency between the two elements.

Festinger’s ideas have been refined and modified many times since he first introduced them in 1956.24 Our focus here will be on its basic assertions. Revealed inconsistency produces dissonance or mental stress. The intensity of discomfort

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with inconsistency varies. If an issue is rather minor and not central to one’s belief system, then the discomfort is small. For example, one may hold strong beliefs about environmental issues but will still accept plastic bags at the grocery store. If, however, the issue is central to one’s beliefs, then the discomfort increases.25 The removal of the stress may take the form of changing an attitude or behavior to reduce the inconsistency. Roger Brown has offered a concise summary of disso- nance theory.

A state of cognitive dissonance is said to be a state of psychological discomfort or tension that motivates efforts to achieve consonance. Dissonance is the name for a disequilibrium and consonance the name for an equilibrium. Two cognitive ele- ments, A and B, are dissonant if one implies the negation of the other: i.e., if A implies not-B. Two cognitive elements are consonant when one implies not the negation of the other element but the other element itself: i.e., A implies B. Finally, two elements, A and B, are irrelevant when neither implies anything about the other. Dissonance is comparable to imbalance: consonance to balance.26

In this model of persuasion think of all individuals as collections of attitudinal or behavioral preferences expressed on a continuum. For many individuals or audi- ences, attitudes or active behaviors can be located somewhere along the line between “agree–disagree” or “like–dislike.” Sometimes we are indifferent or neu- tral on a topic: for example, the subject of the second president of the United States:

At other times, our position is well defined, as is usually the case with the third president:

Most Americans revere Thomas Jefferson. Yet he owned slaves, refusing to free them even at the end of his life. How does this information alter our view of Jefferson? Festinger’s theory predicts dissonance and the need for an attitude realignment that will bring about consonance.

The basic assumptions of Festinger’s theory—that dissonance causes tension and that inconsistency will motivate people to do something to reduce the uncom-

John Adams

Like Dislike

(mid-scale neutrality)

Thomas Jefferson

Like Dislike

(strong positive attitude)

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fortable imbalance—are similar to other consistency theories. The more important or critical the attitude or behavior, the more dissonance one experiences. The pres- sure to change increases with the relative importance of two related but “out of sync” elements.

Many simple statements or arguments gain their force by laying out apparent contradictions that imply the need for change. Consider a few examples:

• “I can’t understand why you signed a year-long lease if you want to move to Arizona next month.”

• “The TSA screening at airports is excessive, but we don’t want another 9/11.”

• “I know smoking is a health risk, but I can’t seem to quit.”

• “I always thought Disney World was a bit hokey, but I have to admit that I had a pretty good time.”

• “If you really value the implied right of privacy, how can you support federal eavesdropping without federal court oversight?”

Each statement implies that various related elements (attitudes and other atti- tudes, or attitudes and other behaviors) should be consistent. When a persuader points out an inconsistency, he or she hopes to create dissonance, which then can leverage attitude or behavior change.

To be sure, Festinger and other dissonance theorists have been well aware of the possibility of denial.27 What may seem like a glaring inconsistency to one observer may seem to another like an unreasonable attempt to link two dissimilar ideas. Our capacity to compartmentalize actions and words can leave us blissfully

Original

attitude

Like Dislike

Thomas Jefferson

Slave Ownership

Neutral

Original

attitude

Like Dislike

Neutral

Dissonance

Consonance

Attitude change

Attitude change

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at peace with our contradictions. Metaphorically, at least, human beings rival small rodents in their abilities for getting out of apparently tight boxes.28

Consistency Theory II: Theory of Induced Discrepant Behavior The most interesting variation on dissonance theory involves the strategy of

requesting a new behavior from an individual with the strategic goal that, once per- formed, the behavior itself will create a dissonance gap that separates the individ- ual from prior attitudes. The theory of induced discrepant behavior proposes that we naturally want to lessen the discrepancy between a new enforced behavior and the inconsistent attitude that we hold. A possible outcome is that the dissonance result- ing from the new behavior nudges us to give up the old attitude.

Consider several examples. If a friend who has little interest in politics is asked to “help out” with the distribution of candidate pamphlets in a neighborhood, the theory predicts that the sheer act of behaving like a campaign worker is likely to decrease the friend’s apathy. When we willingly take on a new behavior, it becomes part of our identity, sometimes forcing a quiet abandonment of the older discrepant attitude. Something like this pattern shows up in the recent award-winning docu- mentary, The Education of Shelby Knox.29 Knox was a high school junior in Lubbock Texas who argued that the school board needed to reform its abstinence-only sex education, as well as open up its facilities to gay and lesbian classmates. The response of the board was a firm “no” to both requests. In turn, this denial of the use of facilities for the student’s Gay-Straight Alliance triggered city hall demon- strations for and against gays. When a group from out of town started parading up and town local sidewalks with placards suggesting AIDS was “God’s Curse” for being homosexual, Shelby decided she would join her friends on the opposite side of the street in their own vigil. Through all of this, Shelby’s mother—who described herself as a conservative Christian Republican—mostly tried to understand if not fully support her daughter’s emerging activism. But she was concerned to have her daughter out on a picket line alone and somewhat reluctantly went along to march with Shelby and others in the Gay-Straight Alliance. Ms. Knox’s sign simply said “Judge Not”: a small step, to be sure. But the theory predicts that the inducement to support her daughter probably also had the effect of moving her toward the posi- tion that the group was advocating.

Similarly, the authors have seen countless students take on speech or essay top- ics where they had to argue or defend a point of view. Even though initial interest in the topic may have been low, it was not unusual after the presentation to discover that the single most persuaded person in the room was the writer/speaker. Induced behaviors are powerful motivators for realigning related attitudes.

Marketing professionals use the same process. If you are a regular user of Brand A toothpaste but notice that Brand B is on sale at half price, you might be induced to try the sale item. The act of purchasing Brand B is a new behavior that is a little out of sync with your preference for Brand A. Assuming that Brand B works well, you now have a gap between your long-term preference and your buy- ing behavior. Would you buy Brand B again? Probably. You have already taken on the behavior of a purchaser of that product. The old preference could yield to the new reality that either brand is acceptable.

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It is important to remember that you can’t force someone to take on a new behavior and expect that it will create dissonance. In fact, the stronger the threat of force, the less dissonance an individual may experience. Individuals must retain free choice in order to experience the sense that their behavior and beliefs or attitudes are not quite consistent. In addition, there are all kinds of ways we can rationalize away the dissonance designed into a message. First, you can simply dismiss the source or validity of the conflicting information. For example, one may not accept data about teen smoking from the Tobacco Institute or gun safety from the National Rifle Association. Second, one may reduce dissonance by finding new supportive or consonant information or sources. For example, one may reason that it is far better to be a little overweight than to keep smoking. Or a person may disre- gard messages that drinking alcohol has risks in favor of studies that suggest that drinking wine reduces the likelihood of heart attacks. Weighing some information as more important than other information can reduce dissonance.

Gass and Seiter identify several additional strategies for resolving apparent inconsistencies. One is called bolstering, which amounts to a rationalization of dif- ferences. A fish-eating “vegetarian” may believe that harvesting of seafood is not as cruel as the slaughtering of cattle or fowl. The possible inconsistency is denied with an explanation they consider reasonable and defensible. Differentiation is another kind of rationale where ideas are shown to be dissimilar. Thus, the fish eater may claim that most fish do not feel pain or are closer to plants than sentient animals.30

The various cognitive elements (bits of information) that comprise attitudes become critical in how an individual will respond. Reread the quotation from Leon Festinger at the beginning of the chapter. He recognized that individuals have many mental stratagems for denying messages that others might perceive as induc- ing dissonance.

The Boomerang Effect The Australian boomerang, when thrown correctly, follows an elliptical path

and returns to the thrower. Of course, if the thrower isn’t skilled, the object might return like a heat-seeking missile. The boomerang effect is a theory of unintended consequences where a persuasion attempt returns with the reverse of its intended effect—it undermines the goals of the original source. It is the probably the most feared and most common of all persuasive effects.

Consider a representative case. A study conducted several years ago at the Uni- versity of Colorado at Boulder and the Children’s Hospital in Boston found that teenagers who received pressure from peers and others to turn down the volume of their iPods actually turned them up instead. It was a reasonable assumption that peer-to-peer influence would produce a positive outcome: greater compliance with the request to listen at volume levels safe for the ear. But somehow peer pressure had the reverse of its intended effect.31

So-called message boomerangs are actually quite common. They occur when a message actually pushes the audience away from the direction that an advocate in- tended to go. Who could be so ineffective as to trigger reactions 180 degrees from what they intended? In fact, all of us are sometimes dubious winners of this un- wanted prize. If you have ever found yourself saying, “I wish I hadn’t said that,” or

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“They looked at me like I was crazy,” you probably have produced message boo- merangs. In truth, it is not difficult to get mixed results from a message. One mes- sage rarely fits all in a mixed audience. What works for some may have no effect on others and could alienate some. As students of persuasion, we admit to some vicar- ious pleasure in watching the effect unfold on an unsuspecting advocate. Watch an old or recent comedy film or series32 and watch for messages that boomerang, leav- ing the sources baffled by the consequences they never intended. But, of course, it’s not fun if it happens to us.

Messages boomerang for many reasons: their designers have ignored needs or val- ues of the target audience; they have offended other attitudes; the source is unattractive; the advocate has picked the wrong words, arguments, or appeals. Consider several ad- ditional cases. In 2004, the Guardian newspaper in Great Britain urged its readers to write to voters in a key state to try to influence the outcome of the presidential election. Many wrote to voters in Clark County, Ohio, urging residents to send President George W. Bush packing. The suggestions from our British cousins were not greeted with enthusiasm. One Clark County resident’s response began with the salutation “Dear Limey Assholes.”33 The Guardian eventually ended its campaign to enlighten American voters.

There are multiple examples of citizens trying to instruct others whom they believe have drifted from the truth. One of the authors lives along a narrow, single- lane road bordering a creek; no speed limits are posted. In many spots, the bridges

Agree

Intended Goal

Persuader Message Audience

Effect

Disagree

Unintended Outcome

Figure 6.3 The Boomerang Effect

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can accommodate only one car at a time. He thought that since the road is used by cars, hikers, and cyclists, it would be nice if the township posted a maximum speed of 25 mph. He wrote letters and attended meetings. The outcome? The road is now littered with signs allowing a significantly higher speed. The best intentions of even someone who has studied persuasion for years can go down in flames.

The causes of some boomerangs are subtle. Congress created the National Youth Anti-Drug Media Campaign in 1998. It appropriated almost $1 billion over the next six years for the campaign, which included TV and radio advertising. The targeted teen audience saw more than two advertisements per week created to dis- courage youths from initiating the use of illegal drugs, especially marijuana and inhalants, and to convince the occasional drug user to stop using illegal drugs.34 To the surprise of all—and the embarrassment of the White House, which suppressed an evaluation report for two years35—the study found increased use of marijuana among some teen groups exposed to the campaign’s messages. In short, some anti- drug messages made teens more tolerant of drug use. What went wrong? In the words of the $43 million evaluation study, “higher exposure” to messages actually leads to “weaker antidrug norms.”36 The more antidrug messages from movie stars and others that the teens saw, the more they were likely to consider marijuana use an identifying feature of their age group—a classic boomerang outcome called norming the problem. In addition, it can be a challenge to design media that keeps up with a group that cherishes its burgeoning separation from traditional sources of authority. Ads issuing warnings to teens are, for many, old news. The earnestness of the messages can seem sterile in relation to chic messages of rebellion.

Persuasion can be so difficult because it is hard to anticipate fully the mean- ings, associations, and effects of a given message. Cruise ship advertisements, for example, often depict photos of the ship’s interior that resemble the hallways of an upscale shopping mall. While this might once have been an appealing image to some, it doesn’t match many people’s thoughts about the ideal “getaway” today. Most persuaders would be unhappy to learn that their messages had no effect on an audience. Ironically, that outcome could be more desirable than some alternatives.

Social Judgment Theory When we say it is cold outside, just how cold is it? It all depends on how warm

it was in the very recent past. For people in the northern tier of the United States, the first 60-degree day following winter seems very warm. However, the first 60- degree day following summer seems very cool. Our judgment about temperature is relative to our prior experience.

Social judgment theory grew out of the work of psychologist Muzafer Sherif.37

The theory suggests that the beliefs and biases of the target audience are key ele- ments in deciding what type of message will be most effective. Sherif argues that people do not evaluate messages based on merit alone. People compare arguments with their current attitudes and then decide if they should accept the advocated position. Their current attitudes serve as reference points or “anchors” for their evaluations. The theory asks the analyst to consider a key question: what is the anchor position for an individual, and how large is the anchor? For example, if an experimenter turned on a light in a darkened room and said the wattage was 100,

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that brightness would become the anchor, the reference point. If you were asked to judge the brightness of four other lights, you would probably see the ones closest in intensity to the anchor as even more similar than they really are. This is the assimi- lation effect. Thus, you might judge a 75-watt light as the same as the 100. You would probably judge dimmer lights as even less similar than they actually are; this is the contrast effect.

Sherif applied these principles to how we judge messages, with current beliefs serving as the anchor point. This theory treats attitudes and beliefs as a continuum in which there is a range of acceptable positions, a range of neutral feelings, and a range of unacceptable positions. A key variable is the critical ingredient of “ego involvement.” The more relevant an issue is to one’s self-image, the stronger the anchoring opinion. When we perceive a contrast among attitudes, we see them as farther away from our anchor points. When we perceive attitudes as similar to ours, we assimilate them and view them as closer to our anchor points.

In understanding how our internal anchors or reference points function in terms of attitude change, there are three important concepts to consider: latitudes of acceptance, rejection, and noncommitment. The latitude of acceptance is the cluster or range of attitudinal positions around the anchor that is acceptable. On most issues, there is a range of positions or statements that people could accept. Even those who are generally against abortion may favor exceptions in cases of rape or incest. Persuasive messages that fall within the audience’s latitude of acceptance are more likely to be successful.

Messages that fall into the latitude of noncommitment are, by definition, not pro- ducing significant change. This may not be an exciting outcome, but it is realistic. With this category, the theory acknowledges resistance to change as a common effect. The most a persuader can hope is that, because of the assimilation effect, cer- tain messages in this range may be perceived as similar to the anchor point. Those

Latitude of acceptance

Latitude of noncommitment

Latitude of rejection

Acceptable Neutral Unacceptable

ego involvement

expands or contracts

latitude of rejection

contrast/

boomerang

effect

assimilation

current beliefs

serve as

internal anchors

low ego involvement equals

wide latitude of noncommitment

Persuasion Failure to Persuade

Figure 6.4 Social Judgment Theory

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farther along the continuum may be pushed into the unacceptable range. Again, a major variable is how much an individual is motivated to consider the message.

In contrast, the latitude of rejection is the cluster of positions that are absolutely unacceptable. Messages in this category will not encourage attitude change; in fact, just the opposite often occurs. Messages that fall within this region tend to have the unwanted effect of reinforcing existing attitudes or positions—the boomerang effect. Therefore, it is important to know where the latitude of acceptance ends and the latitude of rejection begins. For example, when does one person’s free speech become another person’s obscene language? When does one advocate’s plea for equal opportunity become the receiver’s perception of discriminatory preferences? If a person is highly ego-involved in an issue or topic, the latitude of rejection is quite large, and the latitude of noncommitment is small. Tipping points against change are activated when people who feel strongly about an issue hear a request that falls in their latitude of rejection. This is one reason why people highly com- mitted to one point of view are difficult to persuade.38

The theory’s implications for persuasion are many. Assimilation constitutes persuasion; but contrast has the reverse effect. It is very different with individuals who have wide latitudes of acceptance. They are open to greater changes in atti- tudes than those with narrow latitudes of acceptance. If an audience is known to favor an idea similar to ours or is at least noncommittal, it may take only one or two attempts to have our messages assimilated into the latitude of acceptance. But if the audience is highly ego-involved and opposed to our position, a single mes- sage will probably be contrasted and rejected. In such cases, it usually takes many attempts to expand the latitude of acceptance gradually and to move the anchor position closer to the persuader’s.

According to Richard Perloff, this theory has special implications for politi- cians and political actors. Political communicators must always moderate their messages for very diverse audiences, which can mean delivering an ambiguous message so that constituents are not offended.39 Candidates are trying to gain sup- port by sharing their views with the largest number of voters. In terms of social judgment theory, candidates want to encourage voters “to perceive that the candi- date shares their position on the issue.”40 It is not surprising, therefore, that politi- cians so often “straddle the fence” on issues and appear to talk “out of both sides of their mouths.” From the perspective of social judgment theory, it is a sensible strat- egy of persuasion.

Elaboration Likelihood Theory Richard Petty and John Cacioppo developed a theory of persuasion that is ele-

gantly intuitive.41 According to their elaboration likelihood theory, we process mes- sages differently depending on how much mental energy we are willing to invest in the task of seeking understanding. Their model addresses questions about the levels of attention toward messages and the effects of higher levels of attention. They defined two useful benchmarks along a continuum of personal interest, ranging from peripheral processing, the low end of involvement, to central processing on the high end of involvement. As Robert Cialdini states,

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You and I exist in an extraordinarily complicated environment; easily the most rapidly moving and complex that has ever existed on this planet. To deal with it, we need shortcuts. We can’t be expected to recognize and analyze all the aspects in each person, event, and situation we encounter in even one day. We haven’t the time, energy, or capacity for it. Instead, we must very often use our stereotypes, our rules of thumb, to classify things according to a few key fea- tures and then to respond without thinking when one or another of these trigger features is present.42

The shortcut method described above fits the peripheral processing route. When a message is processed through peripheral routes, the receiver employs some simple decision rule to decide about the advocated position. The decision rule could be based on communicator credibility or expertise. In contrast, when a mes- sage is processed through the central processing route, the receiver uses critical thinking to assess all aspects of the message. The central route involves extensive issue-relevant thinking; careful examination of the information contained in the message, close scrutiny of the message’s arguments, consideration of other issue- related material, etc. Rather than testing whether the arguments presented in the message make sense (central route), those using the peripheral route tend to focus on characteristics of the speaker, such as likability or attractiveness

The key element in the theory is contained in the word “elaboration,” which refers “to the extent to which a person scrutinizes the issue-relevant arguments con- tained in the persuasive communication.”43 Sometimes receivers will engage in extensive issue-relevant thinking while at other times very little effort is extended. When conditions encourage people to engage in issue-relevant thinking, “elabora- tion likelihood” is high. To be salient in this context, appeals must contain well-con- structed arguments supported by strong evidence. Studies have revealed numerous factors that may influence the degree of elaboration. Some of the factors include the receiver’s mood, the degree to which the attitude is based on a mixture of positive and negative elements, the presence of multiple sources with multiple arguments, the personal relevance of the topic to the receiver, and the receiver’s degree of need for cognition or to engage in thinking.44 (See figure 6.5 on the following page.)

Petty and Cacioppo argue that people want their attitudes to be consistent with behavior but also to be correct. We learn from our environment if our attitudes are right, wrong, acceptable, etc. We must identify some standard for making judg- ments. For some, it may be a religious doctrine, political philosophy, or written documents. For many, it results from merely comparing one’s attitudes to those of others. We know, for example, that holding opinions similar to those held by a majority of others increases our confidence in the validity of our opinions.

Two key elements affect the probability of choosing one route over the other: ability and motivation.45 The ability to elaborate is affected by our knowledge about the subject matter presented in the persuasive message. Motivation is affected by our involvement with the issues presented—how important we believe the con- sequences of accepting the message will be to us. The number and variety of argu- ments presented also affect motivation. If we hear a number of competing views, the central route may be the only means available to process and organize the infor- mation. One other factor influencing motivation is personality. Some people thrive

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Figure 6.5 Central Peripheral Routes

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on analyzing issues and weighing possibilities; others find the process stressful. The higher one’s ability and motivation, the more likely the central route will be employed. If an issue is important enough to us to activate our powers of reasoning to understand it, we use the central route. If the issue is important but we don’t feel qualified to assess the argument, our emotions will seek cues from the situation.

According to the model, the central route of elaboration requires both ability and motivation. If ability is high and motivation is low at the time of message expo- sure, little argument processing will occur. Any influence will be the result of some contextual cue associated with the persuader. For example, the highly credible or well-liked source of the message may be the most influential component. In con- trast, if motivation is high and ability low, the desire to process the message will not be matched by the capacity to do so. Again, situational cues may have more influ- ence in the processing of the message.

Postulates of the Elaboration Likelihood Theory of Persuasion

1. People are motivated to hold correct attitudes.

2. People vary in the amount and nature of issue-relevant elaboration in which they are willing or able to engage to evaluate a message.

3. Variables can affect the amount and direction of attitude change by (a) serving as persuasive arguments, (b) serving as peripheral cues, and/or (c) affecting the extent or direction of issue and argument elaboration.

4. As motivation and/or ability to process argument are decreased, peripheral cues become rela- tively more important determinants of persuasion. Conversely, as argument scrutiny is increased, peripheral cues become relatively less important determinants of persuasion.

5. Attitude changes that result mostly from processing issue-relevant arguments (central route) will show greater temporal persistence, greater prediction of behavior, and greater resistance to counterpersuasion than attitude changes that result mostly from peripheral cues.

Source: Richard Petty and John Cacioppo, Communication and Persuasion: Central and Peripheral Routes to Attitude Change (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1986), pp. 5–24.

Since the probability of elaboration depends on a number of factors, individu- als will differ in how they react to messages. As was true with social judgment the- ory, there is a “likelihood continuum” for individuals. Some issues will fall squarely in the central route while others will almost certainly be peripheral. For issues between those two extremes, persuasion may involve cues associated with both the central and peripheral routes. For example, a parent of a teenager with a learner’s permit could decide to search the web for information about teenage driv- ing. A parent who happens upon a website about cars going from 0 to 60 miles per hour in five seconds will probably process that information via the peripheral route (if at all). They are far more likely to use the central route to process information on a website that discusses the risks of serious injury for teens who drive without using seat belts.46 By contrast, even responsible high schoolers may be inclined to process the warnings about seat belts peripherally, having been inoculated by expo- sure to many other safety messages.

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As stated in postulate 5, the most consistent, powerful, long-term, and influen- tial attitude change results from the central route of elaboration. Attitude change generated through the central route of elaboration is relatively permanent, resistant to counterpersuasion, and predictive of behavior. By contrast, under the peripheral route, attitude changes are more temporary, susceptible to counterpersuasion, and less predictive of behavior. Even so, especially in the cluttered and competitive envi- ronment of the mass media and Internet, message designers may have no choice but to design messages for peripheral processors.

The Motivated Sequence One of the simplest models for thinking about how to sequence message ele-

ments is also one of the most effective. Alan Monroe’s motivated sequence is based on a progression of elements that is psychologically satisfying to audiences.47 He suggested five steps for organizing motivational appeals and supporting materials. In structuring appeals, it is important to consider the psychological tendencies of listeners. Each step builds on the previous one. Monroe’s framework of consecutive steps breaks down persuasion into sensible parts.

The motivated sequence starts with attention. The first task of any persuader is to set the stage so that the audience is willing to focus on the issue or message. After gaining attention, the next step involves describing the problem, which is fol- lowed by presenting a solution. This is the heart of the sequence. The more we are able to convince others that a condition exists that needs a remedy, the more the persuasion will seem relevant and important. In the final two steps, the solution is made concrete through visualization—framing the solution as it might work in the lives of audience members. The sequence closes by requesting action, asking the audience to take the first steps toward the suggested solution to the problem.48

For example, a persuader might hope to convince members of an audience that their next pet should come from an animal shelter rather than from a pet store or breeder. Following the motivated sequence, the persuader would first get the audi- ence interested in the topic. Pets not only create bonds with people, but our talk about them often forms bonds between people. Once the audience is focused on the topic, the next task is to explain the precarious lives of millions of dogs and cats liv- ing in shelters. There are more animals than potential rescuers, which results in many wonderful animals being euthanized if they cannot be placed in a home. In an effective PSA from People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals, actress Charl- ize Theron points out: “If you choose a dog from the mall, a dog you could have saved from the pound will die.”49 The statement efficiently links the problem and the solution even for peripheral processors. The next stage is to help the target visu- alize how the adoption process works. Finding the right pet for the right family needs to be more than an impulse decision. Visualization explains how a local shel- ter matches the right animals to the right families. And, finally there is the call to action. What should audiences motivated by each of the earlier stages do first? What web resources are a good place to start? If looking for a pet, are there shelters nearby that can match pets and families? The action step often seizes on changed attitudes and perhaps a new receptivity, converting those impulses into behaviors that make the commitment even stronger.

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The motivated sequence is useful because it can help identify why a message is sometimes not working very well. For example, attempting to persuade an audi- ence by proposing a solution and action without first making a sufficient case for a problem is unlikely to succeed. We tend to forget that problems that are real to us are less apparent to others. Only problems recognized as significant and urgent will motivate an audience to accept solutions.

Theory of Motivated Reasoning We close with brief reference to a commonsense idea in persuasion. The theory

of motivated reasoning offers a general behavioral assertion that includes a predicted effect. In simple terms, we tend to pay more attention to evidence and examples that confirm what we already believe.50 We all understand the process: it’s natural for most of us to search out confirmations of what we already know. Our use of evi- dence is less for discovery than for confirmation.51 As the cultural critic Michael Bérubé has noted, “It is very difficult to get a man to understand something when his tribal identity depends on his not understanding it.”52 The potential dissonance of disconfirming evidence is perhaps the most direct explanation for why we are selective about the examples and testimony to which we pay attention. Hot weather in the summer confirms beliefs in rapid climate change. An unusually cold winter disconfirms it for climate change skeptics.

This simple theory is useful because it easily names the selective perception that is so much a part of the human experience and discourse. Combined with dis- sonance theory, it allows us to account for why many people maintain existing atti- tudes by searching for evidence that confirms them.

 Summary The psychologist Kurt Lewin once observed that “there is nothing more practi-

cal than a good theory.”53 In this chapter, we have explored a number of elemental but crucial theories of persuasion, with a special emphasis on ideas that have stood the test of time. Theories allow us to imagine and predict the internal processes that take place when we are exposed to messages and appeals. After exploring how beliefs, attitudes, and values provide the basis for cognitive and behavioral pro- cesses, we highlighted some essential landmarks in predicting how they are affected by persuasion.

Stimulus-response theory explores the fundamental idea of conditioning. Asso- ciations and connections that build up through systems of reward and repetition establish deep roots as core values and beliefs. Any single lifetime is governed by elaborate systems of rewards and conditioning. Schools, family, work, and peers all function as agents of socialization—reminding us that persuasion is intimately tied to the fundamental idea of learning itself. Inoculation theory offers explanations for resistance to persuasion. As hopeful persuaders, we are prone to forget that we will probably fail more than we succeed. Inoculation predicts failure or limited effects when others have been able to offer warnings that “arm” audiences against accept- ing subsequent messages. In the communication-saturated environment of modern life, many such counterpersuasive messages come our way, making us wary and

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more resistant. Attribution theory explains a related phenomenon: the desire to make sense of a message by calculating the intent or motivation of its source.

Among the most potent of all persuasion theories are those that deal with con- sistency. Dissonance theory and its related cousin, the theory of induced discrepant behavior, assume that attitudes or behavior can change when it becomes apparent to an individual that these elements are inconsistent. Dissonance is mental stress. We seek to reconstruct our attitudinal or behavioral selves when we become con- scious of our inconsistencies. Our belief that attitudes and behavior should be con- sistent is explored in consistency theories, and accounts for our preference for “motivated reasoning.”

Several theories posit relationships in the ways we process information. Elabo- ration likelihood theory recognizes that we sometimes apply full reasoning powers to messages, and sometimes we rely on automatic responses that have worked in the past. Social judgment theory alerts us to the anchors and reference points we use for analyzing how far we are willing to stretch to accommodate a new attitude or behavior. A persuader who pushes too far is likely to force a person beyond their “latitude of acceptance,” resulting in a failed attempt. Push much too far, and the result may be the boomerang effect: the interesting if sometimes frustrating phe- nomenon of triggering reactions so negative that audiences end up further from the persuader’s view than was the case before he or she even started.

The chapter closed with an overview of two useful frameworks for assessing messages. The motivated sequence offers a simple checklist of goals that—when combined in a single message—produce a psychologically satisfying series of mes- sage elements, where each step builds on the one before it. The theory of motivated reasoning explains why messages might not resonate with audiences. Selective per- ception can override the best efforts of persuaders.

All of these key ideas make us smarter analysts of messages. But they are by no means fully predictive. In the middle of our review of key models we introduced the idea of boomerangs—messages that do not work as intended or predicted. As Leon Festinger notes in the opening quotation of this chapter, people do not always react as we would expect they would. A statement meant to produce cognitive dis- sonance could produce anger instead. An appeal designed to reassure a target regarding the goodwill of the source could—for reasons that are sometimes hard to fathom—make a person more suspect. Persuasion is sometimes a poker game where the wildcard of a boomerang comes up at the least expected moment.

 QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 1. Using the antitobacco website, http://www.thetruth.com/, apply some of the

chapter’s models and theories to selected messages. What are the chances of boomerangs in some of the antismoking messages that target teens?

2. Choose an issue that has been debated or discussed recently, for example: allowing guns on campus, requiring women to watch “educational” videos prior to getting an abortion, jailing individuals who possess small amounts of marijuana, prose- cuting individuals engaged in illegal file sharing, etc. Identify what you believe are the underlying beliefs, attitudes, and values on each side of a single issue.

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3. In the recent past Amazon.com was an outspoken opponent to the demands of states like California that the company should be collecting sales tax when it sells products to their residents. Other retailers with facilities in a state must col- lect sales tax. For the authors, Amazon’s position created cognitive dissonance. Amazon is convenient, easy to use, and less expensive without taxes. But hard- hit states depend on sales tax revenues. Local businesses are penalized because they must collect taxes, making it more expensive to buy from them than from Amazon. Think of a similar split between two attitudes, or an attitude and behavior, that has created dissonance within you. How could a persuasive appeal on your topic or ours be worded to exploit such dissonance in others?

4. Attribution theory describes why assumed motives in an advocate matter. Cite an example where you think you can predict how a piece of persuasion will be received based primarily on anticipated audience attributions of the source’s motives.

5. Recall from your own experience a case of a “message boomerang.” What hap- pened in the message that contributed to its failure?

6. Visit a university health center. Assess several of the brochures in the waiting room using the Elaboration Likelihood model. Would the messages work for peripheral processors? Do they provide enough detail and compelling reasons for central processors?

7. Inoculation is a common strategy when political candidates have some unhelp- ful or embarrassing part of their biographies that they must own up to. Suppose a candidate for an important office had several convictions for “driving under the influence” 20 years ago, when he was a college student. What might the can- didate say about it? And what would be the justification for “getting this on the record” many months before the election?

 ADDITIONAL READING Robert B. Cialdini, Influence: Science and Practice, 5th ed. (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 2009). Joel Cooper, Cognitive Dissonance: Fifty Years of a Classic Theory (Los Angeles: Sage, 2007). James Price Dillard and Lijiang Shen (Eds.), The Sage Handbook of Persuasion, 2nd ed. (Los

Angeles: Sage, 2013). Martin Fishbein and Icek Ajzen, Belief, Attitude, Intention, and Behavior (Reading, MA: Addi-

son-Wesley, 1975). Robert Gass and John Seiter, Persuasion, Social Influence, and Compliance Gaining, 5th ed.

(Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 2014). Eric S. Knowles and Jay A. Linn (Eds.), Resistance and Persuasion (Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 2004). Richard Perloff, The Dynamics of Persuasion, 4th ed. (Hillside, NJ: Taylor & Francis, 2010). Richard Petty and John Cacioppo, Communication and Persuasion: Central and Peripheral Routes

to Attitude Change (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1986).

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7

Persuasion, Audiences, and Social Learning

OVERVIEW

 A Conceptual Baseline: Social Learning

 Audiences: The Generative Forces of Persuasion The Challenge of Finding Homogenous Audiences Is There a Common Center?

 The Audience Analysis Process The Principle of Identification Universal Commonplaces Audience-Specific Norms

 Advocates, Messages, and Audiences Believing in Our Words High Credibility/High Agreement Persuasion High Credibility/Low Agreement Persuasion Low Credibility/High Agreement Persuasion Low Credibility/Low Agreement Persuasion

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Theater is something we human beings do, when all of us who are involved are alive and present, and at least some are paying attention to others, for a measured time and in a measured place. Some of us do things while others watch.1

—Paul Woodruff

Bill Clinton was strangely malleable, a creature of his audience, besotted with the ability to charm, constantly trying to please.2

—Joe Klein

The psychological explanations of persuasion discussed in the preceding chapter address the internal processes that occur within individuals when considering mes- sages. Other theories of persuasion have their roots in social explanations and assume that the responses and behaviors of specific individuals are manifestations of the interactions they have with others. Social theorists look at the power of cul- ture to shape values and beliefs. They start with the premise that we are largely what our contact with others has made us. As soon as we enter the world, we begin to acquire attitudes from a maze of contacts that give our lives meaning and pur- pose. As George Herbert Mead famously noted, communication “requires the appearance of the other in the self, the identification of the other with the self, the reaching of self-consciousness through the other.”3 In short, we are the actors with lines to learn and audiences to win over.

The socialization process begins in the family and continues with a variety of associations at church, school, work, etc. Sociologist Émile Durkheim noted that our world becomes governed by networks of obligations and memberships through which we acquire and share common attitudes:

Sentiments born and developed in the group have a greater energy than purely individual sentiments. A man who experiences such sentiments feels himself dominated by outside forces that lead him and pervade his milieu. He feels himself in a world quite distinct from his own private existence. . . . Following the collectivity, the individual forgets himself for the common end and his con- duct is oriented in terms of a standard outside himself.4

The familiar claim that we are “social” animals is thus basic to the study of persuasion. By nature we are learners, adaptors, and imitators. We accept what others model in their words and actions. And we like to think we have succeeded with others when our communication produces something like what John Durham Peters idealizes as the “direct sharing of consciousness.”5 To be sure, this ability comes to some more easily than to others whose communication generates alienat- ing rather than pleasing interactions. Prince Philip of Great Britain has a reputa- tion for being the prince of slights. For example, he asked a Scottish diving instructor, “How do you keep the natives off the booze long enough to get them to

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pass the test?” In the Cayman Islands, he asked a museum director if most of Cay- manians “were descended from cannibals.” In Nigeria, he greeted the president garbed in traditional dress by saying: “You look like you’re ready for bed.”6

Other things can go horribly wrong when addressing audiences. In 2010 The Today Show’s Ann Curry gave a commencement address in which she mentioned only famous alumni from another institution with a similar name—alienating the graduates in her audience.7 Disney prides itself on its lineup of children’s program- ming. To their dismay, a marketing study with mothers of young children about the company’s purchase of the Power Rangers franchise revealed that hand-to-hand com- bat as entertainment for tots was not a good match. Disney soon unloaded the show.8

This chapter explores the complex processes of identifying and appealing to others, focusing on our nature as essentially “other-directed” beings, and introduc- ing a number of essential variables. We begin with a reminder of how much of our attitudes are inherited and modified through daily interaction with others and with a caution about the challenges of aggregating attitudes in audiences. We conclude the chapter by considering several models that help conceptualize the varied rela- tionships that can exist between persuaders and their audience “targets.”

 A Conceptual Baseline: Social Learning Among the few principles common to almost all forms of persuasion is the

idea of social learning, which is sometimes also called “peer influence” or “social proof.” It is deceptively simple but absolutely essential to an audience-centered approach to persuasion. The principle states that what we believe or do usually arises from learning the norms of others. We have a natural interest in conforming to what others expect, since the rewards for compliance are almost always greater than the costs of being an outsider. Robert Cialdini notes that “we view a behavior as correct in a given situation to the degree that we see others performing it.”9

Whether we are deciding the appropriate topics of conversation in a restaurant, if we should laugh out loud in a movie theater, or if we should voice our opinion about a politician, we often take our cues from other people. As a rule, we will make fewer mistakes and take fewer risks by acting in accord with social evidence than by behaving contrary to it. Culturally speaking, when a lot of people are doing something, it is almost by definition the right thing to do. We use attitudes and behavior as confirmations of our membership in a community. They function as basic indicators of a person’s “place” in the collective.

Social learning is often defined in negative terms, as when parents stereotypi- cally worry about the ostensibly bad habits their children have picked up from their peers. But as Tina Rosenberg notes, the “social cure” of positive peer pressure may be the most effective route to moving people to better choices and behaviors. There may be no better route to persuasion than the immersion of an individual in a group with a commitment to the new attitude you want them to share.

Identification with a new peer group can change people’s behavior where strat- egies based on information or fear have failed. . . . The social cure is a natural solution to help people take care of their own health—to encourage them to accomplish the difficult tasks of avoiding risky sex; abstaining from cigarettes,

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alcohol, and drugs; losing weight; getting exercise and following doctors’ orders. But it also has been successfully applied to problems in fields as diverse as political change, university education, organized religion, criminal justice, poor-country economic development, and the art of war.10

The point is obvious but important. The inability to learn the scripts of daily interaction, or defiance against pressures to do so, usually results in ostracism or a life at the margins of basic social groups such as the family or community. Novel- ists and screenwriters give us heroes and protagonists who push back against what they perceive as the oppressive conformity of adaption. Narratives of innovators like Steve Jobs, Bill Gates, and Mark Zuckerberg often follow this thread.11 Char- acterizations of iconoclasts are appealing—perhaps because we can vicariously share their defiance of convention without having to pay the price of living a life outside the nurturing attachments of community.

In most Western cultures, the socialization process is complex and sometimes contradictory, as illustrated by the social and problematic dimensions of alcohol use. Alcohol is used to celebrate life’s various transitions and achievements, as a reward for a difficult day, or—in the case of many college students—a rite of pas- sage sanctioned by many of their peers. At the same time, our society spends mil- lions of dollars constructing very different messages warning about the costly social effects of alcohol. Drug and alcohol programs exist in virtually every corner of our organizational life. Universities, for example, have hired more and more people to help curb alcohol abuse, which in one study affected 31 percent of all undergradu- ate students.12

One of the most interesting approaches to the “culture of drinking” is to reso- cialize students by giving them statistical information on the actual attitudes and behaviors of other students. Called social norms marketing, the idea is to use ads and posters to reach students with actual statistical data suggesting that most of their peers are only moderate drinkers and that binge drinking is aberrant, unusual, and potentially offensive. These campaigns use data to persuade students that they have overestimated the extent to which similar others consume alcohol. Inviting a group to reconsider the benchmarks of others’ attitudes is basic to who we are.

Social learning is also increasingly relevant today as the best explanation for what is driving the “peer-to-peer” influence built into most forms of social media. The online process of “liking” a person, product, or company functions to publi- cize potentially persuasive associations. This simple act of affiliating oneself with another is perceived as more genuine than traditional advertising.

 Audiences: The Generative Forces of Persuasion The study of public persuasion would be unmanageable without the conve-

nient idea of the audience. We understand that persuasion is directed to someone and that its message must satisfy some of the needs or prior beliefs of specific indi- viduals or groups. We resemble actors on a stage, destined to repel or attract others as we negotiate the demands of interaction with others. Even an audience of one embodies the essential dramatic formulations: proscribed roles, scripts that must be followed, and expectations that must be met—and the fact that persuasion must be

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oriented to others. Our rhetoric reflects the dramatic similarities. We wonder if we “captured” their interest, if our “performance” was good enough, if we “acted” improperly, or perhaps if a whole “scene” degenerated into “farce.”

The Challenge of Finding Homogenous Audiences The idea of an audience can be problematic. One of the key assumptions is that

we can group individuals into a cohesive unit. We depend heavily on the idea of homogeneity—an expectation that individuals share some key attitudes and prefer- ences and demographic and lifestyle similarities (age, sex, income, region of resi- dence, interests, gay versus straight, and so on). Media outlets often “sell” their audiences to advertisers based on some of these features. And virtually every music, film, and television producer is convinced they know their “niche” or “market.” Even so, the concept of the audience rarely works as well in fact as it does in theory.

The biggest challenge is that audiences rarely turn out to be as uniform or homogeneous as we assume. As James Webster and Patricia Phalen note, “audi- ences are not naturally occurring ‘facts,’ but social creations. In that sense, they are what we make them.”13 Even the basic idea of a group of people who have volun- tarily come together in the same space at the same time has its complexities. The motives of those who self-select themselves into the same group can be surprisingly diverse. What are the common characteristics of a viewer of a YouTube video? Or what common personality or demographic features would likely be present in a group gathered in a university theater to hear a retired U.N. Secretary General? We might make some guesses. But an exact survey of demographic features would likely spill out beyond our generalizations. In the case of the campus speaker, many come to support a leader they admire; some come as skeptics. Others may have tagged along with a friend; and some are there because attendance is required for a specific course. In the case of YouTube, it would be a mistake to assume that its 2 billion hits a day are by demographically similar users.14

There are other historical and structural problems as well. The idea of the audience was born in a simpler period. Aristotle wrote his text, Rhetoric, with an eye on a few hundred citizens of a small city, meeting in the same place at the same time. Even American participatory democracy in the late 1700s was intended for a very restricted citizenry of white male landowners. Today, by contrast, audiences are sometimes defined in the millions, with wide demographic variations.

Structurally, the largest of our mass media—especially the commercial televi- sion networks—have made diverse audiences a fact of life. As Joshua Meyrowitz has pointed out, the electronic media now make it easy for individuals to “eaves- drop” on messages intended for others.15 The stratified world of television facili- tates eavesdropping on messages intended for a much narrower demographic. “Lifetime” television and the “Oprah Winfrey Network” are billed as media for women. But they exist only one click away from different television content on most cable systems. The result is that men consume them as well.

The permeability of media intended for specific groups means that we can iden- tify at least three distinct types of audiences: two that persuaders plan for and one that is sometimes beyond the ability of the persuader to control. Primary audiences are those that the advocate wishes to reach, such as an inoculation campaign to dis-

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courage adolescents from taking up smoking. Secondary audiences form an outer ring around the target audience, and the message may be relevant for this group as well. An antismoking advocate may welcome the attention of parents to a message designed for teens. Eavesdropping extends the reach of the message. The third type of audience is one that is, by definition, potentially more problematic for the advo- cate. An unintended audience is a group or community that may react negatively to the message and possibly undermine its effectiveness. Difficulties with unintended audiences arise typically when a message targeted to one group is reported via the mass media to a second group with different sensibilities or expectations.

The results may be humorous, as in the classic farce The Naked Gun (1988), where the bumbling inspector Frank Drebin concludes a speech to a large gathering and forgets to remove his wireless public address microphone before visiting the restroom. The resulting bathroom noises broadcast into the auditorium highlight an important point: electronic media make it less possible to isolate audiences from each other. The results of unintended audiences can also have negative, long-lasting effects. University graduates looking for work may be dismayed to discover that potential employers are using Facebook to research job candidates. One inter- viewer checked the Facebook entry of an applicant from Duke University. After seeing the photographs and summaries of sexual and drinking escapades, the inter- viewer was “shocked by the amount of stuff that she was willing to publicly dis- play.”16 The scheduled interview was cancelled. Just how public these sites are varies. However, the unintended audiences of social media can seriously under- mine an individual’s or an advertiser’s control of the message they want to deliver.17

Political campaigns illustrate how careful strategists have become in delivering “microtargeted” or “narrowcast” messages that stay below the radar of the news media or unintended audiences who would be offended. The analytics department of the Obama campaign in 2012 was five times larger than it had been in 2008, headed by an individual who had previously crunched huge data sets to maximize the efficiency of supermarket sales promotions. The department created a megafile that merged information from pollsters, fund-raisers, field workers, consumer data- bases, social-media and mobile contacts, and voter files. The metric-driven campaign helped raise $1 billion by creating detailed models of voters that could be used to increase the effectiveness of everything from phone calls and door knocks to direct mailings, targeted TV ads, and the use of social media. The campaign used Face- book to help get out the vote. People who had downloaded an app were sent mes- sages with pictures of their friends in swing states. They could click a button to urge those targeted voters to action—whether registering to vote, voting early, or going to the voting booth. About 20 percent of people contacted by a Facebook friend acted on the request, largely because the message came from someone they knew.18

Most social media are not exclusive to their intended receivers. Ours is an age where individuals expect that they will be able to “eavesdrop” without difficulty on digital messages that straddle the line between “public” and “private.”

Is There a Common Center? As citizens in a large and diverse nation, we can experience growing doubts

about the beliefs and values that we actually have in common. This can be an out-

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growth of the American faith in individualism and our inherent suspicion of orga- nizations, governments, and social movements. In contrast to our rhetorical tradition embracing the idea of inclusion (i.e.: “All men are created equal . . .”), modern life has fostered a greater consciousness of racial, gender, lifestyle, and class distinctions. These sensitivities have been productive in furthering the legiti- mate civil rights objectives of many communities. But one of the prices we have paid for these advances is a fraying of our faith in the idea of a true national com- munity. Beyond our love of shopping malls and mass market films and television, do we share something deeper, something approaching a common civic culture?19

Are there universal values and ideals that define our national life? Some social the- orists have noted that we are less a “melting pot” that dissolves our differences than a culture that more or less accommodates them.20 If that is the case, the idea of an audience of members more or less sharing the same values and priorities may be partly an illusion.

Even with all of these reservations, it is hard to think about persuasion very long without making estimates about how a given group exposed to the same mes- sage will respond. The idea of audiences with shared attitudes is a necessary tool in the process of designing and measuring the effectiveness of appeals. But it is clear that persuaders must be cautious about making simple or glib judgments about the features that audiences allegedly have in common.

 The Audience Analysis Process Experienced persuaders usually “try out” their messages prior to the actual

presentation. This auditioning may be informal, such as when we attempt to gauge the probable reactions that friends may have to a statement prior to actually expressing it. Or it may be formal, as in the elaborate and expensive survey research and audience analysis studies that are commissioned by broadcasters, Internet portals, content providers, and especially advertisers. At either end of the spectrum the goals are generally the same: to identify the personal and demo- graphic characteristics of audiences, so that content can match their needs and interests. The benchmark for most advertisers, for example, is framed in terms of “cost per thousand ” (CPM ): how much money you have to spend to purchase space or time in a given television program or other media outlet to reach one thousand people in your target audience. If the target is women 16 to 25 in the United States, Cosmopolitan is going to be a much better “buy” than an ad in Sports Illustrated. If you are trying to sell pain relief products to seniors, CBS’s 60 Minutes will offer a lower CPM than The Daily Show.

Traditional methods of testing messages and attitudes include phone inter- views, Internet questionnaires, focus groups, and dial groups. Focus groups are a small sample of a target audience (10 to 15 people) gathered together in one place to react to some form of persuasion. Various marketing, media, and testing organi- zations have refined this auditioning process into even more refined dial groups. ASI Entertainment, for example, operates market research facilities in North Hol- lywood designed to test audience responses to everything from television shows to screen tests for game show hosts. In a dial group test, a wide range of people are

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given free tickets to screenings. The participants begin their roles as audience mem- bers by completing questionnaires about their television-viewing and product-pur- chasing habits. They are then seated in the comfortable theater where each chair contains a “ViewTrac” control knob that can be turned to settings reflecting their opinions about the action unfolding on the screen in front of them (very good, good, normal, dull, and very dull). These controls are connected to a computer that provides a “real time” graph of the audience’s collective reaction to whatever is on the screen. A pilot for a new television series “tests well” if the collective response of the group is generally higher than the norm. Or, as is often the case, separate lines may indicate that men like what they are seeing more than women. And in many cases, the producers of the show may learn that one character does not work well in the medium. Everyone from actors to politicians will be looking for new jobs if the audience regularly turns the dial toward the negative zones in reaction to their on-screen appearances.21

The Principle of Identification Not all communicators are persuaders, because some communication is not

intended to win over audiences. For example, some writers and musicians may work to please only themselves or to achieve a private aesthetic goal. In such cases, self-expression may be its own reward. Even though most art is rhetorical (that is, those who produce it actively court receptive audiences), it is plausible that a cre- ator of some form of art might say “I like it, and that is all that’s important.” Per- suaders, however, must always go further; they must construct messages that narrow the gap between their attitudes and those of their audiences. In ways not demanded of other manipulators of words and images, they must reconcile their differences with those they seek to influence. Identification is the primary tool for achieving this goal.

The principle of identification may be the most universal of all the elements of communication. Imagine a film, television drama, or novel where the story deliber- ately denied our psychological alignment with any character—chances are good that we would lose any interest in what happens next. We seek “connections” with others and “resonance” with their ideas or experiences. Music would lose one of its most appealing aspects if it did not transport us back to a particular time or place with which we identify.

Reaching an audience is rooted in an advocate’s ability to understand the col- lective beliefs of the members of the audience: what they like and dislike, what they take for granted, and what they are likely to challenge. St. Augustine noted that a person is persuaded if he “embraces what you commend, regrets whatever you build up as regrettable, rejoices at what you say is cause for rejoicing”—in short, when the person thinks as you do.22 Persuasion may be described as a process that uses the familiar to gain acceptance for the unfamiliar.

These opportunities for identification are enormously important and more var- ied than one might first suppose.23 In our casual usage of the term, we often observe that identification is the product of various forms of similarity, for instance: ideological (“I agree”), demographic (“We are both men”), or shared circumstances (“Both of us grew up in Colorado”). What more intensive study reveals, however,

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is our remarkable capacity to extend our empathy to people and situations even when there seem to be no obvious analogies. Given the inclination to do so, we are surprisingly adept at “standing in another person’s shoes.”

We can establish identification on many different levels. Our manner of dress and style of delivery can communicate physical similarity, while the expressions and examples we use can reassure an audience that we share similar experiences. This method can be seen in the seminal work of Tony Schwartz, who became a legend in the history of radio and television commercials. Schwartz believed that the most effective persuasion triggers beliefs and feelings that already exist within a person. Effective advocacy depends as much on calling forth what individuals already believe or “know” as on advancing new ideas. Schwartz notes that an audience is the persuader’s “workforce.” A persuader, “must deeply understand the kinds of infor- mation and experiences stored in his audience, the patterning of this information, and the interactive . . . process whereby stimuli evoke this stored information.”24

Identification is the sharing of this common “information”; it is achieved when lis- teners and readers sense that what is being said expresses their own attitudes.

Universal Commonplaces Identification flows from a sense that advocate and audience share the same

cultural beliefs. Known as commonplaces, these beliefs represent the core thoughts and ways of thinking that characterize a particular society. According to the French social theorist Jacques Ellul, a commonplace “serves everyone as a touchstone, an instrument of recognition. It is rarely quoted, but it is constantly present; it is behind thought and speech; it is behind conversation. It is the common standard that enables people to understand one another.”25

The earliest compilers of commonplaces were the early Greek and Roman rhet- oricians, notably Aristotle and Cicero.26 Both identified habitual patterns of thought common to particular segments of their societies. But anthropologists, sociologists, and communications analysts have used commonplaces through the ages to map the ideological landscape of a tribe, nation, or culture. In 1935 researchers Robert and Helen Lynd studied a city (Muncie, Indiana) dubbed “Middletown” with an interest in discovering the attitudes held in common by large sections of the commu- nity. They catalogued the essential commonplaces of the city—“the things that one does and feels and says so naturally that mentioning them in Middletown implies an ‘of course.’ ”27 A sampling from their list of attitudes on the general subject of “the proper roles for government” illustrates that many could be expressed today.

• The government should leave things to private initiative.

• The American democratic form of government is the final and ideal form of government.

• The Constitution should not be fundamentally changed.

• Americans are the freest people in the world.28

The Pew Research Center looks for generational, political, and demographic differences.29 However, they often find more similarities than differences. Social scientists like Alan Wolfe regularly focus on broad trends in American attitudes.

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Wolfe’s widely cited 1998 study entitled One Nation, After All identified a number of areas of general agreement. He surveyed eight middle-class suburbs around the nation. The statements for which he found substantial agreement, some of which appear below, are probably universal to the culture as a whole.

• The problems of America’s inner cities are largely due to people’s lack of personal responsibility for their own problems.

• Even though it has its problems, the United States is still the best place in the world to live.

• People who do not speak English well should (not) be taught in the schools in their native language.

• It has become much harder to raise children in our society.

• There are many different religious truths, and we ought to be tolerant of all of them.30

Not every individual would accept all of these commonplaces, nor do they always remain unchanged from generation to generation.31 They are universal in the sense that they reflect mainstream public opinion at a specific time and in a specific society. We can isolate them as the building blocks of persuasion because they are readily accepted by so many within a culture. Locating the right common- places is vital in initiating a sequence of persuasive appeals that can move an audi- ence toward agreement.

Thus, when the woman who first organized the new Consumer Finance Pro- tection Bureau spoke at a meeting of the United States Chamber of Commerce, she expected that they would oppose many of her initiatives to regulate the banking industry. But Elizabeth Warren reached for a commonplace that they could all endorse: “I do not consider myself in hostile territory right now because I believe we share a point of principle.” Then came the commonplace: “Competitive mar- kets are good for consumers and for businesses.” She rightly assumed her audience would find no quarrel with that statement, using it to make her ultimate point that markets don’t work well “unless there are some well-enforced rules.”32

Virtually every presidential address is a reservoir of commonplaces. Presidents must find common ground with as many Americans as possible. Consider the com- monplace of regard for individual initiative as expressed by three recent presidents. In his 1992 address, Bill Clinton noted:

It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing from our government or from each other. Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families, but for our communities and our country.33

George W. Bush repeated the theme in 2001:

America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.34

And Barack Obama’s 2012 address continued to emphasize personal responsibility.

Our celebration of initiative and enterprise, our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.35

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All three statements express the same core value as a cultural commonplace. Precisely because these statements are unremarkable, they provide useful paths to persuasion. Getting someone to agree with you is not usually about confronting them with foreign or new ideas. It is about finding pathways to agreement, then using these pathways to leverage change on related ideas that the persuader wants to foster.

Audience-Specific Norms There is a second level of beliefs that work as commonplaces. Audience-specific

norms differ from universal commonplaces by appealing to groups or communities within a society, but not necessarily to all. Earlier we discussed the potency of the group in shaping its members’ attitudes. Aristotle understood audience-specific norms as a key process in persuading others. He devoted many pages of his study of persuasion to a distinction pollsters continue to explore: the different beliefs that divide the young from the old.36 The Pew Research Center recently concluded that “millennials” (people born after 1980) generally have different norms about mar- riage and parenthood than do their parents or grandparents. Among younger Americans there is greater tolerance for a range of domestic relationships, includ- ing couples who live together prior to marriage, interracial couples, and gay Amer- icans who want to adopt a child.37 There are fewer rules to stigmatize or isolate nontraditional couples and families. Progressive idealists spoke about such toler- ance in the last century; in this century, younger Americans tend to live it.

Identifying common attitudes held by particular demographic groups remains useful. But norms are perhaps even more widely considered by contemporary advocates who place more emphasis on a person’s “membership” in real or virtual communities of people with shared interests or concerns. Subjects such as legal abortion, the death penalty, and gay marriage are so crucial to many individuals that they can be fairly described as identity issues: positions that we see as signifi- cantly defining who we are. But well beyond this high-intensity inner ring are layers of other rings of attitudes that define some sense of alliance with others.

American society consists of thousands of organizations and coalitions, some formal and some informal, others intensely personal, religious, or political. These groups are defined by their shared attitudes, some of which place supporters in the mainstream of public opinion or in a minority with others content to be defined as thinking differently. When we are swimming against the tide of public opinion on deeply held beliefs, we learn how important group norms can be. Pew’s research about current attitudes about the American Civil War, for example, found Ameri- cans deeply divided about why the war was fought and whether it is okay for leaders today to praise confederate leaders or display the Confederate flag. Skin color, region of the country, and education all play a role in predicting how an individual will react to such communication and actions. Not surprisingly, white Southerners are most positive in interpreting the war and its leaders. Northern African Ameri- cans, followed by northern whites, are less positive about these symbols of identity.38

We could describe many other attitudes linked with specific organizations: Handgun Control Incorporated (“Handguns are too abundant in the United States”), the National Rifle Association (“The Second Amendment protects the private ownership of firearms”), People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals

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(“Animals have rights that should not be ignored”), or Planned Parenthood (“Get Involved”).39 Being a supporter of a group or organization can become a badge of honor and a way to construct our own identity. “Make Love, Not War,” “Save the Whales” and “Jesus Saves” may be old bumper stickers, but they and others like them are also emblematic norms that suggest our willingness to display our mem- bership in a community of shared values. Norms that are accepted by others confer legitimacy on groups, even while sometimes creating tensions in the larger society.

Research has identified two types of norms. Descriptive norms account for a group’s attitudes or behavior, while the things a group approves of or disapproves of are covered by injunctive norms. Robert Cialdini and his researchers discovered that injunctive norms can be especially effective in controlling out-of-norm behav- ior in public places. They studied the rate of thefts of small pieces of petrified wood in Arizona’s Petrified Forest National Park, finding that signs around the park tak- ing the injunctive form, “Please don’t remove petrified wood from the park” were more effective than signs with the descriptive norm, “Many past visitors have removed the petrified wood from the park, changing the state of the Petrified For- est.” The latter signs seemed to actually encourage theft, probably by norming the problem—theft—that they sought to change. The unintended implication in the sign is that “everybody does it.” The more direct injunction had the advantage of implying that there are limits to what others “like us” will accept or not accept.40

Using the same logic, public television and radio fund-raisers should avoid stating that very few listeners or viewers contribute. Staffers at a local affiliate in Philadelphia sometimes note “only 1 in 10 users actually contribute.” Such state- ments are “norming” what they intend to communicate as a significant problem. We suspect they would be better off using the injunctive form that talks about the friends and neighbors “like you” who contribute.

There are generally two ways to locate audience norms. One is to consider the demographics of a group to arrive at reasoned inferences about what they currently believe. Certain attributes such as age, occupation, and religious affiliation can sometimes be used to predict attitudes. The second method is to test for attitudes by doing surveys of samples of an audience. Dial groups discussed above represent these efforts. Our focus here is on various forms of inference-making.

Although it is always risky, some audience norms can be inferred from certain traditional demographic measures such as age, sex, income level, education, geo- graphic location, and membership in formal associations. Variations within any group can be broad, but some groups show greater similarities than differences in at least some key attitudes. Radio stations and their advertisers, for example, gener- ally find that preferences for musical formats correlate with particular kinds of lis- teners (teens, older adults, suburban adults, young urban men, and so on).41

Similarly, cable and television networks and commercial websites attempt to show prospective advertisers that their programs reach commercially lucrative segments of the population, such as adult women who make a high percentage of all house- hold purchases.

Inference making involves using known facts to arrive at conclusions about probable beliefs. Although such inferences are inexact, it is advantageous to make estimations about the attitudes of people based on what is known about their per-

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sonal and social situations. Audiences with heavy concentrations of farmers need to be addressed differently than audiences of small business owners, retirees, union members, or college seniors. Persuaders addressing these groups essentially work backwards from general traits to conclusions about probable attitudes and values a group could be expected to endorse or condemn. For example, we would perhaps judge union members to share more norms with the Democratic Party than the Republican Party, favor governmental activism in the areas of health care and a higher federal minimum wage, and exhibit suspicions about the motives of large corporate employers. Of course, one might be close to the mark for the group as a whole but probably wrong about some norms for any single individual. Such is the uncertain nature of inference making about anyone’s beliefs: the law of averages means we can project tendencies in groups better than for any single individual.

Jury selection in trials remains one of the most interesting forms of inference making about audiences. In criminal proceedings lawyers and judges have the right to query and reject prospective jurors. In the age of high stakes “mega-trials,” the attempts by defense attorneys to seat twelve sympathetic individuals on the jury

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have become highly strategic. Television’s “Dr Phil,” for example, had an earlier career as a “litigation consultant” where, among other things, his Courtroom Sci- ences Incorporated helped Oprah Winfrey overcome a lawsuit brought by the American cattle industry as a result of her disparaging remarks about beef on her popular talk show that cattlemen claimed caused beef prices to fall.42 Similarly, jury consultants played significant roles in the trials of Martha Stewart, Enron’s Jeffrey Skilling, and Casey Anthony (the young mother who was acquitted in 2011 of mur- dering her child).43 In was is now considered a benchmark case on the art of jury selection, lawyers defending O. J. Simpson against charges of murdering his ex-wife and her friend looked for male jurors rather than women, older rather than younger jurors, African Americans, and “football buffs rather than football widows.”44 The common thread was a clear—if simplistic—notion of finding norms that could becomes bases of identification.

 Advocates, Messages, and Audiences For the moment it is useful to reduce persuasion to its three essential variables.

For persuasion to occur, there must be an advocate (someone or some group with a viewpoint to express), a message (the point of view the advocate wants listeners to accept), and an audience (listeners, viewers, or readers). Removal of any variable makes communication impossible. Our three-sided model of this process presented in figure 7.1 is based on the work of researchers attempting to look at how people maintain and change their attitudes.

Imagine that for any persuasive setting it is reasonable to estimate relationships between the three variables as positive (+) or negative (–). A positive sign indicates approval, a negative sign indicates disapproval. The model predicts resistance or agreement on the critical variables of acceptance of the advocate and acceptance of the message. Its six different configurations essentially show the possibilities that can flow from two key questions about any persuasive encounter: Does the audience like the advocate? Does the audience share the advocate’s point of view? Taken together, the model’s different scenarios offer some revealing conclusions about what may need to happen in an individual setting to alter an audience’s attitudes.

For example, the most difficult form of persuasion is diagrammed in the last scenario. The audience has negative feelings toward the persuader as well as his or her ideas—a fairly common circumstance in our current political environment. Before exploring this difficult circumstance and other possible combinations, we’ll start with the baseline precondition: the only relationship that should be (scenario 1), but is not always (scenario 2), constant is the advocate’s positive faith in the rightness of the ideas presented.

Believing in Our Words Although what an audience thinks about a topic may range from approval to

disapproval, the audience rightly assumes that expressions of support for an idea are sincere. We expect advocates to believe what they say; the advocate’s conviction is the default expectation for person-based persuasion, represented by the “plus” between the message and the source. Assuming no coercion, people are not likely

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to argue for what they do not believe. If we learn the reverse—that a persuader sup- ports a position he or she does not accept—we may feel used. Bad faith communi- cation is diagrammed in the second scenario, where the minus sign indicates that a speaker is saying one thing but believing another.

To be sure, there are times when people are required to “front” for someone else’s viewpoints. Fronting typically happens when individuals must represent the views of organizations to which they are attached, but with which they privately disagree. Many people face the challenge of loyalty (or continued employment) over honesty, either as retail or service workers or in defenses we feel obligated to make on behalf of family and friends. Beyond a limited range of professional and personal loyalties, we will assume that individuals will be authentic in their expressed support for an idea—that what a person professes is what they actually believe. To assume otherwise makes communication an endless chain of funhouse mirrors, where integrity and honesty are lost. Advocate conviction thus represents a widespread social presumption of personal authenticity. Bad faith represents the darker problem of performing advocacy without any conviction.

Audience

Advocate Message

Audience

Advocate Message

Audience

Advocate Message

Audience

Advocate Message

Audience

Advocate Message

Audience

Advocate Message

– +

+ +

+

+

+–

+ +

–––+

6 low credibility/ low agreement

5 low credibility/

high agreement

4 high credibility/ low agreement

3 high credibility/ high agreement

2 bad faith

1 advocate’s conviction

Figure 7.3 Modeling Persuasion Challenges and Opportunities

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High Credibility/High Agreement Persuasion The ideal communication environment is one in which the audience is positive

about both the message and its presenter (the third scenario)—enthusiastic support- ers gather to hear a popular leader recite esteemed beliefs. Democratic Party cam- paign speeches given to Democratic audiences and Mormon sermons given to Mormon congregations are two examples of “preaching to the converted.” Audi- ences attentive to a candidate appearing on television or face-to-face are heavily populated by people who already appreciate the source and the message.45 Basic persuasion research suggests that “people pay attention primarily to content that already interests them and that is congenial to their point of view.”46 High credibil- ity/high agreement persuasion may seem unnecessary, since the advocate and audi- ence agree. It is, however, a mistake to overlook the need for “reinforcing” communication. Rhetoric that fits in with an existing attitude is extremely satisfy- ing; it fulfills our need for membership in communities and it involves practically no risk. It is obviously more rewarding and less threatening than the reverse, which would involve facing an audience whose members have doubts about us and our message. Such reinforcement may seem empty and ritualistic, but organizations and movements must periodically remind believers of the tenets basic to their faith. Speeches, websites, and rallies prolong the enthusiasm of members who need occa- sional psychological renewal.47

Persuasion for reinforcement sometimes also benefits from mass media expo- sure, which allows it to reach secondary audiences who are not so unified. In some instances, a message that seems to be intended for people who are already true believers may actually be designed to use the enthusiasm of those believers to infect a larger and previously indifferent mass media audience. The primary audience’s support becomes part of the persuasive message, generating the kind of enthusiasm that may impress those witnessing the event secondhand. This explains the laugh tracks or “sweetening” of the audio of situation-comedies. Lest we forget that we should be having a good time, the laugh track is there to remind us that others find the material hilarious. Political conventions similarly exploit this dual audience arrangement. They know that potential voters watching on television may be influ- enced by the zeal on the convention floor. The familiar sight of a presidential can- didate addressing like-minded party members who can barely contain their excitement is intended to draw us in. The activity of the supporters is a perfect backdrop against which to address the undecided 5 or 6 percent who could make the difference between electoral success and failure.

High Credibility/Low Agreement Persuasion High credibility/low agreement persuasion (the fourth scenario) occurs when an

advocate has earned the goodwill of the audience but tests their sympathy by argu- ing the merits of an unpopular idea. Political leaders often test the patience of their most ardent supporters by advocating ideas many of them may not like.

In 2006, for example, former President Jimmy Carter disappointed some admirers with a new book that accused the Israelis of inhumane practices in their occupation of Palestine. Palestine Peace Not Apartheid triggered resignations from the

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board of directors of the Carter Center and accusations that Nobel Peace Prize winner Carter was anti-Semitic. But even unlikely audiences like students and fac- ulty at Brandeis University gave the president a respectful hearing.48 Likewise, many African American clergy—traditional supporters of Barack Obama—took issue with his announced support for gay marriage in 2012.49

Two very different approaches seem well suited to the high credibility/low agreement setting. One is to intensify audience identification with the favorable public image of the advocate (“If such a terrific person believes this, maybe my own view is wrong”). With this approach, more time is spent focusing on the advocate’s acceptance with an audience. Most celebrity endorsements of products function this way. In advertisements very little is said about the product itself; the emphasis is on its association with a person we admire. A second strategy—and one that has greater merit—is to make the best case possible in defense of the idea to which the audience is indifferent or hostile. The advocate’s reputation is sufficient to guaran- tee that an audience will listen to a reasoned presentation making a convincing case for a problematic issue.

Low Credibility/High Agreement Persuasion The situation represented in the fifth scenario is the exact reverse of the one

discussed above arrangement. Unlike the well-liked persuader outlining what an audience does not want to hear, the audience in low credibility/high agreement per- suasion fundamentally agrees with the ideas being expressed but has low regard for the advocate.

A persuader might analyze this situation and conclude, “Why bother? I’m con- tent to do nothing if the audience already agrees with me.” This is a reasonable con- cern based on the idea of the boomerang effect. The association of a popular idea with an unpopular advocate could possibly sour some of the audience on the idea.

But an advocate with effective presentation skills can find at least one major reason for using low credibility/high agreement persuasion: the opportunity to increase personal credibility. By exploiting the audience’s agreement on an issue, he or she may be able to reverse some negative feelings. Like the chameleon that blends in with the colors of a landscape, the advocate may gain protection against an audience’s hostility by carefully cultivating shared ideas as a vindication of his or her own suspect character. Ideas serve as membership cards to groups that would otherwise reject the low credibility speaker.

Undoubtedly, one of the most difficult speeches President Bill Clinton ever gave was a 1993 Memorial Day address at Washington’s Vietnam Veterans Memo- rial. To many of the veterans and military leaders who had gathered, Clinton did not have the required credentials to be a Veterans Day speaker. His reputation as a “draft dodger” had endured beyond the bitter 1992 campaign. Like many other college students of his day, he avoided service in Vietnam and protested against the continuance of the war. When he began to speak, he was greeted with both applause and boos, but he persisted with ideas that resonated with his audience. He was eloquent in identifying common ground and in making a plea to put the nega- tive feelings generated by Vietnam in the past.

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Let us continue to disagree, if we must, about the war, but let us not let it divide us as a people any longer. No one has come here today to disagree about the heroism of those whom we honor, but the only way we can really honor their memory is to resolve to live and serve today and tomorrow as best we can . . . Surely that is what we owe to all those whose names are etched in this beautiful memorial.50

The primary strategy of a persuader confronting audience perceptions of low credibility is to identify shared values, experiences, and ideas—commonplaces that can function as bridges between a suspicious audience and the persuader. The goal in this setting is less to change attitudes about ideas than to change attitudes about the advocate. Common belief in the message’s idea is the potential agent for creat- ing more goodwill toward the speaker. We are reminded that some people like the Dixie Chicks, Bruce Springsteen,51 or the French are liked in the United States more for their art than their politics. In the long run the cultural products they pro- duce can soften perceptions of who they truly are.

Low Credibility/Low Agreement Persuasion We return now to the persuasive situation that carries the heaviest burdens—

but is also the most interesting to study (especially if someone other than ourselves are confronting the difficult situation). Low credibility/low agreement is the situation in which the audience is hostile to both the persuader and his or her ideas. The two minuses signify two large obstacles to overcome. Not unexpectedly, most people do not tackle such an arrangement joyfully. Indeed, more than a few students have suggested that a persuader should come to this setting only with bodyguards and a familiarity with possible escape routes! Such settings are usually less ominous.

Over the years, Harvard University’s various schools have invited a number of unpopular speakers to appear. When Norman Finkelstein spoke at the Law School in 2005, few in the crowd were sympathetic to him or his views. Finkelstein is a critic of Israel and what he describes as the “holocaust industry,” resulting in what a reporter from The Crimson chronicled as a meeting filled with constant “shout- ing” and “vocal harassment.” “Many onlookers at the speech repeatedly disrupted the lecture, heckling, shouting rebuttals, and holding fluorescent posters protesting Finkelstein’s stated views.”52

Nearly a year later former Iranian President Mohammad Khatami was invited to address the school’s Institute of Politics on the eve of the fifth anniversary of the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. The date was a coincidence. And even though Iran’s government was not directly implicated in the attacks, then Governor Mitt Romney condemned the visit of a “terrorist” and noted that the state would provide no police protection for his visit. About 200 demonstrators gathered out- side the Kennedy School of Government chanting “Shame on Harvard,” but the audience inside listened politely and then asked a range of questions about human rights in Iran and other issues.

Like most speakers facing a hostile audience, the reform-minded Iranian presi- dent was able to find common ground with many in the audience, eventually win- ning grudging acceptance. Noted one Harvard student, he was “more evenhanded” than she expected.53 Khatami condemned Osama bin Laden and violence directed

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against any group. He also condemned his successor’s oft-quoted wish that Israel be “wiped off the map.” He attempted to find norms shared by the group. Listed below are some of his credibility-establishing statements.

• I stand before you to once again express my deepest sympathy with the fam- ilies of the victims [of Sept. 11] and with all the great American people.

• One cannot, and ought not, be engaged in violence in the name of any reli- gions. Just as one cannot and ought not turn the world into one’s military camp in the name of human rights and democracy.

• The East ought to choose democracy as the most fitting method of collective life and progress.54

Sometimes a great idea is worth the uphill battle of facing doubting audiences. As we noted in chapter 1, suffragists like Carrie Chapman Catt knew that winning the vote for women would mean persuading hostile groups: 480 campaigns target- ing mostly men to get legislatures to submit amendments to voters, 277 campaigns to get states to write women’s suffrage planks, and many more efforts to influence the political parties and other groups.55 This type of persuasion requires a commit- ted, hardy, and resolute advocate. The challenge of overcoming both low agreement and low credibility is daunting. Both tasks must be undertaken simultaneously. It is essential to find commonplaces or norms that can be initial stepping stones to agreement and to build credibility—perhaps by invoking key similarities—thus soft- ening the opposition to both the message and the persuader.

 Summary: The Ethics of Adaptation The central theme of this chapter has been that successful persuasion must be

measured against the necessity to adapt to specific audiences. We naturally access our strengths and weaknesses in relation to those we want to influence. Sometimes our strengths lie in who we are; in many instances, they reside in the specific ideas we advocate. In either case, we assume persuaders will maximize their leverage over an audience by finding common ground—their ethos, commonplaces, and group-spe- cific norms—to establish effective connections. This is the primary dynamic of adap- tive persuasion. There are few other communication skills that matter as much as the ability to link one’s own persuasive message to relevant audience beliefs or values.

Built into this theme is what many consider the troubling question of when adaptation goes too far. Plato called excessive attention to audience beliefs “pander- ing,” and claimed that it was a common if unfortunate feature of persuasion as taught by most of his peers. He worried that the presence of the audience and its cherished norms put enormous burdens on a persuader to ignore the truth and their better instincts.56 Anybody who has witnessed someone reject long-held beliefs to win someone else’s approval can understand what Plato feared.

This simple but common complaint sometimes conceals a false dilemma. The idea of pandering requires accepting the supposition that communication in its most basic sense is not naturally audience based—that when we are alone with our thoughts, we are somehow truer to our authentic selves. In truth, the reactions of others not only do matter, they should matter, functioning as essential reference

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points in our quests to prosper within groups and communities. Social learning is not just an adaptive strategy but a learning and survival strategy as well. The admonishment to “not to worry about what others think” sounds romantic and perhaps heroic, but it denies the essential sociality of human communication. We cited George Herbert Mead at the beginning of the chapter as a reminder that—to a large extent—we are defined by our interactions with others. We cannot escape the influences and judgments of individuals within our orbit.

There may be times when we praise the idea of acting and speaking without compromising with the feelings of others. Luckily, we have melodramas, rappers, and film stars who can act as surrogates for our fantasies of living as defiant “out- siders.” But the truth is, few of us really want to give up the comfortable immersion that a communal world of friends, families, and communities provides. Surely an ethical line is crossed when adaptation extends beyond the natural process of medi- ation and reaches into the denial of core values or beliefs. The bad-faith persuader who deliberately ignores beliefs for the sake of performance has violated the acceptable threshold of accommodation. It is reasonable and shrewd to determine and to exploit audience values that also support deeply held personal beliefs, but it is unethical to sacrifice personal feelings simply for the sake of winning over others.

In the end, persuasion is an ongoing dialogue with an audience. Outwardly it appears as if the audience is asked to do most of the “giving.” The persuader’s intention to transform the attitudes or behaviors of a group of people implicitly says, “Give me both your attention and the benefit of your agreement.” But if the audience is—as this chapter suggests—truly the generative source of a message’s ideas, then the competent persuader entering into this process is complimenting the audience. Anyone who seeks change from a group of people by giving their beliefs serious consideration can hardly be accused of pandering.

 QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 1. Look for commonplaces within an article in a mass-market magazine or its

online equivalent. Locate more specialized group norms in a media outlet with a narrower audience such as Maxim or Ms. Describe how some of these elements function as appeals to the audience.

2. Using the online resource, Nielsen Wire (http://blog.nielsen.com/nielsenwire/), identify some current audience analysis trends in media use. Consider some of the findings in terms of the chapter’s discussion of the challenges of thinking about modern audiences.

3. In spite of the fact that we believe that we are responsible for our own commit- ments, a theme in this chapter is that we acquire most of our attitudes through our associations with others. What authorities or associations can you identify that have influenced your beliefs and attitudes?

4. At one point in the chapter, the authors note that an ethical presumption that goes with all forms of persuasion is that persuaders should believe in what they want others to accept. To do otherwise is “bad faith.” Publicly representing an organization’s position about which one has doubts is also called “fronting.” Cite an instance of “fronting” that involved you, or cite some situations where

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fronting is common and perhaps necessary. Do any of these situations suggest that fronting may be ethical?

5. Using recent news items, interviews, blogs, or personal experiences, illustrate what is meant by the following terms used in the last two chapters:

• Boomerang Effect

• High Credibility/Low Agreement Persuasion

• Using commonplaces to find common ground

• Identity Issues

• Norming the Problem

6. View Bill Clinton’s short address to vets at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial (YouTube: “President Clinton at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Wall” http:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=qr-_Oi_qHYI). Identify commonplaces used to try to win over this hostile audience.

7. Pick an issue or position on which you hold strong views. Given your position on the particular question chosen (i.e., defending a politician, a controversial policy, or group), identify an organization that would hold contrary or different attitudes. Imagine that you were invited by this organization to explain your convictions online or face to face. After giving your “invitation” some thought. Describe the norms you think the hypothetical audience holds and how you would “build bridges” to increase their support or understanding of your point of view.

8. We have noted that peer pressure (social proof) is a significant form of influence. Using your own experiences or an example with which you are familiar, illus- trate Tina Rosenberg’s idea of the “social cure” at work. Where have others clearly been persuaded by a strong group norm that affected the thinking of a new member of the group?

 ADDITIONAL READING Robert Cialdini, Influence: Science and Practice, 5th ed. (New York: Longman, 2009). Robert Cialdini, Linda Demaine, Brad Sagarin, Daniel Barrett, Kelton Rhoads, and Patricia

Winter, “Managing Social Norms for Persuasive Impact,” Social Influence, March, 2006, 3–15.

James Hay, Lawrence Grossberg, and Ellen Wartella (Eds.), The Audience and Its Landscape (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996).

Charles Kiesler, Barry E. Collins, and Norman Miller, Attitude Change: A Critical Analysis of Theoretical Approaches (New York: John Wiley, 1968).

William McGuire, “Attitudes and Attitude Change,” in Gardner Lindzey and Elliot Aron- son (Eds.), Handbook of Social Psychology, Vol. II, 3rd ed. (New York: Random House, 1985), pp. 233–346.

Tina Rosenberg, Join the Crowd: How Peer Pressure Can Transform the World (New York: Nor- ton, 2011).

Tony Schwartz, The Responsive Chord (New York: Anchor, 1974). Gary Woodward, The Idea of Identification (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003).

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PART III

The Contexts of Persuasion

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8

Interpersonal Persuasion

OVERVIEW

 Dimensions of Interpersonal Communication

 Variables of Interpersonal Persuasion Verbal Characteristics Nonverbal Characteristics Power and Control Compliance-Seeking Messages Conflict Gender Differences Culture and Diversity Leadership

 Contexts of Interpersonal Persuasion Organizations Sales Interviews

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While we may be born communicators, we are not born with effec- tive interpersonal skills—those we need to learn. Nor are effective skills static; the same techniques may not work for all people in all situations. The culture of each person, his or her gender, the environ- ment, and the individual’s goals will determine how that person approaches and processes interpersonal communication.1

—Teri Gamble and Michael Gamble

We experience the process of persuasion in a wide variety of contexts ranging from sitting alone thinking to talking with a friend to participating in a mass dem- onstration. The three basic levels of persuasion are: intrapersonal, interpersonal, and public. Although the essential processes of persuasion are alike for each level, there are noticeable differences in appeals, strategies, and tactics. Intrapersonal per- suasion is communication with oneself; it provides cues for interpreting sensations, personal identity, and motives for our behavior. Interpersonal persuasion, the topic of this chapter, focuses on face-to-face interaction with others. We address public persuasion in the next chapter.

Much of our face-to-face interaction—whether among family, friends, or strangers—is purposeful and persuasive. It may be as simple as requesting someone to bring you a book, as important as asking someone to hire you, or as emotional as asking someone to marry you. Within the interpersonal context, persuasive efforts may be characterized as:

1. Dynamic—participants send and receive signals continually and simultane- ously; the situation is not static.

2. Interactive—participants influence each other; they are interdependent. Each person is constantly aware of the other and assumes the roles of both sender and receiver, which involves continual adaptation and adjustment.

3. Proactive—involves the total person. Beliefs, attitudes, values, social back- ground, and previous transactions all influence the nature of the interaction.

4. Contextual—environmental and situational factors influence the interaction.

5. Intense—content of the interactions are most often personal, intimate, and revealing, thus producing the risks of rejection, withdrawal, exposure, and even weakness.

After reviewing in greater detail the elements of persuasion that are directly related to interpersonal interactions, we will focus on the specialized contexts of organizations, interviews, and sales. The persuasive potential of interpersonal per- suasion is particularly apparent in these three areas.

The various theories, strategies, and tactics of persuasion are applicable to any level or context of human communication. They may differ, however, in terms of degree and effectiveness. The forms of dyadic (two-person) communica-

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tion range from the most social (intimate), to the most formal (interview), to the most stressful (interrogation). Within these areas, persuasive strategies and tactics may range from the subtle to the overt, the rational to the psychological, and the verbal to the nonverbal.

Interpersonal persuasion is challenging and complex. Timothy Mottet and col- leagues define interpersonal communication as “a transactional process that occurs when two people use verbal and nonverbal messages to create understanding and to influence each other to manage the relationship.”2 Thus, the act of persuasion and influence is at the core of interpersonal communication.

 Dimensions of Interpersonal Communication Most interactions are purposeful; the parties have a goal to accomplish. To

illustrate the cognitive (rational) dimension of the persuasive interpersonal commu- nication process, suppose you wanted to sell your old car. How much information (mileage, motor size, oil usage, miles per gallon, prior accidents, etc.) should you share in the sales pitch? What type of opinions (condition, treatment, value, etc.) will you offer about the car? Planned persuasive strategies include language choice, attitudes, logic, and credibility. Information, opinions, and actions will be exchanged during the encounter. Information shared may be incomplete, inaccu- rate, or biased. Opinions expressed may be unwarranted based on the information presented. Actions taken or requested may reveal the persuader’s motives.

The second dimension of persuasive interpersonal communication is relation- ships. Pioneer scholar William Schultz provided the foundation for understanding the importance of interpersonal communication by detailing the three primary human needs it can satisfy.3 The first is the need for inclusion. As social animals, we need to belong, to be accepted, and to be recognized. Through interaction, we establish friends and relationships, prestige and status, commitment and group participation. A well-adjusted person is usually characterized as someone who has self-confidence, is well liked by others, and is comfortable in a wide variety of social settings. Social inclusion is important for acceptance, compliance, and task performance.

Control is the second basic human need; it implies more than just power over others. It includes knowing when to defer to others as well as when and how to assert one’s self-interests. The military is primarily organized by control. Roles are very clearly defined. In most other organizations, control is a process of give and take—negotiating responsibilities and rewards. We will return to the role of control in interpersonal persuasion later in the chapter.

The third need is for affection, a connection that moves beyond the need for inclusion to a more committed relationship. Humans need to love and to be loved. All three dimensions of relational interpersonal communication contribute to efforts to influence another person. It is easier to persuade someone if they accept us, trust us to negotiate control equitably, and like us.

Certain aspects of our car example also illustrate the relational process. Even if you sell the car to a stranger, the first part of the interaction involves establishing trust and building identification. You must persuade the person that you are honest and have nothing to hide; the potential buyer must convince you that he or she

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intends to buy the car and has the funds to pay for it. You might emphasize similar- ities and commonalities between you and the potential buyer (such as mutual inter- ests or experiences) to establish a mini-relationship during the transaction.

 Variables of Interpersonal Persuasion As we have already noted, some would argue that all persuasion is interper-

sonal in the sense that some source creates and sends a message received by another person who interprets, analyzes, and responds to the message. We will revisit ele- ments introduced in previous chapters in the context of face-to-face interactions.

Verbal Characteristics In chapter 3, we discussed the nature of symbols and language in creating the

reality within which we act. Human communication is a purposeful process of selection, interpretation, and symbolism. We select our verbal behaviors largely based on interactions that were successful in the past. We repeat verbal behaviors that created satisfying exchanges; those that led to ineffective exchanges are elimi- nated from our repertoire of possible behaviors.

We know that words and language influence perceptions of situations, individ- uals, and artifacts that increase or decrease favorableness. Words and language influence our thoughts and what we think about, our actions and behavior, and our relationships. One’s personality and how one uses language influence one’s verbal communication style. Dominant verbal style consists of intense, direct, and opinion- ated language. This style leaves the impression of control, competence, confidence, forcefulness, and competiveness. Dramatic style uses very vivid language, sarcasm, satire, and anecdotes that tend to enhance interpersonal attentiveness, attractive- ness, and popularity. A contentious style utilizes factual and logical messages to argue and challenge others. This style may lead to impressions of a quarrelsome, rude, or aggressive communicator. The attentive style uses messages that paraphrase statements of others and reflects attentiveness to what others are saying. This style projects feelings of warmth, friendliness, caring, and empathy. An open verbal style is more conversational, informal, and disclosive—expressing emotions, experiences, and feelings. Such a style enhances trust and confidence. A friendly verbal style uses humor, encouragement, and positive messages expressing affection and caring for another individual. This style engenders perceptions of being sociable, friendly, and outgoing. Finally, the precise verbal style uses very careful, direct, concise, and con- crete messages. The precise style enhances credibility and competence.4

Of course, we use a combination of different styles across contexts and rela- tionships. Interestingly, studies show that verbal style combinations influence degrees of competence, interpersonal satisfaction, and compliance. For example, patients prefer physicians to be attentive or dramatic but not dominant or conten- tious. Employees want managers to be more open and dramatic. Open, attentive, and precise communicators are perceived as more likeable and friendly. Students prefer teachers to be attentive, dramatic, and friendly.5

A pragmatic approach to interpersonal effectiveness focuses on communicative behaviors that help the speaker and listener accomplish desired goals or outcomes.

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In general, other-oriented communication is expressive, immediate, and character- ized by interaction management skills that demonstrate consideration and respect for the interaction participants and also generate attentiveness and interest. Link yourself to others in the conversation by using terms such as “we,” “our,” or “us.” Echo the feelings expressed by others by relating similar stories or experiences. Reinforce the comments of others with head nods, smiles, and touch (nonverbal behaviors, which are discussed below). Confidence and expressiveness generate trust and involvement. Interaction management techniques maintain the proper pacing of an interpersonal exchange in its evolution toward a decision or resolu- tion. In contrast, one should avoid using very general or confusing language, over- generalizations, extreme meanings, stereotyped or sexist language.

We tend to develop and maintain relationships that provide more rewards than costs. The most satisfying relationships are those where the rewards and costs are equal for both parties. Conscious efforts to provide positive rewards in daily inter- actions (examples include simple behaviors such as saying “thank you,” inquiring how people are feeling, or acknowledging the efforts of others) strengthen relation- ships. Both the structure and content of an interpersonal interaction help establish a relationship that will provide a context for future interactions. Today’s conversa- tion will impact future conversations. For example, in a job where you depend on others for task completion, the quality of your interpersonal interactions will affect your job performance and evaluations.

Nonverbal Characteristics Nonverbal codes and symbols have many of the same characteristics as verbal

codes and symbols. They convey distinct meanings within a culture or society. Both nonverbal and verbal meanings are arbitrary; they are formed as a result of social interactions. Nonverbal communication is an essential part of all human communication. Some scholars argue that the meaning we get from interactions comes primarily from the nonverbal dimensions of message exchange.6 Nonverbal messages may emphasize or accentuate a particular part of a verbal message. A cer- tain look, gesture, or increase in volume may provide clues about the attitudes or emotions of the communicator. Nonverbal messages may complement or contra- dict what is stated verbally. In addition to emphasis, nonverbal behaviors also regu- late the flow of interactions. From certain nonverbal cues, we learn when it is our turn to speak or when someone wishes to interrupt. Nonverbal messages also sub- stitute for verbal messages. A simple nod of the head or shaking of a finger can pro- vide a reply to some questions.

There are numerous channels for nonverbal communication. Body communica- tion refers to the various messages sent by our physical presence, such as gestures, posture, movements, and appearance. Facial and eye communication include smiles, frowns, raised eyebrows, scowls, winks, and eye movements such as eye contact and pupil dilation. Artifactual communication includes all the material objects accumu- lated by people, such as pens, clothing, and cars. Artifacts communicate social class, status, or success. There are often expectations of style and dress, for example, asso- ciated with many professions. Most research indicates that certain artifacts, espe- cially clothing, can influence compliance and persuasiveness. Spatial communication

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deals with human use of personal space and territory. Tactile commu- nication focuses on touch and phys- ical contact. Paralanguage refers to the sounds and the meanings asso- ciated with how words are spoken. Vocal rate, pitch, volume, and pauses all affect the meaning com- municated in our verbal messages. Smell, as a code system, deals with how odor communicates. Besides natural scents and perfumes, there are cultural differences in reac- tions to smell. Finally, temporal communication focuses on human uses of time. This brief explanation of the many channels of nonverbal communication emphasizes how pervasive and important nonverbal codes are in everyday conversation.

There are three aspects of non- verbal behaviors that affect persua- sion. First, the level of animation, expression, or enthusiasm shown during an interaction enhances per- suasion and the effectiveness of the message. Vocal variety, affirming nods and gestures, and maintaining eye contact are a few behaviors that enliven contact with others. Sec- ond, nonverbal behaviors that ex- press liking and attraction enhance

message reception. Increased proximity, smiling, and touching are obvious ways to show attraction. Finally, the level of relaxation displayed during an interaction is important in gaining trust and the appearance of truthfulness. A relaxed posture and the absence of vocal anxiety are important elements in establishing credibility. General persuasiveness increases when nonverbal behaviors communicate enthusi- asm, attraction, and relaxation.

People who are aware of and consciously utilize nonverbal encoding (sending) and decoding (receiving) skills are more successful in interpersonal relations and influence. Nonverbal behavior can create powerful persuasive outcomes. Peter Ander- sen notes that nonverbal immediacy behaviors communicate power, attention, warmth, and liking and have a substantial impact on compliance (often stronger than verbal message variables).7 Judee Burgoon and Gregory Hoobler argue that nonver- bal communication is just as much a skill set as oral or verbal communication and highlight some of the findings of contemporary studies of nonverbal communication.8

What do these facial expressions, gestures, artifacts, and clothing communicate about the individual? How would they affect his attempts to persuade?

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• Strong encoding skills are greater among those who are extroverted, expres- sive, high in self-esteem, persuasive, and physically attractive. Those strong in decoding skills are more gregarious and sociable.

• Nonverbally skilled individuals are more successful in deceiving and influ- encing others.

• Females are superior in encoding nonverbal skills, especially in visual cues and nondeceptive messages. Women are also more accurate interpreters of nonverbal cues than men. In short, women are more expressive and sensitive to nonverbal cues.

• Age, occupation, and training are related to skills of nonverbal encoding and decoding but race, education, and intelligence are not. Those with better nonverbal skills are more inclined toward people-oriented occupations.

Scholars have reported other findings about eye contact, facial expression, and body movements. Eye movements perform six functions: attention, persuasion, regu- latory, affective, power, and impression management.9 Eye movement and exchanges can gain attention, signal desire to speak, or show support and empathy. Eye move- ment may enhance trust and credibility by maintaining eye contact—whereas look- ing down or blinking frequently may signal deception. It is common for our eyes to convey feelings of emotion. Strong leaders maintain direct eye contact, while those who view themselves as weak tend to avoid eye contact and look away from others.

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In general, more dynamic speakers are more persuasive. Specific examples of dynamic behavior include frequent gesturing, hand movements, head nodding, smiling, and high levels of energy. Of course, these activities must appear natural, genuine, and sincere or questions about credibility will outweigh any persuasive gains from dynamic presentation. Body movements and gestures also reveal likes and dislikes.10 Leaning forward, orienting one’s body and head directly toward a person, affirmative head nods, and smiling are nonverbal behaviors indicating lik- ing—while an absence of gestures and a rigid body posture are signs of tension and dislike. The audience also uses body movements and gestures to assess assertive- ness, power, and status. A relaxed posture, dynamic gestures, and varied vocal inflections communicate confidence and power, while hunched shoulders, vocal fillers such as “uh,” and nervous hand movements communicate powerlessness. Audiences perceive information about us through our personal appearance. For many, attractiveness signals success and talent. It can also influence perceptions of competence and credibility.

Interpersonal touch is probably one of the oldest forms of human communica- tion. Research shows that touch communicates emotion such as anger, fear, love, sympathy, and gratitude, to name a few.11 We learn appropriate touching behavior in specific contexts through social interaction. The “rules of touch” vary greatly by culture. In the United States, there are clear sex differences in touching behavior. For men and women, touch by close friends is positive and reinforces feelings of agreement, support, and empathy. When there is no reason for a touch, men are more averse to being touched than women are.

Touching can also be a powerful tool of reinforcement for compliance. For example, studies revealed that almost any touch increases likelihood of compliance of a request ranging from signing petitions, to purchasing items, to leaving higher tips.12 While touching tends to stimulate feelings of liking, trust, and interpersonal involvement, there are cultural norms and limitations to such behavior. In making a request, a slight touch on the arm may increase compliance. However, a sus- tained touch may increase anxiety and stress. The person touched will interpret the meaning of the nonverbal behavior.13 How well you know the participant in the interaction is, therefore, crucial in deciding how and when to touch someone.

The same is true when considering the distance of interaction. Standing close to the persuadee is usually more likely to gain compliance in cultures where prox- imity to others indicates liking. If, however, someone feels that his or her personal space has been invaded, there may be a perception of intimidation. The persuader may be perceived as demanding, desperate, or needful. Mediterranean, Middle Eastern, or Latin cultures tend to interact at closer distances. Italians maintain less distance than do Germans or Americans. In the United States, intimate distance of interaction has historically been up to 18 inches, personal distance between 18 inches and 4 feet, social distance between 4 feet to 12 feet, and public distance greater than 12 feet.14

Speech fluency is another important factor to consider. Speech pauses, hesita- tions, and vocal repetitions decrease speaker credibility and perceived competence, thus reducing the persuasiveness of a message. Communication scholars have iden- tified language characteristics that result in powerless types of speech. Forms of

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powerless speech include: hesitations (“uh,” “ah,” “well,” “um,” or “you know”), hedges (“kinda,” “I think,” or “I guess”), tag questions (“isn’t it?”, “wouldn’t it?”, or “right?”), disclaimers (“Don’t get me wrong, but,” “I’m not sure, but”), accounts (excuses or justifications), and side particles (“like,” “simply,” “you know,” or “that is”). The use of these types of speech forms in conversation—and even more so in formal presentations—lowers credibility, perceptions of competence, and trustwor- thiness.15 A conversational style of delivery is perceived as more competent, knowl- edgeable, sincere, and trustworthy. A more passionate presentation tends to be perceived as emotional. Of course, the purpose and context of the event would dic- tate the style of presentation. At the very least, a confident speaker will be more successful than a tentative, hesitant one.

Power and Control In the process of negotiating meaning through verbal and nonverbal codes, the

need for control is often a hidden agenda in our interactions with others. In fact, com- munication scholars regard power or interpersonal dominance as a primary condi- tion underlying interpersonal relationships and interactions.16 Some form of power is usually present—whether in the workplace or in an intimate relationship. While we tend to react negatively to overt displays of power and control, we also generally admire those whom we perceive as having influence. Space does not permit a detailed discussion of the concepts of interpersonal power and control, but we will highlight a few of the elements important to influence and persuasion.

Power should not be confused with authority. Authority is a legal or managerial right to make deci- sions, assign tasks, and insure satis- factory performance. Therefore, authority is the right to do some- thing; power is the ability to do something. Properly used, power is a force that enhances authority. Michael Hackman and Craig Johnson define power as the ability to influence others.17 The founda- tion for exercising power lies in the structure of the relationship. While one person may exert more influ- ence in a group than others do, there is still some form of mutual influence and interdependence.

In their classic study, John French and Bertram Raven identi- fied five sources of power.18 Coercive power is based primarily on the use of punishments or threats to induce

Authority is the right to make decisions; power is the ability to influence others. Referees have legitimate power.

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desired behavior. Coercive power is not an enduring form of influence, and it may cause resentment and a lack of trust among acquaintances. Reward power is the ability to give something of value to others in exchange for desired behavior. Rewards can range from a simple “thank you” to more tangible items such as money or a larger office. The use of rewards to stimulate compliance can enhance cooperation and motivation. Legitimate power is based on the authority of a position. The manager can expect compliance based on her position, although the employee may find that type of power less satisfying and effective than other forms of power. Expert power is based on the skills and general competence of a person. Compliance results from respect for the individual’s knowledge. In effect, one earns power through expertise. This form of power is positive and long lasting. Finally, French and Raven identify referent power that results from feelings of admiration, affection, and loyalty. People comply with requests because of their attachment to the individual and/or his or her charisma.

Generally, the most useful forms of power for persuasive purposes are those based on personal qualities of individuals rather than those based on the authority of position or coercion. Power comes from the ability to recognize and meet the needs of others. The degree of meeting personal and psychological needs of others determines the degree of power. In most relationships, both individuals have some power. Power can vary depending on the circumstances, and the balance of power can change over time. Finally, power is a process of negotiation—give and take. When power is negotiated, there is less conflict.19

As mentioned above, our use of language influences perceptions of power. Powerful language is task oriented and focuses more on information being exchanged. Powerless language and speech uses pauses, hesitations, hedges, tag questions, and disclaimers. In the workplace, people who use primarily powerless language are perceived as having lower social status and are viewed as less knowl- edgeable, trusting, and dynamic.20

We can communicate dominance and power through learned, skilled behaviors or through intimidation and threat. Behaviors that reflect social skills include project- ing a poised and confident image, controlling conversational cues, and demonstrating verbal as well as nonverbal dynamism. Behaviors based on threat or intimidation include: sustained eye contact (staring), speaking loudly, strategic use of silence, or ver- bal and nonverbal intrusions.21 While intimidation may elicit compliance, the effect is fleeting. Using skilled behaviors results in more effective and longer lasting influence.

There are many verbal strategies that enhance compliance through fear, intim- idation, humiliation, or social pressure. In such situations, one may ignore the appeals without altering behavior, or one could treat the episode as an isolated instance by objecting to it. If you choose the latter alternative, you should express your feelings, describe the behavior to which you object, and offer to discuss salient issues of contention openly.

Compliance-Seeking Messages Compliance-gaining research focuses on influence in interpersonal, face-to-

face contexts—attempting to find what strategies are most effective in getting peo- ple to comply with requests. Compliance gaining “is taking actions in interpersonal relationships to gain something from our partners—to get others to comply with

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our goals.”22 Timothy Borchers argues that this is one of the most widely studied areas of research in interpersonal communication.23 Some compliance-gaining techniques are very obvious, such as offering rewards or threatening punishment; others are more subtle, such as persuading another to comply by establishing one’s expertise or credibility. Not all strategies are appropriate in all situations. Issues of power, intimacy, relational outcomes, empathy, personality, context, and rewards are factors that affect the choice of strategies. Some scholars would argue that all compliance-gaining strategies are persuasive—that is, intentional verbal and non- verbal attempts to influence the beliefs, attitudes, values, or behaviors of others. All the strategies are grounded in some form of interpersonal power.

There are numerous categories of compliance-gaining strategies. Erwin Bet- tinghaus and Michael Cody developed one of the most widely accepted typolo- gies.24 They divide the strategies into seven general categories.

Direct requests are the most common strategy of getting others to do what we want them to do. The context and social dynamics of the situation affect compliance with direct requests. Responding to a friend or boss is different than responding to a total stranger. In addition, the size or magnitude of the request impacts compliance.

Rationality strategies involve providing reasons and evidence to support one’s request. The supporting data legitimize the request as well as provide motivation for compliance. This general strategy works well when making requests of strang- ers or of fellow workers. Providing details develops trust and rapport and does not obligate the requester beyond the necessity to provide good reasons.

Exchange strategies seek some mutual benefit for complying with a request. These strategies may be as simple as trading favors (“I’ll drive today if you drive tomorrow”) or as elaborate as negotiating the exchange of money or other tangible items.

Manipulation strategies are more varied and complex. They seek compliance through emotional appeals. The most common is to “butter up” an individual prior to making a request. The use of praise and flattery may enhance compliance. This strategy can fail, however, if the praise and flattery are viewed as shallow or insin- cere. Inspirational appeals are attempts to arouse enthusiasm by appealing to an individual’s values, ideals, aspirations, hopes, and dreams. Rewards are another form of manipulation strategies; for example, a car dealer can offer a bag of pop- corn and a beverage. The most common form of manipulation is to make a prom- ise for future favors if compliance occurs. Negative emotional appeals can also gain compliance. Displays of anger, disappointment, and hurt often force compliance through guilt. Negative appeals are very effective in the short term but may hinder future compliance.

Coercive strategies employ the use of negative sanctions and threats for non- compliance. These are the most extreme and harsh tactics. While certainly effec- tive, they do not enhance future compliance and may decrease motivation for cooperation even with simple requests.

Indirect strategies involve dropping hints about a desired behavior without actu- ally making a direct request. For example, stating that it is important to have the phones answered immediately when open for business or mentioning that the phones start ringing even before the doors open may motivate employees to be at their desks a few minutes early every day. Coalition tactics involve using the sup-

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port of others or specific groups to convince the target to agree. The key is to pro- vide enough information, needs, or desires so that the target will recognize the desired behavior.

The final category of compliance strategies identified by Bettinghaus and Cody is emotional appeals, involving love and affection. These appeals are more intimate and are based on personal commitments. An example would be asking your par- ents to get regular physical examinations because you love them and are worried about their health.

Gerald Marwell and David Schmitt developed another useful typology that identifies 16 techniques divided into the five general strategies: rewarding activities, punishing activities, referencing expertise, activating internalized commitments (playing on the feelings of others), and activating interpersonal commitments (based on how others will perceive individual behavior or response).25 Rewards can be gifts, promises of help, or compliments. Punishment often consists of threats about noncompliance or withholding access to something someone wants. Appeal- ing to expertise can involve detailing either positive or negative effects (i.e., statis- tics about improved health or about the risks of certain behaviors). Persuaders can enlist internal feelings through moral appeals or by enhancing self-esteem. Activat- ing interpersonal commitments can be accomplished through guilt or pointing out potential negative or positive perceptions of others if one does or does not comply with the request.

There are almost an unlimited number of specific compliance-gaining tactics. For example, we could explore tactics using trickery. These might include strategies of “turning the tables” (give me reasons why you should not do this), using “con- trast” (ask for more while being willing to settle for less), taking an indirect approach by offering a “suggestion,” or the use of “altercasting” (it would be bad if you did not comply). We could also investigate power tactics: using “authority” (because I said so), “threats,” or “warnings.” Pressure tactics would involve approaches such as guilt (others will see that you did or did not do something), “personal or third-party debt” (how could you not help me after all I’ve done for you? or how could you say no to X?), or surveillance threats (I will see if you do or do not do X). Examples of soft-sell tactics would be to promise something (I’ll help you with your next project), to play on “self-esteem” (you’ll feel good), or to be ingratiating (you can do this because you are so smart or “if you do this, then oth- ers will follow”).26

Robert Cialdini organizes compliance tactics into seven categories. Authority involves more than using one’s position to influence compliance; it also includes elements of personality and presence. Consistency tactics emphasize how the request fits the norm or status quo. Contrast tactics play on our perceptions to judge one item in relation to another (remember the assimilation effect in chapter 6). Liking plays on the affection of the receiver (compliments, gifts, other gestures). Reciprocation tac- tics appeal to a person’s sense of fair play by making the person feel obligated to comply. Scarcity is an interesting set of tactics where one encourages compliance before it’s too late (the deadline passes or items may no longer be available, etc.). Finally, among the most powerful compliance tactics are those offering social proof (everyone is doing it).27

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Situational factors influence compliance. The degree of intimacy is a powerful factor affecting our willingness to comply with requests. The more intimate the relationship, the more we tend to rely on emotional appeals.28 Compliance-gaining strategies also vary with the degree of dominance in the relationship. A subordi- nate tends to use nonconfrontational strategies and rational or indirect appeals with a superior. Superiors use more direct tactics, since they have more power in the relationship. If people think they have a “moral right” or are justified in making a request, they will be more direct. However, if an individual believes they do not have the right to make a request, they will use soft techniques or approaches. Simi- larly, the response to resistance also depends on the nature of the relationship. Threats are most likely when there is a power differential and when one is not afraid of putting an interpersonal relationship at risk.

There are significant individual differences that influence compliance-gaining. Personality is a major factor. Some people are more direct, more sensitive to others, more socially conscious of how others perceive their behavior, etc. High self-moni- tors adapt their strategies to fit the person they are trying to influence. Low self- monitors simply use the same strategies with everyone.29 Culture is another impor- tant factor. Societies that emphasize individualism stress independence, self-deter- mination, and the pursuit of one’s self-interest. In contrast, collectivism emphasizes group harmony and the maintenance of positive interpersonal relationships. The United States is more individualistic than Asian societies. Finally, gender influ- ences compliance-gaining. Primarily because of socialization, women are more likely to use “polite” tactics and to incorporate elements of compromise, whereas men are more likely to use competitive strategies. Gender differences in compli- ance-gaining, however, are not large.

The context of a request is an important consideration, as are prior interactions and personal motives. We comply with requests for a multitude of reasons. We may respond to a superior’s request not out of fear of sanctions but out of respect. We may respond to a friend’s request out of a sense of loyalty and value rather than out of an anticipated exchange of future favors. The strategic dimensions of a request or compliance may not be apparent from the verbal statement.

It is important to remember that one-shot persuasive attempts are not usually successful; influence generally requires several attempts. Studies show that sequen- tial influence techniques are more likely to succeed.30 One such technique is the foot- in-the-door tactic. This tactic assumes that people will comply with a second, larger request if they first agree to a smaller initial request. Scholars find that this tech- nique is more successful if the request is prosocial—meaning that it benefits some- one other than the requestor. The effectiveness of the size of the request is less certain. It appears that both too small and too large initial requests may inhibit acceptance of the second request.31 Another technique is the door-in-the-face tactic. Here, the first request is so large that it is certain to be declined. The second, smaller request is granted, which is what the person wanted in the first place. The basis of this tactic is to start high and scale down. Another example of multiple attempts at gaining compliance is called low balling. With this tactic, compliance is obtained by starting low and then adding to the original requests. The difference among all of these examples is the magnitude of the initial request.

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The strategies and tactics discussed thus far are attempts to increase the “attractive” features or reasons to comply with requests. Another body of research focuses on ways to reduce “resistance” to compliance.32 Research reveals there are generally three forms of resistance. The first is reactance, an emotional response to a request that generates an adverse reaction. The feeling is intense and may be gener- ated as much by personal feelings about the requestor as by the specific request itself. The second form of resistance is skepticism. The request arouses suspicions and generates doubt. The source of the resistance is concerns about the practicality and consequences of the request. The final form of resistance is inertia, indicating little interest or motivation to address the request or to change the status quo. The individual is basically unresponsive to the influence agent.

There are specific strategies to address each form of resistance. For example, strategies to overcome reactance could include: minimize the request; depersonal- ize the request so that it appears less self-serving; redefine the interpersonal rela- tionship by de-emphasizing differences of status or rank; acknowledge the potential for resistance that allows for more interaction and reasoning; and provide choices or additional alternatives.33 Strategies to address skepticism could include counter- argument providing additional reasons and rationales for the request; guarantees of success or positive results; positive views of the future gained through compliance; or a reframing of the proposal by identifying different outcomes of compliance. Dealing with inertia is the most difficult. However, increasing self-efficacy by com- plimenting or bolstering the self-esteem of the individual may increase motivation to consider a request.

There are several strategies for overcoming resistance to persuasion. One possi- bility is to take into account the individual’s feelings and personality when framing the initial message, as well as anticipating possible objections or noncompliance when deciding what to say. Reframing the message to minimize resistance is another approach. Adding more information or providing another perspective for looking at the request is often effective. Acknowledging and confronting resistance head on is a third strategy. Finally, one can attempt to disrupt the resistance or dis- tract attention from it. This is usually done with humor or through redirecting the request. Interpersonal persuasion is challenging, difficult, and complex. It is also a daily occurrence. The nature of the relationship is the key to strategy selection.

Conflict Conflict is a natural element of human interaction—and therefore unavoid-

able. Stephen Littlejohn and Kathy Domenici define conflict as “the state of being challenged by human differences. We experience conflict when differences matter and are potentially problematic to us.”34 As the authors note, conflict is not necessarily a negative state; it provides an opportunity to find value in the differences.

Resistance to persuasion can lead to open conflict, and open conflict can lead to attempts at persuasion. As discussed previously, persuasion must address differ- ences in attitudes, beliefs, values, and behavior among people. Conflict is not an external reality but an increased perception of incompatible differences, the loss of perceptions of credibility, and the dissolution of perceived similarity.35 Communi- cation plays a dual role in conflict and conflict management. Communication—the

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particular verbal and nonverbal symbols chosen—probably created the original conflict. Improperly managed, more communication may worsen the conflict. On the other hand, skillful communication may be the only path to ending or lessening the problem.

Today, it is increasingly difficult to have disagreements without anger or hostil- ity. Talk shows and the evening news broadcast images of international conflict, hate, and anger. Since most of us feel uncomfortable in conflict situations, we often blindly follow the models of behavior seen at home, with friends, or displayed by the media. In an increasingly strident society, the differences between disagreement and conflict are often forgotten, which can be disastrous for relationships. Dis- agreements are rather common, but they do not need to escalate into conflict. The communication strategies one chooses often determine whether disagreements are resolved or conflicts erupt.

William Cupach, Daniel Canary, and Brian Spitzberg note: “Communication provides the means by which we recognize and express conflict. In addition, com- munication most often distinguishes productive conflict from destructive con- flict.”36 The more competent we are as communicators, the more likely we can manage conflict so that it does not harm our interpersonal relationships. As Little- john and Domenici advise:

Communication creates meaning and shapes the very realities in which we exist. The symbols and meanings that form human experience are built through communication, and our orientation to every aspect of life is determined by symbolic meanings emerging from social interaction. In short, our worlds are made through communication. . . . Humans construct and manage their differ- ences through communication. Sometimes these differences are seen as valu- able, sometimes as problematic, and sometimes as harmful.37

There are several different levels and different types of conflict. There can be interpersonal conflicts over specific behaviors, such as what movie to see on Friday night or whether to serve pork or beef. Another level of conflict is relational roles, such as who is willing to commit to taking the relationship to the next level. The third level is conflict about personal characteristics and attitudes, such as political pref- erences or jealous behavior.38 Content conflicts are the most common type of con- flict. They consist of disagreement over facts, definitions, goals, or the interpretation of information. Increased interaction between the parties is critical in solving con- tent conflicts and reaching mutual understanding. Sometimes interactions reveal that differences have been exaggerated. Such cases could be labeled pseudoconflicts because perceived differences were greater than any actual incompatibility. Ego con- flicts are potentially the most harmful. If proving that one has superior power, knowledge, and expertise is linked to the outcome of the conflict, the possibilities for a mutually satisfying resolution are slim. More interaction alone will have little impact on resolving ego conflicts. Value conflicts are the most difficult to solve. Recall from chapter 6 that values rest at the core of our being and are stable ideals that most of us will not readily change. Finding strategies to convince others to adopt our values can be difficult, if not impossible. Indeed, depending on the values in conflict, these types of conflicts can be the most intense or violent.

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There are many different ways people cope with adversity and conflict. Some people are very passive. In conflict situations, they are reluctant to state their opin- ions or feelings. More specifically, some individuals withdraw physically or psycho- logically, thus removing themselves from the situation. This strategy, of course, does not address or solve the conflict. Others surrender or give in to avoid further conflict or to spare themselves emotional turmoil. They may even submit to demands regardless of the consequences. While this may seem sensitive to the feel- ings of others, it is really being dishonest and often causes resentment and anger to build up internally. It is better to deal with conflict than to hold feelings of hurt and anger inside.

Other people become more aggressive in confrontational situations. They lash out with highly charged, emotional responses. Aggressive behavior tends to be judg- mental, dogmatic, and coercive. Outright displays of aggression are likely to result in lose-lose situations. Such behaviors are not in the best interest of a relationship and may escalate the degree of hostility. Finally, some people adopt assertive behavior. Here the person stands up for him- or herself by expressing opinions and feelings— while keeping the potential response of the receiver in mind. In short, assertive peo- ple employ persuasive techniques, including discussion and negotiation.39

The essence of interpersonal persuasion involves strategies of bargaining and negotiation. Michael Hackman and Craig Johnson distinguish between the two concepts.40 For them, bargaining is a “win-lose” situation. Bargaining often involves an adversarial relationship—one or more parties taking rather extreme positions. The bargaining process also involves clashes of wills, demands for con- cessions, the use of threats, and sometimes even deception. In contrast, negotiation is a process of problem solving, often resulting in a “win-win” situation. The focus is on a common goal, not emotional clashes or a test of wills. Objectivity and fair- ness are important characteristics of the negotiation process.

Hackman and Johnson describe four basic steps in the negotiation process.41

First, separate the people from the problem so that the focus is on the issue at ques- tion, not the egos or personalities of the individuals involved. If the problem becomes personal, then solving the conflict will be difficult. Second, focus on the interests of those involved, not their positions. Another way to view this step is to focus on the end result and to work from there. Third, invent options for mutual gain. Time spent brainstorming possible solutions or resolutions to problems or con- flict is a good tactic because it expands the possible alternatives. Finally, use objec- tive criteria mutually accepted by all parties to determine the terms of resolution.

Some people are naturally resistant to any persuasive effort. Those who are highly ego-involved in an issue or those who possess an extreme conviction or posi- tion on an issue will not be open to opposing views. In addition, those who are rigid, authoritarian, and older tend to be less open to persuasive attempts. Persua- sion is also difficult when listeners have been rewarded for their positions in the past and are unfamiliar with the speaker’s background and opinions.

In terms of your own persuasive efforts, there are specific communication styles or behaviors that encourage conflict and thus should be avoided. First, avoid nega- tive, derogatory labels for the actions of others (such as bad, silly, crazy, etc.). Sec- ond, avoid personal attacks. Third, avoid presenting “all or none” distinctions or

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alternatives; they polarize the disagreement, reducing the likelihood of a cooperat- ing solution. The essential ingredient in persuasion is to keep the lines of communi- cation open. People who have not firmly committed to one action or position are more receptive to calmly reasoned presentations. Fourth, avoid speaking in broad generalities. Always provide specific facts and examples to support arguments. Fifth, avoid speaking from an authoritarian perspective. Remember, the best solution is created jointly, in collaboration with the other person. Position the discussion as an exploration of alternative perspectives, not a debate on values. Finally, avoid emo- tional verbal and nonverbal communications. Emotional outbursts dilute arguments by redirecting attention to the outbursts and away from the arguments. Threats, demands, intimidation and sarcasm will heighten conflict. Aggression, hostility, ten- sion, and/or rivalry seldom help in accomplishing long-term goals and objectives.

There are numerous suggestions for managing conflict. They generally revolve around good practices of persuasion and human communication. Withdrawal is a style of conflict management that involves physically or psychologically removing oneself from an encounter. This style demonstrates little concern for one’s own goals. The accommodating style acknowledges and accepts the desires, goals, or actions of another. One must not assume that consent means that the person grant- ing concessions will maintain positive feelings. In contrast, compromise implies a win-win situation. Both sides give up something, but both sides care about the rela- tionship and future interactions. The more important an issue or action, the less satisfying compromise would be as a solution. Forcing is a competitive and aggres- sive conflict style based on exerting power or influence. Tactics include the more emotional appeals discussed above such as bullying, threats, and intimidation. Finally, collaboration is the most positive and constructive form of conflict manage- ment. This strategy incorporates integrating the goals of both parties. Mutual prob- lem solving, innovative reconciliation, and “thinking outside the box” are part of this approach. No one loses or compromises. However, this strategy takes time, motivation, and mutual respect for the other person.42

An interesting strategy for managing and resolving conflict is a DESC script. The acronym is formed from: describe, express, specify, and consequences. The first step is to describe in detail why one is bothered by the situation. Description involves straightforward, concrete, and specific explanations. In the express step, one shares feelings about the situation. Use personal statements of feelings, naming them and making comparisons. By sharing your genuine feelings, you help the other person understand your position without alienating or accusing them. The next step is to specify how you would like to resolve the problem or conflict. Again, this should be simple and direct. Finally, the last phase is articulating the consequences—what happens if nothing changes? if there are some changes? if everything changes? The goal is full understanding of the implications of the conflict in various scenarios.43

Four variables contribute to interpersonal conflicts: The attributes (personali- ties, needs, attitudes, etc.) of the parties in conflict; the conflict issues (causes of the dispute and the positions involved); relationship variables (degree of trust, power, interdependency); and contextual factors (the environment in which the conflict occurs).44 Fostering a climate of cooperation and collaboration while reducing the competitive climate helps reduce conflict.

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Avoiding a defensive climate is one step toward creating a positive atmosphere for conflict resolution. Critical evaluations, attempts to control the other party, hid- den agendas, and rigid adherence to one’s own position are all examples of behav- iors that create a negative climate. Characteristics of a cooperative climate include open and honest communication, an emphasis on similarities or items of common- ality, portrayals of trust, mutual problem solving, and a reduction of conflicting interests.45 To create a supportive climate, use evidence to describe the issues or positions; do not use emotional terms or appeals. Be as specific as possible in defin- ing the problem. Focus on the task at hand without attacking the other person. Deal with one aspect, issue, or factor at a time. Finally, be empathetic; make an effort to understand the feelings of the other person.

As noted at the beginning of this section, conflict is not necessarily negative. Conflict can be productive and lead to very positive outcomes.46 Conflict can help us think critically, enhance creativity, improve problem-solving skills, expand intel- lectual and emotional resources, build community, reduce tensions, and clarify roles. Several strategies help make conflict productive rather than nonproductive.47

First, learn to ask good questions in order to explore all aspects of the conflict. Sec- ond, make understanding conflicts a priority. Third, attempt to learn from your previous conflicts or from other people’s conflicts. Finally, learn to manage con- flicts more effectively through strategies of negotiation.

There are several “myths” or misunderstandings about conflict. Among the most common are: conflict is a sign of poor interpersonal relationships, conflict can always be avoided, and conflict is inherently unproductive. As already men- tioned, conflict is part of life and inevitable in every relationship. The key is how conflict is managed. In fact, conflict can strengthen relationships through identify- ing issues that need to be addressed, sharing ideas about possible changes, and demonstrating caring about one another’s concerns. Finally, it is important to note that some conflict simply cannot be resolved.48 Some conflicts or disagreements are so intense that resolution is simply not possible. This most often occurs in dif- ferences of fundamental values.

Two topics receiving increased attention, especially within the realm of intense interpersonal conflict, are forgiveness and reconciliation. Forgiveness “is a cogni- tive process that consists of letting go of feelings of revenge and desires to retali- ate.”49 Reconciliation “is a behavioral process in which we take actions to restore a relationship or create a new one following forgiveness.”50 Forgiveness is a process. It starts with anger but evolves to transform the meaning of the event that triggered the intense reaction. The process involves reduced focus on the other person and event as a defining moment in one’s life, affirmation of the other person, lack of desire for revenge or hurtful behaviors, and a rejection of the role of victim. It is important to recognize that forgiveness is not about forgetting a transgression, denying hurt or anger, or becoming a martyr. We forgive because it is good for us both psychologically and physically. Anger and resentment allows others to control our emotions and increases feelings of guilt, depression, and general anxiety. Pro- longed anger and feelings of stress increase susceptibility to illness.51 Reconcilia- tion is a process where actions are taken to restore the relationship. The process generally involves an explanation and apology; an acceptance of the account and

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apology or the decision to no longer harbor ill will; the beginning of letting go of anger and resentment; communication of forgiveness; some direct actions to rees- tablish or to transform the relationship; and, in the end, some evidence or acknowl- edgement of enacted forgiveness.

Conflict, according to Saul Alinsky, is an essential element of life. He asserts, “Life is conflict and in conflict you’re alive.”52 From this brief overview, we can characterize conflict as: inevitable, based on communication, potentially harmful or beneficial, varying in degree based on communication style, and sometimes incapable of resolution. As Littlejohn and Domenici note,

It is not necessary to resolve all conflicts. Once we grasp that freeing attitude, we can move forward and engage conflict and change the way we conduct our- selves within it. Resolution will happen in many cases, but it will happen within a complex system of needs, processes, actions, pauses, timetables, rehearsals, disappointments, and hopes.53

Gender Differences Differences in communication behavior develop because of cultural and societal

influences plus individual backgrounds and experiences. Generally, there are several areas of gender differences in conversation and discourse, including voice, pronuncia- tion, intonation, choice of words, argumentation styles, lexicon, syntax, interactional and conversational behavior, as well as visual features and nonverbal communica- tion.54 For more than a decade, scholars have debated about the degree of genuine gender differences. Most scholars recognize that differences between men and women are both biologically and culturally based. However, the causes, implications, and magnitude of differences are in dispute. Furthermore, other identity factors (such as ethnicity, geographic location, and economic status) may account for some of the differences. For example, scholars are discovering that differences in ethnic and cul- tural backgrounds contribute more to overall differences than does gender.

Gender differences in communication continue to change and evolve, espe- cially over the past decade. Sex is a biological classification, whereas gender refers to sociocultural dimensions of identity. Gender is culturally and relationally deter- mined. Thus, conceptions of male and female communication behaviors continue to change.55 Stereotypes of femininity in contemporary American culture include: be sensitive and caring, accept negative treatment by others, be a superwoman, and maintain a pleasing appearance. Stereotypes of masculinity include: be successful, be aggressive, be sexual, be self-reliant; don’t reveal weakness.

The research literature describes masculine and feminine styles of communica- tion. One style is not superior to another, and the styles do not necessarily correlate with specific sexes. Some women may be socialized in the masculine style, while some men may show more characteristics of a feminine style of communication. Over a decade ago, sociologist Deborah Tannen urged that recognizing the differ- ences between men and women means seeking understanding—not placing blame or rendering judgment. As Tannen observed, “recognizing gender differences frees individuals from the burden of individual pathology. . . . If we can sort out differ- ences based on conversational style, we will be in a better position to confront real conflicts of interest—and to find a shared language in which to negotiate them.”56

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Historically, men and women differ in frequency of talk; with whom they talk; amount of disclosure; and use, purpose, and content of talk. Gendered identities, learned in childhood, shape conversational styles.57 Women speak and hear a lan- guage of connection; men speak and hear a language of status. For women, conver- sation establishes rapport, a way to establish connections and negotiate relationships. For men, conversation is used to report, emphasizing knowledge and ability to nego- tiate status in the social hierarchy.58 The masculine style is competitive, assertive, and task oriented. Communication tends to be more individualistic, instrumental, and reserved. In contrast, the feminine style is characterized as cooperative, support- ive, and relational. Communication tends to be more expressive and focused on interpersonal relationships.

Men tend to interrupt others more frequently, to talk for longer periods of time, to be less self-disclosing, and to control the situation by offering opinions, sugges- tions, and information. Women tend to disclose more information about them- selves, use more euphemisms and emotional terms, provide greater frequency and longer duration of eye contact, and are more likely to express support. Women attempt to keep conversations balanced so that all parties are on an equal footing. Women expect conversational partners to invite participation; men assume that anyone with something to say will volunteer his or her opinion.59

Men and women also tend to differ in the amount of listening or turn taking in conversations. From a role perspective, men lecture and women listen.60 Through listening, women seek to build rapport and to establish a closer relationship with others. Women use listening cues as signs of paying attention and interest. These cues can be misinterpreted. Women may use affirming sounds to indicate that they are following the conversation, while men may interpret the affirmation as agree- ment. If they interpret attempts to establish connections through the lens of status, they may view cooperative listening as a signal of subordinate status. Men use fewer listening cues and fewer relational elements in general conversation. When women do not hear any signals, they may mistakenly perceive that men are not lis- tening. Men focus on the message level of an interaction, while women focus on the metamessage (relationship) level.

Women and men also differ in nonverbal messages. Women smile more, stand closer, and are more likely to face their interaction partners. Men extend their bod- ies, literally taking up greater areas of space than women. Women gesture more fre- quently, but men use larger, more expansive gestures. Whether speaking or listening, women look more at other people and attempt to make more eye contact.61

According to Shari Kendall and Deborah Tannen, the workplace provides sev- eral unique constraints that impact gender communication: a hierarchical ranking system, a history of greater male participation, requirements for evaluation of per- formance, and the requirement to interact regularly with others.62 Within the work- place, men are more likely to speak in ways that call attention to themselves and to claim credit for contributions. Women, in contrast, are more likely to preface state- ments with a disclaimer and to be more succinct. Women also tend to minimize sta- tus differences, while men use rhetorical strategies that reinforce status differences.

Conversational rituals are particularly noticeable in the workplace environment. For example, men often use banter, joking, teasing, and playful put-downs, which

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usually elevate one partner in the interaction at the expense of the other. In contrast, women’s rituals tend to focus on the nature of relationships by maintaining an appearance of equality, taking into account the effect of the exchange, and attempt- ing to downplay displays of authority.63 Men tend to have a more direct communica- tion style, sometimes to the point of rudeness. Women, on the other hand, are more indirect in making requests of others. The degree of conversational directness com- municates power and comfort with one’s authority. Men are more likely to be indi- rect when expressing a weakness or an error, or when sharing a problem.64

Difficulties arise when various rituals and strategies are misunderstood. Men are more likely to take adversarial positions (arguing one side of an issue rather than try- ing to see other viewpoints). This ritual opposition can appear hostile and arrogant. Women who use conversational strategies to demonstrate empathy and to avoid appearing boastful may be perceived as lacking confidence and/or competence.

John Gray (who gained national attention with the publication of his book Men Are from Mars, Women Are from Venus) advises:

Without a positive understanding of our differences, many possibilities for cooperation and mutual trust and respect are overlooked and go untapped. Too often men do not recognize the value that women bring to the workplace, while women mistrust the support that it is possible to receive from men. Through understanding our differences in a more positive light, both men and women at all levels of the workplace can begin to appreciate each other more.65

To improve the interpersonal communication between the sexes, Tannen rec- ommends taking “each other on their own terms rather than applying the stan- dards of one group to the behavior of the other.”66 Perhaps “women could learn from men to accept some conflict and difference without seeing it as a threat to intimacy, and many men could learn from women to accept interdependence with- out seeing it as a threat to their freedom.”67 Tannen concludes her best-selling book with the notion that “understanding the other’s ways of talking is a giant leap across the communication gap between women and men, and a giant step toward opening lines of communication.”68

Since the classic works of Tannen and Gray, thousands of women have entered the workforce and become managers and team leaders. In fact, by the year 2014, projections predict that women will compose 61 percent of the workforce.69 Men and women starting their careers today have been sensitized to the changing nature of organizations, the importance of team and group work, and the growing cultural diversity of our daily work environments.

After a decade of intense scholarly examination of gender communication, many in the field recognize significant changes in male-female interactions from the somewhat stereotypical earlier descriptions. After reviewing current research in the area, Linda Carli concludes “both men and women communicate in a less domi- nant manner with men and a warmer manner with women.”70 Elizabeth Aries argues: “we have tended to polarize differences, misrepresenting small differences as mutually exclusive differences.”71 For her, it is better to understand the role and sta- tus of the individuals, the type of conversation in which they are engaged, and the goals they are trying to achieve. In essence, researchers are “beginning to move

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toward an understanding of sex as something that people do in social interaction . . . the display of feminine or masculine behavior depends on the situational context.”72

Scholars who criticize the research on sex differences argue that such approaches reinforce or perpetuate stereotypes. Differences are actually very mini- mal and contextual. People should not have predisposed behavior expectations based upon gender.73 Some research has found that there are differences in how men and women engage in conflict, depending on the circumstances. Women are sometimes more likely to avoid conflict, while men are more likely to steer the con- versation in their preferred direction. Women can be more emotional and show more negative affect; men can be more rational and withdrawn. In social relation- ships, the general differences may apply, but in close personal relationships when people are more fully informed about their partner, sex roles may reverse them- selves. Women may become more assertive and pursue the topic presenting the conflict; men may withdraw. The person who wants the relationship to change will generally pursue the conflict, regardless of gender.74 In an extensive examination of sex differences, researchers found more similarities than differences in the conflict behaviors of men and women. Areas of similarity included: positive affect behav- ior, influence strategies, autocratic behavior, democratic behavior, communication, facilitation, and leader emergence.75

Culture and Diversity Culture “is a learned system of knowledge, behavior, attitudes, beliefs, values,

and norms that is shared by a group of people.”76 Culture informs our use of lan- guage, social relationships and rituals, our worldview, and virtually every aspect of our life and behavior. Culture is acquired—learned from our parents, friends, com- munities, schools, and general social interaction. Today, exposure to people from other cultures is increasingly common. To name just a few examples, people work for foreign-owned companies with locations in the United States; others work over- seas for multinational companies. We interact daily with millions of immigrants and naturalized citizens from throughout the world.

One approach to understanding cultural implications for communication is to distinguish between individualistic-oriented cultures and collective-oriented cul- tures. In individualistic cultures, the individual is pivotal and at the center of the culture. Life decisions are individually oriented; space and privacy are valued; communication tends to be more direct and explicit; concrete results are important and expected. The United States is considered an individualistic-oriented culture where work and communication are task oriented, purposeful, and strategic to obtaining goals and objectives. Most northern and western European countries, Australia, and New Zealand are individualistic cultures.77 In contrast, collective cultures are common in Asia, Africa, the Middle East, Central and South America, and the Pacific Islands. The pivotal element in these cultures is the cohesive unit or group such as family, clan, profession, corporation, or religion. Group decisions and collective values prevail rather than individual decisions. Space and privacy are less important than relationships; communication is more intuitive and complex; and formal business interactions focus more on relationships and future interac- tions than on “data” or immediate results.

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To translate these descriptions into specific behaviors, consider how you would negotiate or conduct business in an individualistic culture. The most effective approach would:

• focus on the transaction and the outcome;

• use data and facts to support arguments;

• create clear and explicit messages, using direct communication.

In contrast, if negotiating with more collective cultures, one should:

• spend time developing the relationship before discussing business;

• be aware of contextual factors of protocol, etiquette, and the history of the relationship;

• strive for consensus rather than winning in recognition of the importance of the future of the relationship over time;

• avoid direct questions and be patient.78

High-context and low-context communication is another distinguishing feature among cultures. Tradition guides rules of interaction in high-context cultures, such as those in Asia. Communication is implicit, with an emphasis on nonverbal communi- cation. It is indirect, less confrontational, more face-saving, and seeks preservation of the relationship. Low-context cultures exhibit more direct and explicit communica- tion, emphasize verbal over nonverbal communication, separate job tasks from rela- tionships, follow linear reasoning, and incorporate individual initiative and decision making. Western cultures tend to use the low-context communication style.79

In high-context communication culture, one would:

• be aware of the importance of contextual information;

• be aware of implied messages;

• develop relationship before addressing tasks;

• rely on trust and intuition;

• expect circular reasoning.

For low-context communication cultures, one would:

• rely on explicit and direct verbal communication;

• view tasks as separate from relationships;

• expect more individual decision making and initiative;

• support arguments with facts, data, and statistical evidence;

• use linear reasoning, cause and effect.80

While we do not have the space to discuss cultural sensitivity in depth, some general principles are outlined below.

• Address people of other cultures with the same respect you would like to receive.

• Describe your perceptions of the world as accurately as possible; expect to discover that perceptions vary from culture to culture.

• Encourage people from other cultures to express their uniqueness.

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• Attempt to emphasize commonalities of cultural beliefs and values rather than focusing on differences.

• Practice self-monitoring behaviors; choose words and gestures carefully; be aware that verbal and nonverbal communication patterns vary from culture to culture.

• Avoid idioms, slang, and jargon when speaking.

• Be careful using jokes and humor.

• Listen very carefully.

• Avoid stereotypical and prejudicial associations, descriptions, or assumptions.

Leadership The study of leadership continues to grow; universities are adding academic

majors and minors in leadership studies. People once believed that “leaders are born,” but most now believe that leadership is a set of skills and values that can be taught and that becoming an effective leader is a lifelong process. Successful leaders are willing to interact with others and have developed effective communication skills.81

James Kouzes and Barry Posner have studied leadership in a variety of contexts and situations for years. Through their interviews, surveys, and research, they found that the content of leadership does not change; however, the context does change for many reasons (technology, world events, cultural and social demands, etc.). They have identified five practices of exemplary leadership: model the way, inspire a shared vision, challenge the process, enable others to act, and encourage the heart.82

We expect our leaders to be role models in every way: to inspire us, to chal- lenge us, and to provide clear direction for future actions or behaviors. By challeng- ing the status quo, leaders are pioneers, taking us in new directions and confronting new issues. We expect our leaders to be enthusiastic, energetic, and positive about the future. Inspirational leaders impart meaning and purpose to our lives. A leader’s vision articulates goals and objectives and communicates the beliefs and values that influence and shape cultural and behavioral norms.

Although the concept of leadership is difficult to define, we agree with Michael Hackman and Craig Johnson that “leadership shares all of the features of human communication.”83 Leaders use symbols to create reality, communicate about the past/present/future, and often use persuasion to accomplish goals. Leadership may be viewed as a special form of human communication. Hackman and Johnson define leadership as “human (symbolic) communication, which modifies the atti- tudes and behaviors of others in order to meet shared group goals and needs.”84

Leaders use a number of communication strategies to enhance effectiveness. They develop perceptions of credibility, build and use power bases effectively, empower followers, make effective use of verbal and nonverbal influence cues, develop positive expectations for others, foster creativity, manage change, gain compliance, negotiate productive solutions, develop argumentative competence, and adapt to cultural differences. We revisit many of these strategies when we dis- cuss the leaders of social movements in chapter 9.

Legal authority or a designated title does not guarantee leadership status. Ulti- mately, the follower grants the role of leader. As a result, leadership is a special cir-

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cumstance of interpersonal communication. Although certain aspects of leadership are more suited to group, organizational, or mass contexts, the foundation is the relationship between each leader and follower. For many years Kouzes and Posner have surveyed well over one hundred thousand individuals to identify the essential characteristics and traits of leaders. They have developed a consistent list of twenty characteristics. To follow someone willingly, constituents must believe that a leader is honest, forward-looking, competent, and inspiring.85 According to their research, these characteristics or traits are consistent across countries, cultures, ethnicities, organizational functions, gender, education, and age groups.

Jay Conger and Ronald Riggio have identified five major themes across the studies of leader development. Leaders need to engage and involve their followers; effective leaders proactively monitor, measure, and adapt to their environments; leaders need to model the way; leaders must be responsive and proactive; and lead- ership is a developmental process learned over time.86 Each of these themes involves elements of interpersonal communication.

Styles of leadership impact both the effectiveness and the popularity of the leader.87 An authoritarian style exhibits group control, direction, and conflict. Although this style may result in increased productivity and task performance, it may also result in less satisfaction and more aggression among followers. A more democratic style of leadership attempts to involve followers in setting goals and encourages group interaction and teamwork. Democratic leadership fosters better follower morale, participation, innovation, and commitment. Communication skills and abilities are essential in developing and maintaining a democratic leader- ship style. The laissez-faire style of communication characterizes a leader who is easygoing and offers little guidance or support. As a result, productivity, cohesive- ness, and satisfaction suffer. Some would argue that this style appeals to individu- als who value autonomy and self-rule. If working with peers similar in rank, age, or experience, the laissez-faire style would be effective. The various styles are summa- rized in figure 8.1 on the following page.

Some leaders have a task communication orientation; others focus on an inter- personal communication orientation. Task-oriented communication stresses the successful completion of task assignments. The concern for getting the work done is greater than the concern for individuals.88 In contrast, the interpersonal orienta- tion emphasizes relationships and follower feelings and general welfare. The inter-

Kouzes and Posner’s Characteristics of Admired Leaders in Order of Priority

Honest Dependable Caring Forward-looking Supportive Loyal Competent Straightforward Imaginative Inspiring Cooperative Mature Intelligent Determined Self-controlled Broad-minded Courageous Independent Fair-minded Ambitious

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personal orientation incorporates many of the characteristics of the democratic style: teamwork, cooperation, and supportive communication.

Some of the most recent research on leader development focuses on leader-mem- ber exchange theory (LMX). Particularly for management positions in the workplace, the theory suggests that leaders today should focus on developing close one-on-one relationships to develop meaningful leader-follower relations. The process involves attempting to understand the character, motivations, strengths, and weaknesses of individuals.90 It also implies that relationships will vary and that different leadership styles, strategies, and tactics are required, depending on the individual. Research sug- gests that strong LMX relationships improve employee commitment, autonomy, and satisfaction, while increasing productivity and decreasing job turnover.91

Followers also play an important role in the leadership process and need to develop their communication skills as well. Robert Kelley identifies three sets of skills that characterize exemplary followership. First, followers add value to the organization and to meeting its objectives. They are committed and share in the organization’s values; they actively seek the skills necessary to insure the success of the organization. Second, good followers fully integrate themselves within the organizational social structure by joining teams and building relational bridges to others throughout the organization. Finally, exemplary followers are guided by courteous and ethical behavior at all times. Such behavior reduces internal conflict and increases morale.92

Effective leaders must influence people to support proposals and implement decisions. Gary Yukl identified proactive influence tactics for gaining compliance, including the following. Rational persuasion uses logical arguments and factual evi- dence to demonstrate the importance of a task. Inspirational appeals target values and ideals to arouse the emotions to gain commitment to a request. Consultation

Authoritarian Leadership

Increases productivity when the leader is present.

Produces more accurate solutions when leader is knowledgeable.

Is more positively accepted in larger groups.

Enhances performance on sim- ple tasks and decreases perfor- mance on complex tasks.

Increases aggression levels among followers.

Increases turnover rates.

Democratic Leadership

Lowers turnover and absen- teeism rates.

Increases follower satisfaction.

Increases follower participation.

Increases follower commit- ment to decisions.

Increases innovation.

Increases a follower’s per- ceived responsibility to a group or organization.

Laissez-Faire Leadership

Decreases innovation when leaders abdicate, but increases innovation when leaders provide guidance as requested.

Decreases follower motivation and satisfaction when leaders abdicate.

Results in feelings of isolation and a decrease in participation when leaders abdicate.

Decreases quality and quantity of output when leaders abdicate.

Increases productivity and satisfac- tion for highly motivated experts.

Figure 8.1 The Effects of Authoritarian, Democratic, and Laissez-Faire Leadership Communication Styles89

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asks for suggestions, making individuals feel part of the solution. Collaboration goes even further in this direction to ensure follower input and participation. Personal appeals that rely on friendship or past favors should be used sparingly. Legitimating tactics verify the authority to make the request and the legitimacy of the request itself.93 Note the absence of unwarranted pressures or threats in these compliance- gaining strategies.

Noted historian and Pulitzer Prize-winning author James MacGregor Burns has written about “transformational leadership.” This occurs through interaction where

people raise one another to higher levels of motivation and morality. Their pur- poses, which might have started out as separate but related, as in the case of transactional leadership, become fused. . . . But transforming leadership ulti- mately becomes moral in that it raises the level of human conduct and ethical aspirations of both the leader and the led, and thus it has a transforming effect on both.94

 Contexts of Interpersonal Persuasion Every interaction takes place within a specific situation or environment. We

conclude this chapter with three specialized situations of interpersonal persuasion: organizations, sales, and interviews.

Organizations In the twenty-first century, changes occur rapidly in the workplace. Markets

are global, and the workforce is diverse. Technology impacts every facet of an orga- nization—from product development and manufacturing to mass marketing to product delivery. Likewise, the workforce is very different than it was just two decades ago. Employees are more mobile, less loyal to corporate America, and desire more balance among career, family, and community. Satisfaction with the job often outweighs the size of the paycheck. Communication has never been more important or critical to the very survival of organizations.

Organizations are usually defined as collectivities of individuals organized to achieve some purpose or goal. In some cases, the purpose may be economic—to produce some product or to provide a particular service that can be sold in the mar- ketplace. In other cases, the purpose of the group may be more social—people brought together because of common beliefs, ideology, or community function. Hackman and Johnson argue that “organizations are formed through the process of communication. . . . Communication is not contained within the organization. Instead, communication is the organization.”95 For George Cheney and his col- leagues, “when we speak of organizational communication, we mean to include a whole array of things, such as symbols, messages, interactions, relationships, net- works, and larger discourses. The communication of an organization is something we ‘step into’ like the flow of a river but also contribute to as we affect that flow or throw something into the stream.”96

Because all organizations are purposeful and structured, they impact the nature of human communication in very specific ways. The idea of an organization involves concepts such as rules, roles, power, specialization, leadership, hierarchy,

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and control, to name only a few. The structure of organizations often masks the fact that a majority of the communication interactions that take place are interper- sonal. The hierarchical structure of superior/subordinate roles and the culture of the organizational environment affect the nature of interpersonal relationships, but the theories and approaches to interpersonal persuasion still apply.

Four approaches to organizational communication have attracted the largest number of adherents.97 The communication as information transfer orientation emphasizes the flow of communication from one person to another. Communica- tion is a tool to accomplish organizational objectives and goals. The approach assumes that one person can compose an effective message and that the other will interpret it as the first person intended. Problems with the approach include its sequential nature, the assignment of the listener to a passive position rather than one as an interactive creator of meaning, and the failure to include nonverbal chan- nels as effective carriers of meaning.

The transactional process acknowledges that people are in a constant state of interaction—encoding and decoding messages, providing feedback, and influenc- ing further interactions. The primary advantage to this perspective is the recogni- tion that the meanings of messages do not solely reside with the sender; communication is a mutual process of constructing meaning. The transactional model is useful when considering the styles, techniques, and strategies of effective leadership. It also provides insight into team and consensus building.

Viewing communication as strategic control focuses on how communication becomes a tool for controlling the organizational environment. Communication is not always designed to maximize understanding, particularly when personal inter- ests are at stake.98 This perspective recognizes the social, political, and ideological motivations in employee and employer interactions. Ambiguity in messages some- times serves both individual and corporate interests. The focus of the strategic-con- trol approach is on individuals controlling the environment through communication and the effects of those efforts on interdependent relationships, including coopera- tion, coordination, power, and inequality.

The fourth perspective views organizational communication as a balance of cre- ativity and constraint.99 This approach looks at how people create the organization, its culture, its environment, and its norms through communication as well as how the organization attempts to constrain interaction or promote change. There is a constant tension between constructing social reality and then being constrained by those very same constructions. This approach attempts to consider the enabling and constraining dimensions of communication within the organization.

Traditionally, we tend to think most about internal organizational communica- tion activities, such as between coworkers, superiors, or subordinates. However, there is increasing attention focusing on external communication activities to include public relations, investor relations, employee relations, community rela- tions, advertising, media relations, labor relations, and government relations, to name just a few. There are two important trends related to external communica- tion. Today there is greater focus on customer relations and satisfaction. Organiza- tions make concerted efforts to be customer centered and to encourage repeat business and loyalty by spending money to develop closer relationships with key

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constituents and training employees to develop more satisfying interactions with customers. The second trend for corporations is developing close relationships with subcontractors, vendors, and suppliers. This trend results from organizations becoming leaner and outsourcing many functions. Personnel interact on a regular basis with counterparts from other organizations. Thus, it is important to think of work relationships well beyond the confines of the organizational structure.100

Communication activities within organizations can be formal or informal. Formal communication activities are those officially sanctioned by the organiza- tion and are usually task oriented. These include items like memos, policy state- ments, and newsletters. Informal communication activities are those that occur among the individuals of an organization. Some would argue that informal com- munication activities are sometimes more important than formal organizational communication activities.

The flow of communication is usually characterized by the direction from which it originates. Upward communication consists of messages sent from lower levels of the organization to upper levels of the hierarchy. For managers, upward communication is the primary source of information about worker problems and issues. As a process, upward communication encourages employee participation and provides an outlet for conflict and tension. Upward communication, however, is difficult. Workers are usually reluctant to share negative messages with superiors. Mid-level supervisors may actively discourage upward messages, viewing such communication as diminishing their power and jeopardizing their job security. Communicating dissatisfaction or general problems can pose a serious dilemma for employees at all levels of an organization.

Downward communication—messages from higher to lower levels—is the most obvious and prevalent within organizations. It ranges from direct verbal orders to more formal activities such as employee performance evaluations. Downward communication provides the primary means for sharing job-related information and organizational goals and philosophies. The challenge is for downward commu- nication to be respectful of employees and to enhance their job performance.

Lateral communication describes messages shared between equals (those at the same level in the hierarchy) within an organization. This form of communica- tion is also very important. In addition to improving teamwork and worker morale, it facilitates task coordination and completion. It provides an informal network of employee support and information. Nevertheless, even lateral communication endeavors can be problematic. A lack of cooperation and trust among colleagues, as well as power-hungry peers, may sour the work environment.

Perhaps the most sensitive area of interpersonal relationships within organiza- tions involves romantic and sexual relationships. Historically, any form of fraterni- zation with colleagues was discouraged. In fact, most organizations have explicit policies and guidelines that limit various forms or degrees of on-the-job relation- ships. However, the simple reality is that most professionals spend more time at work than at home. Teamwork with colleagues of like mind, motives, and goals provides a natural environment for romantic relationships to evolve.101 Most research finds that romantic relationships formed are based on genuine caring and love rather than motivated by the potential for job advancement or a sense of

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adventure or excitement. Nevertheless, negative perceptions and interpretations by others can cause workplace morale problems. In addition, if a romance ends, main- taining a working relationship may be tense and awkward. Corporations are now attempting to establish reasonable solutions and alternatives when romance blooms. For example, if two employees within the same store, office, or section start dating, one party might transfer to another position within the company.

People became more aware of the problem and extent of sexual harassment in the 1990s. According to some studies, one out of every two women has experi- enced sexual harassment sometime in the workplace. Harassment is a form of com- munication that humiliates or degrades others. Sexual harassment encompasses any verbal or nonverbal communication of a sexual nature. Some contemporary scholars focus on how sexual harassment is discursively constructed, experienced, contested, and how it differs between the sexes. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 plus federal, state, and local court rulings detail behaviors that constitute civil viola- tions. In general, the prohibited harassment behaviors are those that offer employ- ment rewards in exchange for sexual favors and/or threaten punishment for noncompliance with sexual demands or create a hostile work environment marked by sexually explicit verbal or nonverbal communication perceived as intimidating or offensive. Sexual harassment is a “multi-level phenomenon embedded in social structures, cultures, and ideologies.”102

Some critics worry that the legal system is invoked for reasons other than the necessary goal of protecting employees from discrimination. Classical organiza- tional theory viewed affective elements of human life as out of place in organiza- tional life and conflicting with productivity and professional competence. “Sanitizing” the workplace

does not eliminate sex discrimination; it allows the organization to treat harass- ment as a stand-alone phenomenon—deplorable individual behavior—rather than a symptom of larger patterns of discrimination and inequality. . . . The larger question is whether we as a society can value the workplace as a realm alive with personal intimacy, sexual energy, and “humanness” more broadly. The same impulse that would banish sexuality from the workplace also seeks to suppress other “irrational” life experiences such as birth and death, sickness and disability, aging and emotion of every kind. But the old Taylorist dream of the workplace as a sterile zone in which workers suspend all their human attri- butes while they train their energies solely on production doesn’t begin to reflect the rich, multiple roles that work serves in people’s lives. For most people, working isn’t just a way to earn a livelihood. It’s a way to contribute something to the larger society, to struggle against their limits, to make friends and form communities, to leave their imprint on the world, and to know themselves and others in a deep way. . . . Work isn’t simply a sphere of production. It is also a source of citizenship, community, and self-understanding.103

Kathleen Reardon talks about three models of organization-employee interac- tion.104 The first is called the exchange model. Organizational incentives and rewards provide employee motivation for productivity. In essence, the organization exchanges money, benefits, and social outlets in return for work performed. Employee participation is limited, and rules are seldom challenged. The second

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model is the socialization model. The organization actively persuades employees about the value of organizational goals and objectives. Corporate culture, peer pressure, and leadership by example are key factors in securing employee coopera- tion. While there is more individual autonomy, there is still little direct employee participation in the life of the organization. The final approach to organization- employee interaction is the accommodation model. Employees actively participate in shaping organizational rules as well as production goals. The structure of the orga- nization attempts to maximize the skills, abilities, and unique characteristics of each employee. They become partners in the problem-solving and decision-making activities of the organization.

Eric Eisenberg, Harold Goodall, and Angela Trethewey note that positive interpersonal relationships with trusted coworkers are the most dynamic source of power in contemporary organizations. “Informal relationships allow employees to get things done across functions within organizations, across organizations, and among business, government, and other stakeholders.”105 One of the important interpersonal interactions is with customers (specific strategies and techniques are discussed in the sales section of this chapter). Responsiveness, courtesy, and good listening skills are vital to positive customer service.

Interpersonal communication among people within or across departments or functions in an organization creates informal groups or cliques. “The most power- ful groups within organizations are those that emerge from the formal and infor- mal communication among people who work together. These groups are referred to as emergent communication networks.”106 The density of organizational net- works influences the acceptance of new ideas or technologies; close connections help people overcome uncertainty and encourage acceptance of change. Employees who gain control over their organizational life are empowered. An employee’s per- sonal communication network affects the experience of empowerment, involve- ment, and participation at work.

Many employees in the United States work in some type of team-based organi- zation structured around interdependent decision-making groups for improved work processes and better quality and service to customers. Organizational effectiveness depends on communication and collaboration, blending both technical and social factors. Teams generally fall within three categories: project teams, work teams, and quality-improvement teams. Project teams are organized around the design and devel- opment of new products or services. Work teams are most often responsible for the entire task process that delivers a product or service to a client. Quality-improvement teams focus on customer satisfaction and team performance evaluation.

Through interaction with others, we begin to develop various organizational roles. Within teams, individuals usually assume one of three different roles.107

Group members in the task role summarize and evaluate ideas, playing a major part in idea generation and performance progression. Members in the maintenance role are active in reducing tension or conflict to maintain team harmony and morale. The self-centered role is unproductive and harmful to teams. The individual domi- nates all aspects of the project and communication exchanges. As is the case in small groups, members will play a variety of roles during task performance and completion. Successful teams characteristically exhibit mutual respect among

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members, a high degree of cooperation, and self-monitoring behaviors that focus on others rather than self.

Organizational climate is an important part of organizational culture and suc- cessful communication. Pioneer scholar of organizational communication, Charles Redding, developed the model of “Ideal Management Climate.” Components of the model are supportiveness, trust, openness, emphasis on high-performance goals, and participative decision-making. These elements provide a way for an organization to be both productive and generate a positive work climate.108

Today, scholars are approaching organizational communication from a cul- tural perspective, emphasizing the importance of establishing the corporate cli- mate, socializing employees, and establishing expectations of behavior. For example, how does the corporate culture of McDonald’s differ from that of Burger King? IBM from Hewlett-Packard? One of the authors (RED) learned very quickly how corporate culture can differ while working in advertising. Some advertising agencies emphasize creativity while others focus on account management. Some agencies are more traditional in terms of offices and division of labor while others have no walls or assigned accounts. In the latter case, individuals work on numer- ous accounts, based on their area of expertise.

We can look at corporate culture along three dimensions.109 The first encom- passes artifacts and patterns of behavior. This includes such elements as the corpo- rate logo, the company’s headquarters, annual reports, even the general business attire of the office staff. These artifacts and behaviors provide the outward, observ- able manifestations of corporate beliefs and values. Some of the artifacts that reveal culture include architecture, furniture, technology, dress, written documents, and art. Behaviors are similarly revealing. For example, how people address each other reveals whether the culture is formal or informal and also indicates power relation- ships and status.

The second dimension—corporate values and beliefs—reflects the ideal of how things should be done in an organization. Slogans or ad campaigns, such as Ford Motor Company’s “Quality is Job 1” or General Electric’s “We bring good things to life,” communicate corporate values. Of course, organizations don’t actually have values; individuals do. The people who formed or who currently lead the com- pany establish goals, priorities, and objectives based on their values. The corporate leader may exert a strong influence on the values emphasized and rewarded—and hence on the organization’s culture. Employees who share these values are recruited and hired, strengthening the values that pervade the corporate culture.

The third level of consideration, basic assumptions of the organization, is more abstract and difficult to assess. It requires analysis of the differences between what a company says and what it does. For example, if employees at a bank that advertises itself as warm and customer friendly treat customers rudely, the bank could well lose consumer confidence and trust—two very important elements for any business.

Globalization, technology, and growing markets worldwide make organiza- tional change an essential element of corporate life. Communication and change are intricately connected. “Communication is more than a tool for change; commu- nication constitutes change.”110 Many organizations emphasize change in their mis- sion statements. In addition, organizations face constant decisions about how to

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change to meet global demands or how to incorporate new technologies. For employees, change becomes a personal issue; it will affect their daily activities and status. Thus, communication about change and its implementation are important elements of corporate culture. An organization can encourage an adaptive approach to organizational change by asking members to identify issues that need to be addressed; developing a shared vision of how to organize for competitiveness; fostering consensus for the new vision; involving all units in the process of imple- menting change; and monitoring and adjusting strategies in response to the change process. Some specific communication tactics include soliciting input, using infor- mal networks to carry change messages, being strategic in message design and lan- guage, and formulating a comprehensive communication plan.111

Sales Selling can be viewed as a special form of interpersonal communication. In a

sense, we are all salespeople—whether advocating a specific opinion, idea, service, or product. Regardless of occupation, anyone who is successful is an effective sales- person. The basic appeals, strategies, and tactics of persuasion are essential to suc- cessful sales.

Working in sales is always challenging, but today there are even greater obsta- cles to consider. In the workplace today, there are four generations who each have their set of ideas, behaviors, attitudes, and motivations. The Matures were born before 1945 and have also been called the Silent Generation or the Greatest Gener- ation. This generation has respect for authority, pride themselves as hard workers, and prefer one-on-one communication. Baby Boomers were born between 1946 and 1964. They are known for being workaholics, thriving on competition, and seeking personal fulfillment. They also question authority and are not afraid of confrontation. Baby Boomers are less hierarchal and are team players. Generation Xers, born between 1965 and 1980, work hard but seek work/life balance. This generation will take many different jobs, are more independent and desire more freedom in the work environment. They prefer communicating via e-mail rather than face-to-face. Millennials are also known as Generation Y or Echo Boomers. They are the youngest in the workforce and were born from 1981 to 2000. They too seek work/life balance and tend to be entrepreneurial and goal oriented, but work is only viewed as a means to an end. They are social, confident, speak their minds freely, and expect flexible work schedules. They are also very comfortable with technology and prefer to use it to communicate. This cohort started entering the workforce about ten years ago. The next generational cohort will be entering the workforce in just a matter of years. They are already being called such names as iGeneration, Gen Tech, Digital Natives, and Net Gen.112

The workforce is more dynamic and diverse than ever before. Success in sales means being able to adapt to different people with different priorities and motiva- tions. In addition, the rapid pace of the development of new communication tech- nologies provides both opportunities and challenges. Using e-mail, voice mail, instant messaging, and all the wonders of the Internet means adapting strategies and tactics to the uniqueness of the new media. Finally, competition in almost all industries continues to increase. Globalization means more products, greater

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sources of manufacturing, and the necessity to compete on price with companies whose cost structures vary significantly. Competition is global—no longer across the street or confined to national boundaries.113

The classic view of sales in the past focused on communicating product value in the marketplace. Today, there is greater focus on establishing various relation- ships with customers. There is a growing body of literature on customer relation- ship management. Many of the models define the role of the sales force to be how the firm can best manage its interactions with customers.114

There are multiple approaches to sales. The selling formula approach treats all customers alike. Sales result from taking the customer through a series of mental states: attention, interest, desire, and action. The salesperson has a developed script or canned presentation. The idea is that there are certain product appeals or attri- butes that will be attractive to all individuals regardless of situation or context.

A more recent approach to sales assumes that purchases are made to satisfy needs. In order to make a sale, one must discover the customer’s needs and demon- strate how the products or services will meet those needs. This need-satisfaction approach requires greater skills of conversation and persuasion. Because each cus- tomer is unique, the salesperson uses conversation to test the appeals most likely to appeal to a specific individual. Bill Brooks argues that the secret to selling is to be “in front of qualified prospects when they are ready to buy, not when you need to make a sale.”115 This means that the prospects are aware of your product or service, have a genuine need or desire for it, and have the ability to pay for it. Brooks fur- ther observes that people don’t always buy what they need—but they always buy what they want.

There are three distinct phases to this process. In the need development phase of the conversation, the salesperson encourages the prospect to talk about his or her needs or requirements while actively listening to the information shared. As the salesperson gains insight into the customer’s needs and desires relevant to the prod- uct or service, the conversation shifts to the need awareness phase of the conversa- tion. The salesperson talks more, repeating the salient needs and observing whether the customer responds positively. In the final phase, need fulfillment, the salesperson demonstrates how the product or service will fully meet the needs dis- cussed. In this phase, the seller is doing all the talking. Notice that in this approach, the sales pitch is tailored to the specific needs or requirements of the customer. It is critical for the salesperson to know the features of the product or service as well as how to phrase questions for the need-development phase. The goal is to control the interview without seeming to do so. The best way to obtain both customer partici- pation and information is to ask questions.

David Mayer and Herbert Greenberg have spent years studying what makes a good salesperson. They find that there are two basic qualities that any good sales- person must have. The first is empathy—the ability to understand the feelings, per- spective, rationale, or motives of the customer. The second is what they call ego drive. Any salesperson must have a strong desire to complete the transaction, which brings personal satisfaction and enhances confidence.116

Rolph Anderson offers a seven-stage model of personal selling.117 The first stage is prospecting and qualifying—identifying potential customers based on a set

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of criteria, such as financial capability, social rank, organizational authority, or general favorableness toward the product or service. Planning the sales call is the second stage. Five specific activities should be considered. (1) Establish the objec- tive of the call: the motivation to generate sales, to develop a contact list, to main- tain current customers, etc. (2) Choose a persuasive strategy: foot-in-the-door, door-in-the-face, need satisfaction, etc. (3) Plan for an effective and efficient meet- ing: do not waste the customer’s time. (4) Prepare for the customer’s reactions: give thought to the objections that might be raised and how to handle them. (5) Display confidence and professionalism: set a tone that will enhance the sales attempt.

The third stage is approaching the prospect, and the initial impression is criti- cal. Verbal and nonverbal behaviors—from the firmness of the handshake, to how one is dressed, to the level of comfort with the interaction, to knowledge about the product or service—will determine how receptive the customer will be to the next stage. The fourth stage is making the sales presentation. After articulating the fea- tures and benefits of the product or service, the next stage is negotiating resistance or objections. To overcome objections, differentiate between valid objections about the product or service from excuses for avoiding a decision. Try to turn objec- tions—which are an indication that the customer is seriously thinking about how the product or service might be used—into a positive: link price objectives with quality or proven customer service, for example. The sixth stage is closing the sale. The seventh and final stage is servicing the account. The old saying, “it is easier and less expensive to keep customers than to win new customers,” highlights the importance of this stage.

The Million Dollar Round Table (MDRT) argues that the building of mutual trust is one of the most effective sales strategies. How do you build trust? The answer is the same as for any interpersonal relationship: be genuine, engage in appropriate self-disclosure, and display empathy. The MDRT provides seven basic rules for closing a sale:118

• Establish your credibility.

• Know your product.

• Know your client.

• Keep it simple.

• Sell concepts and benefits.

• Communicate your enthusiasm, your certainty, and your commitment.

• Take a chance, ask for the sale.

Another popular approach to sales is to match strategies and tactics with the customer’s personality type. The basic idea is that personal characteristics influ- ence any decision-making process.119 There are four general personality types: dominant, influential, steady, and compliant. People, of course, are a combination of all types, but one set of characteristics tends to prevail over the others most of the time. Dominant personality types, for example, like to be in control. Often, they are self-employed; they are accustomed to giving orders and making their own decisions. In selling to dominant types, demonstrate how the product or service will make them even more productive, profitable, and successful. They must be

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confident that you can deliver on promises; they don’t want details—just a sum- mary of the features and benefits.

Influential personality types like to have fun and to be popular. They like work- ing with people in an active environment and tend to be very task oriented. When selling to influentials, one must first win them over and become their friend. If they don’t like you, they will not buy from you. They also like small talk—relational talk that goes beyond the specific item or service to be purchased. Don’t talk too much; let them do most of the talking. If you can relate stories of how the product or ser- vice has helped others, you are more likely to make the sale.

Steady personality types do not like to rush decisions. They are easygoing and generally friendly. They are thinkers and planners and tend to have a high concern for others. Selling to this type of personality is more difficult than selling to other personality types. They like taking their time and do not respond favorably to pres- sure or pushy salespeople. They need data to make decisions. Interestingly, they do not like major change, so it is best to explain how the product or service will enhance rather than revolutionize the status quo.

Compliant personality types like to collect information. They tend to ask ques- tions and require a fair amount of time to make a decision, especially if it may involve a great change of routine. Information and data are more important to them than need, friendliness, or desire.

There are several techniques used most often to close a sale. The presumption technique involves acting as if the deal were done, such as writing up an invoice or going to the cash register. The choice technique is based on closing the sale on a minor aspect of the product or service. In essence your presentation is offering choices among features and benefits of the product, rather than asking whether the customer intends to make a purchase. For example, the question asked may be, “Do you prefer a PC or a Macintosh?” The inciter technique is a last-resort effort to close. The technique involves incentives such as free delivery, no interest, free gift, or some special discount. The rationale is to prevent the prospect from waiting until tomorrow to consider the purchase. The report technique involves sharing a story that parallels the prospect’s situation. The anecdote demonstrates how the purchase solved an identical problem for another person. Obviously, in order to maintain trust, the story or anecdote must be true, using real names, etc. Finally, one of the most common closing techniques is comparison and contrast. A precise and honest comparison of the features and benefits of one’s product or service with a competing brand can result in a sale.120

We briefly touched on handling objections above. There are several techniques to help navigate this critical part of the sales presentation. First, anticipate possible objections. The better you know the prospect and his or her motivations, the better you can anticipate possible objections. Careful analysis will allow you to preempt specific questions or objections by addressing them within the body of the presenta- tion. Another general rule is to answer objections immediately. If you hesitate or delay responding, the prospect will focus even more on the objection. However, there are two situations when delaying a response may be advantageous: when the objection is not related to the point under consideration and when questions about price are raised before you have completed your presentation.121

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There are other successful techniques as well. One is called the boomerang, turning an objection into a reason for buying the product. Another is I’m coming to that, a tactic used when the salesperson wants to convey critical information before answering the objection. If salespersons must concede the objection, they often will use a yes, but technique of quickly following the objection with an advantage or pos- itive product attribute. The offset technique admits the validity of the objection but then follows with a superior point that more than compensates for the original objection. Sometimes by asking questions relevant to the objection, the salesperson forces the prospect to provide support or evidence for the objection. Finally, a sim- ple direct denial can be effective by attributing the objection to a misunderstanding or wrong interpretation of information.122

We would be remiss if we did not highlight some of the problematic areas of sales in relationship to traditional persuasive theory. Especially in a democratic society, persuasion is based on the concept of informed choice. Despite the phrase caveat emptor (let the buyer beware), the ethical burden is on the persuader to insure that products are fairly presented. There are also other issues to consider. Does the seller really believe in the product? Does the buyer really need the product or ser- vice? In terms of persuasion, there is little difference between the selling of ideas and the selling of products. Both are important to our society and utilize the same tools of persuasion.

Interviews In many ways the interviewing process is also a type of sale. When you inter-

view for a job, you are both the product and the salesperson. You need to be pre- pared to talk about your unique attributes and to persuade the interviewer that you will be an excellent employee. Your resume and cover letter are just the first steps toward employment.

It is possible to argue that nearly all dyadic communication is a form of inter- viewing. In social conversation, people rotate roles and exchange information that provides the basis for future transactions and behavior. However, interviewing is a more formal, prescribed form of dyadic communication. Charles Stewart and Wil- liam Cash define interviewing as “an interactional communication process between two parties, at least one of whom has a predetermined and serious pur- pose that involves the asking and answering of questions.”123 The key words in this definition are “predetermined and serious purpose.” According to Stewart and Cash, an interview is a formal communication transaction where one or both of the parties have specific behavioral objectives in mind. Even mini-interviews— those that seek to elicit the opinions of colleagues, etc.—may mask a persuasive intent. The questioner may appear to have an open mind but, in reality, have no intention of accepting the interviewee’s position.

Today’s technology provides almost instantaneous communication and oppor- tunities for more formal interviews through e-mail, cell phones, and PDAs. Stewart and Cash, however, offer several examples of when face-to-face interviews are more beneficial.124 If it is necessary to verify that the interviewee is who he or she claims to be or if it is necessary to challenge or to ask for clarification about infor- mation on an application, face-to-face interactions are an excellent discovery tool.

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In addition, much valuable information is revealed through the nonverbal dimen- sions of a face-to-face conversation. Answers to questions in face-to-face interviews are often longer and more detailed than in written questionnaires. Interviewees are more willing to share personal information in face-to-face conversations, thereby increasing the likelihood of revealing their attitudes, beliefs, and values.

In an interview situation, the interviewer and interviewee share dual roles. In the best interviews, participants freely rotate between the roles. Without such an exchange, participants sacrifice power, control, and personal motives. This perspec- tive recognizes that each participant in an interview has a purpose, and each must prepare for the encounter accordingly.

There are many types of interviews: informational, employment, appraisal, or counseling, to name only a few. The general purpose and the context of the inter- view determine the type. Most interviews employ the same strategies and tactics found in other persuasive contexts, such as public speaking and advertising. Before entering an interview, you should analyze all of the elements thoroughly. What should be accomplished? What can be expected? How can you best present your- self ? Many of the suggestions provided in this book relating to other persuasive topics can be used in your analysis (see especially chapter 13).

Minimally, you should consider the persuasive situation and topic and then carefully develop appropriate strategies and tactics. In terms of the person you want to persuade, you should analyze the person’s values and background in order to gain insight into what motivates that individual. The goal is to understand better how the receiver will perceive the situation. You will then be able to develop strong arguments and appeals for your points and objectives. When and where the inter- view takes place will impact such persuasive elements as attention, control, and length of the interview. Finally, you should spend as much time preparing the con- tent of the interview as you would when preparing a public presentation. You should structure your argument carefully by identifying key appeals and supporting your ideas with examples and evidence.

Stewart and Cash suggest a basic structure to follow for a persuasive inter- view.125 The elements include: analyze the interviewee, analyze the situation, know the “issue,” plan the interview, select the strategies, conduct the interview, and close the interview. It is important to establish immediate rapport with the other party. This may be accomplished with an exchange of greetings and small talk about weather, sports, or the headlines. The goal is to establish an open climate where there can be a free exchange of ideas and information. A feeling of trust and mutual goodwill between the participants is important. Once a good communica- tion climate has been established, there should be a brief orientation to explain the purpose and nature of the interview.

Stewart and Cash recommend preparing an interview guide that provides a structured outline of topics and subtopics to be addressed. Of course, the degree of structure may vary depending on the degree of formality of the interview. At one author’s university, the list of specific questions asked during employment inter- views for staff members must be provided to the personnel office, and the questions must be asked of each referred applicant. Formal interviews require very specific topic and subtopic planning.

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There are several patterns one could follow in developing questions.126 A topi- cal pattern is the most common. Questions flow from the particular subject being discussed. A time-sequence pattern develops questions in some chronological order, such as stages or the order in which events happen. A cause-to-effect sequence is an option in which possible causes of the issue are explored, followed by a discussion of effects. Related to this pattern is the problem-solution sequence where first there is an attempt to understand the perceived problem and then an exploration of possible solutions. The funnel sequence begins with broad, open questions and then narrows to more specific, detailed questions. The purpose of any of the patterns is to develop mutual understanding and, depending on the pur- pose of the interview, agreement.

In the closing portion of the interview, it is important to summarize what has been discussed and to review agreements reached. The closing usually occurs in three stages. When appropriate, you begin to focus on the solution and ask “yes- response” questions to verify positions. The agreement stage of the closing is the most dangerous period. At this point, you should obtain a final agreement and com- mitment from the interviewee. While being pleasant and reassuring, you want to eliminate any doubt about the action to follow. Finally, it is a good idea to arrange for a follow-up interview. This is useful to establish rapport once again and to check the status of commitment expressed throughout the interview. Your leave-taking should be relaxed and positive. Do not bring up any new issues; take some time for small talk, if possible. Be sincere and honest. Don’t make promises you cannot keep. Also, don’t rush the closing. This is an opportunity to strengthen rapport.

Interviewing is a good example of how persuasion is an integral part of most communication. The key ingredients for all forms of communication are planning and preparation.

 Summary The foundation for all persuasion is a thorough understanding of the audi-

ence—whether an audience of one or of millions. We engage in interpersonal per- suasion much more frequently than we realize. The amount and type of persuasion we use (or are exposed to) depends on the nature of particular interpersonal encounters. We may seek the approval of others to satisfy the relational needs of acceptance, affection, and respect. We frequently seek compliance to accomplish specific tasks: to finish a project, to sell a product, or to be hired. Many interper- sonal encounters involve both cognitive and relational processes. The verbal and nonverbal symbols we choose to communicate our intentions affect the outcome. Compliance depends on the strategies we select, the situation or context, and the nature of the relationship.

Conflict often results from prolonged, intense efforts of interpersonal persua- sion. Frequently, a negative reaction results not from the actual facts of the dis- agreement but from the quality of the communication exchanged. The most important aspect to remember about conflict is that it must be managed. If we apply the knowledge we have gained about how to communicate effectively, we

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should be able to conduct our participation in interpersonal exchanges—including conflict—effectively.

In the twenty-first century, our society and workplace are more diverse than ever before. Therefore, sensitivity to issues of cultural and gender communication are vitally important. While interpersonal communication within the organiza- tional context ranges on a continuum from formal to informal, much of the work accomplished depends on effective interpersonal communication. While interviews and sales are formal types of interpersonal persuasion, they rely on the same princi- ples of communication we have identified and discussed throughout this book.

 QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 1. In terms of the three types of relationship structures, how would you catego-

rize your relationship with your father (mother, teacher, employer, girlfriend, boyfriend, classmates)?

2. Can you think of a time when you and an intimate friend had an argument? What happened? Analyze the conversation and argument in terms of gender differences discussed in this chapter.

3. You have a 2012 Honda Accord automobile you wish to sell. Develop the sales appeals and arguments for persuading a friend, a stranger, or a middle-aged man or woman to purchase the car. How do the appeals differ and why?

4. For the above automobile, prepare a specific appeal that would address buyer motivations of profit and thrift, safety and protection, ease and convenience, pride and prestige, sex and romance, love and affection, adventure and excite- ment, performance and durability.

5. Describe the leadership qualities you like best and explain why. Describe the leadership qualities you do not like and explain why.

6. You are the manager of a department at a large clothing store. Prepare ques- tions for a job interview, a work appraisal interview for a problem employee, and an employee termination interview. How do these interviews differ in strategies and appeals?

7. From your own experience, provide an example of a pseudoconflict, a content conflict, and an ego conflict.

8. You have been working in a furniture store for one year. Prepare arguments you would use in asking for a raise.

9. Discuss the ethical issues, dimensions, and implications of:

a. attempts to sell a $70 Bible to a family of six with an income of $20,000 a year.

b. attempts to sell a used car that had been in a major accident and recently repaired.

10. Describe the nonverbal behaviors associated with interactions with friends, acquaintances, and employers.

11. If you work for an organization or company, how would you describe its val- ues and climate? With whom do you interact the most on the job? Do you feel free to make suggestions for job improvement to superiors?

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 ADDITIONAL READING Brenda Allen, Difference Matters, 2nd ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2011). Peter A. Andersen, Nonverbal Communication: Forms and Functions, 2nd ed. (Long Grove, IL:

Waveland Press, 2008). George Cheney, Lars Thøger Christensen, Theodore E. Zorn, Jr. and Shiv Ganesh, Organi-

zational Communication in an Age of Globalization, 2nd ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2011).

William R. Cupach, Daniel J. Canary, and Brian Spitzberg, Competence in Interpersonal Con- flict, 2nd ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2010).

Teri Gamble and Michael Gamble, Interpersonal Communication: Building Connections Together (Los Angeles, CA: Sage, 2014).

Laura K. Guerrero and Michael L. Hecht, The Nonverbal Communication Reader: Classic and Contemporary Readings, 3rd ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2008).

Michael Hackman and Craig Johnson, Leadership: A Communication Perspective, 6th ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2013).

Stephen W. Littlejohn and Kathy Domenici, Communication, Conflict, and the Management of Difference (Long Grove, IL: Waveland, 2007).

Sana Reynolds and Deborah Valentine, Guide to Cross-Cultural Communication, 2nd ed. (Bos- ton: Prentice-Hall, 2011).

Charles Stewart and William Cash, Interviewing: Principles and Practices, 13th ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2011).

Kathryn Sue Young and Howard Paul Travis, Communicating Nonverbally: A Practical Guide to Presenting Yourself More Effectively (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2008).

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9

Public and Mass Persuasion

OVERVIEW

 Public Communication and Persuasion Characteristics of Public Communication Public Opinion and Persuasion

 Persuasive Campaigns Product or Commercial Campaigns Public Relations Campaigns Political Campaigns Issue Campaigns

Grassroots Lobbying Corporate Advocacy/Issue Management

 Social Movements Characteristics Persuasive Functions Life Cycle Leadership Resistance to Social Movements

 Campaign Implementation

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Democracies depend on citizens to have the necessary competencies for participation in the ongoing deliberations that identify and resolve public concerns.1

—Gerard A. Hauser

Public persuasion involves interactions on a societal scale. Through public com- munication, we discuss issues, formulate and debate policy, campaign for public office, and implement societal reform and changes. As our society becomes more complex, individual and independent actions are no longer sufficient to guarantee success or survival. Group efforts impact us daily, and we join forces with others to insure that our views are heard and our needs are met.

When we think of public campaigns, we tend to think of political election cam- paigns. However, public campaigns encompass numerous issues and social causes from public health and safety to protecting the environment to gay rights to abor- tion. Some campaigns may be controversial; the goals of others may be unortho- dox; and marginalized groups may conduct campaigns for recognition of issues ignored by mainstream society.

At the very heart of democracy is public communication. The quality of that public communication directly impacts the quality of our democracy and society at large. Mitchell McKinney, Lynda Lee Kaid, and Kianne Bystrom view “the funda- mental nature of a democracy as that of a civic dialogue, an ongoing conversation between and among our elected leaders or candidates and the citizens they lead or wish to lead.”2 Thus, citizen engagement and participation in civic affairs are grounded in communication. In this chapter, we investigate the nature of public communication and persuasion. Our focus is on the multiple strategies of various public persuasive campaigns.

 Public Communication and Persuasion As we noted in chapter 2, public persuasion has been a sophisticated art for

centuries. Over 2,000 years ago, Aristotle’s Rhetoric detailed the strategies for con- vincing others. Verbal skills were highly valued and a necessity for public life. The master of public discourse was eloquent, ethical, and civic minded. The Greeks trusted and preferred oral, face-to-face interaction to the written word. With the advent of the printing press in 1450, literacy was no longer a privilege of the aristoc- racy. With the printed word, public communication and persuasion extended beyond immediate audiences. Electronic communication further extended the power and impact of human communication and persuasion. As we enter the twenty-first century, the Internet and prospects of media convergence opens new and powerful means of reaching audiences and influencing behavior, not only in the United States but also around the globe. In our modern world, oral, written,

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and electronic communication are essential to our lives. However, the growth in frequency and availability of public communication has not necessarily improved the human condition. Some argue that increased public communication has ampli- fied public deception, confusion, interpersonal isolation, and the complexity of modern life.

Characteristics of Public Communication Two different but complementary definitions of public communication cam-

paigns exist. Definitions featuring objectives focus on efforts to change attitudes and subsequent behaviors. This type of definition is most common with controversial issues. The second definition focuses on the methods employed by groups. Some meth- ods may be conventional (for example, a mix of brochures, posters, and advertise- ments). In a crowded communication environment, unusual methods, such as guerilla theater and provocative billboards, are more likely to draw the public’s attention.3

We define public communication as intentional efforts to change or modify the beliefs, attitudes, values, and behaviors of an audience through the use of symbols in a public forum. Our broad definition of public communication identifies persua- sion as the goal, the use of symbols as the means of meeting objectives, and the public arena as the context of interaction.

Several characteristics distinguish public from other forms of communication. Many of the terms have been defined in other chapters, but it is useful to review them briefly.

• Public communication is simply more public. The interactions are not pri- vate, and intimacy is sacrificed. Consider, for example, that although Oprah Winfrey frequently interviews celebrities within the seemingly comfortable security of their homes, their responses will be heard by millions of people.

• Communication settings are less relevant. For example, a politician’s com- ments before an Iowa caucus are not limited to the immediate audience; they are broadcast throughout the nation.

• Audiences are larger, more diverse, and anonymous. Because a message will be heard by people with varying backgrounds, beliefs, and values, appeals are general and few specifics are detailed. The politicians campaigning in Iowa cannot make promises to farmers that could upset urban voters in another region.

• Public communication is mediated. The form and content of messages depends on the medium selected. Television is naturally better suited for movement, action, and drama than is radio. Newspapers and magazines offer expanded space for written messages, allowing for more examples, details, and argumen- tation. The Internet and social network sites can activate, unite, and energize like-minded individuals. The use of mass media restricts audience feedback, and the interpretation of the message is thus vulnerable to misunderstanding.

• Public communication provides an opportunity for change. People, groups, and opinions can be mobilized quickly. Mass persuasion is best at linking ideas and potential audiences for some common action.

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Public communication provides several social functions, including informa- tion, persuasion, entertainment, and culture dissemination. Public communication shares information needed to conduct business and to regulate social life. It has a persuasive function that provides opportunities for various viewpoints or ideas to be presented, discussed, and debated. The entertainment function often blends sev- eral purposes. For example, The Help, a multiple Academy Award winner in 2011, is a story of a young white woman and her relationship with two black maids. The woman writes a book from the viewpoint of the maids that exposes the racism endured during the 1960s.

Public communication preserves and disseminates all the rituals and ceremo- nies of our culture. Films, speeches, lectures, television programs, and other events weave a cultural fabric that unites people, groups, and ideas. Through public com- munication, humans give cultural meaning to a bewildering variety of daily events.

Public Opinion and Persuasion Over the last two decades, public opinion polls have proliferated exponentially.

Phrases such as “margin of error,” “sample size,” “likely voters,” and “favorable approval ratings” have become part of our national political vocabulary. Polls are used not only to inform us about our collective beliefs, attitudes, and values but also to persuade and even manipulate our attitudes and behavior. They also serve to inform elected leaders of public sentiment to influence public policy. Polls have become an integral part of print and broadcast news coverage on virtually all social issues, as well as public and political campaigns.

There are many types of polls beyond those conducted by the media. Commis- sioned polls are conducted on behalf of an organization. They are not necessarily designed for public consumption but are useful in guiding the decision making of the organization. Commercial firms as well as special-interest organizations may commission polls to gauge public trust and confidence in a product or a position on an issue. If the results are favorable, especially to a special-interest group, the results may be released for public awareness and support. For example, the Sierra Club releases polls demonstrating that the majority of Americans support keeping public lands free from development, mining, or logging activities.

Pseudo-polls are those where print and electronic media organizations encour- age audiences to register their opinions on a topic or subject matter. These are not valid polls because the sample of respondents is self-selected, not random, and response rates are very low. Even the questionnaires that members of Congress dis- tribute to constituents are unreliable. These types of polls are more of a public rela- tions gimmick than a valid attempt to gather information on public attitudes.

Political public opinion polls have become an essential element of both cam- paign management and news coverage. Technology has increased the frequency, sophistication, and types of opinion polls. Opinion polls evolved to play a central role in campaigns because of their usefulness in targeting audiences and issues. From a campaign perspective, polls provide detailed information about voters: who they are, what they think, how they feel, and how they will behave in the voting booth. Polls identify the most important issues, suggest how to talk about them, and specify which issues appeal to a particular constituency group. Feedback from

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polls provides valuable information for creating, adjusting, and refining effective messages. Finally, campaign polls reveal information about perceived strengths and weaknesses of candidates and the public image projected.

In addition to candidate-sponsored polls, there has been an incredible growth of news-media public opinion polls. During the campaign season, major news organizations release weekly polls at the national and state level, and these polls can dramatically impact election coverage. According to Mark Blumenthal, senior polling editor and founder of Pollster.com, “we live in a news environment where a combination of cable news and websites of every imaginable variety have an insa- tiable appetite for polling numbers.”4 In fact, he notes that today “we are con- fronted with polls from sources we have barely heard of, including some organizations that appear to exist solely for the purpose of disseminating polls.”5

Polls influence how candidates are covered, how much airtime they will receive, which reporter will be assigned to cover them, and the portrayal of a candidate’s campaign. Some scholars argue that media polls lead to biased coverage and mis- representation. Simply reporting which candidate is ahead and by what margin provides very little information about issues. They encourage more coverage of the “horse race” than policy or issue positions of the candidates. The numbers in the polls imply a scientific accuracy that may not exist; the reporting on polls often favors one candidate over the other. In the 2012 presidential election, there was much controversy over polls that showed such wide variance in results. Disagree- ments about the make up of sample sizes and potential turnout models dominated the debate over polling results from both the Obama and Romney campaigns.

In general, the public is becoming more skeptical of polls—especially those used during elections. Exit polling at voting locations has received special scrutiny. Indeed, the lack of precision by the networks attempting to identify the winner dur- ing the 2000 presidential elections was embarrassing. In fact, after much effort and expense to improve the technology and method of analyses for exit polling, errors were so great that networks declined to report the data during the mid-term elec- tions of 2002. In 2004, early indicators leaked on the Internet predicted a John Kerry victory over George W. Bush. In 2006, the networks agreed not to release data until 5:00 PM or to make predictions until the polls closed in each state. Since 2004, Edison Research conducts national exit polls for the National Election Pool partnership of ABC, CBS, CNN, Fox, NBC, and the Associated Press. In 2012, they completed exit polls in only 31 states. The surveys remain controversial and have become more expensive.

Since the Nixon presidency, all administrations have spent millions of dollars on public opinion polls to develop public policy and strategies to persuade the pub- lic; the Clinton administration, in particular, relied on polling.6 In fact, Diane Heith finds that contemporary presidents use polls to assist in message design, to shape constituency relations, to construct strategies in dealing with Congress, and to track evaluations of performance.7 The Obama administration invests heavily in data and technology to isolate public opinion by all sorts of demographic and psychographic variables. Their micro-analysis guides their actions in governing and in campaigns.

We tend to think of public opinion as a monolithic entity. Leaders espouse views and positions based on the “public’s opinion” with great certainty. However,

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the truth is that public opinion is not static, and polls are just another tool of per- suasion. In order to understand the persuasive potential and impact of polls and public opinion, we need to look briefly at the nature of public opinion.

The more abstract the goal or objective, the greater the consensus of opinion. For example, nearly everyone wants to curb the increase in crime. There is much less agreement about how to lower crime. The more specific a claim, the less con- sensus one will find among the public. Thus, many politicians are very general in their pronouncements and calls to action. There is more risk in being specific.

Carroll Glynn and his colleagues provide four reasons why public opinion is an important consideration for public persuasion.8 First, a democratic government should reflect the will of those governed; policy should be based on the opinions of citizens. Second, respect for public opinion is a safeguard against demagoguery. Third, public opinion provides clues about culture. Public sentiment toward spe- cific issues provides insight into contemporary norms and values. Fourth, elected officials must mobilize public sentiment and support during times of national cri- sis. However, as a word of caution, there is the strong assumption, especially within a democracy, that the general public is well informed about issues and public pol- icy. As will be discussed later in the chapter, a major task of all social movements is to mobilize public support for an issue, event, or action.

Public opinion is the collective expression of opinion of many individuals whose common aims, aspirations, needs, and ideals bind them together. Few issues inspire opinions or feelings from the entire citizenry. At the heart of any opinion is the issue of salience or self-interest. We may offer opinions on many issues, but there are few that motivate us to take action (such as writing a letter, going to a pub- lic rally, or sending money to an organization). To motivate people to take action, persuasive appeals and messages often focus on the commonality of the group.

Public opinion does not anticipate events; it only reacts to them. Events become crucibles for public opinion. For example, the horrible shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in December 2012 that left twenty children and six adults dead raised a firestorm of discussion and debate over the issues of gun con- trol and mental health. All elected officials responded to the tragedy with legisla- tive hearings, investigative task forces, and legislation. The tragic bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City in 1995 focused a great deal of attention on civilian paramilitary groups. United States involvement in Kosovo as part of a NATO action in 1999 sparked debate about the role of our military in the post-cold war world. The tragic attack on the United States on September 11, 2001, raised questions about immigration, the extent of government surveillance on its citizens, and our role in fighting international terrorism. The devastation of Hurricane Katrina in 2005 renewed discussions of race, poverty, individual and governmental accountability and responsibility, as well as issues of local corruption. A social issue may languish for lack of attention until dramatized by an event. Awareness and discussion may lead to crystallizing opinions and attitudes. However, even dra- matic events rarely sway public opinion for an extended length of time.

Public opinion is intertwined with a variety of cultural forces and institutions; it evolves as standards change. For example, twenty-five years earlier, former presi- dent Bill Clinton probably would have resigned before the impeachment hearings

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began. However, in 1998, many Americans distinguished between the private actions of a president and the public management function of government.

William Paisley and Charles Atkin argue that there are three social forces influencing public communication campaigns: public distrust, episodic issues, and the rise of issue literacies.9 Americans have become increasingly critical of govern- ment since Watergate and the presidency of Richard Nixon; political, social, and corporate scandals and crises have amplified public cynicism and distrust. In addi- tion, issues continually rise and fall on the national agenda. The numbers of spe- cial-interest groups competing for national attention constantly increase, and almost every issue is portrayed as a “crisis.” Citizens feel less confident about find- ing solutions and distrust those who portray themselves as specialists or experts on the issues.

 Persuasive Campaigns A military campaign refers to a connected series of military operations forming

a distinct phase of a war. In a general context, a campaign is a connected series of operations designed to bring about a particular result. It involves planning, strategy, competition, winners, and losers.

Herbert Simons defines persuasive campaigns as “organized, sustained attempts at influencing groups or masses of people through a series of messages.”10

This definition of persuasive campaigns emphasizes three key characteristics. First, campaigns are generally well-organized events; they are not spontaneous public events. There is an identifiable organizational structure with leaders, goals, and established routines. Campaigns most often have beginning and ending dates. The second major characteristic of a campaign is large audience size. As already dis- cussed, this factor greatly influences the form and content of messages. It also implies the use of mass communication media. The third characteristic of persua- sive campaigns is the use of multiple messages to alter the beliefs, attitudes, values, or behaviors of a segment of the general public.

Public persuasion campaigns are fundamentally communication exercises about politics (broadly defined to include elections or mass social movements), issues, products, and services. A communication approach to campaign analysis challenges the basic assumption of behaviorists that public campaigns play a minor role or have little influence in citizen decision-making. Communication scholars argue that campaign research has focused too much attention on individual atti- tude change or voter conversion. Such research ignores the long-term, cumulative effects of public persuasive campaigns and the fact that the purpose of many cam- paigns is reinforcement of existing beliefs, attitudes, or behaviors.

As argued in chapter 3, we create and manipulate reality through symbols. Campaigns are exercises in the creation, re-creation, and transmission of signifi- cant symbols. Communication activities are the vehicles for action—both real and perceived. Samuel Becker advises “any single communication encounter accounts for only a small portion of the variance in human behavior.”11 He characterizes our communication environment as a mosaic.12 The mosaic consists of an infinite num- ber of information bits on an infinite number of topics scattered over time and

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space; exposure is varied and repetitive; and the bits are disorganized. As these bits become relevant or address a need, they receive attention. We must arrange these bits into a meaningful cognitive pattern. Public campaigns are great sources of potential information and contain, however difficult to identify or measure, ele- ments that impact decision-making. New information bits can replace other bits to change or modify our worldview, attitudes, or opinions. Broadly speaking, there are five types of campaigns. While specific strategies and tactics of persuasion may overlap, these types of campaigns contain unique elements and specific processes of persuasion.

Product or Commercial Campaigns Product or commercial advertising campaigns are the focus of chapter 10. The

purpose of such campaigns is to sell specific ideas, products, or services. Advertis- ing is the most pervasive form of persuasion in the United States. It is both a cre- ative and a scientific process. Advertising campaigns are intricate and complex, utilizing psychological strategies and tactics to move consumers along a continuum from awareness to knowledge, to liking, to preference, to conviction, and to pur- chase. Because of their scope and impact, advertising campaigns are significant ele- ments of public communication, fulfilling both social and economic functions.

Public Relations Campaigns There are numerous definitions of public relations. They all encompass the

idea of the “management of communication” between an organization and its “publics.” There are three primary functions of public relations. First, public rela- tions “control publics” by influencing what people think or how they behave toward an organization. Second, public relations activities function to “respond to publics,” reacting to the developments, problems, or initiatives of others. Finally, public relations function to “achieve mutually beneficial relationships among all the publics that an institution has.”13 This recognizes a comprehensive view of pub- lics to include employees, consumers, suppliers, and any group that interacts with the organization.

The practice of public relations usually occurs in five job settings: agencies, corporate/business, nonprofits/associations, governments, and independent con- sultations. Public relations generally include the activities of advertising, promo- tion, publicity, marketing communications, propaganda, special events, internal communication, public affairs, issues management, media relations, government relations/lobbying, community relations, industry relations, employee/member relations, financial relations, fund-raising, and minority relations.14 Each activity requires the construction of carefully crafted messages designed for specific targets or audiences. In short, each activity is about purposeful, persuasive communica- tion. Some PR activities are done by agencies; some are done “in-house” by corpo- rate professionals or by hiring independent professional consultants.

There are 7,000 to 10,000 PR firms in America and over 60 national and regional professional associations representing nearly 200,000 members. It fact, over 3 million people work in PR worldwide.15 Most companies and corporations have dedicated departments devoted to public relations activities.

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In short, public relations campaigns are designed to address an issue, to solve a problem, or to improve a situation. Doug Newsom, Judy Turk, and Dean Krucke- berg identify six types of public relations campaigns.16 A public awareness campaign is designed to make people aware of something. This type of campaign ranges from something as simple as the date of a school opening to a local civic event. A public information campaign goes beyond citizen awareness of an event and shares some vital information. A public education campaign involves an additional step beyond awareness and information—explanation of the material so that the public can understand how it applies to daily behavior. Attitude reinforcement campaigns focus on attitudes and behaviors of those who are in agreement with the organizational goals or values. In contrast, attitude change campaigns attempt to alter the attitudes of those who disagree with the goal. A mixture of the two are some of the contem- porary campaigns on drugs, smoking, and drunk driving, for example, which either reinforce existing attitudes or attempt to modify existing behavior. Finally, behavior modification campaigns are the most difficult and complex. They must motivate the public to change current behavior.

Crisis communication has become a specialty function of public relations. A crisis is “a major occurrence with a potentially negative outcome affecting an orga- nization as well as its publics, services, products, and/or good name.”17 A crisis may not necessarily mean the end of a company or even a product. Seven people died over a 3-day period in late September 1982 after ingesting Extra-Strength Tyle- nol capsules to which cyanide had been added. The manufacturer, Johnson & Johnson, swiftly removed the product from store shelves and reintroduced it only after designing more secure packaging. Other examples of critical events and the outcomes they induced include: the Exxon Valdez oil spill that increased member- ship in environmental groups that lobbied for stricter regulatory legislation; the shootings at Columbine High School, Virginia Tech, and Sandy Hook Elementary School that led to new school security measures, gun control, and mental health legislation; the corporate scandals of Enron and Tyco and Martha Stewart’s insider trading that resulted in increased attention to corporate malfeasance and violations of securities and exchange rules. The attacks of 9/11, in addition to the thousands of victims and the devastating impact on the nation’s psyche, created a number of crises for commerce. The airlines, tourism companies, and financial industries were among the hardest hit. The worldwide financial crises of 2008 resulted in the worst economy since the Great Depression. Crisis communication involves “the verbal, visual, and/or written interaction between the organization and its publics (often through the news media) prior to, during, and after the negative occurrence.”18

Forward-thinking companies prepare contingency plans in case they confront a crisis. They develop strategic communication considerations for each of the five stages. Detection is the first stage, during which the organization watches for warning signs. The second stage is preparation/prevention. In this stage, the organization pre- pares a proactive campaign to address a potential crisis or, if possible, to avoid one. In stage three, containment, the communication is designed to limit the duration of the cri- sis or to keep it from becoming more serious. The fourth stage is recovery, where the organization attempts to get out of the news and back to business as usual. Finally, the learning stage consists of careful evaluation of the crisis and a review of actions taken.19

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There are several types of crises. Victim crises exist when the organization is also a victim of the crisis—for example, crises caused by natural disasters; rumors or the circulation of false and damaging information; workplace violence; or prod- uct tampering/malevolence where external agents cause harm to an organization. Accidental crises are those where organizational actions that led to the harm were unintentional such as technical accidents, equipment failure, or defects in products discovered only after production and dissemination. Finally, preventable crises are those where organizations knowingly placed people at risk, took inappropriate actions, or willfully violated the law.20

All crises demand an appropriate response, and there are numerous strategies. They most often range from simple denial, attacking the accusing party, providing an excuse or justification, communicating corrective actions, or a full apology. The key in any crisis is communication planning. Essential elements include the assess- ment of potential risk factors, designation of members of a crisis management team, identification of key audiences, and the creation of a written plan.

Political Campaigns For communication scholars, the essence of politics is human interaction. The

interaction may be formal or informal, verbal or nonverbal, public or private—but always persuasive, encouraging individuals to interpret, to evaluate, and to act. Polit- ical campaigns are our national, state, and local conversations. They are highly com- plex and sophisticated communication events involving the communication of issues, images, social reality, and personas. They are essentially exercises in the cre- ation, re-creation, and transmission of significant symbols through human commu- nication. As we attempt to make sense of our environment, political bits of communication contribute to our voting choices, worldviews, and policy preferences.

The United States holds more elections than any other modern society. We have well over 500,000 elected officials with over a million elections held in every four-year cycle.21 The evolution of communication technologies and reliance on social science methodologies, such as polling, have changed how campaigns are conducted. Today, political campaigns are major, expensive, and intense events.

Modern political campaigns follow three or four relatively distinct phases: pre- primary, primary, nomination conventions for presidential campaigns, and general election. Communication functions differ in each phase of a campaign. During the preprimary phase, communication activities define the candidate’s image, inform the public about positions on issues, and create a sense of viability and legitimacy for the candidate’s campaign. During the primary phase, the candidate engages opponents, responds to attacks, and attempts to generate support and motivate sup- porters. During presidential campaigns, candidates at the national convention par- ticipate in rituals providing a sense of legitimation, reaffirmation of candidacy, and demonstration of party unity. Many of the communication functions for the general election phase revisit strategies from the previous phases: reinforce image, compare and contrast issue positions, respond to attacks, and motivate support.

The limited effects model of campaign communication dominated scholars’ views for nearly 40 years; the model was based on data from the 1940 elections.22 At that time, most voter decisions were based on attitude predispositions, group identifica-

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tion, and interpersonal communication; mediated messages contributed little to converting voters from one candidate to another. Campaigns were conducted by volunteers and party activists, and face-to-face canvassing was essential to winning. Beginning in the 1960s, new communication technology, particularly television, changed campaigns. With the decline of political parties, the increase of single-issue politics, the prominence of mass media, and the sophistication of social science research, the terrain today differs significantly from that of the 1940s and 1950s.

The uses and gratifications model of campaign communication is increasing in popularity. This model basically argues that the effects of a campaign on voters depend on the needs and motivations of the individual voter. Voters may turn to campaign messages for information, issue discussion, or pure entertainment. Cur- rently, the most popular approach to the study of campaign communication is agenda-setting theory. Agenda-setting theory explains how the news media exert influence on political decision making. In particular, it describes how the news media decide what issues and events will receive the most coverage. Basically, the theory states that the media do not tell the public what to think, but they do decide what information to present and therefore do tell the public what to think about. By highlighting some items and not others, the media influence the subjects we discuss

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and the topics we are more likely to consider—thus affecting the issues about which we form opinions.

Second-level agenda-setting theory looks at how reporting focuses our atten- tion on particular aspects of an event or a person to the exclusion of other aspects. Agenda extension is useful for revealing when the media move beyond neutral reporting of issues, people, and events. Researchers in this area have discovered that the reportorial practices of the news media still tell us what to think about (agenda setting) and also how to think about it (agenda extension). Researchers looking at these aspects focus on how the media prime their audiences to judge the items in news stories. They also look at how the media frame an issue or event. Research in agenda extension looks specifically for how attributes are presented to the public.23

The powerful media effects of priming and framing will be discussed in chapter 11. Campaigns perform both instrumental (task goal) and consummatory (meta asso-

ciations) functions.24 Three instrumental functions are: behavioral activation, cognitive adjustment, and legitimation. Campaigns motivate behavior (whether helping with a campaign or voting on election day), which reinforces voter attitudes. By discussing issues, campaigns stimulate awareness. Analysis of a candidate’s positions can lead cit- izens to modify opinions on a topic or find reasons to support previous preferences. Campaigns legitimize the newly elected and the rules, laws, and regulations they pass.

Consummatory functions go beyond tasks such as the selection of candidates or enactments of legislation. They help create the metapolitical images and social- psychological associations that provide the glue that holds our political system together. Campaigns provide personal involvement in many forms: direct participa- tion, self-reflection and definition, social interaction and discussion, and aesthetic experiences of public drama and group life. Campaigns also legitimate the electoral process, reaffirming commitment to our brand of democracy.

Ultimately, it is important to remember that political campaigns do more than elect public officials. They communicate and influence, reinforce and convert, and motivate as well as educate. As Bruce Gronbeck argues, campaigns “get leaders elected, yes, but ultimately, they also tell us who we as a people are, where we have been and where we are going; in their size and duration they separate our culture from all others, teach us about political life, set our individual and collective priori- ties, entertain us, and provide bases for social interaction.”25 We discuss political campaigns in greater detail in chapter 11.

Issue Campaigns Although related to political campaigns, issue campaigns attempt to get audiences

to support a certain course of action or belief independent of official political structures, systems, or procedures. Organizations generating such campaigns include political action committees, religious organizations, schools, and hospitals, to name only a few. Campaigns range from specific lobbying efforts to general public awareness campaigns.

The federal government and most state agencies refer to their public cam- paigns as public affairs or public information activities. Despite the language, these are persuasive campaigns. Consider the Smokey Bear Wildfire Prevention campaign sponsored by the U.S. Forest Service and the National Association of State Forest- ers. Created in 1944, the campaign is the longest running public service campaign

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in history.26 Smokey received so much mail that he was assigned his own zip code (20252) in 1964. While not necessarily wholly attributable to the PSA campaign, the total number of acres burned annually by wildfires has dropped significantly from 22 million acres in 1944 to an average of 6.9 million annually today. Smokey’s fire prevention message remained unchanged until April 2001, when the Ad Coun- cil updated his adage to “Only you can prevent wildfires.” (Prior to 2001, the word- ing was “forest fires.”) The campaign entered the digital age of promotion in 2008 by migrating Smokey’s message and information online and throughout social media. Today, Smokey has nearly 200,000 fans on Facebook.

There is an increasing trend toward the “organized dissemination of government information.” In fact, general information campaigns are common in virtually every federal agency. Agencies usually contract with private public relations or advertising firms to conduct information campaigns. News releases, press conferences, posters, reports, bulletins, special events, exhibits, public service announcements, brochures, and paid advertising are rather routine governmental communication endeavors. In fact, the federal government spends billions a year on activities related to public affairs. Twenty-three of the 24 federal agencies and all cabinet agencies have a pres- ence on Facebook, Twitter and YouTube.27

Because the government does not publish its own newspaper or operate radio or television stations, it must rely on communication professionals to transmit vital information to the general public. Today, it is not unusual to see local, state, or federal governments launch campaigns using press releases, press conferences, media events, and advertising. Recent campaigns include such diverse topics as antismoking, AIDS awareness, prevention of drunk driving, and immunization, to name a few.

According to Ron Faucheux, “In the modern world, few major issues are merely lobbied anymore. Most of them are now managed, using a triad of public relations, grassroots mobilization, and lobbyists.”28 Many large public affairs firms are now organized into separate divisions for governmental relations, public rela- tions, and grassroots lobbying. Corporations, industries, labor unions, and others spent $3.31 billion in 2012 to lobby for policies favorable to their interests.29 There are over 250,000 lobbyists within Washington, DC.30

Grassroots Lobbying. Lobbying is the process by which an interest group pro- vides information to the general public and legislators in an attempt to persuade law- makers to enact legislation favorable to the group’s goals. Citizens targeted for mobilization usually have some affiliation with the organization and are predisposed to support the cause advocated. Grassroots lobbying is an $800 million industry.31

The goal of grassroots lobbying is to create massive pressure to move a legisla- tor toward the desired position of an organization and to convince him or her to cast a key vote. The more individualized or personalized the appeal, the better. The most effective grassroots programs are those that allow constituents to communi- cate in their own words to legislators. To supplement the various contacts of voters, organizations sometimes use television commercials to educate the public on spe- cific legislation or to describe an issue. Often the commercials urge calling a repre- sentative or senator, providing phone numbers and information about legislation so that the caller can encourage or discourage passage of specific bills. From 1988 to

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2013, the top ten spending organizations on lobbying efforts were: the U.S. Cham- ber of Commerce, General Electric, American Medical Association, American Hospital Association, Pharmaceutical Research Manufacturers of America, National Association of Realtors, American Association of Retired Persons (AARP), Blue Cross/Blue Shield, Northrop Grumman, and Exxon/Mobil.32 The top areas targeted were federal budget appropriations, defense, health issues, taxes, transportation, energy, environment, government issues, education, and trade.33

Like most campaigns, grassroots lobbying efforts follow distinct phases (see fig- ure 9.1). The first phase is research, when public attitudes as well as legislative voting records are reviewed. During this phase, the basic strategy is devised and the cam- paign plan is prepared. In the targeting phase, the organization determines which public officials need to hear from constituents and which constituents should be mobilized. Sensitizing is a phase unique to grassroots campaigns. The goal of this phase is to create the right political climate for the message by using public relations events, press conferences, ad campaigns, editorial board meetings, and other similar strategies. Recruitment is another unique and important phase to grassroots lobbying campaigns. During this phase, direct mail, phone banks, and other methods are used to recruit volunteer activists. Activation is the phase of getting volunteers to write, fax, call, or visit elected officials. This phase usually occurs while legislatures are in session and focuses on key votes or issue de- bates. Because the ultimate success of grassroots campaigns depends on volunteers, the follow-up/ maintenance phase is important for successive mobilization attempts. Organizations express appreciation to volunteers and regularly com- municate with them. Communication is a fun- damental, ongoing requirement for any interest group; it is not limited to any one phase of a campaign. Finally, if an issue goes to ballot or a public referendum, a political campaign must be organized and orchestrated. This often requires a new and distinct campaign initiative.34

Citizen action groups must make four strate- gic decisions concerning issues and tactics: (1) whether to encourage input from members—in many large citizen action groups, participation is usually limited to those who have made financial contributions to the organization; (2) whether to reject compromises and lobby publicly on highly visible issues that receive extensive media atten- tion or to work behind the scenes and to bargain with opposition groups; (3) whether to use direct lobbying by the organization’s staff or to rely on grassroots efforts; and (4) whether to join coali- tions with other groups or to lobby alone.35

Targeting

Sensitizing

Recruitment

Activation

Follow-up and Maintenance

Research

Public Referendum

Figure 9.1 Grassroots Lobbying Phases: A Typical Mobilization Campaign

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Just how do grassroots campaigns work? Let’s examine a few examples of this type of advocacy. The National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB) is one of the largest and most sophisticated associations in the United States, with over 600,000 members. The association built a state-of-the-art membership database that includes names, addresses, phone and fax numbers, geographic region, legisla- tive districts, number of employees, type of business, issue positions, and political backgrounds. The computer network is connected to fax machines that make instant communication possible. The association has 50 state directors and employs 600 field representatives, whose jobs include membership growth and some lobbying activities.

NFIB divides the membership list into several categories. There are 400,000 members who responded to at least one direct-mail solicitation; this is the A-list. Refining that list to members who responded to more than one direct-mail solicita- tion yields the AA-list, with 200,000 members. The guardian list consists of the 40,000 most active members. The key contact list is the most valuable; it contains the names of the 3,000 members who have close relationships with public officials and decision makers. While direct mail is the mainstay of their communication efforts, NFIB uses extensive “telelobbying” efforts to connect members to elected officials. They report a response rate among members of 66 percent. Another technique is rolling mail. This involves timing mailings among congressional districts in order to maximize the flow of member response to legislative officials.

The AARP also uses a variety of methods to mobilize their more than 38 mil- lion members. Founded in 1958, AARP exerts a great deal of influence, especially on issues related to health care and social security. The association relies on their website, a monthly magazine, a monthly newspaper, a quarterly Spanish newspa- per, a national radio network series (Prime Time ), direct mail, a blog, digital news- stand, all types of videos, webinars, and telephone trees to mobilize their most active members. In addition, they use paid ads, video teleconferencing, and com- munity meetings to reach members. AARP has staffed offices in every state. Volun- teers are the heart of the organization. All members of the board of directors, all national officers, state presidents, and thousands of legislative and program leaders are unpaid volunteers. They are involved in advocacy at the national and state lev- els plus innovative community service and education programs such as tax prepa- ration assistance (Tax-Aide), a driver safety program, grief and loss counseling, independent living programs, health care reform, prescription drug benefit pro- grams, and a senior community service employment program (SCSEP). AARP’s operating revenue in 2012 was over $1.3 billion, and their expenditures on legisla- tive advocacy and education totaled over $174 million.36

The National Rifle Association is a very high profile and extremely active grassroots lobbying organization. The organization has been around since the Civil War; it was started by Union officers to promote the improvement of marksman- ship among members. Members support the Second Amendment. After violent acts involving weapons, there are frequently attempts to control who purchases guns. The NRA strongly opposes any legislation placing restrictions on gun owner- ship. Following the assassination of President Kennedy and the passage of the Gun Control Act of 1968, the NRA opposed the act on the basis of infringement on Sec-

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ond-Amendment rights. In the aftermath of 9/11, the NRA supported arming air- line pilots. After the tragedy at Virginia Tech’s mass shooting, the organization favored concealed carry on campuses. In 2012 with the Sandy Hook Elementary massacre, the NRA advocated placing law enforcement officers in all schools.

The NRA has a full-time staff of more than 300 individuals. There are over 4 million members, and membership benefits include various types of insurance, training, and discounts on everything from hotels to airline tickets. Members receive a free magazine subscription to one of its four publications: American Rifle- man, American Hunter, America’s 1st Freedom, or NRA Insights. The organization is comprised of more than 10,000 state associations or local clubs.

The NRA spent $2.5 million on lobbying in 2012 and $25 million on elec- tions.37 Its activities include grading candidates on their positions about firearms; publishing ratings in American Rifleman; endorsing candidates; contributing funds to political candidates; making “in-kind” contributions (such as fund-raising activi- ties on behalf of candidates); and providing funds to produce radio, television, or direct-mail advertising on behalf of candidates.

There are numerous strategies and tactics in grassroots lobbying. Member mobilization involves organizing supporters to demonstrate a show of strength to a public official on a certain issue. Mass or volume grassroots programs involve get- ting sympathizers to sign petitions, to mail preprinted postcards or form letters, or to send Mailgrams to public officials. Common activation tactics include Astroturf, action alerts, and grasstops. Astroturf refers to manufacturing instant public support for a point of view; this mass grassroots program plays on the emotional reactions of the public to a specific event or news story. An action alert (whether in the form of a letter, newsletter, Mailgram, phone call, fax, e-mail, or other communication from an interest group to supporters) is designed to activate a response. In order to generate a response, most direct-mail solicitation stresses conflict and extremism rather than compromise or moderation. Negativism and emotional appeals charac- terize the vast majority of messages. A grasstops action by an interest group involves the identification, recruitment, and activation of a small number of opinion leaders and influential citizens to contact public officials through personalized letters, phone calls, or visits.

Specific tactics include telephone patch-throughs, bounce-backs, satellite con- ferencing, and interactive kiosks. A telephone patch-through is when an organiza- tion calls members and, if the reaction is suitable, immediately forwards the calls to an elected official so the members can deliver a personal message or view. Bounce- backs are direct-mail response vehicles signed by members and forwarded to offi- cials to register a specific message or opinion. Satellite conferencing is an electronic meeting in which group constituents in a targeted legislator’s district can discuss a specific issue or pending legislation. Interactive kiosks are exhibit booths at conven- tions or related conferences where interested citizens or group members may for- ward phone calls, faxes, or messages to elected officials.38 Web-based techniques for grassroots campaigns include: advocacy advertising, toll-free phone lines, bulk faxing, online notices; instant messaging; dedicated chat rooms; downloadable let- ters and text, mail, and e-mail addresses; solicitation of feedback; and listings of various opportunities for volunteers to help.39 Of course, organizations utilize all

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facets of social media such as blogs, MySpace, Facebook, YouTube, Flickr, texting, Twitter, Wikis, Podcasts, and mobile apps, to name just a few.

Information technology has transformed U.S. culture and politics. One result is that corporations and trade associations are building public constituencies for their issues. The number of national citizen action groups increases each year. All such groups have a particular issue to protect, define, and/or promote. Although citizen action groups have existed since the beginning of our nation’s history, polit- ical action committees (PACs) are a more recent phenomenon.

The first PAC was formed in 1944 by the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) to raise money for the reelection of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. The contributions were legal because they were voluntary donations from union mem- bers themselves rather than from the organization (the Smith Connally Act of 1943 prohibited unions from contributing to federal candidates).40 In the beginning, PACs were oriented to business or labor concerns and were created to raise money for political candidates likely to further the interests of the PACs. Super PACs are a new type of political action committee created in 2010 after a federal court decision in SpeechNow.org v. Federal Election Commission. These PACs do not spend on behalf of candidates or parties; rather, they make “independent expenditures” advocating the election or defeat of specific candidates. Alarming to many observers, there are no spending limits for these Super PACs.41

There are two major types of political action committees: affiliated and inde- pendent. Affiliated PACs include labor unions, corporations, cooperatives, and professional organizations. Funds collected through such PACs are designated “separate segregated funds” because the money is deposited in a bank account sep- arate from that of the sponsoring corporation or union. Independent PACs include those organized to support a particular politician or issue. These are the fastest growing PACs.42 In 1974 there were 608 registered PACs; in 2010 there were 5,431.43 Beyond serving as an essential source of political campaign funding (PAC contributions to Congressional candidates in 2010 totaled more than 400 mil- lion),44 organizational PACs often run their own issue campaigns.

Over the years, political action committees have changed from representing large industry groups to working on behalf of smaller subsets focusing on just a few issues. PACs are now more specialized and ideological, more likely to repre- sent a narrow wing of a national party or special interests on a specific issue. Poli- ticians can form leadership PACs to raise money to help fund other candidates’ campaigns; the funds cannot be used directly for the sponsoring candidate’s cam- paign. Leadership PACs often indicate aspirations for leadership positions in Con- gress or for higher office. In 2012, contributions from 456 leadership PACs totaled over $46 million.45

Interest groups, labor unions, corporations, political parties, and even private individuals often engage in issue advocacy activities. Contributions for the election or defeat of specific individuals (“hard money”—whether contributed by individu- als, national/state/local organizations, or PACs) are restricted by law. Contribu- tions for issues (“soft money”) are unlimited. For example, such funds can be used to pay for commercials that do not explicitly call for the election or defeat of an indi- vidual. Of course, it is rather easy to structure an advertisement that clearly

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expresses preference without naming individuals. The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act prohibits national political parties from soliciting or spending soft- money. Most 527 PACs (tax-exempt groups organized under section 527 of the Internal Revenue Code that engage in political activities, often through unlimited soft money contributions) are advocacy groups trying to influence federal elec- tions through voter mobilization efforts and issue advertisements that praise or criticize a candidate's record.46 In 2012, over six hundred 527 PACs contributed over $573 million.47

Modern grassroots lobbying is one of the hottest trends in politics today. Inter- est groups expand and quickly become professional organizations; the news media can spotlight group activities, and technology makes building volunteer organiza- tions easier, simplifying the creation/maintenance of an electronic database, the solicitation of financial support, and maintaining contact with supporters. Corpora- tions, such as General Electric, Blue Cross/Blue Shield, Northrop Grumman, Exx- onMobil and Verizon Communications, to name a few, use proactive, grassroots mobilization for controversial issues such as the sale of cigarettes or waste removal. Organizations such as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, National Rifle Association, and AARP are extremely accomplished at mobilizing grassroots support.

Orchestrated grassroots activities alarm many political observers. Some view grassroots lobbying as a weapon of powerful corporations and special-interest groups. Others, however, view such efforts as a means to reinvigorate and educate the public on issues of great importance to our nation. The orchestration of public opinion to promote a particular view is nothing new; it falls squarely within our democratic tradition. Grassroots lobbying will undoubtedly increase in intensity in the future.

Corporate Advocacy/Issue Management. In the early 1970s, corporations were suffering from a variety of social and economic problems: recession, inflation, oil crises, decline of public trust, increased public hostility toward large companies, and increased legislative restrictions and controls. Corporations developed extensive public relations staffs to inform the public about company policies. The social and political environment required skillful communication to present the companies in a favorable light.

Today, many corporate communication endeavors advocate specific view- points on issues. Although corporations continue to recognize the value of main- taining public goodwill, they are also willing to engage in open debate about a variety of social issues. They compete to influence public attitudes and/or behav- ior. In exercising their First-Amendment right of freedom of speech, companies aggressively assert their social, political, and economic agendas. The participation in the formation of public opinion is now an essential element of corporate public relations. Such activities are part of a genre of advertising known as corporate advocacy and issue management. Practitioners must possess the skills necessary for developing and executing strategic communication campaigns and activities.

Advocacy advertising is a form of lobbying to influence public opinion in a direc- tion favorable to the organizations sponsoring the campaigns.48 The goals of advo- cacy advertising are to counteract public hostility to corporate activities, to counter

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the spread of misleading information by critics of the organization, to educate the public on complex issues of importance to an organization, to counteract inadequate access to and bias in the news media, and to promote the values of free enterprise.

Issue management encompasses more strategic activities than does advocacy advertising. Issues management is “a proactive and systematic approach to predict problems, anticipate threats, minimize surprises, resolve issues, and prevent crises.”49

Howard Chase and Barrie Jones identify five steps as part of the issue management process. First, organizations must anticipate and identify potential problematic issues; the media may have talked or written about topics that could impact the organization. In addition, the organization should monitor behaviors of activist groups and those less supportive of the industry or organization. Second, the organization should ana- lyze the potential impact of an emerging issue and delineate the ways the issue may hurt the company in terms of product sales, public image, or goodwill. Third, the organization should prepare strategy options to address each issue identified, ranging from broad responses to the specific media channels available to communicate the message to the creative material that will best express the response. Fourth, if the issue has prominence, an action plan must be implemented that addresses key audiences and publics. The critical final step is to evaluate what worked well, what did not, what efforts should be ongoing, etc. (including anticipation, interpretation of public opin- ion, directed research, campaign implementation, and evaluation).50

One of the earliest (and now classic) advocacy campaigns was the ExxonMobil op-ed advertising program. Since 1970, ExxonMobil has placed full-page editorials in newspapers, news magazines, and service-club magazines like Rotarian, Kiwanis, and Elks. They actively seek to interject themselves in the marketplace of ideas over issues of oil discovery, recovery, and the environment. The corporation openly challenged the belief that commercial enterprises should not comment or take posi- tions on political, social, or fiscal national policy.

When ExxonMobil began the campaign, three major issues faced the oil industry: oil cutoffs from foreign nations, environmental concerns from the public over oil drilling and excavation, and low public confidence in the credibility of cor- porations. The first op-ed piece appeared on October 19, 1970, with the headline: “America has the world’s best highways and the world’s worst mass transit. We hope this ad moves people.” The ad was not self-serving; it addressed the need for more and better mass transit systems to reduce oil consumption.

Today, the company posts all its op-eds on its website by topic: algae biofuels, corporate citizenship and sustainability, energy and the economy, energy outlook, energy security, energy technology, natural gas, reducing emissions, safety, and tax policy.51 When ExxonMobil began the advocacy program, it adopted a long-term perspective. Results would not be measurable immediately, but the company would continue to address important social issues.

Corporations are primarily concerned with how issues and legislation about the environment, public health and safety, and governmental regulations affect their business. For example, oil and chemical companies usually address environ- mental issues of conservation and pollution. Tobacco companies address freedom of choice and smokers’ rights. Insurance companies actively support seat belts and air bags for automobiles.

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There are generally five steps in the issues management process. The first step is identifying issues of concern that the industry or organization needs to address. The next step involves analyzing the issues to understand all the dynamics and potential impacts. In the third step, the organization develops an action plan, focusing on policy options, message creation, communication strategies, and tactics. Imple- menting the plan comes next. The fifth and final step is performance evaluation. The process is not unlike most campaigns or public communication initiatives.

An aggressive corporate advocacy and issue management perspective allows large companies to become active players in the political process, which is a legiti- mate cause for concern. Large corporations have access to media and multimillion- dollar budgets, unlike most citizens and civic groups. How will opposing view- points or legitimate challenges to corporate claims and information be dissemi- nated? Should corporations pay for such ads from after-tax profits, or are these campaigns general business expenses and thus tax deductible?

An important part of the process of designing persuasive campaigns involves planning public events that may be covered as part of the day’s news. Press conferences, open meetings, rallies, and protests can become powerful forums for the communication of a group’s social or political agenda. Many now routinely employ guidelines developed by political campaigners, who have always needed to reach potential supporters via the free news media. Here is a list of common rules for promoting the coverage of an event by the broadcast and print media:52

• Schedule events early in the day, at times convenient for the media from whom you want coverage. If you want to make a noon newscast, plan a 9:30 to 10:00 AM starting time.

• Organize the event around one basic theme. Determine the lead you want the press to write, then organize the event to achieve it.

• Make sure your primary spokesperson is well briefed with accurate information and knowledge of the questions he or she may be asked.

• Call assignment editors and ask for coverage. In the unsubtle publicity arts, shyness is not a virtue.

• Make your event as visual as possible. The announcement of a lawsuit against a local polluter will be more interesting to television if it is made at the site of the pollution rather than in an organization’s office.

• Prepare packets of information to back up your basic message. Make it as easy as possi- ble for reporters to get the necessary facts.

• Consider the convenience of the reporters from whom you want coverage. Will they need telephones, suitable background and lighting for video, a common audio feed for the public address system, a place to sit, etc.?

• If the goal is television and radio coverage, break up your statement into short, quotable segments. In a perfect world the average television news story would run longer than 40 seconds. Because short stories are the rule, your advocate will probably receive a 15-sec- ond sound bite. Make it count.

• If members of the press fail to attend, send them coverage of the event anyway: press releases with relevant quotes to the print media or your own videotape to the televi- sion media.

Figure 9.2 Planning an Event for News Coverage

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 Social Movements There have been times in our nation’s history when large groups of citizens

mobilized to express anger, support, or ideas about a wide variety of issues and top- ics. Groups were organized by race, sex, age, and social or political beliefs. Actions ranged from advocacy to violent demonstrations. In the eighteenth century, a social movement led to the Revolutionary War and independence. In the nineteenth cen- tury, social movements fought to free slaves, end child labor, improve the working conditions of factory workers, gain voting rights for women, and prohibit the sale of alcohol. In the twentieth century, many of the earlier movements continued to engage supporters, while new causes such as advocating world peace, abortion rights, protection for the environment, and protection of the rights of the elderly, gays, African Americans, Latinos/as, and Native Americans gained traction. In the twenty-first century, many of the same movements continue to seek political, social, and religious justice. There are still concerns over the environment and global warming, gay marriage, right to work and limits to unions, personal freedom and government regulation, as well as the national conflicts associated with global- ism. Americans have always joined together to exercise, and sometimes even stretch, the principles of democracy. Collective social actions are called social movements and are a special form or type of persuasive campaign—the primary purpose of which is to bring about or to resist change. Charles Stewart, Craig Smith, and Robert Denton argue that social movements are unique, with special characteristics that distinguish them from other forms and functions of mass per- suasion, such as political parties, advertising campaigns, lobbying, or other special- interest group campaigns.53

Characteristics Social movements are an organized collectivity.54 Some movements are more

organized than others. During the 1960s, the civil rights movement was well orga- nized, with Martin Luther King recognized as the major leader; the American Indian movement was less visible and much smaller in scope. It should be noted that there may be many organizations within the same basic movement. For exam- ple, within the pro-life movement there are various religious and secular organiza- tions that seek legislation limiting abortions. Social movements may encompass numerous campaigns by different organizations to achieve specific goals; over time, they tend to be organized from the bottom up.

Social movements are uninstitutionalized collectivities because they operate out- side the established social order.55 Access to institutional channels of power, com- munication, and funding are not available. The activities of most labor unions, PACs, and legislative committees are not social movements. Such groups, however, may have been part of an earlier movement. For example, the United Auto Workers was at one time a movement organization; today it is part of the established order. Thus, social movements are always an “out-group,” populated by ordinary citizens.

Movements must be significantly large in scope.56 Movements must be large enough in terms of geographic area, time, and participants to accomplish specified programs and tasks. The larger the movement, the greater the visibility and funding

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possibilities. As noted, movements grow from the ground up rather than from the top down. It may take decades and numerous leaders for movements to become recognized as a political and social force.

Movements propose or oppose programs for change in societal norms, values, or both.57 The rhetoric of movements prescribes what must be done, who must do it, and how it must be done. Innovative social movements, for example, hope to replace existing norms or values with new ones. Examples of innovative move- ments include women’s rights, civil rights, or gay liberation movements. Revivalis- tic movements work to return to the norms or values of an idealized past; the Native American, pro-life, and environmental movements are revivalistic. Finally, resistance movements work to prevent changes in existing norms or values. Often, such movements favor the status quo and arise in opposition to newly formed movements. Examples of resistance movements include anti-civil rights, Aryan superiority, and pro-choice movements.

Movements encounter opposition in a moral struggle.58 Movement members believe they possess moral authority and legitimacy of purpose. They view their actions as a moral imperative—a mission to correct social injustice or evil. Chal- lenges to social norms and the status quo generate opposition from various organi- zations or established institutions such as universities, churches, businesses, regulatory bodies, and so on. The opposition believes equally fervently that their goals to preserve the status quo are principled and righteous.

Finally, persuasion is pervasive in social movements.59 Through verbal and non- verbal symbols, social movements work to change audience perceptions and behav- ior. Although violence is sometimes associated with social movements, it is

On August 28, 2011 (the forty- eighth anniver-

sary of the March on Wash-

ington for Jobs and Freedom),

the solid-granite memorial was

dedicated to Martin Luther

King, Jr.

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incidental and used primarily for symbolic purposes. Persuasion is the primary means for satisfying the major functions and requirements of social movements.

Persuasive Functions Social movements must fulfill a number of roles if they hope to contribute sig-

nificantly to change. Stewart, Smith, and Denton identify six basic persuasive func- tions: transform perceptions of reality, alter self-perceptions of protestors, legitimize the social movement, prescribe and sell courses of action, mobilize for action, and sustain the social movement.60 Transforming perceptions of reality includes altering perceptions of the past, present, and future. Movements must challenge accepted ways of viewing historical events and people in order to empha- size the severity of a problem and the need for drastic action. For example, the women’s movement had to confront and to change the established view that a woman’s place was in the home caring for children while a husband established a career and provided for the family.

There are several ways movements alter perceptions of the present. For exam- ple, renaming or redefining an event or object provides an opportunity for people to view the circumstance differently. Within the pro-life movement, language refer- ring to the fetus as a baby and abortion as murder has a strong impact on listeners. Movements use god terms and devil terms to create clear images of good and bad behavior or thought. For most Americans god terms include democracy, freedom, liberty, equality, and justice (to name only a few); in contrast, communism, slavery, and prejudice are devil terms. Another common way to alter perceptions of the present is to provide information that counters or demonstrates inconsistencies with the information provided by the established order. Like political candidates, social movement leaders must provide a utopian vision of a future full of hope and optimism. To accomplish this, the rhetoric includes bleak images of what the future will be if the goals of the movement are not met.

An ongoing task is to enhance perceptions of the movement and its members. This is often accomplished by contrasting selfless movement members altruistically working for the common good with opponents who have selfish motives with no redeeming value. Opponents are grand conspirators who have secretly committed a crime against the people. The movement is at war with the opposition.

Social movements must transform self-perceptions of members so that they believe in the righteousness of the cause and in their power to accomplish the goals of the movement. For example, the women’s liberation movement conducted con- sciousness-raising groups to enhance self-concept, dignity, and worth. Through this transformation, women could recognize their potential and gain strength to com- pete in a “man’s world.” In the 1960s, blacks chose the word black to replace the word Negro, which had been selected by whites. Black power became the symbol for independence, power, and dignity.

One of the most difficult tasks for a movement leader is to maintain the legiti- macy of the movement and to confer that legitimacy on movement members. Common ground strategies involve creating a sense of identification by emphasizing similarities, shared experiences, and a common cause with targeted audiences. Conflict strategies emphasize dissimilarities and conflict with those who oppose the movement’s goals.

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After developing a program of change with specific demands, actions, and solutions to problems, social movements must then sell, defend, and justify the pre- scribed course of action. Movements also specify who is most qualified to effect needed changes. They provide rationales for why their organization, leaders, and members provide the best means of creating the desired change. Finally, move- ments must articulate how the changes should be instituted. This may be one of the more critical persuasive tasks. Movement members differ in terms of intensity of feeling, identification with the cause, and patience. The more radical factions may prefer ultimatums, confrontation, or terrorism to bring about the desired change. Others may prefer nonviolent resistance tactics such as sit-ins, boycotts, or strikes. Others may simply wish to petition the establishment for a fair hearing, preferring to work within the legislative structure to bring about the desired change.

Leaders must be sufficiently persuasive to inspire people to join and participate in the movement. They must continually disseminate the movement’s message in order to attract new members, maintain current supporters, and mobilize members to work for the movement’s goals. Leaders must unify, organize, and energize a diverse membership.

Sustaining a movement is a major persuasive task. It is easier to start a move- ment than to sustain one. Leaders must justify setbacks and remain optimistic about accomplishing movement goals. For the movement to be successful, it must remain visible and viable. As a movement ages, these tasks become more difficult. Movements use special ceremonies, annual conventions, and anniversary celebra- tions to keep the movement visible.

Life Cycle Although it is nearly impossible to divide movements into separate phases,

there are recognizable patterns of development. Stewart, Smith, and Denton iden- tify five stages of social movements: genesis, social unrest, enthusiastic mobiliza- tion, maintenance, and termination.61 As a movement matures, the persuasive requirements evolve and change.

The genesis stage consists primarily of intellectuals or prophets articulating some imperfection in society through essays, editorials, songs, poems, pamphlets, lectures, or books. They identify a problem and visualize a bleak future if the prob- lem is not solved. Bob Dylan and others addressed the dangers inherent in the Viet- nam War in folk songs nearly a year before the Gulf of Tonkin incident that escalated U.S. involvement. Betty Friedan’s book entitled The Feminine Mystique ini- tiated the women’s movement by describing the status quo and the need for change. Such works provide a source for public discussion about key issues. Sometimes a special event will trigger attention to an issue or cause. The Roe v. Wade decision in 1973 by the Supreme Court legalized abortion in all fifty states and provided the impetus for the pro-life movement.

In the social unrest stage, prophets and intellectuals become agitators, and the goals of the movement begin to coalesce. Concerned citizens alerted to the prob- lems become active members. The movement produces its own literature, often including a manifesto or declaration presented at a convention or conference. The ideology clearly identifies the “devils” responsible for the problem and the “gods”

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who will forge solutions. In attempting to transform perceptions of society, we/they distinctions are extremely important. Most rhetorical energies during this stage involve petitioning the groups perceived to be responsible for the status quo.

The enthusiastic mobilization stage of a social movement is exciting. The char- ismatic leader emerges and captures a great deal of attention for the movement and its issues. Membership expands to include sympathizers from both the general pub- lic and the establishment. All available channels and means of communication are utilized to advance the cause. The movement now confronts serious opposition, and the strategies must extend beyond legislative petition and discursive measures. Mass rallies and demonstrations are used to disseminate the movement’s message, to draw attention to itself, and to pressure the opposition. The persuasive goal of the movement during this phase is to raise the consciousness level of the public and to force the establishment to comply with movement demands.

It is difficult to maintain the energy and enthusiasm of the earlier stages. As defeats mount and goals are not immediately realized, members become impatient, and the public becomes bored. In the maintenance stage, persuasive tactics focus on legislative measures, membership retention, and fund raising. The leadership changes from agitators to statesmen. The primary channels of communication are newsletters, journals, and the occasional television talk show. Sweeping demands are compromised, and the rhetoric is moderated.

In the termination stage, the social movement ceases to exist. The movement may have accomplished its goal (as did the antislavery movement of 1865 with the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution) or it may be trans- formed into part of the establishment (as was the Nazi movement in Germany). Some movements die while others become pressure groups, such as the American Indian movement or the consumer rights movement. Some organizations that were once part of a movement may become institutionalized and part of the political establishment (AARP, for example). Few social movements are totally successful in their efforts. Some members become disaffected and drop out or join a splinter group, while others simply become part of “the system.”

Each stage requires specific persuasive skills, personalities, and tactics. In open societies, social movements are often the primary initiators of social change. Thus, although all social movements end, they do impact society in a variety of ways, such as new laws, social awareness, or new social groups, to name only a few.

Leadership Social movement leaders are frequently from higher strata groups—teachers,

students, professionals, clergy, and so on.62 Perhaps the most important function of social movement leaders is becoming the symbol of their movement. They are iden- tified with its mission and cause and are responsible for the members’ actions. While they are decision makers, they lack the powers of reward and punishment usually associated with more traditional views of leadership. Movement leaders must cope with a variety of tasks, pressures, and audiences; they must be capable of handling diverse and often conflicting roles on a daily basis. Leaders must be able to communicate with the media and establishment members, while maintaining the trust of the “true believers” of the movement.

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Movement leaders obtain their positions by being perceived as charismatic, prophetic, or pragmatic. Charisma refers to a public presence that inspires confi- dence and attracts followers. Prophecy relates to the leader’s ability to articulate movement principles, values, and beliefs. Of course, a leader must ultimately get something done. A mere ideologue will not be sufficiently pragmatic to be able to sustain a leadership role. Movement leadership is a difficult and challenging task. Without question, most movement leaders are admired by some and hated by oth- ers. They must be able to handle diverse and conflicting roles, change as the move- ment changes, adapt to events, and lead without getting too far ahead or too far behind their movements.

Resistance to Social Movements Because establishments have a strong commitment to the status quo, it is not

surprising—in fact, it should be expected—that they will respond to disruptions and challenges.63 In a democratic society, just how strong should the response be? While the First Amendment protects freedom of speech, there are certainly limits of expression. When does a shout become disruptive? When does a gesture become obscene? In essence, how does the establishment balance its legal obligations and the rights of society against the rights of individuals, minorities, and/or unpopular ideas or opinions?

The established order employs several strategies to confront and resist social movements. Evasion is usually the first strategy; the movement is largely ignored. Establishment figures refuse to acknowledge or meet with movement leaders. Of course, movements and leaders try to gain media attention. However, they seldom do so unless there are massive demonstrations or violence.

The strategy of counterpersuasion occurs when the establishment can no longer ignore the movement. In this case, institutions actively challenge the goals, assump- tions, and leaders of the movement. Leaders are discredited; goals are character- ized as dangerous. Opponents may claim that the movement threatens democracy and promotes anarchy. Movement leaders are portrayed as extremists or fanatics— rhetoric that often generates fear among the “silent majority.” From a bureaucratic perspective, government agencies can postpone action on movement requests or deny permits for meetings or parades.

A more aggressive approach is the strategy of coercive persuasion that involves tactics ranging from general harassment to labeling movement leaders as criminal to prosecution of movement leaders and members. Coercion attempts can include, for example, police arrests, creation of secret files, tax audits, military reclassifica- tions, or challenges to government funding or loans. Such tactics send a powerful message to movement leaders and followers, creating fear and hesitation among movement members.

The strategy of adjustment gives the appearance of working with the move- ment, providing some concessions without accepting movement demands or goals. Symbolic gestures may include appointing special committees or commis- sions to study proposals, firing or replacing midlevel personnel who were targets of attacks, or incorporating movement leaders and sympathizers within the institu- tional structure.

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The strategy of capitulation is the total acceptance of a movement’s goals, beliefs, and ideology. This rarely occurs. The established order controls communi- cation channels and has too many resources at its disposal. However, over a period of time, many movement goals and objectives find their way into mainstream American life.

 Campaign Implementation The key to the execution of any successful campaign is systematic planning.

The basic steps in developing a campaign are the same regardless of its size, scope, or focus. Figure 9.3 identifies six basic considerations that would be appropriate for nearly all types of campaigns.64

The primary purpose of the situation analysis step of planning a campaign is to gather needed information that will become the basis for designing the persuasive message, strategies to make the message public, and execution of the desired action. A careful situation analysis provides an assessment of potential audiences and the social environment plus the strengths and weaknesses of the issue. Research is vital for this phase of campaign planning. Secondary research involves finding relevant information that has already been collected by others; it provides a general orientation. The major source of secondary research is Internet (exercising caution about checking the legitimacy of sources) or the local library. Primary research is original research conducted to gather specific information. For example, although secondary research could reveal a national trend toward more healthy food and drink, a specific survey may be needed to isolate probable successful appeals and which categories of food items to target. Three descriptive variables of the audience are important. Demographic characteristics are derived from statisti- cal studies of the population. Such characteristics include age, sex, income, educa- tion, family size, and occupation. Geographic characteristics focus on differences among urban, suburban, and rural areas of the country as well as regional differ- ences. Finally, psychographic analysis attempts to describe lifestyle issues, activi- ties, interests, and opinions of the targeted audience.

Stage Components

1. Situation analysis target audience; issue/idea; competition or opponent

2. Objectives missions; goals; outcomes

3. Strategies messages; media; presentation activities

4. Budget labor; material; media; talent; production

5. Implementation timing; follow-up

6. Evaluation what people say; what people think; what people do

Figure 9.3 Campaign Implementation Overview

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The next step is to determine objectives—what the campaign seeks to accom- plish. Objectives should be clear, specific, and measurable statements of desired outcomes of the campaign. Clear objectives help reduce uncertainty and provide standards for evaluation. Some objectives describe the behavior the campaign hopes to stimulate in audiences. For example, the targeted audience of the cam- paign may be asked to call a number, return a reply card, seek more information, contribute to a cause, vote for a specific candidate, or attend an event. Sometimes the objectives focus on communication effects such as general awareness, message recall, or conviction about the issue. Objectives may range from general outcomes desired by a campaign to more specific activities to be completed by workers to very specific, measurable, or observable results.

Objectives target what needs to be done; strategies explain how to do it. Strategic areas of concern include message construction, media selection, tactics, publicity, and promotions. The goal is to construct a message or series of messages that will influence a target audience to think, act, or behave in the desired way. The key to most successful strategies is to isolate the appeals, promises, solutions, or benefits that will have the greatest impact on the target audience. One of the best known techniques for structuring effective, persuasive communication is the AIDA formula: an acronym for attention, interest, desire, and action. Good research provides the clues to message creation and tactic selection. (Message construction strategies are discussed in detail in chapters 4, 6, and 13.)

Budget impacts all other elements of campaign design and development. Today, with the cost of media, labor, and material, the campaign budget becomes a vital consideration in the formation of a campaign. It is often useful to generate several possible budgets for a campaign—from an optimal budget that satisfies every possible need to a more modest budget that will accomplish fewer, but still important, objectives. The creation of multiple budgets increases flexibility in cam- paign execution.

Timing is critical for the next step: implementation of the plan of action. Fol- low-up activities reinforce initial impressions and provide the foundation for the final step.

A systematic evaluation of the campaign reveals what worked and what did not work. Criteria for evaluation are planned ahead of time; they should be used from the start of the campaign all the way through to the conclusion. There are many components to measure other than win-lose. Elements of awareness (knowledge, recall, or recognition), attitude (perceptions, feelings, or preferences), and behavior (vote or support) are examples of areas to assess and evaluate. Thus, the evaluation of a campaign involves more than just the visible outcomes, especially if one wishes to maximize effectiveness in future efforts. Many of the same research tech- niques used in analyzing the original situation can be used in evaluating the per- suasive campaign.

 Summary Public persuasion differs from interpersonal persuasion in size and scope. The

larger the audience, the more elements of persuasion needed to alter beliefs, atti-

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tudes, and values. Mass persuasion requires numerous messages, numerous appeals, and numerous communication channels. Persuasive campaigns are a highly organized series of messages designed to meet all of these criteria. The mes- sages must appeal to large numbers of people.

The systematic execution of a campaign includes analyzing the situation, developing objectives, planning strategies, preparing budgets, implementing the campaign, and evaluating its success. These processes are true for all types of cam- paigns: product advertising, political, and issue, which includes grassroots and cor- porate advocacy/issue management.

Although a form of public persuasion, social movements are unique collective phenomena that are more complex than the other types of campaigns. Persuasion is the essence of social movements. It is the key ingredient needed to transform con- ceptions of history, alter current perceptions, prescribe courses of action, mobilize for action, and sustain the movement. Across the various stages of a movement— genesis, social unrest, enthusiastic mobilization, maintenance, and termination— persuasion requirements evolve and change.

Social movements have played an important role in our society. They have stimulated argument and debate about human rights, war, and peace. They have provided the catalyst for social change and legislative action. Public persuasion is a vital part of a democratic society. It influences what we want, what we buy, what we think, and how we interact with others.

 QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 1. Select a product and find ads for it in 8 to 10 different magazines. How are the

ads similar? How do they differ?

2. Select examples of the following types of campaigns: commercial advertising, political, governmental, corporate advocacy, and issue management. How are they similar? How do they differ?

3. Formulate a hypothetical product and develop a campaign according to the steps presented in the chapter.

4. Construct a national public relations campaign on the issue of alcohol abuse using awareness, information, education, reinforcement, and behavior modifica- tion approaches. How are they similar? How do they differ?

5. According to the criteria presented in the chapter, which of the following is a social movement? Why?

survivalists Nazi

consumer rights Gray Panthers

ecology tax reform

American Indian Greenpeace

6. Select a social movement and demonstrate how the movement fulfills the per- suasive functions identified in the chapter.

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 ADDITIONAL READING Robert E. Denton, Jr. and Jim Kuypers, Politics and Communication in America: Campaigns,

Media, and Governing in the 21st Century (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2008). Paul Herrnson, Christopher Deering and Clyde Wilcox, Interest Groups Unleashed (Los Ange-

les, CA: Congressional Quarterly Press, 2013). Robert Shapiro and Lawrence Jacobs, The Oxford Handbook of Public Opinion and the Media

(Oxford, England: University of Oxford Press, 2011). Charles Stewart, Craig Smith, and Robert E. Denton, Jr., Persuasion and Social Movements,

6th ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2012). Judith Trent, Robert Friedenberg and Robert E. Denton Jr., Political Campaign Communica-

tion, 7th ed. (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2011). Dennis Wilcox and Glen Cameron, Public Relations: Strategies and Tactics, 10th ed. (Boston:

Pearson, 2012).

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10

Advertising as Persuasion

OVERVIEW

 Advertising Today Expenditures Celebrity Endorsements Cross Selling

 What Is Advertising? Consumer Decision Making Involvement Creating Demand Reach, Frequency, and Integrated

Marketing Subliminal Advertising

 The Evolution of Advertising from a Communication Perspective

Cultural Frames Identification with a Product Using Music to Structure the

Message

 The Role of Psychology in Advertising Neuromarketing Psychographics Branding

 How Advertising Works

 Advertising as Myth

 Common Advertising Appeals Emotional Appeals

Fear Humor Guilt Isolation Sex

Transformative Appeals Power Meaning Self-Esteem

Rational-Functional Appeals Norms Reminder Ads

 How to Critique Ads

 Criticisms of Advertising Deception Language Children Consumerism Social Effects Freedom of Speech Privacy Private versus Public Interests

 What Can I Do?

2

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The historians and archeologists will one day discover that the ads of our times are the richest and most faithful daily reflection that any society ever made of its entire range of activities.1

—Marshall McLuhan

Advertising is undoubtedly the most pervasive form of persuasion in our society. In the 1970s, people were exposed to about 500 advertisements per day; some estimates suggest that we now see or hear 5,000 commercials daily.2 An hour of prime-time net- work programming contains almost 17 minutes of advertising, with cable and day- time programs exceeding 20 minutes per hour. One-third of daytime television is taken up by commercials.3 Sixty percent of newspapers is advertising. The Sunday edition of The New York Times contains about 350 pages of ads.4 By the time Ameri- cans reach the age of 65, they will have been exposed to nearly 140 million advertise- ments across all media and will have watched 2 million television commercials.5

 Advertising Today Advertising expands continually into our daily lives. Monthly bills are stuffed

with direct-mail ad pieces; clothing items have become billboards for products like Coca-Cola; professional golfers wear hats and shirts paid for by sponsors; ads pop up on virtually all web pages. Ads precede feature presentations at the movies and on DVD purchases, rentals, and downloads. Products are strategically and promi- nently placed throughout films. Ads are on the sides of buildings, taxis, and in the restrooms of restaurants. Ads are even in the schools. Channel one provides free equipment to schools for educational satellite programming. Embedded within a 12-minute newscast are 2 minutes of advertising.6

Expenditures Advertising expenditures hover around $500 billion a year and are expected to

exceed $600 billion by 2015.7 U.S. Internet advertising was $8.1 billion in 2000; a decade later, it was more than $32 million; three years later it surpassed $42 billion. Consumers spend about 26 percent of their time online, which explains the explo- sive growth of Internet advertising.8 Google search scores over 6 billion impres- sions a day for its ads.9 Millions go to YouTube to watch ads on a daily basis. In February 2013, the top five ads watched were: PlayStation 4 (26.3 million views), Samsung Mobile USA (21.4 million views), Official Ram Trucks (14 million views), Jeep “Whole Again” (7.5 million views) and Harlem Shake (5.5 million views).10 Beginning in 2012, more was spent on online advertising than on print magazines and newspapers combined.11

Next on the horizon is mobile advertising, which will not consist of typical banners and boxes. Video ads are more effective on smartphones. Geo-location ad

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targeting is in the experimental stage. As one approaches various stores or restau- rants, coupons and various deals will be “pushed” to mobile devices. By using sta- tistics and user data, ads can be delivered to targeted mobile users as never before. The use of tablets is growing and offers another opportunity to communicate with consumers. In 2013 consumers were spending about 10 percent of their time on mobile devices. As that percentage increases, so will strategies and tactics for get- ting advertising messages to those consumers.12

Many commercials are produced and directed by some of the biggest names (e.g., Martin Scorcese and David Lynch) in the entertainment industry; they rival network shows in sophistication, creativity, and expenditures. David Lynch in 2010, for example, directed a series of four commercials for Christian Dior. One commercial was shot in Shanghai and featured all the “trademark Lynchian (heavy on the Twin Peaks) touches: a blue rose, red curtains, eerie score, and all the strange dreaminess that goes along with it.”13 As consumers, we pay dearly for those com- mercials. The cost of advertising is added to the price of the product. Commercials can cost more on a per-minute basis than most major Hollywood feature films. The average cost to produce a national spot is $350,000.14

Celebrity Endorsements Celebrity endorsements of products have been a mainstay of advertising for

years, but the opportunities across multiple mediums have expanded substantially. There are several advantages to using celebrities to promote products. Celebrities can build brand awareness, attract new users or customers, and even revive life into a failing brand.15 Many Hollywood stars are featured in foreign ads. In Japan, Brad Pitt promotes Softbank, George Clooney endorses Honda, and Gwyneth Paltrow

Ad Spending (by total $ spent) (dollars in millions)

Advertiser Headquarters 2012 2011

Procter & Gamble Co. Cincinnati $4,829.7 $4,903.2 General Motors Co. Detroit 3,067.4 2,815.7 Comcast Corp. Philadelphia 2,989.1 2,763.4 AT&T Dallas 2,910.0 3,135.0 Verizon Communications New York 2,381.0 2,523.0 Ford Motor Co. Dearborn, Mich. 2,276.9 2,141.3 L'Oreal Clichy, France 2,239.7 2,124.6 JPMorgan Chase & Co. New York 2,086.9 2,351.8 American Express Co. New York 2,070.9 2,125.3 Toyota Motor Corp. Toyota City, Japan 2,008.1 1,749.4

Source: Bradley Johnson, “Big U.S. Advertisers Boost 2012 Spending.” AdAge, June 23, 2013. http://adage.com/article/news/big-u-s-advertisers-boost-2012-spending-slim-2-8/242761/

Figure 10.1 Top 10 Leading National Advertisers

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appears in Coach ads.16 Until recently, celebrities could earn substantial sums with- out damaging their U.S. images by appearing materialistic. However, the Internet extends viewership beyond geographical boundaries.17 Celebrities can influence purchases of items by their fans. Beyoncé inked a deal with Pepsi worth $50 mil- lion. The soccer star David Beckham earned nearly $60,000 per day in 2011 as the “face” of Armani, Adidas, Samsung, and Diet Coke. His lifetime contract with Adidas is worth $160 million.18

For many celebrities, Twitter has become little more than a glorified ad page. Rapper Snoop Dogg praises the Toyota Sienna minivan; actress Tori Spelling is linked to a website for rental cars; and Khloe Kardashian Odom endorses Old Navy brand of jeans by tweeting “Want to know how Old Navy makes your butt look scary good?”19 Some celebrities get as much as $10,000 per tweet: Kim Kar- dashian $10,000, Charlie Sheen $9,500 and Snooki (Jersey Shore) $7,800.20

Cross Selling In 1937, Disney was the first studio to merchandize films by selling toys and

items linked with Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs. The proliferation of cross-selling has grown exponentially since then and includes license merchandizing, product placement, and cross-promotion with fast-food restaurants. Consider the placement of products in movies. In 1982 sales of Reese’s Pieces increased 300 percent when E.T. ate the candy. When Tom Cruise wore Ray-Ban aviator sunglasses in Top Gun, sales increased by 40 percent.21 The sales of Red Stripe, a Jamaican beer, increased more than 50 percent in the U.S. market in the first month after the release of The Firm.

Cars have been an important part of movies for years. From 2001 to 2012, for example, Ford appeared in 159 films, Mercedes in 93, Chevrolet in 92, and Cadil- lac in 65.22 In 2012 alone, Mercedes appeared in 10 major films; Ford and BMW in 6; Chevrolet, Porsche, and Ferrari in 5; and Jeep, Volkswagen, Toyota, Range Rover, and Rolls Royce in 3.23 In the same year, top films had dozens of featured brands. The Twilight Saga: Breaking Dawn Part 2 featured Apple, Belstaff, Jansport, Mercedes, Rainier, Steinway & Sons, and Volvo. The James Bond film Skyfall showcased AgustaWestland, Anderson Wheeler, Aston Martin, Audi, Aurora, BBC, Belstaff, Beretta, Caterpillar, Citibank, CNN, Coca-Cola Zero, Courvoisier VSOP, Heineken, Jaguar, Land Rover, Macallan, Mercedes, Omega, Range Rover, Royal Doulton, Scrabble, Sony, Sony VAIO, Sony Xperia, Swarovski, Volkswagen Beetle, and Walther.24 The 2013 box office hit, Man of Steel, breaks the current record of product placement with over 100 featured items, earning more than $170 million before the film ever opened in theatres.25

Product placement is common on television programming as well. For many years soap operas advertised products in their programs. In 2011, the prime-time show with the most product placement was American Idol with 577 product place- ments, followed by The Biggest Loser with 533 product placements, and then Celeb- rity Apprentice with 391 product placements.26 For the same year, Apple products appeared in 891 television shows.27 “Digital” or “virtual” product placement allows advertisers to switch products featured in programs. Computer technology allows advertisers to add products that did not appear in the original version, creat- ing the potential for new advertising revenue when series are sold into syndication.

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Increasingly there is product placement in books, video games, and even music. Bulgari commissioned noted British author Fay Weldon to write a novel featuring Bulgari products. Companies generate children’s books featuring their products (for example, Skittles Riddles Math by Barbara McGrath and Roger Glass or The M&M’s Brand Counting Book by Barbara McGrath). Play the video game Crazy Taxi and you will be taken to Pizza Hut or Kentucky Fried Chicken; the Surf Riders game has G-Shock watches and banners for Ms. Zog’s Sex Wax (a surf- board wax). Artists such as Dirty Vegas and Phil Collins clue consumers to their product choices by placing “as seen in TV commercial” stickers on their albums. Run-DMC recorded “My Adidas” on their platinum album Raising Hell; they sing about the shoes, wear them during public appearances, and feature them promi- nently in videos.28

Commercials are such a feature of daily life that many advertising symbols and slogans become part of our culture. Advertisers focus attention on certain aspects of culture and ignore others. Advertising creates role models, heroes, and heroines. We can easily identify our favorite commercial characters, slogans, and songs. In some way, we are all experts on advertising. We know what we like, what is in good taste, what is clearly “in” or “out” of style. Ironically, we do not believe adver- tising influences our buying decisions.29 In a telephone survey, only 14 percent of the respondents said they were influenced by advertising. Interestingly, however, respondents believed that women, young people, and people in low-income groups were more affected by advertising than other groups. Individuals from those groups disagreed. As a society we tolerate, remember, and enjoy advertising messages— but are quick to dismiss their value or impact.

Jean Kilbourne argues that “magazines, newspapers, and radio and television programs round us up, rather like cattle, and producers and publishers then sell us to advertisers.”30 The various types of media become devices to deliver audiences that meet the specific criteria advertisers consider important for the purchase, sup- port, and acceptance of their products or services. Narrowcasting is the term used for reaching very specific markets. The explosion of cable channels has resulted in a number of programs designed for very particular interests. For example, business executives are likely to watch CNBC, while teenagers and young adults tune in to MTV. In addition, cable subscribers are younger, more affluent, and better edu- cated with greater purchasing power. The specialized programming on cable that reaches specific markets appeals to advertisers.31

Juliann Sivulka observes, “No single institution has played a greater role in both reflecting and shaping American life. . . . Advertising both mirrors a society and creates a society.”32 In this chapter, we investigate the persuasive dimensions of advertising. By identifying the tactics and techniques of persuasion, we can become better critics of advertising and more knowledgeable consumers.

 What Is Advertising? James Twitchell offers several characteristics of advertising.33 It is ubiquitous.

As described above, advertising is everywhere—from what we wear to what we see or hear to our digital forays. Advertising is symbiotic. It plays on our cultural icons,

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heroes, and events (both good and bad). Michael Jordan/Air Jordan shoes, Tiger Woods/Nike, or Britney Spears/Pepsi are very strong associations. (The risk of celebrity endorsements is that if a celebrity engages in behaviors of which society does not approve, the disapproval may extend to the product.) Advertising is pro- fane. To break through the glut of images vying for our attention, the goal often is to shock, especially in print ads. Advertisers rely on the irreverent or vulgar to be memorable. Finally, contemporary advertising is magical. Products “do” amazing things, from promises of love and success to looking younger.

There are several ways to discuss the essential nature and characteristics of advertising. In the traditional sense, advertising is a function or tool of marketing. Most definitions from this perspective emphasize four major characteristics.

1. Advertising is a paid form of communication. The message is shared as a result of financial payment (except in the cases where prominent logos work as a form of unpaid advertising when the consumer wears the item purchased).

2. Advertising is a nonpersonal, presentational form of communication. Advertis- ing is distinct from face-to-face sales presentations.

3. Advertising messages are concerned with the presentation of ideas, products, and services. All too often, we associate advertising only with products. Increasingly, advertising addresses political, social, and philosophical ideas. Because of the drastic increase in service occupations and employment, much advertising espouses the virtues of the various service industries.

4. Sponsors of advertising messages are identified. Sponsorship identification contributes to message accountability and financial responsibility.

We can also look at advertising in terms of information. In the early 1900s, N. W. Ayer, who later founded the first advertising agency in the United States, defined advertising as “keeping your name before the public.”34 Later, the aware- ness function was combined with information. Most commercial messages con- tain a great deal of information about product purpose, usage, price, or availability, but they also do more than inform. The messages are highly con- trolled. Great care is given to message content, direction, and length. Persuasion is now an essential element of advertising. Advertising does not pretend to pres- ent both sides of a decision, nor is it required to do so. By design, advertising is perhaps the strongest form of advocacy.

A communication definition of advertising recognizes the importance of the mass media in carrying the messages. The various media impact the style, content, and presentation of any message. Advertising uses strong narratives, influential lan- guage, nonverbal expressions, sophisticated lighting, sound effects, and editing to project its messages.

Still another way to gain insight into the nature of advertising is to review methods of classifying advertising. One classification scheme is by audience. Some ads are aimed at large, general audiences while others are aimed at small, perhaps regional audiences. Some are designed for audiences with specific demographic characteristics (age, sex, income, or occupational status), while other ads appeal to specific lifestyles or psychographic variables based on audience beliefs, attitudes, or

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values. Advertising is also classified according to the types of advertisers: national (general) or local (retail), business (industrial, trade, professional) or noncommer- cial (government, civic groups, religious groups), product (service, goods) or corpo- rate (image, ideas), primary (create a demand for a generic product for an entire industry) or selective (create demand for a specific brand of product).

From a pragmatic perspective, one can focus on what advertising does. Advertis- ing does many things other than just sell products. All advertising must communi- cate effectively and efficiently with the target audience—whether electing candidates, promoting causes, or advocating a service. Many ads are designed to enhance the image of a company, to solicit investment, or to recruit employees.35 Advertising can boost sales of a specific brand, describe specific product/brand values, defend a brand’s market share, slow down market-share losses, build market penetration (bring new users), increase frequency of product purchase, stimulate trial usage, or reinforce existing brand loyalty. Advertising can try to persuade consumers by emphasizing attributes, attempting to change the relative importance to a consumer of an attribute, or trying to change beliefs about competing brands/products.36

Finally, social scientists tend to investigate advertising from a theoretical and social perspective. From this orientation, advertising is viewed as the most influen- tial institution of socialization in modern society. Sut Jhally, for example, argues that advertising plays an important role in the mediation of the relationship between people and objects (see next section).37 Most of this chapter is concerned with the social implications of advertising.

To define advertising, therefore, is not a simple task. It is a vital force in our economy as well as a powerful means of communication. It influences who we are, how we live, and how we judge others. For our purposes, we define advertising as communication by a specific group or industry utilizing mass media for purposes of selling a product, service, candidate, or idea. This definition has several advantages. First, it rec- ognizes that the most effective form of persuasion is that which is created with a specific audience in mind. An effective commercial is one that speaks to a specific group—to its wants, desires, and problems. It is one that gains attention, addresses needs, and solves problems. The definition also recognizes the importance of media adaptation. Today’s technology is more than just a conduit for the transmis- sion of symbols. Its role is as important to the reception and understanding of the message as is packaging in influencing our decision to select a product.

Although advertising is mediated, a well-crafted message functions much like interpersonal communication. Advertising is targeted communication; successful appeals are tailored to the receiver demographically and psychographically. On a power/impact dimension, cognitive response resembles interpersonal exchange. Attention, retention, and response are essential in both advertising and in interper- sonal communication. Indeed, successful advertising sometimes results in the audi- ence responding to advertising characters as real people.

Advertising, as with most persuasion, is both a science and an art. As a sci- ence, advertising must observe, measure, and analyze individuals, groups, and institutional behavior. It must establish cause-and-effect relationships and provide a rationale and evidence for conclusions reached. Advertising is also an art; it embraces intuitive judgment, encourages creative application of symbols (both ver-

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bal and nonverbal), and harnesses subjectivity to connect with the audience it wants to persuade.

While informing us about products, advertising also informs us about our- selves, society, social values, and behavior. We learn from the roles and models pre- sented in ads. The more pervasive and persuasive, the more invisible advertising becomes in terms of influence and impact. Its presence and images become natu- ral, expected, and even desired. The irony is that the less we notice, the more open we are to the persuasive message. We must pay attention to the world presented and to the tactics and techniques of presentation. Decades ago, Vance Packard rec- ognized the potential impact of advertising and warned, “the result is that many of us are being influenced and manipulated far more than we realize, in the patterns of our everyday lives.”38

 The Evolution of Advertising from a Communication Perspective

In an elaboration of the view of advertising as social communication, William Leiss, Stephen Kline, Sut Jhally, and Jacqueline Botterill analyzed the evolution of the “cultural frames” for goods.39 They argue that individuals become acquainted with meanings of objects through society’s culture and customs. Today, advertising and marketing are the primary means of imparting the meaning of objects to peo- ple. Advertising has become “the discourse through and about objects, which bonds together images of persons, products, and well-being. . . . The symbolic attri- butes of goods, as well as the characters, situations, imagery, and jokes of advertis- ing discourse, are now fully integrated into our cultural repertoire.”40

Cultural Frames Leiss and his colleagues have identified five cultural frames for goods that

incorporate distinct time periods, advertising and marketing strategies, and themes (see figure 10.2).

The first frame, the idolatry phase, covers the period from 1890 to 1920. The focus was on the product; the approach was rational, descriptive, and informative. Products were devices to meet the utilitarian needs of consumers. The iconistic phase of advertising lasted from 1920 to 1950. It shifted attention away from the attributes of products to what the product represents. A brand of soap did more than get you clean; it also demonstrated caring. Products developed social meaning through symbolic attributes. The third frame extended from 1950 to 1970. In this narcissistic phase, advertising explained how products would meet personal, individual needs. Products were less symbolic and more transformative. They became the vehicles for personal change and satisfaction. The insight of psychology provided the emo- tional strategies for ad development and execution. The fourth frame, totemic, reflects a synthesis of the other three phases and covers the period from 1970 to 1990. Products are portrayed as emblems of group membership. Product usage defines self within a larger context or social group. Thus, the advertising is more specific and targeted to lifestyle variables. The fifth frame is labeled mise-en-scène,

Advertising as Persuasion  263

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suggesting “an arrangement of elements in a setting in order to achieve a unique style, or as setting the stage for action.”41 This frame is much different from former ones. Rather than rigid, this one is fluid, with individuals moving among and between contexts and defined situations. Products are “stage-props” for scenes and settings. Consumers are “directors” “who can use these props in the service of vir- tually unlimited set of creations and re-creations of value and shared meanings.”42

Self-identity emerges from the use of products or services—they become a means of standing out in a crowd and promote the recognition of one’s uniqueness. The brands we use define who we are.

Although William Leiss, Stephen Kline, and Sut Jhally have not extended their analysis past the year 2000, we can see the influence of new communication tech- nologies and social media in advertising. Individuals are targeted based on their social behavior and networks. New technology makes viral marketing/advertising fast and free. Real time interactions with shared narratives of others focusing on brand experience are key. Maximizing social interaction is critical in today’s suc- cessful marketing endeavors. Social and online advertising will soon top the more traditional forms.

The frames highlight the evolution of advertising messages from what a prod- uct does to what a product says to who we are. Clothes are worn for self-identity rather than fashion or warmth; they reflect our social values rather than social sta- tus or durability; they present the self rather than represent style or utility. Products are portrayed as having unique personalities, emotions, and significance beyond their chemical and physical characteristics. Most importantly, we identify with the product’s values and promises.

Identification with a Product One of the most interesting examples of consumer attachment to a product

was the public outcry against Coca-Cola when it changed the flavor of its popular beverage in 1985. The company had decided to change the flavor after years of test- ing the tastes consumers said they preferred. The research was based solely on taste; the outcry arose from emotional attachment to the product. Soon after the launch, the company brought back “Classic Coke” with the original formula.

Since 1886, Coca-Cola has employed various strategies to sell its product. In the early years, the company highlighted the medicinal properties of the beverage: “For headache and exhaustion, drink Coca-Cola” or “The favorite drink for ladies when thirsty, weary, and despondent.” Later, the focus was on the taste and thirst- quenching attributes of the drink. In the 1980s and 1990s, the focus was on the “social” uses of the product. We were told “Have a Coke and a smile,” “Coke is it,” “Can’t beat the feeling,” and “Always Coca-Cola.” In the last few years, Coke has used slogans that define or reflect on the user such as: “Life tastes good,” “Make it real,” and “The Coke side of life.” The product represents a significant emblem in American culture (as the attempt to change the formula clearly indicated).

Using Music to Structure the Message Seventy-five percent of all radio and television commercials use music in some

manner.43 Music and the advertising industry joined efforts in the late 1800s, and

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music became a mainstay of commercial radio broadcasting in the 1920s.44 In early advertising, music was used primarily as a mnemonic device. Rhyme and repeti- tion were used to keep the brand name in mind. Later, jingles or “singing commer- cials” were used to capture a feeling or mood and to recall past experiences.

One of the earliest successful jingles (1908) was the song “In My Merry Oldsmobile” by Johnny Marks. In the early days of radio, programs and bands were named after products, such as “The Royal Typewriter Salon Orchestra,” “Vicks VapoRub Quartet,” or “the A&P Gypsies.” Country music was the primary medium used to reach rural audiences. Companies would sponsor numerous sta- tions and several bands throughout the nation. “Pepsi-Cola Hits the Spot” was the first jingle played on network radio in 1941. The Chiquita banana jingle was created in 1944 for the United Fruit Company by a BBDO advertising team, and it quickly became the number one jingle of the day. The Lucky Strike radio show that began in the 1930s was reincarnated as a successful NBC-TV show in 1950 with a cast of singers named “The Lucky Strike Gang.” Ralston-Purina Company was the first to use an original rock song to sell cereal in 1956.45 During the 1960s and 1970s, com- panies and corporations turned out their own albums as promotional items.

Some songs that were created as jingles became national hits. For example, General Motors commissioned a song entitled “Little GTO” about its new Pon- tiac. The song became a top-40 hit, as did Coca-Cola’s “I’d Like to Teach the World to Sing” and Pepsi’s “Music to Watch Girls By.” By the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s, music stars began singing and appearing in commercials on a regular basis. Coca-Cola used The Troggs, Marvin Gaye, the Supremes, Ray Charles, the Everly Brothers, Otis Redding, the Box Tops, and Leslie Gore, to name a few. By the mid-1980s, boomer nostalgia for rock resulted in commercials using original hits with changed lyrics: the Platters’ “Only You” became “Only Wendy’s”; Jerry Lee Lewis’ “Whole Lotta Shakin’ Goin’ On” morphed into Burger King’s “Whole Lotta Breakfast Goin’ On”; and “Mack the Knife” became “It’s Mac Tonight,” to name a few examples. Heavy metal joined the ranks of music used in advertising in 1987 with Aerosmith’s “Walk this Way” for a Sun Country Cooler campaign and ZZ Top for Busch beer. New Age music was used to target upscale boomers in luxury car commercials. By the mid-1990s computer technology and software allowed advertisers to create custom music and jingles for local and small businesses.46

Music contributes to advertising in a number of ways.47 As simple entertain- ment, music is a good way to gain the attention of the audience and to attract inter- est. Music also helps structure the message. It provides continuity by tying together the visual images. It can also heighten or emphasize a dramatic moment, much as it does in films. Music or a clever jingle makes a product or a brand name easier to remember; it increases familiarity and recognition. In addition, hearing a specific melody or song triggers associations. As already mentioned, music serves as a mne- monic device, especially when a jingle includes a phone number or address. Another way music enhances ads is through the use of lyrical language. The use of emotive and poetic language enhances a feeling or mood. Musical lyrics provide an authoritative frame for sharing product information. Lyrics are easily accepted without critical thought or challenge. Music is a natural way to target audiences. To

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target a younger audience, advertisers use music and/or musical artists popular with that age group.

The structure and nature of advertising is directly related to the political and social structure of society. In countries where tradition and the status quo are val- ued and there is little technological innovation, advertising is not needed and thus has little social impact. In authoritarian countries, advertising is tightly controlled and is used to promote national goals and specific consumption patterns. In the United States, where self-interest, individualism, rationality, competition, and free- dom of choice are highly valued, advertising plays to those tendencies. Capitalistic society encourages consumerism. For many immigrants, North America was pre- sented as a “land of milk and honey” with an abundance of goods. The wage sys- tem of labor encouraged consumption. Advertising is vital to advanced capitalistic societies, where it is necessary to motivate people to work hard so they can accu- mulate money, which can then be used to buy products.

From this brief overview of the evolution of advertising, we can make several assumptions about its practice in the United States. Advertising must be considered within the cultural context of a nation. Advertising messages are extremely com- plex—utilizing rational, emotional, and social elements. Thus, the messages are open to various interpretations, and actual effects are not clearly known. What does the practice of advertising today say about human nature? Over thirty years ago, Vance Packard observed that humans are “simply reactors to stimulus from the environment” and are “creatures of almost limitless plasticity.”48 This skepti- cism stemmed from the heavy reliance on modern techniques and theories of psy- chology in advertising.

 The Role of Psychology in Advertising As early as 1954, several professional publications began devoting more and

more attention to what they called “motivation research.”49 By the 1980s, many large ad agencies hired psychologists and anthropologists to advise on human needs, nature, and behavior in order to discover cues that would lead to purchasing behav- iors.50 Advertisers began looking for those “extra-psychological values” related to products in order to give them more potent appeal. The concern is not with specific psychological strategies or tactics but with a general orientation to product defini- tion that plays on individual strengths, weaknesses, hopes, and fears. In the advertis- ing industry, such an orientation is known as product positioning.51 From this perspective, the advertiser does not begin with the product but with the mind of the consumer. That is, advertising does not try to change minds but rather links product attributes to the existing beliefs, ideas, goals, and desires of the consumer.

Neuromarketing The latest in the field of scientific marketing research is “neuromarketing” that

studies consumers’ sensorimotor, cognitive, and affective responses to product stim- uli. Using electroencephalography (EEG) (a wired cap with electrodes to measure brain signals), functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) (measures brain activ- ity by looking at changes in blood flow), biometrics (monitoring heart rate, respira-

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tory rate, galvanic skin response), and eye-tracking technology, researchers attempt to learn why consumers make the decisions they do and what part of the brain influ- ences decision making. This approach helps marketers to understand those more hidden and subconscious elements of the decision process. Researchers can track the intensity of emotional reactions and responses to verbal and visual messages.

Frito-Lay hired a neuromarketing firm to investigate how consumers respond to eating Cheetos. The firm found that consumers respond positively to the fact that eating Cheetos turns their fingers orange with residual cheese dust. This finding led to a campaign called “The Orange Underground” with television spots featuring the mascot, Chester Cheetah, encouraging consumers to get messy eating Cheetos.52

In another study, when subjects were given a blind taste test of Coca-Cola and Pepsi, half of the subjects selected Pepsi (scans showed a stronger response in their brain’s ventromedial prefrontal cortex—the area that processes feelings of rewards). However, when the same subjects were given a cup labeled “Coke” and asked to compare it to an unlabeled sample, 75 percent said Coke tasted better (brain scans of this response showed activity in the prefrontal cortex and the hippocampus— areas of high cognitive processes and memory). Thinking about Coke related to memories and other impressions. As this experiment demonstrated, many people buy Coke because of the pleasant memories associated with the product, rather than the taste.53

Our minds accept attitudes or behaviors that match prior knowledge and expe- rience. To say that a cookie tastes “homemade” or “like Mother used to make” does not tell whether the cookie is good or bad, hard or soft, sweet or bland. Rather, the statement elicits the aroma of fresh-baked cookies and fond memories of Mother’s baking. Advertisers are more successful if they position a product to capitalize on established beliefs or expectations of the consumer.

Product brand selection or loyalty often says more about who we wish to be than who we actually are. John Jones, who spent over 25 years in the advertising business, argues that “in product design, in packaging, in promotion, in direct- response materials—in short, in every piece of communication directed to consum- ers—there is a speaker, someone who is making assumptions about the reader. And there is a mock reader, the person you and I are supposed to become.”54

A positioning approach to advertising is a response to an “over-communi- cated” society. Each year there are thousands of new books published, numerous new cable channels, abundant specialty magazines, and a proliferation of websites crowding the Internet. All of these mediums bombard us with information and introduce thousands of new products. During a year, the average American will view over 1,500 hours of television, listen to over 1,000 hours of radio, and spend over 300 hours reading newspapers and magazines. In addition, an increasing number of people spend many hours searching for products and services on the Internet. There is a great deal of competition for our attention. Product positioning helps cut through the clutter, providing a shortcut to the brain.

In their book, Nudge, Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein discuss behavioral eco- nomics, which combines standard economics with an understanding of human psychology.

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A key behavioral problem involves the limits of our attention. We are all busy, with many things to think about, and we can’t attend to everything. As a result, we often live our lives on automatic pilot. We go with the flow, leave things as they are, except if someone captures our attention. Then we jump.55

The authors suggest that policy makers should use the realities of human behavior, such as the tendency to conform, to design programs (using what the authors call “choice architecture”) that give people choices but also to coax them away from following cognitive or social forces that lead to poor choices.56

Simplified messages based on consumer experience and knowledge do not require logic, debate, or lengthy explanations. The most effective ads are those that work on a “stimulus-response” motivation. How can William Shatner be so effec- tive promoting the website of Priceline for hotel and airfare accommodations? Is it because he is so knowledgeable about the travel industry? Probably not. Since he is funny and likeable, people are attuned to his message because of his public per- sona. Shatner’s credibility profits from his celebrity status and the characters he has portrayed on television shows.

There is another important reason why psychology invaded the advertising community. In the early 1970s, the purchasing power of the dollar decreased by 60 percent, and many households required two paychecks to survive.57 The solution to the problem was image transformation. Advertisers attempted to increase the per- ceived value of mass-produced products. The primary strategy was to offer an emo- tional reward for using a product. In short, brand “personality” became more important than brand “performance.” Sexy jeans have a stronger appeal than long- lasting jeans. A stylish, designer watch is favored over an accurate one.

Behavioral psychologists can find parallels between Ivan Pavlov’s conditioning experiments and advertising. Pavlov rang a bell whenever he presented food to a dog in his experiment; the food stimulated salivation. After a number of condi- tioned responses, the dog would salivate at the sound of the bell—even when no food was presented. A communications research manager at Coca-Cola remarked: “Pavlov took a neutral object and, by associating it with a meaningful object, made it a symbol of something else; he imbued it with imagery, he gave it added value. That is what we try to do with modern advertising.”58 While the power of a single advertisement to shape any one individual’s behavior may be minimal, repeated advertising images and slogans can have an impact. The use of humor in advertis- ing is another means of conditioning. If listeners find the message funny, they may associate the good feelings with the product being advertised. Purchasing that product becomes connected to good times and pleasure.

Psychographics The term psychographics was coined in 1968 to describe market research that

classifies population groups according to psychological variables such as attitudes, interests, and opinions. Arnold Mitchell was interested in the implications of the fragmentation of U.S. society in the 1960s and 1970s on the economy. He incorpo- rated psychographics in a model developed to explain changing values and life- styles; its acronym was VALS. After its inauguration in 1978, VALS was

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recognized by Advertising Age as “one of the ten top market research breakthroughs in the 1980s.”59 In 1989, the typology was reworked to maximize its ability to pre- dict consumer behavior. Personality traits replaced social values as the mechanism for segmenting the marketplace because individual differences affect purchase behavior more directly than social trends and are more stable over time. The foun- dation of the VALS™ approach is that independent psychological traits control behavior. Demographics such as gender, age, and education are not sufficient to predict how people consume goods and services. Personality traits such as leader- ship, innovativeness, and vanity affect decisions in combination with the material resources available.60

Psychographic variables (lifestyle, likes, dislikes, perceptions, etc.) rather than demographic variables (age, sex, income, occupation, etc.) have become the core of marketing endeavors. Psychographic variables tend to be better motivators and pre- dictors of purchasing behavior.

Branding Today the process and practice of branding is king. Branding goes well beyond

the selling of a product or service. According to Marcel Danesi, “Advertising is more an art of persuasion than it is of information, designed to showcase a product in the marketplace in terms of how it can satisfy various emotional, social, and other kinds of human needs.”61 Companies invest a great deal of time and money creating brand identities for themselves, “identities that generate a sense of good- will and care for the product.”62

Coca-Cola was one of the first corporations to brand its image. Coca-Cola pro- moted its name as well as associations with its product—a beverage enjoyed with family and friends, a symbol of hospitality, and something to make life better. For Danesi, “Brands are one of the most important modes of communication in the modern media environment.”63 A successful brand suggests the kind of consumer who buys and uses a product. For the manufacturer, branding helps create cus- tomer loyalty, maintain market share, and allows for price stability because of per- ceived value. For retailers, branding generates customers and outlet or retail location loyalty. Brands communicate specified attributes, values, personality and emotional benefits.

The practice of “branding” began in the late nineteenth century. As markets expanded and products proliferated, marketers discovered that people would remember and recognize products with specific names, thus increasing sales. Most scholars agree that the first product to be named was Ivory Soap. In 1879 Harley Procter decided to name his white soap; the idea came to him while reading a psalm in church. In December of that same year, Procter introduced a slogan for the soap: “99 and 44/100% pure.” The name and the slogan helped people remem- ber the product and its attributes.64

In psychological terms, naming serves as a “life-giver.” “By naming a product, the manufacturer is, in effect, bestowing on it the same kinds of meanings that are reserved for people. In a basic psychological sense, a product that is named is ‘humanized.’ ”65 Names classify products by linking them with socially relevant meanings. For example, “Royal Baking Powder” characterizes the product as

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something “regal,” “special,” and of “quality.” At a very practical level, names cre- ate identification between consumer and product.

Robin Landa notes that a brand has three integrated meanings.66 First, it is the sum total of all characteristics of the product, service, or group—including physical features, emotional assets, and cultural/emotional associations. Second, the visual and verbal articulation of the brand is comprised of components such as the brand name, logo, packaging, letterhead, website, and even business cards. Third, the brand is a function of the targeted audience’s ongoing perception of it—their iden- tification with the values and promises of the brand. “A brand is the sum total of all functional and emotional assets of the product, service, or group that differentiate it among the competition.”67

There are several types of branding. Consumer branding focuses on product and service categories such as household goods, home electronics, automobiles, food and beverages, etc. Corporate branding creates identities and experiences for new compa- nies, company mergers, or companies in need of revitalization. Digital branding uti- lizes digital media to form, launch, or strengthen relationships between a brand and its users. Organizational branding refers to political, social, issue, or nonprofit orga- nizations. Global branding is developed for an international audience in order to adjust and tailor the brand experience to address cultural and social differences.68

Some brands are named for the company’s founder(s), such as Harrods, Ben & Jerry’s, Heinz, or Levi’s. Other brand names are explanatory, such as Toys “R” Us, America Online, or the American Heart Association. There are expressive or invented names such as Google, Yahoo, Xerox, or Timex. Others refer to fictitious personalities, such as Mr. Clean or Betty Crocker. Automobiles use animal names to tap into cultural symbolism. For example, Jaguar suggests an exotic, powerful creature, and Cougar invokes associations with speed. Finally, there are allegorical or symbolic names: Nike is the Greek goddess of victory; Sirius is the brightest star in the sky. Iconic brands provide aspects that contribute to the consumer’s personal identity and self-expression.

Danesi argues that our branded culture taps into our basic psychological needs. “In effect, the promotion of products in a modern consumerist culture is based on the principle that people will buy things if they perceive them as satisfying some basic emotion, desire, or social need.”69 What are we really buying when we pur- chase a product? For example, a luxury watch provides quality but psychologically it also provides status. Cosmetics enhance appearance, which raises self-esteem. Mouthwash eliminates bad breath, which removes a barrier to social acceptance.

 How Advertising Works To compose effective messages, advertisers need to understand consumer

behavior. What processes do consumers follow before making a decision? How do consumers select and evaluate information? What motivates them to make a pur- chase? The nature of the product or service and its importance to the consumer, the personality traits of individuals, and involvement with brands all affect the process, but it is useful to examine how consumers generally make decisions (keeping in mind that individuals are complex and multi-dimensional).

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Consumer Decision Making The five-stage model presented here looks at consumers as information proces-

sors and problem solvers engaging in a variety of mental processes to evaluate prod- ucts or services. The stages in the decision-making process correspond to internal psychological processes (see figure 10.3).70 The first stage in the buying process is problem recognition. The consumer perceives a need or recognizes a desire to be fulfilled. For example, one may recognize that their current suit no longer fits well or may be out of style, thus generating the desire for a new suit. The need or desire may be stimulated by recent advertising that emphasizes current trends in mens- wear, while announcing a three-day sale on suits. Or the need or desire may be gen- erated by previous purchases, such as a shirt and tie that do not coordinate with the suit hanging in the closet. The correlating internal psychological stage is motiva- tion—the factors that influence the consumer to take a particular action. For exam- ple, once a consumer recognizes the need to purchase a new suit, the motivation for purchase could be style, durability, material weight (winter or summer), or color.

The second stage of the buying process is information search. Consumers begin to search for product (or service) information in order make a purchase decision. For some products, the search may be internal, based on previous purchases, experi- ences, or knowledge. External searches may involve consulting friends or relatives, relying on advertising, or comparing products firsthand. The psychological correlat- ing phase is one of perception, the process of how an individual receives, selects, organizes, and interprets the product information in a meaningful way. The process of perception is rather compli- cated. Few of us pay attention to all of the advertising messages we see or hear every day. Some messages we attune to, others we ignore. I may not pay atten- tion to an ad proclaiming 50 percent off suits unless I am thinking about buying a suit. Some product features may escape my attention or not be relevant to my primary motivation for purchase.

The next stage is alternative evalua- tion. In this stage, consumers compare various brands or products based on the needs or motives identified. The criteria for evaluation may be functional and tangible or more psychological in terms of self-esteem, image, or other desired mental outcomes. Attitude formation is the correlating psychological phase. Attitudes reflect the consumers’ overall feelings toward a product. We have atti- tudes towards individuals, brands, prod-

CONSUMER DECISION-MAKING PROCESS STAGES

INTERNAL PSYCHOLOGICAL

PROCESSES

1 2 3 4 5

RECOGNITION OF PROBLEM

SEARCH FOR INFORMATION

EVALUATION OF ALTERNATIVES

PURCHASE DECISION

EVALUATION POST-PURCHASE

MOTIVATION

PERCEPTION

ATTITUDE FORMATION

INTEGRATION

LEARNING

Figure 10.3 The Consumer Decision-Making Process

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ucts, and even retail outlets. For example, a positive attitude toward a celebrity may generate a positive attitude toward an endorsed product. Likewise, some people would not buy clothes at Walmart; they purchase only at upscale department stores. Advertising, of course, is designed to influence attitudes. It may emphasize specific attributes in comparison with other products (“bigger,” “better,” “smarter,” “easier,” “most reliable,” “safest,” “most dependable,” etc.); or it may attempt to change current attitudes toward a product (“new and improved,” “all new design,” “environmentally friendly,” etc.).

The next to last stage is the actual purchase. This reflects an intention or pre- disposition to buy a certain product or brand. Depending on the product or brand, this stage may require other decisions: when will I make the purchase, at which store or Internet retailer, and for what price? These decisions may influence the ultimate purchase. The integration phase focuses on the different types of decision rules consumers use to decide among alternatives. As you can imagine, this stage is complex and very individual.

The final stage is evaluating the purchase. After using a product or service, consumers compare the level of performance in terms of expectations and perhaps past experiences with other brands. Performance satisfaction enhances future pur- chases and brand loyalty. Companies may follow-up with e-mails, letters, or sur- veys to reassure buyers and to reinforce the wisdom of the decision. The accompanying internal psychological stage is consumer learning. There are many factors that influence each phase of the process—past experience, cost of product, testimonials by friends, etc. However, pre- and post-purchase, we continue to learn about the selected product by firsthand experiences as well as competitor advertis- ing. Some of the learning is direct; we seek information on the product. However, much of the learning is less conscious and is a response to emotional appeals, prod- uct promises, and other marketing strategies.

Involvement One of the oldest models of consumer decision making is based on the vari-

ables of involvement and experience; it remains relevant today. Involvement is the degree of relevance and importance that a product has for the consumer. Purchas- ing a car usually involves more consideration than a loaf of bread. However, those who love cooking will exhibit more involvement in purchasing kitchen and food items than those who do not cook. Involvement levels may differ across product categories and items. Experience refers to the frequency of purchase and knowl- edge of products and brands. Thus, all purchasing of products involves varying degrees of frequency of buying a product and involvement with the product.

Creating Demand There are four distinct levels of persuasion on the continuum of consumer

decision making.71 The most simple and basic level is precipitation; the persuasive goals are brand awareness and knowledge. The advertising messages must fight clutter and penetrate the mind of the consumer. The second level is called persua- sion; the messages appeal to human feelings and emotions and attempt to induce

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purchase. This level is the most powerful and perhaps the most subtle. The third level is reinforcement; the goal is to legitimize existing purchases and to validate pre- vious purchase decisions. Reminder is the final level; the goal is to reinforce brand loyalty. For example, most McDonald’s ads are designed to keep “top-of-mind” awareness rather than to describe product attributes.

According to William Leiss and his colleagues, advertising creates demand in three ways.72 Through technological manipulation, advertising utilizes the latest in psychographic and demographic research to identify tactics and techniques of mass appeal. The production techniques and drama offered by the various media heighten impact and response to creative advertising messages. False symbolism also creates demand; the focus is on how products become symbols for desired attri- butes. Why do specific articles of clothing represent status or group identification; why do certain perfumes promise sex? The third means of creating demand is false claims. Leiss and his colleagues argue that many ads simply promise more than they can deliver and are deceptive in nature.

It is important to recognize that advertising, in many ways, counters tradi- tional ideas about how we learn and how we acquire attitudes. Many scholars argue that the learning process is linear and consistent. Information is transmitted; once the information is understood, there may be a reorganization of attitude or belief structure. Once an attitude changes, then corresponding behavior will follow. Emotion can be a primary motivating factor. The linear model doesn’t account for affective elements and nonrational preferences.

We purchase some products simply because we recall the ads from television and just want to try them. We may then like the product and will form a favorable attitude. In other cases, the advertising causes an attitude to form without ever experiencing the product, as in the belief that Mercedes are superior automobiles. We attach emotional significance to the products (status or prestige, for example) before any purchase takes place. In this sequence, we start with an attitude change, develop emotional ties, and then, if circumstances allow, purchase the car.

One school of thought is that likability enhances persuasion; however, many well-liked ads have no impact on sales. Conversely, advertisements that consumers found aggravating generated sales. Others claim that commercials that are liked get better exposure. The basis of this hypothesis is that well-liked ads will be watched more than disliked ads. We are less likely to leave the room or to change channels. Still others think that liking is a surrogate for cognitive processing. The basis of this hypothesis is that when consumers actively process messages, they are more likely to act on those messages. Liking a message predisposes the individual to believe its message content. Another hypothesis is that liking an ad generates a positive affect that is transferred from the commercial to the product. Finally, it is thought that liking evokes a gratitude response. While perhaps a stretch, it is thought that part of consumer behavior is based on the pleasure of the advertising itself.73

John Jones argues that successful advertising campaigns have three character- istics. An amusing and entertaining advertisement rewards viewers who commit their time to watching the ad. Thus, the intrinsic properties of the campaign offer a reward. Second, effective advertising campaigns communicate visually rather than verbally. Finally, the campaigns serve as an “emotional envelope.”74 In short, the

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campaigns are intrinsically likable, highly visual, and encourage viewer engage- ment by communicating promises in terms relevant to the consumer.75

Reach, Frequency, and Integrated Marketing Two important concepts in advertising are reach and frequency. Reach is how

many people in the target audience will see or hear an ad. Frequency is how many times the target audience will see or hear the ad within a specified time frame. A certain frequency of seeing an ad is required in order to evoke product awareness and eventually a purchase. The ideal is to maximize both reach and frequency.

The Internet has extended both reach and frequency. There are 220 million Internet users in the United States alone (1.8 billion worldwide). Most companies post their ads on YouTube.76 For example, 108 million people watched the Super Bowl in 2013, and advertisers paid $3 million for a 30-second commercial.77 The cost per thousand viewers makes the Super Bowl an efficient media buy for many adver- tisers. The shelf life of the commercials extends well beyond the game. YouTube adblitz posts all the commercials and asks viewers to vote on favorites. Two weeks after the Super Bowl XLVII, 61 million people had viewed the ads again.

After Old Spice introduced “The Old Spice Man” during the 2010 SuperBowl, the commercial for what had been a moribund brand was viewed 13 million times. The ad agency parlayed that success 5 months later by posting “Today could be just like the other 364 days you log into Twitter, or maybe the Old Spice Man shows up @Old Spice.” People tweeted questions about manliness. The bare-chested Old Spice Man responded to the queries in near-real-time video vignettes, as ad agency copy- writers worked furiously to provide him with humorous answers. There were 180 video “shout-outs” during the two-day blitz, including exchanges with celebrities such as Ellen DeGeneres, Demi Moore, Christina Applegate, and Alysa Milano.78

Integrated marketing is the term used for marketing campaigns with consistent brand messaging and communication across all channels. The weaknesses of one medium are compensated for by the strengths of another. Advertisers leverage each medium’s strengths to reinforce and unify all their communication. New marketing channels—from apps to publicity stunts—appear daily.79 The growing number of messages and channels make it difficult for a single message to be effective; inte- grated marketing is one method of overcoming the fragmentation of audiences. Steve McKee explains:

Not so long ago, it was enough to have great strategy and a big idea. Today, even the best ideas have a hard time getting off the ground as consumers’ media and purchasing options—not to mention their attention spans—grow increas- ingly fragmented. While perfect integration is unachievable, companies that do the best job of harmonizing all their marketing efforts have an advantage.

The Internet is changing the way companies market and communicate with consumers and other businesses. It is a multifaceted promotional tool. George Belch and Michael Belch observe, “in addition to advertising on the Web, market- ers offer sales promotion incentives such as coupons, contests, and sweepstakes online, and they use the Internet to conduct direct marketing, personal selling, and public relations activities more effectively and efficiently.”80 Of course, it is the

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Internet’s interactivity that makes it especially unique. Not only can marketers gain personal information from customers and prospects, but they can also adjust offers or sales instantly.

By offering two-way communication, it is easier to measure the effectiveness of marketing strategies and tactics. The advantages are numerous. One can provide a great deal of information without the time constraints of traditional advertising mediums. It allows an individual or company (large or small) to expand its poten- tial market and to provide national and even international access. Use of the Inter- net is relatively inexpensive compared to other advertising media. It provides unparalleled targeting of consumers. The behavior of searching for a specific prod- uct clearly indicates a potential customer. Somewhat related, Internet marketing provides customer analytics. Individual usage can be traced and tracked for effec- tiveness. A customer profile can easily be established. Finally, the Web offers inno- vative visuals and activities (for example, video, avatars, games, and other interactive features).

Social media marketing has become a specialty of Internet marketing. The key to social media marketing is consumer interactions—with the brand or company as well as with other consumers. The goal is to have individuals share positive com- ments and reactions as well as forward product recommendations to friends and family. This process generates buzz—word-of-mouth campaigns. People tend to trust the opinions of third-party individuals. Corporations can build brand relation- ships with customers, increase satisfaction, and improve customer service.

There are 57 million radios in use (5.6 per household) in the United States, reaching 71 percent of Americans older than 12. The average American spends 3 hours each weekday plus five hours each weekend listening to the radio.81 Radio spots are relatively inexpensive to produce and to air. Radio provides reach and fre- quency at a lower cost than other media. Another advantage of radio advertising is selectivity—the ability to target the message. The various program formats as well as specific geographic coverage provide opportunities to target messages to specific demographic and lifestyle groups. Radio also offers flexibility because spots can be changed quickly and on short notice. While the creative options are limited because radio is an auditory medium only, a well-crafted advertisement can invoke mental imagery that mimics the effect of visual images. A radio ad campaign can complement other media including television, magazines, and newspapers.

Similar to radio, one of the main advantages of magazine advertising is selec- tivity.82 There are literally thousands of magazines, which facilitate targeting spe- cific consumers. Another advantage, from a creative standpoint, is the reproduction quality of the ads. Since magazines are a visual medium, the design, graphics, and illustrations are an important part of the ads. As a result, the reproduction quality, especially compared to newspapers, is far superior. Magazine ads also offer creative flexibility in terms of type, size, and placement—ranging from simple inserts to centerfolds to wild graphics. There is a prestige factor associated with ads in publi- cations with a favorable image. Upscale magazines provide a good environment for ads of luxury items. Ads in consumer magazines, like Good Housekeeping, can pro- vide product and warranty information that may increase customer confidence in a particular brand.83 Coupons offer consumers a chance to try a product at a reduced

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price. Finally, the general adult population enjoys and trusts magazine advertising information above all other media.

Television is perhaps the ideal advertising medium. It offers numerous advan- tages over all other media for creativity and impact. The combination of sight and sound allows one to tell a story, provide drama, or evoke emotion. Television is also an excellent medium for product or service demonstration. Another advantage is that television provides access to the largest audiences and mass markets. Because television reaches such large audiences, it is a cost-efficient means of com- municating with potential consumers. Because of its pervasiveness and intrusive nature, television advertising is difficult to ignore or escape. Thus, exposure to ads is virtually guaranteed for a large percentage of the viewing audience. Finally, tele- vision does allow for selectivity and flexibility.84 Programs tend to “deliver” audi- ences of a particular age, income, or lifestyle. Advertisers use that demographic information to place advertisements most likely to appeal to a specific audience. Cable programs, whose content is chosen for audiences in a particular area, also offer geographic targeting.

Direct mail (frequently referred to as “junk” mail) is an efficient means of adver- tising. Today’s technology facilitates audience segmentation by specific variables. Direct marketers can buy consumer lists with as many or as few criteria as desired so that their messages and appeals will reach a receptive audience. The relatively low cost of direct marketing allows advertisers to send multiple “hits” to targeted con- sumers. Finally, direct marketing allows creativity in message presentation—ranging from colorful brochures to stamps to CDs to videos, frequently with the recipient’s name prominently displayed.

Subliminal Advertising Some people believe advertising uses subliminal messages to sell products and

services. These messages allegedly target the consumer’s subconscious. The notion of subliminal advertising originated in a famous study that projected messages of “eat popcorn” and “drink Coca-Cola” on movie screens for 1/3,000 of a second.85

The messages increased sales of popcorn by 57 percent and of Coke by 10 percent. Whether advertisers hide symbols or phrases in their messages is widely dis-

puted. Wilson Bryan Key, in his controversial books Subliminal Seduction and Media Sexploitation, provided numerous examples of sexual symbols, words, and pictures he believed were embedded in ads.86

There are several problems with the notion of subliminal advertising. First, the original study was conducted during the movie Picnic, which contained several scenes of people eating and drinking during hot summer weather. Was the audi- ence responding to the subliminal advertisement or simply mimicking the behavior in the movie? In addition, the study has never been replicated with the same dra- matic results. Scholars Anthony Pratkanis and Elliot Aronson reviewed over 150 academic articles and more than 200 professional papers on subliminal advertising. They conclude, “in none of the papers is there clear evidence that supports the proposition that subliminal messages influence behavior.”87 Also, industry profes- sionals continue to deny widespread use of subliminal techniques—for the very practical reason that they simply do not work.

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Of course, as we have already argued, the appeals are very subtle. Subliminal advertising may be in the eyes of the beholder, because many of the appeals are a matter of perception. For example, a product that uses a movie star as a spokesper- son might appeal to one consumer because the star has successfully portrayed prac- tical, down-to-earth characters. Another consumer might focus on the celebrity’s fame and wealth. Another might find the star’s physical attractiveness appealing. Appeal is emotional and depends on the receiver’s perception of the star.

Even the most subtle actions may generate a strong appeal. Recall the subtle but powerful impact of products used in movies noted at the beginning of this chap- ter. Consider also, as an example, perfume or cologne ads that may explicitly show an attractive couple in bed. One appeal is the person, the other is sex. One approach is subtle; the other is more direct and plays on our human interest in sex. Advertising utilizes deeply ingrained desires and motives of human nature.

The advertising industry relies on the subtle and the obvious, the rational and the absurd, the everyday and the novel in order to lead us from awareness to ulti- mate purchase. Keeping that in mind, we will now consider some of the more com- mon tactics and approaches to persuasion in U.S. advertising.

 Advertising as Myth From a cultural perspective, there is a growing trend toward viewing advertis-

ing as myth. Ancient Greek and Roman mythologies were stories of explanation, a way to understand the universe based on heroic stories. According to Joseph Campbell, myths help us realize the wonder of the universe and our place in it; they also validate the customs and social rules of our culture.88 Myths are enduring stories that teach valuable lessons as well as entertain. The subject of myths usually deal with the concerns common to humans throughout history: birth, life, death, good and evil, afterlife and human nature.

Nearly all advertising tells a story. Ads function much like popular fiction, encouraging the suspension of disbelief. Most ads contain the following three ele- ments: characters, settings, and plots. They also involve conflicts pitting one set of characters or social values against another. The conflicts are resolved by using the product. In effect, the products become the hero. Ads are most effective when they create attitudes and reinforce values. The narrative fiction of ads communicates information about a product in the context of the values, lifestyles, and culture of the target audience. Advertising is the means of creatively tapping the mind’s per- ceptual inventory—linking images, symbols, and feelings to the object or idea being sold. Over time, advertising creates mythical worlds and characters that become associated with specific brands.

Sal Randazzo explains how advertising functions as mythology and operates below the radar of awareness.

Each advertisement or commercial represents an individual mythology, which also contributes to the overall brand mythology. . . . Megabrand advertising doesn’t just sell a product, it creates an emotional bond between the brand and the consumer. Advertising creates this bond by mythologizing the product; by humanizing it; and by giving the product a distinct identity, personality, and

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sensibility. Advertising mythologizes brands by wrapping them in consumers’ dreams and fantasies.89

The use of mythical figures and stories in advertising makes automatic connections with the audience and allows for condensing meanings into a text or image. McDon- ald’s is an excellent example of this process. A constant theme in its advertising is that McDonald’s is more than a restaurant. It is a mythical and magical place where kids and parents are happy; everyone is welcome; and everyone is forever young at heart.

Mythic archetypes provide many of the story lines and characters found in commercials. For example, there are two major Western archetypical images of females: the mother and the maiden. The “mother” archetype embodies attributes of warmth, nurturance, comfort, and security. Roles include mother, teacher, homemaker, cook, and gardener, to name just a few. The “maiden” archetype emphasizes youth, beauty, enchantment, and seduction. Maiden images occur on a continuum between virgin and harlot, and include roles such as damsel or siren. There are also two major Western archetypal images of males: father and warrior. The “father” image reflects the attributes of reason, order, law, protector, and pro- vider—roles such as coach, teacher, leader, etc. The “warrior” reflects indepen- dence, strength, and courage. Roles include cowboys, sports stars, and soldiers.

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The archetypal roles and stories in advertising are usually quite obvious. Campbell soup ads often use the mother archetype—a loving and nurturing care- taker who smoothes any rough patches with a bowl of “wholesome soup.” Betty Crocker has been the corporate symbol of General Mills since 1921. The name Betty was popular at the time (e.g., Betty Grable, Betty Boop), and Crocker was the surname of the company director, William G. Crocker. The first Betty Crocker looked like a homemaker of the 1930s. Her image has been refined to reflect a more contemporary universal mother. An example of the maiden archetype is the Breck girl in shampoo ads, which has also been around for more than 50 years. There have been more than 200 Breck girls; Brooke Shields, Kim Basinger, Jaclyn Smith, and Cybil Shepard are just a few of the women whose images advertised Breck.90

An example of the father archetype is the Quaker Oats man. This image was created in 1877 by the Quaker Mill company. The original image resembled the picture of William Penn in Quaker clothes. It was meant to convey confidence, trustworthiness, and value. On a more unconscious level, the Quaker Oats man represents a religious father figure. The basic image has been revised only four times in over 100 years. The Maytag repairman is a fatherly figure who is calm, patient, and above all dependable. Mr. Goodwrench represents the protective and caring aspects of the father archetype. The Marlboro man is a warrior archetype— the lone cowboy symbolizing a rugged, pioneering spirit. The Marlboro man has become an icon—one of the most successful examples of brand image and person- ality in the history of U.S. advertising. The Old Spice Man (played by former NFL wide receiver Isaiah Mustafa) is a more recent example, as is the “Most Interesting Man in the World” (played by Jonathan Goldsmith for Dos Equis).

In addition to the mythic images of people associated with a brand, the prod- uct itself is linked to specific qualities. For example, the attributes of Budweiser beer include beechwood aging, the Budweiser heritage, and commitment to qual- ity. The brand personality is the masculine, hard working, and self-assured male, and the brand positioning in the consumer’s mind is “a premium beer for the aver- age Joe.”91

Some companies, brands, and products explicitly evoke ancient myths. Aetna was the mountain goddess, daughter of Uranus (god of the sky) and Gaia (goddess of the earth). Mt. Etna in Sicily is named for her, as is the health insurance company in the United States. Nike was the goddess of victory—an attractive symbol for sports clothing and shoes. The name influences consumers to believe that buying Nike products will make them victorious in sports competition. The Honda Odys- sey is named for Odysseus, the Greek hero who went on many long and adventur- ous journeys; the vehicle can thus take you to many places and last a long time.

Martin Green summarizes the mythic nature of contemporary advertising.

In the mythic world of advertising, products displace the world of the spirit. Life becomes defined by the products accumulated or used. Community, love, family, and religion are expressed through icons of industrial production. Pepsi is youth and youth is Pepsi, forever frolicking in an Eden of sun-filled streams and beaches, engaging in an eternal baptism of innocence. McDonald’s restau- rants serve as social centers and nurturing institutions, locales of conviviality, providers of food and drink in never-ending abundance.92

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 Common Advertising Appeals As we have already mentioned, the process of advertising is complex. Some

advertising attempts to motivate consumers to purchase products; other ads posi- tion candidates or causes in a particular light. In general, an advertising appeal is “the approach used to attract the attention of consumers and/or to influence their feelings toward the product, service, or cause.”93 There are literally hundreds of appeals used in advertising. However, most fall within three broad categories: emo- tional appeals, transformative appeals, and rational-functional appeals.

Emotional Appeals Much of the advertising today plays on emotions. Emotional appeals address

consumers’ social and psychological needs for purchasing a product or service. Emotion can stimulate purchase, create empathy, or generate an attachment to a brand or product. There are personal and social emotional appeals. Personal emo- tional appeals include safety, love, joy or happiness, pride, self-esteem, comfort, ambition or success, etc. Social emotional appeals include aspects such as recogni- tion, respect, acceptance, or status. Among the more powerful emotional appeals are: fear, humor, guilt, isolation, and sex.

Fear. Advertising can make us fearful of many diverse circumstances—from burning in a fire to smelling bad at a party. There are many types of fears, including physical, social, and psychological. Consumers are more likely to remember ads that use fear appeals than those using positive, upbeat appeals.94 Products may pre- vent disaster, solve our problems, or at least reduce the risk of embarrassment. Fear appeals are so basic that it is difficult to find an ad that does not use them in some fashion. One of the most overt appeals to fear has been utilized by Volvo for several years. Their commercials focus on safety rather than styling, gas mileage, or resale value. Insurance companies play on the fear of not having adequate coverage for all types of accidents and tragedies.

Products such as deodorants, mouthwash, or dandruff shampoos invoke fears of embarrassment, implying that using the product will eliminate potentially dis- tressing problems. Since 1950, Dial soap has successfully played on the fear of body odor with the tag, “Aren’t you glad you use Dial? Don’t you wish everybody did?” More recently, Axe shower gel uses fear as the subtext of ostracism because of bad body odor. Fear can also be the main ingredient in political advertising. Doom is the promised result if an opponent is elected. Consultants have discovered that it is easier to get citizens to vote against a candidate rather than for a candidate.

When advertising increases apprehensions, it may succeed in convincing us to behave according to its plan, but it leaves a residue of unaddressed emotion. There have been numerous campaigns based on fear appeals to convince us to stop smok- ing and to reject illicit drugs. Too strong a fear appeal can cause a person to feel helpless and without control over the situation, thus decreasing attention and the effectiveness of the message. It is also interesting to note that fear appeals are more effective when the message recipient is self-confident and prefers to meet chal- lenges head-on rather than to avoid them. Fear appeals work best when they offer

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specific recommendations for overcoming a potential threat—and when the recom- mended action is perceived as reasonable, realistic, and effective.95 The antidrug campaign of “Just Say No” in the 1980s was generally thought to have failed because the solution of “just say no” was too simplistic and unrealistic.

Humor. Funny and humorous ads are usually among the most liked and remembered across all categories and advertisers. Humor is used in about 30 per- cent of all advertising and works best in radio and television advertising.96 Humor- ous messages gain and hold audience attention; they also create a receptive mood that can result in a positive opinion of the product. Critics argue that sometimes the humor dominates over product attributes or brand recall. In addition, some argue that humorous commercials lose effectiveness more quickly than nonhumorous commercials. Once people “get the joke,” they will tune out repeated exposures to the advertisements.

Today, it is also important not to use humor at the expense of a particular demographic group. For example, ads that portray senior citizens as “deaf ” and “grumpy” may well lead to resentment. Advertisers have generally found that not every product or service lends itself well to the use of humor.97 There are several audience factors that enhance the use of humor: younger, more educated, upscale, male, and professional. Humorous ads also work best with more established and commonly purchased items such as fast food, cell phones, and alcoholic drinks.

Guilt. Perhaps the most prominent appeal used in advertising is guilt. We are urged to buy products to insure the safety, health, intelligence, and social well-being of loved ones. As an appeal in advertising, guilt works in a number of ways. It encourages sympathy for the message or for the sender. Many advertisements and commercials for diamonds imply that a gift of diamonds is the only way to show your love for your spouse: “if you love her enough.” Some advertisements specify the minimum expenditure; you should spend no less than three months’ wages on an engagement diamond. Guilt can motivate behavior to compensate for a wrongdo- ing—for example, sending flowers for missing an appointment. It can also play on a desire to repair a self-image—sending a gift to “start over.” Guilt is a potent incentive to purchase what the marketer is trying to sell. The advertiser uses guilt to establish a norm of buying behavior—prescribing what is acceptable for a caring relationship.

Isolation. Many ads play on the fear of isolation and loneliness. We all need friends; we want to be liked and accepted as part of a group. From watching a game to relaxing with friends at a party, ads usually portray an intimate social setting. Social factors encourage purchases related to recognition, affiliation, approval, and acceptance. Product appeals provide a means of identifying with a particular crowd (e.g., “The Pepsi Generation” or “Catch the Wave” with Coca-Cola) or protecting against an imagined faux pas (e.g., “Friends are worth Smirnoff ”). Advertisements imply that popularity will result from using the products. The message establishes a norm that equates friendship with spending money on the “right” products.

Sex. Advertisers are increasingly incorporating sex in their messages; the ads are bolder, more diverse and use sex to sell more categories of products.98 Psychol- ogists suggest that sex is the second strongest psychological appeal behind that of

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self-preservation. We are accustomed to the use of sex in perfume, lingerie, and liquor ads, but we now encounter it in ads for cheese, soft drinks, junk food, and even power tools.

Tom Reichert, professor of advertising at the University of Georgia, has stud- ied thousands of ads. His research reveals that ads for health and hygiene products use the most sex appeals, 38 percent over three decades of study. Beauty products were next at 36 percent, and drug ads were third with 29 percent. Today, the per- centage for beauty ads is 51, while 37 percent of all alcohol ads use sex.99

Sexual content is used in a variety of ways. Nudity and various stages of undress are common for clothing, underwear, and lingerie advertising. Some ads use behaviors such as flirting, posturing, body movement, hugging, touching, or kissing. Most models in the ads are chosen for their physical attractiveness and beauty. Sexual references and innuendo are popular in contemporary advertising, as is the suggestive use of objects that connote sexual actions and body parts.100

There is no question that sexual appeals work best on men. One study found that 48 percent of men indicated that they liked sexual ads, while only 8% of women indicated liking them. Men not only liked sexual ads more but they also liked the products advertised more and were more likely to purchase the products. Women scored sexual ads much lower than nonsexual ads on all three of the crite- ria.101 An interesting exception may be Victoria’s Secret that uses sexual appeals in its catalog with supermodels clad only in panties and bras. From just three bou- tiques in 1980, the franchise has grown into one of the most recognizable brands in the United States. They have promoted a sexually sophisticated image, one which appeals to many women who want to be associated with the products.

Sexual appeals in England are more blatant. A poster for Coca-Cola shows a naked woman, her curves replicating the contours of a Coke bottle, with the tag line: “Get your hands on a contour.” Another advertisement shows a man’s toned stomach resembling the ribbing on a Coke bottle, with the tag line: “Get your hands on a six-pack.”

Sexual appeals in advertising attempt to define sex roles in society. The ads suggest roles and behavior for courtship, fashion, and other types of social behav- ior. Many social scientists decry the perpetuation of sexual stereotypes of power and dominance in contemporary advertising. Many ads reinforce sexist notions about the idealized woman and man, promoting unrealistic notions about our bod- ies, feelings, and emotions. The ads also exploit human sexuality; they encourage us to think of sex as a commodity.

Transformative Appeals Transformative appeals are those that evoke psychological associations that

create feelings, images, or meanings when consumers use the product. Using the product makes us happier, prettier, more desirable, or more effective. The most common transformative appeals are power, meaning, and self-esteem.

Power. There are many kinds of power—economic, physical, political, and social, to name only a few. Many advertising messages offer products as a means of obtaining power, placing the consumer in a power-seeking position. Advertisements

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present vignettes, images, icons, or emblems of power available for a price. For example, Marlboro cigarette ads appeal to those who aspire to be strong and inde- pendent. Truck and car ads emphasize power. Chevy claims to be built “like a rock.” Ads for sport utility vehicles emphasize powerful engines, huge tires, and the ability to tackle the most challenging terrain in any weather. The names are rugged and project powerful images: Mountaineer, Blazer, Pathfinder, Navigator, Expedition, Durango, Explorer, and Sequoia. Cars identified with animals (e.g., cougars, mus- tangs, and vipers) attempt to link the vehicle with a primitive, wild form of power.

Power appeals abound in nearly every product category. Cologne ads for both men and women promise sexual strength and power. Some ads offer economic power by assuring the audience, for example, that “You can lease a BMW for only $400 per month” or “You now qualify for an additional $10,000 line of credit on your Visa or MasterCard.” Of course, many political ads offer us power as mem- bers of certain groups whose views and needs will be heard in Washington if we elect the right person. Sometimes the product itself is used to epitomize power. For example, we know that: Dodge trucks are “ram tough,” Die-Hard batteries from Sears are “heavy duty,” and Glad’s Alligator garbage bags are “puncture proof.” Most products offer some kind of power or strength.

Meaning. We live in a complex world. Advertising offers products that will make it easier to be effective and to navigate the complexities of our environment. We can combat hunger by giving $10 per month to sponsor a child in a foreign country; General Electric will help us bring good things to life; we’ll be in good hands with Allstate; we can have a good weekend if we drink Michelob. Ads tell us what is chic, the best, the ultimate, and so on.

Carol Moog is concerned about the language of advertising where appeals tar- get people’s searches for identity. “The trouble with the advertising mirror is that we never see ourselves reflected; we only see reflections of what advertisers want us to think their products will do for us.”102 In effect, advertisers sell definitions of who we are. Thus, all we need to do to “buy” an identity is to buy the product. Marketers are aware that attractiveness persuades through identification. We seek a relation- ship with an attractive source and adopt similar beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors.103

The United States is a society that relies on marketing. People learn to market themselves. Using brand names gives people a sense of security that their behavior will be approved. We use products that announce to others our socioeconomic level, our taste, and our impression of who we are. Our personalities become prod- ucts, sometimes based on the material culture we embrace. A general review of ads in fashion magazines tells us that men should be powerful, rich, confident, and ath- letic, while women should be beautiful and thin. Qualities such as honesty, gener- osity, and loyalty are relegated to a lesser role in the quest to acquire products that promise acceptance based on fashionable images.

The slogan “Diamonds are Forever” first appeared in 1947. DeBeers successfully linked diamonds to love and marriage; it is now universally accepted but was totally created by advertising. Diamonds have become part of our marriage ritual. The slogan implies more than the strength of diamonds; it links diamonds with love, marriage, and anniversaries. Meaning and identity are packaged and sold like commodities.

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Self-Esteem. A number of ads play on feelings of self-esteem. Some ads pur- posely attempt to highlight our inadequacies or make us feel less than adequate or perfect. As mentioned earlier, many products promise to make us better; most focus on appearance, age, and interpersonal relationships. Clothing, hairstyles, weight, and facial features are presented as elements of self-esteem. Age can repre- sent wisdom, knowledge, or success as well as physical weakness, unattractiveness, or old-fashioned attitudes. For both genders, advertising attempts to link the pur- chase of a product with enhancement of connections or bonds with other people.

Americans spend more money on dieting and weight loss than any other coun- try in the world. Women are targets for most of that spending. Fifty percent of American women are on a diet at any given time, and 90 percent of teenagers diet regularly.104 Models are becoming thinner and less representative of the general population. A generation ago, the typical model weighed 8 percent less than the average woman; today she weighs 23 percent less. In America, half of all women wear size 14 or larger, while most clothing outlets and department stores cater to sizes 14 and smaller. Retail brands have actually modified measurements so that someone who wore a size 12 may now wear a size 8 or 10.105

There is continuing concern that advertising portrays unrealistic and unhealthy female body images. This contributes to low self-esteem and even bulimia or anorexia among teenagers. According to Michael Jacobson and Laurie Mazur,

Girls and teenagers are perhaps the most vulnerable to beauty-industry propa- ganda. For them, advertising is a window into adult life, a lesson in what it means to be a woman. And lacking the sophistication of their older sisters and mothers, girls are less likely to distinguish between fact and advertising fiction.106

Kilbourne is concerned about the impact of advertising on young women. “Primarily girls are told by advertisers that what is most important about them is their perfume, their clothing, their bodies, their beauty. Their ‘essence’ is their underwear.”107 Advertising plays on desires to improve looks and health, to be liked, and to be happy about who we are. Most ads present images that make us feel inadequate, not normal, or socially alienated—hoping that we accept the implication that using the product will alleviate our shortcomings. The influence goes well beyond the self-image of women. In a study on a well-known college campus, males shown centerfolds from Playboy and Penthouse were much more likely to find their own girlfriends less sexually attractive.108

In 2004, the Dove Corporation launched the “Campaign for Real Beauty.” The campaign challenges traditional stereotypes of beauty and invites women to reconsider perceptions of beauty. In 2010 Dove initiated the girls unstoppable movement for self-esteem. They publish a self-esteem discussion guide and hope to reach 15 million girls by 2015.109 Working with the Girl Scouts of USA, Girls, Inc., and Boys & Girls Clubs of America, they provide educational programs and activi- ties to mentor the next generation and to celebrate real beauty. In a 2011 world- wide survey, they found that 72 percent of 10- to 17-year-olds felt pressure to be “beautiful,” and only 11 percent would use the word “beautiful” to describe their looks.110 In 2013, Dove prompted a global conversation about the definition of beauty. They produced a three-minute YouTube film about how women view

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themselves, which became the most watched online ad with 163 million global views. It was uploaded in 25 languages to 46 Dove YouTube channels.111

Rational-Functional Appeals Rational appeals focus on the practical or utilitarian need for a product or ser-

vice, providing information and reasons plus a description of how the product or service will meet perceived needs. Although the appeals are primarily rational, the ads frequently include an emotional component. “Rational” motives for using a product include comfort, convenience, or a health benefit as well as quality, price, performance, or dependability.

Norms. Advertising tells us what is good or bad, in or out, right or wrong. Fashion advertising, as discussed above, establishes specific norms for behavior. Ads reveal how we should look, dress, and eat. It is interesting to note the transfor- mation of blue jeans from working-class attire to a status symbol of high fashion. During the civil rights movement and anti-Vietnam years, jeans symbolized resent- ment, protest, and denial of high fashion. Jeans were the uniform of the counter- culture. In 1977, Jordache used television commercials to advertise tight jeans using sexy models. Jeans were transformed into a fashion statement, and “designer jeans” commanded significantly higher prices than the proletarian versions. The trend eventually waned, and jeans returned to being a symbol of causal and com- fortable dress for all ages. In 2000, 7 for All Mankind introduced premium denim, and the luxury denim market exploded. By 2007, jeans selling for $200 and up became status symbols, and Hollywood celebrities sported jeans made by True Religion and Rock & Republic. The utilitarian denim product once again became a status symbol. Today, “skinny jeans” are in to top fashion. They are elastic and fit all sizes and shapes of bodies. Men and women both are into the “look.”

Product usage can define us socially and can disclose (or be perceived as dis- closing) what we believe. For example, many people find the billboards for Hooters offensive and judge people who frequent the restaurant accordingly. It is important to remember that advertising appeal is not monolithic. Individuals will accept or reject the norms in the message based on their values and experiences.

Reminder Ads. These ads attempt to build brand awareness and to keep the name before the public as much as possible. Some products or services have sea- sonal patterns. Thus, most holidays or the start of new seasons prompt the pur- chase of certain products. For example, advertising for candy increases around Halloween, Valentine’s Day, Christmas, and Easter.

 How to Critique Ads A primary goal of this book is to provide tools of analysis for the persuasion

we encounter in various contexts. Because of the extensive daily exposure to adver- tising, it is important to learn to look beneath the surface to understand how images create an impression. Every ad creates structures of meaning. Advertise- ments transform statements about things into statements of significance to people. For example, if a characteristic of a car is high gas mileage, then this characteristic

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is translated into beliefs about economy and rationality. The key is to transform the language of objects into the language of people.

As a critic, one should look at the textual relationships between the parts of the message and the meaning created. Through ads, diamonds come to mean love—a transformation beyond mineral and rock to a purely human emotion. In some ads, objects become the symbols for human messages (e.g., “say it with flowers” or “gold says I love you”). In other ads, people are identified with the objects that project significance (e.g., “I’m a Pepper” or “become part of the Pepsi generation”).

The visual image created plays a very important part of the meaning created. In fact, the more prominent the visual in an ad, the more ambiguity created. In a now famous television ad for Apple computers reminiscent of George Orwell’s 1984, a striking woman hurls a sledgehammer through the video screen that hun- dreds have been watching in a trance. The spot was a media sensation and won sev- eral creative awards; it relied entirely on the visual image for its power. The clear implication was that the new Apple Macintosh computer was a breakthrough for individual creativity and freedom, releasing us from the world of domination and control by “big brother.” Another highly visual campaign was the original cam- paign for the Infiniti automobile. For the first two years of the television and print campaigns, the car was never shown. The visuals were of sweeping landscapes, accompanied by poetic descriptions. The Infiniti was more than a car; the experi- ence of owning an Infiniti was more than transportation.

We can use a textual approach to look for meanings within the ad. What are the appeals? What does the product promise in human terms? The product may promise smooth skin but imply younger looks. The product may promise a close shave but imply greater female approval and attraction. If we learn to identify the implications, we can be more critical of all the claims being made.

When analyzing advertising, look for patterns of similarities and differences. For example, how are people portrayed in print ads—as housewives or executives, smart or dumb, fat or thin? How frequently are certain roles portrayed? What are the sex roles and models for expected behavior? This approach to viewing ads reveals cultural roles and stereotypes. First, focus on the attributes, claims, and promises of the product. Next, analyze the images, stereotypes, and placement/ positions of the visuals. Finally, consider the implied audience, claims, warrants, and the evidence—the specific wording of the message. By analyzing surface and implied meanings of advertising messages, we can better recognize the persuasive appeals and assess their validity.

The questions and considerations listed below are useful as a general guideline when assessing an advertisement.

1. What benefits does the ad promise the product will provide?

2. What does the ad not say?

3. What claims are made?

4. What type of language is used?

5. What types of appeals are used?

6. What visuals are used? Why?

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7. What does the ad imply is “normal?”

8. What reasons are given to encourage purchase?

9. What proofs are offered for promises made?

10. What was the first thing that caught your attention?

11. What are the social relationships being portrayed? Who is in charge? Who holds the power?

12. What is the target audience of the ad? Why or how can you tell?

13. Remember, all advertising presents pieces of “persuasion.”

14. Remember, people often buy more than products. A Mercedes is more than transportation; we buy the world that it represents.

15. Remember, there is no relationship between the brand and its image.

16. Remember, read all the fine print.

17. Remember, we participate in our own persuasion.

 Criticisms of Advertising Although we accept advertising as a daily practice, there has always been some

criticism of the industry. We seem to have a “love-hate” relationship with advertis- ing. For most businesses, advertising is a “necessary evil.” For consumers, the com- mercial interruptions are sometimes pleasant, sometimes informative, but always intrusive. There are several issues of advertising that deserve special attention.

Deception Most of us suspect that advertising is a business based on deception and half-

truths. In reality, however, most of the factual messages presented in ads are true, and the factual statements can be verified. The problem is that there are few factual statements in most advertising messages. Consumers do not make distinctions between factual statements and value judgments. As noted in chapter 4, statements of fact are verifiable, whereas statements of value express opinions that are, to say the least, very subjective and judgmental. What does it mean when an ad claims that a restaurant has the best hamburgers? Does it mean they have the best ham- burgers in terms of taste, size, toppings, or price? Certainly, several restaurant chains can claim to have the best hamburgers, but can they all claim to have the biggest? Perhaps they can. Some restaurants may have the biggest based on weight before cooking or after cooking, or based on size by using very large buns or by using thin but large-in-circumference hamburgers.

There is a difference between false advertising and misleading advertising. False advertising means claims are explicitly and literally false. Most ads make claims that are explicitly true but generate false meanings. The implied claims are the most powerful and motivate consumers to purchase the product. Thus, most advertisers settle for the subtle “half-truth.” For example, Reebok ran a series of ads in 2009 and 2010 for the shoes EasyTone and RunTone shoes claiming that they would “work your hamstrings and calves up to 11% harder and tone your butt up

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to 28% more than regular sneakers.” A Federal Trade Commission investigation actually found they made it more uncomfortable to walk! Reebok was forced to refund more than $25 million in purchases.

Some ads are misleading because of the nature of the comparisons made in their presentations. An advertisement for aspirin claims: “All aspirin is not alike. In tests for quality, Bayer proved superior.” The implication is that Bayer is a better pain reliever than other brands of aspirin. However, the tests for quality referred to in the ad were conducted by Bayer itself and showed that Bayer’s tablets were “superior” because they were whiter and less breakable than other brands tested.112 Implied superiority claims abound in product ads and are becoming even more subtle.

Claims may state equality but imply superiority. For example, if all pain cap- sules take about the same amount of time to work, one brand can claim that “no pain reliever works faster!” Although the literal claim is true, the consumer is led to infer that the brand is superior to all others. Other examples include “Nobody builds a more productive line of farm equipment” (International Harvester); “Nobody does it better” (Winston Light cigarettes); “No leading brand gets rid of dandruff better than Selsun Blue”; “No other cereal has more natural food fiber than Kellogg’s All-Bran.”

The vast majority of assertions made in advertising are subjective rather than factual claims: “Nestle’s makes the very best chocolate” (Nestle’s); “Made from the best stuff on Earth” (Snapple); or “The Ultimate Driving Machine” (BMW). Research has shown that consumers not only accept implied claims and puffery from ads but tend to exaggerate and expand on the claims presented.113 We must be careful in accepting the claims made in comparative advertising. If we resist the appealing images, we can usually challenge the rationality of claims made in ads.

Another misleading aspect of advertising is false promises. Can the product really make us more beautiful, rich, young, successful, or sexy? Is there a logical rela- tionship between the problem presented and the solution offered? For example, con- sider the Coast soap commercials. If you feel sleepy and sluggish in the mornings, all you have to do is shower with Coast and at once you feel alert, happy, and energetic! Solutions such as improving your nutrition or going to bed earlier would be logically connected to the problem. Showering with a particular brand of soap is not.

Visual lies and distortion also reinforce an implied claim. In a 1990 Volvo commercial, a monster truck drove across a line of cars, crushing all of them except the Volvo. Although never stated, the implied claim was that Volvo was stronger and thus safer than the other automobiles. However, the audience was not informed that the visual demonstration was false. The Volvo wagon had been rein- forced with steel and wood, and the other cars were weakened for the shot. Volvo paid over $600,000 in fines because of the misleading nature of the commercial.114

Advertising is misleading when it provides incomplete or exaggerated descrip- tions of products or services. An ad may state that a desk is made of “all wood” but omit the fact that the wood is actually compressed wood parts. The more ludicrous ads will often contain small print caveats about the claims made. Ads touting high- yield investments will tell you in small print that they require a large amount of money for participation; free checking requires a large minimum monthly balance; a new car for $100 a month requires a large down payment—the examples are endless.

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Most advertising focuses on trivial aspects of products—elevating the insignifi- cant to significant status. Minor qualities are exaggerated. In fact, differences among most brands or product categories are slight. Much of the distortion in advertising is accomplished in the visual aspects of the message. Frequently food looks better, clothes fit better, and gadgets are handier in commercials and pictures than most con- sumers find to be the case after a purchase has been made. Ivan Preston argues that the primary cause of deceptive advertising is that “advertisers typically sell brands rather than just products. Because a brand must be presented as different from other brands although they are not, advertisers are tempted to create false differences.”115

The consumer is deceived by exaggerated product differences and by contrived competition. For example, Tide and Gain are both Procter & Gamble laundry deter- gents; Kraft sells Maxwell House and Gevalia coffees; Unilever sells Breyers and Ben & Jerry’s ice cream, as well as Degree and Axe deodorants. Multiple products give us the illusion of choice, and each one tells us they are superior to their “competitors.”

Ads are deceptive when they use the following techniques:

• Pseudo claims. An ad for toothpaste may claim to “fight cavities,” but is it the chemical composition of the paste, the movement of the toothbrush, or regular brushing that fights cavities?

• Comparison with an unidentified other. An ad for toothpaste may claim that it “has superior cleaning action,” but is the comparison to another brand or to not brushing at all?

• Comparison of the product to its earlier form. An ad for toothpaste may claim that the product is “new and improved.” In what way is it better? What was wrong with the old version?

• Irrelevant comparisons. An ad may claim that the toothpaste is the “best sell- ing of its kind.” But what does “kind” mean? Best among whiteners? Among gels? Among those that contain fluoride?

• Pseudo survey. An ad for toothpaste may claim that “4 out of 5 dentists rec- ommend the toothpaste.” What were the criteria for selection? Were the den- tists paid for their endorsements?116

• Juxtaposition. An ad shows a young smiling mother reporting that there were no cavities found at the children’s checkups, but she does not mention using the product advertised.

Perhaps the most difficult question involving deception concerns the motives of the advertiser. Many local retailers advertise a low-cost model, hoping consumers will switch to a more expensive model once in the store. Thus, while the ads are not deceptive, their purpose is not to offer the consumer a good value or necessarily a good product; the primary purpose is “bait-and-switch.”

Language Advertising has a tremendous impact, and many educators are concerned that

advertising debases our language. The violation of rules of grammar and punctua- tion is commonplace. Advertising copy contains a multitude of dashes, hyphens, and sentence fragments (for example, Subway’s Eat Fresh slogan). Words in titles

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and names of products are frequently misspelled. Some scholars argue that the con- stant use of superlatives in ads cheapens and lessens the power of words and lan- guage. How many times can a product be “new and improved”? Words like “quick,” “easy,” “amazing,” or “best” lose their power when used frequently.

Children For more than 45 years, there has been a national debate about the impact and

influence of advertising on children. The primary concern is that children do not have the critical thinking skills necessary to resist the persuasive messages—and the effects of advertising on current and future expenditures. American advertisers spend more than $14 billion a year on advertising, and children under 16 influence over $1 trillion in overall family spending.117 The “nagging strategy” seems to work. A survey by the Center for a New American Dream reveals 55 percent of kids indicate that parents give in to their desired purchases.118 In fact, children between the ages of 12 to 17 will ask their parents for products an average of nine times until the parents agree to purchase. Advertisers have long understood that creating brand loyalty when a child is young can result in a customer for the next 60 or 70 years. Research has shown that babies as young as six months old can form mental images of logos and mascots. Brand loyalties can be established as early as age two.119

The effects of advertising have been linked with the issue of childhood obesity and the contributions of fast-food consumption to the problem. Children watch an average of 4.5 hours of television per day and are also exposed to advertisements during the additional 1.5 hours they spend on the computer.120 Advertisers have increased online advertising and marketing efforts by 50 percent.121 Kids watch

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more than ten food-related ads every day; virtually all of the ads are for foods and beverages that are high in fat, sugar, or sodium. Children will eat about 167 extra calories for every hour of television watched.122 Cereal makers and fast food restau- rants spend $2 billion to advertise to children.

Virtually every television program for children has a line of merchandise from toys to clothing. Movies aimed at children generate licensed toys and accessories. They contain numerous product placements as well. Advertisers use bright colors, fast-paced editing, animation, and special sound effects to engage the attention of children. Most cartoons are nothing less than program-length commercials to sell toys and products. Toys seem larger, more exciting, and easier to operate than is actually the case. Psychologists claim that children may actually suffer lower self- esteem if they do not own a popular toy, such as the Cabbage Patch doll of 1985, the Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles of 1990, or the “right” tennis shoes, to name just a few. When teenagers started stealing Nike Air Jordans and satin Starter jackets, several public school systems proposed that students wear uniforms to avoid the social problems associated with the status of popular brands.

Research shows that advertising has an influence on the perception of children about gender roles, race, and social stereotyping. It also affects the creation of sex- ual and physical identities. When children think or daydream about commercials they’ve seen, they are engaging in mental replays.123 Studies have found verbal, physical, and mental replay behaviors after exposure to advertising, especially for young children. Examples of verbal replays include singing popular jingles or talk- ing to friends about favorite ads or advertising characters. Physical replays involve acting out or imitating scenes or actions from commercials.

Roy Fox notes that “More than any other experience or text, commercials are ‘read’ by more students, more often, than Romeo and Juliet, or A Tale of Two Cities, or Huck Finn, or The Catcher in the Rye.”124 Studies also reveal that advertising makes kids more materialistic, generates friction between parents and children, and limits the formation of moral and ethical values. Fox concludes that commercials play significant roles in the lives of children. Children accept, value, and embrace advertising. They are thoroughly familiar with commercials, products, and packag- ing—but they are unable to critically evaluate content.125

Generational groups are contemporaries born during a particular period with shared interests and attitudes. Marketing has targeted the cohort of Generation “Y” (born between 1979 and 1994) more than any other generation. Advertisers attempted to hook “them into a cycle of labor and shopping during their youth,” hoping that the appeal would extend throughout their lives.126 However, Gen Y members became skeptical of traditional advertising while growing up in a brand- conscious world saturated with promotion. To capture their attention now, market- ers need to break through the skepticism with novel approaches.127

There can be little argument that children are especially vulnerable to the persua- sive impact of advertising. Many social groups are calling for more regulation and control. The nations of Belgium, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and the Canadian province of Quebec ban all advertising to children on radio and television. Fox makes several recommendations relevant to children and advertising: ban electronic and print advertising in schools, establish media education curriculum in schools, reduce

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the number of commercials in children’s programming, and classify all toy-based pro- grams as infomercials, thus allowing greater regulation by the Federal Communica- tion Commission.128 The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends, among other things, that children under the age of two not watch any television.129

Consumerism The word consumer did not always have positive connotations. In its original

French usage, consumption was viewed as an act of pillage, destruction, and waste. With industrialization, the idea of using things up became associated with prosper- ity. The sole purpose of advertising is to entice us to buy products; critics argue that it makes people too materialistic. If happiness and success are measured by the things we possess, the race to “keep up with the Joneses” is an endless cycle. Advertising perpetuates the cycle by supplying images that fuel unhappiness with ourselves and with our possessions.

Advertisers do more than encourage us to buy what we do not need; they go to great lengths to make what we already have obsolete. We then have no choice but to update equipment, cars, or appliances (particularly if the manufacturers stop making replacement parts for repairs). In 2012, Apple released its iPad 4 just seven months after iPad 3. Many industry people think the few technological updates of the iPad 4 could have been incorporated in the third edition. Some claim this is part of Apple’s strategy of “planned obsolescence” motivating people to purchase the new version.130

Social Effects With the erosion of the influence of traditional social institutions (the family,

the church, and schools) young people learn social skills and values from television shows and commercials. Critics are concerned about the social influence of adver- tising in defining who we are, our values, and our self-esteem. Kilbourne summa- rizes the social influence of advertising:

It often sells a great deal more than products. It sells values, images, and con- cepts of love and sexuality, romance, success, and, perhaps most important, normalcy. To a great extent, it tells us who we are and who we should be. We are increasingly using brand names to create our identities.131

We briefly discussed the tendency of commercials to stereotype people. Women, old people, and minorities are often stereotyped by the advertising industry in terms of looks, occupations, roles, and behavior. Kilbourne goes even further. She thinks advertising turns people into objects. “Women’s bodies, and men’s bodies too these days, are dismembered, packaged, and used to sell everything from chain saws to chewing gum.”132

There is also concern about the impact of advertising on the cultural climate of our nation. Does advertising contribute to societal greed, selfishness, and social crassness? Some ads are in poor taste, yet find public approval. Twenty years ago, advertisements for hemorrhoid treatments, contraceptives, and erectile dysfunction would have shocked the public. Advertisements today are more suggestive and challenge traditional values. It appears that no subject is off limits.

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Freedom of Speech We know that the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution guarantees and

preserves freedom of speech. Advertising is commercial speech; a fee is charged to air this type of expression. Not everyone has equal access to commercial speech. Advertising can have a large impact on freedom of speech in the United States. In terms of special issues, corporate images, or political advertising, only those organi- zations or individuals with money have access to traditional media to disseminate their messages.

As mentioned in chapter 2, private interests often dictate what will be broad- cast or published. Some critics suggest that influential sponsors of programs or advertisers in newspapers and magazines even direct the content of the news by threatening withdrawal of advertising support. Negative news stories jeopardize major corporate sponsorship. It is common to hear on the radio that “the news is brought to you by. . . .” Shouldn’t we have access to news regardless of whether or not someone will pay for it?

Advertisers increasingly influence entertainment program content. Product boycotts have become a major weapon for citizen groups that desire to get a pro- gram off the air. If shows, characters, or plots are too controversial, advertisers will buy time on other programs. Protests have had varying effects in recent years, per- haps reflecting audience fragmentation. In 2012 Ellen DeGeneres was selected as the JCPenney’s spokesperson, and One Million Moms, an antigay group, pro- tested. JCPenney supported its choice and ran two ads featuring gay characters. One of the largest, nationwide boycott attempts was against Chick-fil-A. In 2012, the president of the company, Dan Cathy, expressed his view of supporting “the biblical definition of the family unit.” Within a week there were organized calls for boycotting the company. Former Republican presidential candidates Rick Santo- rum and Mike Huckabee called for a “Chick-fil-A Appreciation Day.” The com- pany enjoyed historic highs in revenues.

Privacy With new communications technologies and social media, marketers can track

consumer’s web locations and all transactions. Web activity is tracked without the awareness or consent of consumers. Cookies track websites visited and capture and store data along with the IP address of users. New technologies enable surveillance as never before.

Companies are developing software (predictive technology) to track the clues people leave in their everyday life—from loyalty cards at stores to restaurant receipts to ATM withdrawals. They sell the information to companies to assist in marketing decisions. The software could advise a convenience store owner about whether Snickers or lottery tickets would sell better near the checkout register. The software can track which advertisements with which supermodels stimulate the most sales for a retail store.133 The software tests the prices of hamburgers to the most attractive store hours to the preferred colors of walls to the ideal type of furni- ture in motel rooms.

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Google announced in October 2013 that it was changing its term of service to allow the company to incorporate profile photos and user posts in its advertising. Facebook had found that a friend’s endorsement helped boost sales. One marketing firm estimated that social-ad business would soon reach $9.5 billion in annual sales. While the practice can be lucrative, it can also alienate users and subject com- panies to lawsuits over privacy. In August 2013, a judge approved a settlement of a class-action suit against Facebook. The company now gives users control over whether they promote a product.134 Other social-ad activities include companies paying to have users’ tweets amplified across Twitter. Users of Vine, a social net- work for six-second video clips owned by Twitter, have been paid prices ranging from $1,000 to $20,000 to upload videos promoting products.135

Private versus Public Interests The advertising industry shows very little responsibility to society. Its goals and

responsibilities are selfish—to serve the marketing goals of the company paying the bills. John Kenneth Galbraith argues that ads primarily serve private rather than public interests.

Advertising operates exclusively . . . on behalf of privately produced goods and services. . . . Every corner of the public’s psyche is canvassed by some of the nation’s most talented citizens to see if the desire for some merchantable prod- uct can be cultivated. No similar process operates on behalf of the nonmer- chantable services of the state.136

Michael Hyman and Richard Tansey argue that advertisers should be more responsible to public interests; they advocate three simple practices.137 First, adver- tisers should carefully assess both the medium and the market. Some images used in advertisements can have a negative impact on some groups, such as AIDS vic- tims, combat veterans, young men and women, and gamblers, to name only a few. Second, Hyman ad Tansey suggest that advertisers should clearly label psychoac- tive ads with an introductory announcement (such as the one used by news pro- grams to advise viewer discretion because of strong imagery or themes). Finally, they suggest that advertisers should avoid shocking dramatizations, such as show- ing a young child killed in a car accident because of a drunk driver.

Jacobson and Mazur summarize the problems of private versus public inter- ests—commercialism—in a democracy:

Any culture that surrenders its vision and its self-sustaining human values to the narrow judgment of commerce will be neither free nor just. Commercialism does serious damage to the substance of democracy; if not to its forms. It leads to censorship or self-censorship of the media, to invisible chains that keep peo- ple from speaking out, to the indentured status of politicians, and to an overall coarseness that deprecates the humanitarian impulses and the creative drives of a culture in balance, a culture having commerce without commercialism.138

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 What Can I Do? There is growing concern about the impact of commercials in our culture.

Some of the remedies suggested violate individual freedom of speech and decision making. Many recommendations focus on specific areas or audience groups. For example, some argue commercial messages of all types should be banned in schools. Others suggest that students should be taught elements of media literacy and effects at a very early age. Some advocacy groups even argue media issues should be treated and viewed as public health issues. Others suggest that we create “ad-free zones,” especially on public land, parks, and scenic parkways.

If you are serious about minimizing the influence of advertising on your pur- chasing behavior and want to show concern for the environment, here are some suggestions:

• Don’t “go shopping.” Don’t go to a store unless you need a specific item.

• Live within your means. Avoid using credit when making purchases; this will reduce impulse purchases.

• Take care of what you already own to extend the useful life of the item.

• “Wear it out.” Postpone buying new items.

• Do it yourself—learn to fix items.

• Research value, quality, and durability. Become a comparative shopper.

• Get it for less. Buy items only on sale and do comparative shopping for major items.

• Buy it used. Secondhand retail stores and Internet sites such as eBay and craigslist offer unlimited choices.

 Summary Our purpose in this chapter was to identify the functions, techniques, tactics,

and appeals of contemporary advertising. Advertising is as powerful, subtle, and intensive as any face-to-face encounter. It is both a creative and scientific process. Advertising messages are inherently persuasive; they seek to convert the individual by playing on human emotion, hopes, and fears. People’s interests are targeted based on demographic characteristics such as age, sex, income, or lifestyle. Our society is characterized by material possessions that often carry symbolic signifi- cance for the owner.

The quantity of advertising is increasing, and the lines between advertising and other forms of communication, such as news and information, are often blurred. Advertising, like all persuasive communication, is not neutral and will always involve a battle of “psychological wits.” To balance the pervasive presence of adver- tising, consumers must engage in constant, critical analysis of advertising’s mes- sages and influence.

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 QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 1. Select a print ad, a radio ad, and a television commercial and critique the ads

following the questions and guidelines provided in the section on “How to Cri- tique Ads.”

2. Thumb through a monthly or weekly magazine; find examples of ads that cre- ate appeals based on:

a. fear

b. humor

c. guilt

d. isolation

e. sex

f. power

g. meaning

h. self-esteem

i. norms

3. Select a magazine ad and perform a detailed content analysis of both the explicit and implicit meanings and promises contained in the ad.

4. Select an issue of Gentlemen’s Quarterly and Vogue. How are men and women portrayed in each magazine? Do the portrayals differ? If so, how? What type of relationships, roles, and social status are the models portraying?

5. Record all the ads you see in one day from these sources: television, radio, newspapers, magazines, World Wide Web, billboards, and “point of sale” dis- plays in stores. How does the list you compiled compare to the lists of others in your class?

6. Think about the items you have purchased in the last two weeks. How did you learn about them? Why did you buy one particular brand rather than another?

7. Select one product category and one major magazine (for example, automo- biles and Time magazine). Go to the library and find back issues of the publica- tion and see how the advertising for the product has changed for each decade since 1940.

8. Take one product category and see how many different appeals are used in ads for the product appearing in magazines written for varying reader interests.

9. Watch one hour of television and record each commercial shown.

10. List your three favorite ads. Why do you like them? What appeals to you in the ads and makes them effective?

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 ADDITIONAL READING Bob Batchelor and Danielle Coombs (Eds.), We Are What we Sell (Santa Barbara, CA: Prae-

ger, 2014). Chris Linford and Jo Hodges, The Fundamentals of Digital Advertising (New York: Fairchild

Books, 2014). Marieke de Mooij, Global Marketing and Advertising: Understanding Cultural Paradoxes, 4th ed.

(Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2013). Carol Pardun (Ed.), Advertising and Society: An Introduction, 2nd ed. (Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-

Blackwell, 2013). A. K. Pradeep, Mind Men: How Neuromarketing Advances are Transforming Advertising (Hobo-

ken, NJ: Wiley, 2014).

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11

Political Persuasion

OVERVIEW

 Language, Communication, Politics, and Persuasion

 Characteristics of Political Communication and Persuasion

Short-Term Orientation Specific Objectives Mediated Audience Centered

 Ideology

 The Political Socialization Process Political Socialization Outcomes Agents of Political Socialization Levels of Interaction

 Forms of Political Persuasion Administrative Persuasion

Setting the Public Agenda Building Productive Coalitions Channeling the National Mood

Legislative Persuasion Influence of Staff Deliberation Hearings Constituent and Party Pressure

Campaign Persuasion Political Marketing Campaign Research Campaign Strategy Importance of Media Framing

and Priming Political Persuasion through

Symbolic and Status Issues Political Persuasion in the Context

of Entertainment

 What We Can Learn from Political Persuasion

Limited Effects Model Significant Effects Model

 Politics and Trust

2

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Public business, my son, must always be done by somebody. It will be done by somebody or other. If wise men decline it, others will not; if honest men refuse it, others will not.1

—John Adams, encouraging his son to enter public life

As members of communities, we have a significant interest in public business. Politics is the means for negotiating these terms. We are all politicians. Our politi- cal selves endlessly negotiate a range of power relationships—from the ways we present ourselves in a job resume to the vows we write for a wedding ceremony.

We establish contacts and ties that bind us together and sometimes pull us apart, whether on a personal or a governmental level. The fraying of relations within human groups can lead to violence. An alternative is to manage them through political institutions, using persuasion, negotiation, and compromise as tools for problem solving. To be sure, we are often cynical about politics, and espe- cially professional politicians whom we frequently judge to be the agents of special interests. But politics is an indispensable process for negotiating our differences. Public business, free choice, and persuasion are inseparable. Open societies require political activity and the bartering that comes with it. As John Bunzel has noted, the presence of a political situation implies the absence of agreement and the exis- tence of multiple patterns of influence. “Only in a closed society, where people are accustomed to accept what the rulers are convinced is ‘good’ for them, can the dis- tinctive context of politics be totally removed in favor of the art of imposition.”2

Despite the importance of political activity in open societies, Americans for a number of decades have seemed uneasy and frustrated. Opinion polls have shown that more than half of Americans routinely indicate the United States is headed down the “wrong track,” and people are dissatisfied with the way things are going.3

Since 1973, the Harris Alienation Index has found that a majority of Americans believe: the people running the country do not care about them; people with power take advantage of others; and the opinions of citizens count for very little. In addi- tion, nearly half of all Americans had negative feelings for both the Democratic and the Republican parties. About the same number thought few members of Con- gress were honest or trustworthy or worked for the benefit of the people they repre- sent. In fact, the Alienation Index is hitting historic highs (percentages in the 60s) in the decade that began in 2010.4

The polarization of the United States was vastly evident in the aftermath of the 2000 presidential election. George W. Bush lost the popular vote to Al Gore. After a bitter dispute primarily about the voting in Florida, Bush was declared the winner by the Supreme Court. There were cries of voter fraud and corruption and allegations of “stealing” the election. Journalist Michael Barone of the National Journal labeled the United States the “49 percent nation” in 2001.5 George W. Bush was the third consec- utive winner of the presidency with less than 50 percent of the vote. States became

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“red” or “blue,” matching the depiction of an electoral map in The New York Times. Bush received a plurality of votes in “red” states, while Gore carried the “blue” states.6

The distinctions were geographically striking, and the terms “red” and “blue” became code words. “Red” America is comprised of small-town, religious folks, and “blue” America is much more secular, urban, and diverse.7 In 2004, Ameri- cans, once again, chose “red” over “blue” by a slightly larger margin. Although some academics do question the red/blue dichotomy, Larry Sabato thinks the dif- ferences are real and “were stark in 2004, a great gulf separating the average audi- ence one would encounter in the Northeast or California from those of the South or Midwestern breadbasket states.”8

The 2008 presidential campaign was historic in many ways: the nation’s first African American elected president, first Roman Catholic elected vice president, first time since 1960 that a sitting U.S. Senator was elected president, the longest and most expensive campaign in history, and a record number of votes cast repre- senting the highest percentage of eligible voters since 1960.9 There are two other important elements to the 2008 election. First, the 18–29-year-old vote was at his- toric levels and was a major contributor to President Obama’s electoral vote vic- tory, turning several states traditionally “red” (Virginia and North Carolina, for example) to “blue.” Second, it was the first campaign in which the traditional media—television, radio, and newspapers—were overshadowed by new media technologies. The Obama campaign changed forever the use of the Internet and Web 2.0 technologies.10 The Obama campaign used Twitter, YouTube, and Face- book to bypass traditional media and to inform voters on their own turf.11

In many ways the 2012 presidential election was similar to 2008. President Obama maintained his support in the Northeast, Pacific West and a slim advantage in the Midwest. Governor Romney’s support was in the Greater South, the Plains and Inner West. President Obama’s support remained strong among African Americans, Hispanics, 18–29-year-olds, and non-married and professional women. In contrast, Governor Romney did well among men, middle- and older-aged citizens, and mar- ried women. In many ways, it was a status quo election, although it was also very par- tisan and polarizing. The contest pivoted in just a handful of states. President Obama won 62 percent of the Electoral College votes, but only 22 percent of all the counties in the nation. Governor Romney won 52 percent of all congressional districts.

Media usage is another indicator of the polarization of politics in the United States. Americans tend to select their source of news based on perceptions of the philosophical and ideological leanings of the news outlets. Some view Fox News as conservative and watched primarily by Republicans; CNN is perceived as liberal and watched by Democrats. The pattern is repeated for newspapers, with The Wall Street Journal favored by conservatives and The New York Times by liberals. Liberals watch mainstream network news, while conservatives prefer talk radio. Technology allows for even more selective and personal media choices, as evidenced by the increasing impact of new media technologies. Sixty-six percent of social media users engage in political activity on those platforms. Younger users are more likely to post their thoughts about issues, post links to political material, react to others’ postings, encourage others to take political action, belong to a political group on a social net- working site, and follow elected officials on social media. Social media users with

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strong ideological ties—liberal Democrats and conservative Republicans—are more likely than moderates in both parties to use social media for political purposes.12

Although it might seem that partisan politics and rivalries have only recently dominated our social and cultural landscape, partisanship has a long-standing tra- dition. We cannot escape “politics.” Politics, broadly defined, is the “currency” of social life. From the sublime to the ridiculous, politics influences our lives on a daily basis. In this chapter we look at the role of communication in politics, broadly defined. Our focus extends beyond electoral politics to encompass how communi- cation in political contexts is or becomes persuasive.

 Language, Communication, Politics, and Persuasion Over 2,300 years ago, Aristotle recognized that politics and communication

go hand in hand because they are essential parts of human nature. He wrote about the natural kinship of politics and communication. In Politics, he argued that humans are “political beings [who] alone of the animals [are] furnished with the faculty of language.”

[Communication] serves to indicate what is useful and what is harmful, and so also what is just and what is unjust. For the real difference between man and other ani- mals is that humans alone have perception of good and evil, just and unjust, etc.13

Aristotle began his systematic analysis of discourse in Rhetoric by proclaiming “rhe- torical study, in its strict sense, is concerned with the modes of persuasion.”14

Language, as the means of passing cultural and political values within or between generations of people, provides a group or an individual a means of identi- fication with a specific culture, set of values, or political entity. Words are the molds for concepts and thoughts; they become symbols reflecting beliefs and val- ues. Thus, the creation of language, or symbol systems, is required before societies and political cultures can develop. Language serves a number of invaluable func- tions. It is the agent of social integration, the means of cultural socialization, the vehicle for social interaction, the channel for the transmission of values and ideol- ogy, and the glue that bonds people, ideas, and society together.

David Green argues that the history of language is also the history of politics: “Politics is a process of conflict resolution, conflict creation, and conflict manage- ment; and political language at once reflects and contributes to these processes.”15

Language and policy are closely related as well. The use of language—specifically, language used in political settings—negotiates the outcomes of conflicts over power.

Murray Edelman, an early scholar of communication and politics, defines a political setting as “whatever is background and remains over a period of time, limit- ing perception and responses.”16 A political setting “is more than land, buildings, and physical props. It includes any assumptions about basic causation or motivation that are generally accepted.”17 The setting, then, creates the perspective from which mass audiences will analyze a situation, define their response, and establish the emo- tional context of the act that enfolds. Political actors must carefully assess the situa- tion, calculate the appropriate action, and identify effective roles. Settings, therefore, condition political acts. For example, there have been recurrent calls since the 1980s

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for an amendment to the Constitution to ban flag desecration (e.g., burning the flag as a form of political protest). At the time this textbook was published, the political setting was focused on fighting terrorism. Thus, any attempts to pass or to veto an amendment prohibiting flag desecration would be affected by that particular setting.

For G. R. Boynton, “Politics is conversation, talk, argument and persuasion, and communication.”18 More specifically, he defines politics as “conversations flowing through institutionalized channels punctuated by the vote.” In fact, politi- cians spend almost all of their time (whether in hearings, in briefings, at public meetings, making public announcements, or campaigning) engaged in persuasion. Voting is the way they or we, depending on the context, record the current state of the talk before returning to the ongoing conversation. Institutionalized channels are the sites in which conversations take place. The primary channel is the mass media, but other channels include conversations on the campaign trail, press releases, letters, etc. As Boynton concludes, “there are many conversations and many channels and great interaction between public and officials.”19

As the use of public opinion polls, voter demographics, and models of voting behavior have proliferated, academics sometimes separate the concepts of politics and campaigns. However, political scientists Bruce Bimber and Richard Davis note that “the fabric holding all of this together is communication. For this reason, to understand who is elected and why, one must think about elections in terms of how candidates communicate and what effect that communication has and does not have on the public.”20

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Sharon Jarvis makes four assumptions about the nature of politics and political language/discourse.21 First, as already noted, citizens come to know politics through discourse or interaction. Second, citizen discussions about politics is led, but not fully determined by, the discourse of the “elite” (certain politicians, pundits, religious, or social leaders). Such discourse contains clues for understanding and behaving. Third, labels function as powerful shortcuts in modern life and have important psychological effects on citizens. Finally, the meanings of political terms shift from time to time and may become broader, narrower, or change entirely.

Language is political not because of its particular vocabulary or linguistic form but because of the substance of the information it conveys, the setting in which the interaction occurs, and the explicit or implicit functions performed by the lan- guage. Political language, then, is about power, social relationships, ethics, and identity, to name only a few elements. Paul Corcoran argues:

All language is political because every speech setting, however private and inti- mate, involves power relations, social roles, privileges, and contested meanings. It is not simply difficult to separate out the intermingling of politics and lan- guage. Rather, one cannot distinguish between politics and language because they do not occupy separate spheres of existence that merely “overlap.” In a much stronger sense, language articulates and confirms all the things that we call political: the weak and strong, the valued and the rejected, the desired and the undesirable, “us” and “them.”22

 Characteristics of Political Communication and Persuasion We have established that persuasion is a process of altering or strengthening

beliefs, attitudes, or values in an effort to elicit a desired behavior. To talk about “political persuasion” we must explore the influences of context, medium, and purpose on the message. Although the types of political messages and the forms they take are limitless, there are commonalities among them. The most general characteristics of political communication include four elements: (1) short-term orientation, (2) specific objectives, (3) primarily mediated, and, above all, (4) audi- ence centered.23

Short-Term Orientation Political life is preoccupied with transitory issues and limited time frames.

Messages are typically planned, prepared, and delivered with an eye to immediate outcomes. The sequence generally follows this pattern: an issue needs to be addressed; a campaign begins; the ultimate goal is a vote on a proposed solution. Political persuasive messages usually are part of the continuous flow of public dis- cussion within a specific time frame. The limited and specific time frames for polit- ical campaigns are rather obvious—after votes are cast, the campaign is over. But the public discussion and consideration of issues are comprised of many initiatives. Issues are discussed in a variety of ways, over numerous time periods. According to Lloyd Bitzer, most political messages occur in specific historical situations that structure possible responses. “Political speakers find themselves in situations that present problems, crises, obstacles, or other kinds of exigencies which they seek to

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modify by addressing messages to mediating audiences—that is, to audiences which have sufficient power to modify the exigencies.”24

After an issue or problem has been identified (often as the result of a targeted campaign), some type of action will occur if sufficient numbers of people call for a resolution. The action could be a new law, a court ruling, a national or state refer- endum, or a designated investigation.

Specific Objectives The political talk of campaigns, of legislation, and of public discourse is care-

fully molded, crafted, and sometimes tested to insure an intended effect. Sound bites are created, answers to anticipated questions are rehearsed, and messages are targeted to very specific audiences of essential constituents. As Brian McNair argues, political communication is “purposeful communication about politics.”25

Purposeful communication is directive and intentional. Because political communi- cation seeks to alter beliefs/attitudes/values and to induce individual or collective action, it is founded squarely on the principles of persuasion.

Mediated The primary source of information about politics, issues, leaders, and cam-

paigns is some form of mass media: television, radio, newspapers, magazines, direct mail, blogs, or websites. Because political communication is largely medi- ated communication, the mass media are basic to the study and practice of politics. The media compete with politicians to set public agendas, define issues, and frame public debate. For the public, the mass media (including, increasingly, the Internet) become the primary source of political information, knowledge, and opinion on issues and campaigns of concern.

Audience Centered All practical communication is audience centered. However, political dis-

course is especially audience centered or audience sensitive. Politicians and govern- ment officials are motivated by the desire to gain the support of specific constituencies. Political messages are not neutral; they are created with a targeted audience in mind.

Robert Denton and Jim Kuypers define political communication as the “public discussion about the allocation of public resources (revenues), official authority (who is given control; i.e., the power to make legal, legislative, and executive deci- sions), official sanctions (what the state rewards or punishes), and social meaning (what does it mean to be an American, the role of the citizen, implications of social policy, etc.).26 How revenue is generated and allocated are clear matters of political discussion, debate, and policy. The Affordable Care Act dominated much of Presi- dent Obama’s first term and the 2012 campaign in terms of costs, funding, and cov- erage. Political campaigns are official exercises in granting authority to elected officials to represent citizens or to implement policies advocated during the elec- toral contest. There are all types of sanctions beyond legal compliance. Tax poli- cies, for example, sanction very specific types of behavior. The public debate over

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same-sex marriage is another example. The final consideration of meaning acknowledges that political communication is much more than the enacting of leg- islation and the election of officials. Public debate expresses our beliefs and values as a nation. Our debates over abortion, gun control, affirmative action, or charter schools all reflect firmly held beliefs. Thus, most political communication activities encompass core beliefs and values.

 Ideology The original Greek meaning of the word “ideology” was “the science of

ideas.” Today, the term refers to a shared system of beliefs, assertions, and ideals reflecting the aspirations and social needs of an individual, group, or culture. Ideol- ogies are socially constructed and are subject to a continual process of redefinition and interpretation. Ideology is a symbolic belief system that turns listeners into believers and believers into actors. For the individual, internalizing a political ide- ology requires a continual assessment of political acts based on norms or values that become a permanent motivation for political action. Ideology provides the structures of understanding that unite citizens in effective political action.

Ideology provides several useful functions in our democracy.27 First, it pro- vides a consensus in the definition of a situation. Within days after the events of 9/ 11, leaders portrayed the assault as a “sneak attack” on our nation by terrorists. Second, ideology provides legitimacy. It endorses the proper response—in this case, the “war on terrorism.” It also provides the moralization of action—not just an appropriate response but also a just and moral response. An ideology helps citi- zens identify with a national action and with the leaders. Finally, it situates events in our history.

Interestingly, the United States is generally characterized as being less ideolog- ical than most nations, especially Europe. Our political system focuses on specific issues and personalities rather than on political parties and abstract ideologies. As a result, terms such as liberal and conservative have lost some of their utility.

They are devoid of historical content and offer little to predict how one group or the other will respond to changing circumstances. This lack of coherence, con- text, and predictability has a debilitating effect on political decision making. It produces a political discourse that distances citizens from engaging with one another, and it prevents the vibrant debates and discussions essential for a dem- ocratic process.28

Today, politicians target voting groups—the retired, soccer moms, hunters, union members—with promises and sound bites. Rather than offering an ideology of the role of government in our collective lives, most politicians appeal to special inter- ests to attract votes.

Accepting an ideology implies a commitment toward a specific social reality. On a larger scale, the commitment toward an ideology links one to a community of believers who largely share the same interpretation of the world. This commonality of perspective provides a strong rationale for specific societal behavior or action.

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 The Political Socialization Process Why are you a Democrat or Republican? Liberal or conservative? Why do you

vote? The process of learning about politics and our political system is generally referred to as “political socialization.” The process explains how we develop politi- cal attitudes and values. Although specific definitions differ, James Gimpel, Celeste Lay, and Jason Schuknecht define political socialization as “the process by which new generations are induced into political culture, learning the knowledge, values, and attitudes that contribute to support of the political system.”29 The content of what is transmitted is important because the goal is the perpetuation of values con- sistent with the governance of the nation. Effective political socialization enhances knowledge about and support for democratic processes and promotes participa- tion. The foundation of the knowledge transmitted occurs early in life. Research demonstrates that what is learned during childhood affects adult political behavior and opinions.

Scholars identify three conceptual frameworks of the political socialization process.30 The system theory perspective is the broadest and views the process as one of system inputs and outputs that garner general support over time. It is a dynamic process of give and take. Social policies, such as general welfare or protec- tion from enemies, generate citizen support; grateful citizens, in return, support government actions. The structural-functional approach views socialization as a more linear process of “teaching” or instructing youth of the expectations of desired behavior and citizenship. The narrowest approach is individual analysis. It focuses on the factors and agents of influence in the socialization process.

All socialization takes place through interaction with others. The general goal of political socialization is to persuade and educate citizens to support and to par- ticipate in the political system. Michael Carpini notes:

Political socialization is a continuing process influenced by ongoing interac- tions with family and friends, the workplace, and significant personal and soci- etal events, as well as through life cycle changes that affect one’s contact with and relationship to the political and social world.31

Political Socialization Outcomes There are several important outcomes of the political socialization process.

The first is general political knowledge. By political knowledge, researchers mean “the capacity of citizens to recall facts about what government is and does.” These facts include knowledge about the history of the country, political structures, and the roles of various officeholders, for example.32

A second outcome of political socialization is political efficacy. There are two types of political efficacy. Internal efficacy refers to the perception and belief that one has the resources and knowledge to impact or participate in the political pro- cess. It is “one’s self-confidence regarding involvement in politics.”33 External effi- cacy refers to the perception that government is responsive to citizens’ attempts to be heard. Will my efforts make a difference? Will my voice be heard? Today, as already noted, we see declines in voting and rising feelings of cynicism. If the cli- mate continues, external efficacy may be in jeopardy.

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A third outcome of successful political socialization is frequency of political discussion. Discussion is a way to gain information, clarify points, and influence the thoughts of others. A free marketplace of ideas is vital to the concept of democ- racy. Diversity of thought and respect for dissent are hallmarks of the values of free- dom and justice. When multiple viewpoints are heard and expressed, the “common good” prevails over “private interests.” Another value of democracy is collective deliberation on disputes about issues and fundamental values. National and public debates determine the collective wisdom and will of the people. Thus, at the very heart of democracy is public communication. The quality of that public communication directly impacts the quality of our democracy and society at large.

We are, after all, the Arguing Country. We are born to debate, free of top-down rulers and their absolutes; no other place has such a provenance and responsi- bility. We are—and must remain, if we are to thrive—a never-ending series of arguments about the meaning of personhood and citizenship; about the struc- ture of government, credit and the law; about our relationship to the rest of the world and even to the demands of our own history. . . . Facts change, but the underlying creative tensions do not. The trick is to tap the heat of the friction in the service of progress as we struggle toward the Founders’ “more perfect union.” We’ve been doing it since 1607. . . . In a nation built on the idea of argument, the object of reform is not to reach a point where everyone agrees— because no one ever does—but to ensure that everyone is heard.34

A fourth outcome of successful political socialization involves positive atti- tudes and support for the system of government. It is important for citizens to respect public officials and to trust that the judicial system is fair and equal. Expressions of support for the political system means not only voluntarily obeying laws and supporting policy decisions but also voting and participating in other political activities. In the United States, respect for the political process supersedes winning or losing a particular campaign or vote. We respect the process (perhaps after following any available, legal remedies such as recounts) even if the particular outcome we wanted did not happen. We expect to lobby, campaign, or vote again at the next opportunity to attempt to change the outcome to one we find more acceptable. Rarely do we reject the entire process.

Agents of Political Socialization The four most influential agents of political socialization are families, schools,

social/peer networks, and the media. Without question, the family has the greatest amount of influence in the political socialization process. Parents pass along their political orientations to their children. At an early age children develop political beliefs about authority, property, and political symbols. Beginning at age five and con- tinuing through adolescence, children form and hold specific “orientations” regard- ing the president and other political leaders, political parties, political institutions, social issues, and ideology.35 Common experiences shared in a household forge and reinforce political beliefs and values. The most enduring influence of the family on children is party affiliation. This allegiance occurs early and tends to remain through- out one’s life, barring a significant, life-changing event. The transmission of political values to children is strongest in families where the parents are active politically.

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A later source of family influence is one’s spouse. The effect is not necessarily due to persuasion; rather, spouses share common life experiences that shape their political attitudes collectively in the same direction. The highest levels of couple commonality are found for party identification and choice of candidates.36

Spouses tend toward like-mindedness because of the selection processes that bring them together in the first place. After marriage, mutual socialization also works to produce commonalities in political outlook over time. Because of this process, in both a relative and an absolute sense, husbands and wives really do begin to look more alike as the marriage ages.37

Schools are the agents with the second greatest amount of influence. They pro- vide general civic education and teach rituals such as reciting the Pledge of Alle- giance that help shape students’ attitudes toward government. Of course, individual teachers can exert a great amount of influence, to the chagrin of some parents. Overall, schools are most effective in teaching obedience to authority, the mechan- ics of our system of government, and the broad responsibilities of citizenship.38

However, there are differences in political socializations based on the economic and social backgrounds of the students. Those from homes with college-educated parents and from upper socioeconomic backgrounds are more interested in politics, pay more attention to news, perform better on tests of civic knowledge, and have higher levels of electoral participation.39

The next most influential agents of political socialization are our social networks or peer groups. Social network members exert a strong influence on key political decisions such as candidate choice, partisan support, and opinions about issues.40

The role and influence of friends, neighbors, and close associates tends to be one of reinforcement. Most of our associations are with people of similar attitudes, values, socioeconomic and class backgrounds, and political beliefs. Thus, our peer and social networks provide information and support of preexisting beliefs and atti- tudes. Some of our peers take on leadership roles. Since the mid-1950s, researchers have looked at how individuals act as both filters of mediated content and as sources of interpersonal influence. Chapter 5 discussed influence as a two-step flow process where opinion leaders (1) serve as conduits of information obtained through the mass media; and (2) share their interpretations or opinions about the information with others, who accept and take action on the basis of that analysis.

The media are also major agents of political socialization. The mediated social- ization process starts early in life, providing the “raw material” that makes up our political beliefs, attitudes, and values. Much of what is taught to children through interpersonal interactions with family, peers, and teachers originates from the media.41 It is important to note that both entertainment and public affairs program- ming continue to shape one’s perceptions on all types of social issues.

Except for the media, all other agents of political socialization are products of the local social and political environments. They generally reinforce the political values of the community. The social characteristics of our community, neighbor- hood, and larger social networks influence how we discuss politics and with whom. As noted in chapter 8, citizens gain information and seek advice through interaction. Political influence develops through patterns of communication

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among citizens; the exchange of opinions in interpersonal interactions may lead to persuasion to alter existing beliefs.

Levels of Interaction Silvo Lenart investigated three levels of interpersonal political processes: per-

son-to-person, group-to-person, and opinion climate-to-person.42 The person-to- person level comes from the classic “two-step flow” model of political influence. As mentioned above, opinion leaders are very similar to the individuals they influ- ence in terms of attitudes, beliefs, and values. They tend to belong to the same pri- mary groups (e.g., family, friends, or coworkers). Most studies show this to be the most powerful mode of influence, although being in the “echo chamber” (a context of similar opinions and beliefs) with friends (who may not be opinion leaders) has an equally strong influence. The role of the media is secondary to the role of inter- personal influence.

Studies investigating group influence on individuals come primarily from “net- work analysis” and “social context” research. This perspective views individuals as highly interdependent with others in homogeneous groups where members conform to group goals and identity through peer pressure. The interpersonal relationships provide networks of communication and anchor points for individual beliefs, atti- tudes, and values. The more cohesive the group, the higher the level of individual sat- isfaction and the greater the tendency to influence and to be influenced by others.43

Through social interaction with group members, individuals learn which attitudes are acceptable and thus have the potential for positive reinforcement and social approval.

Many believe that the mass media function as opinion climates. Research dat- ing back to the 1950s demonstrates that many people eventually agree with what they perceive to be the majority point of view. Prominent German pollster Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann introduced the concept of “the spiral of silence” in 1974.44 It pro- vides insight into why people think the media have such strong influence when, empirically, studies find very minimal direct effects. She posits that we are con- stantly surveying our social environment for cues about what is popular and what is in disfavor. On issues of political or social importance, we assess and form an impression among various viewpoints that seem to have the most public support. We make such evaluations, according to Noelle-Neumann, because we do not want to be perceived as ill informed and risk being isolated by others. If our opinions or viewpoints are not those of the majority, then we suppress our opinions. Rather than voicing our opposing views, we simply keep quiet. Thus, “the spiral of silence holds that (a) those in the minority will curb the expression of their views, with (b) the result that the impression of public opinion resulting from the tripartite of personal experience—others, events, and media—will be distorted toward an overestimate of support for the majority and an underestimate of support for the minority.”45

George Comstock and Erica Scharrer reviewed the body of scholarship on political socialization and arrived at the following three propositions.

• Although the mass media are often central in the dissemination of news about what has transpired, their influence on the judgments and opinions of individuals is small.

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• Political allegiances and ideological outlook are largely rooted in personal experience, including socialization by parents and the social influence of those with whom one associates.

• There is a strong tendency to conform to the expectations of others.46

 Forms of Political Persuasion Political persuasion consists of two primary elements: the process of negotiating

differences that surface in our organizational and community life and the outcome that gives power to some (and usually takes it from others). In this section we turn our attention to some of the major features of administrative, legislative, and campaign persuasion. Each offers its own problems and possibilities and suggests a range of strategic persuasive options that are useful in many contexts beyond politics.

Administrative Persuasion The formal powers of most governmental leaders rarely fall in the category of

unilateral orders that are carried out swiftly. Despite being elected president for four terms (1932 until his death in 1945) and steering the country through the Great Depression and World War II, Franklin Delano Roosevelt thought he had very little power, once telling an amused gathering of reporters,

The Treasury is so large and far-flung and ingrained in its practices that I find it almost impossible to get the action and results I want. . . . But the Treasury is not to be compared with the State Department. You should go through the experience of trying to get any changes in the thinking, policy, and action of the career diplomats and then you’d know what a real problem was. . . . [And the Navy?] To change anything in the Na-a-vy is like punching a feather bed.47

For presidents, mayors, and officers of corporations, leadership requires per- suasion. Although topping the organizational chart, they recognize that authority is not sufficient. To be an effective leader, they must cultivate their persuasive skills. A judge in a court of law renders decisions and sentences, but others know that they cannot govern by decree only. The need to win the allegiance of their own bureaucracies (not to mention the support of members of Congress and the mass media) dictates the necessity for constant attention to the techniques of persuasion. While prime minister of Great Britain in 2008, Gordon Brown described the world as at a tipping point where opportunities to eradicate poverty and to establish social justice vied with the struggles of people to adapt to globalization, technolog- ical advances, and climate change. One reporter suggested that in order to accom- plish his goal of reforming international institutions, “he will have to acquire a skill he has never perfected—the ability to communicate and persuade.”48

Over the last quarter of the century, we have seen the convergence of the activ- ities, skills and demands of political and corporate leadership and management. Many members of the business community enter politics, and long-term politicians enter the corporate and academic arenas. We look to leaders for more than the daily management of governmental affairs. We expect their actions and words to embrace our goals and values; leaders are simultaneously symbols and symbol

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makers. The success that any single leader enjoys is partly a function of skill in evoking a public sense of participation. Broadly speaking, administrative persua- sion sets the public agenda, builds coalitions, and channels public attitudes into a workable course of action.

Setting the Public Agenda. One measure of any leader’s success is how well he or she can focus attention on a common problem and dramatize its significance. At any given time, public attention is limited to a relatively small number of issues that dominate newspaper headlines and evening news broadcasts. A governor with an eye on shaping a state’s agenda may repeatedly focus on a limited number of urgent issues in order to orchestrate news coverage that will alter public opinion. This is sometimes called “staying on message,” or “managing the news agenda.”

The Reagan administration in the early 1980s was highly successful in manag- ing the news agenda. Reagan combined his considerable personal charm with a unique ability to stay “on message.” Access to the president was limited, and advis- ers kept the press busy with at least one “message of the day” and one photo oppor- tunity. As one unhappy journalist noted, “together they sold the official myths of Reagan’s presidency to the American public by developing a sophisticated new model for manipulating the press.”49

Barack Obama’s 2012 convention nomination address was written in seven- minute segments that made it ideal for YouTube presentation. Media scholar Rob- ert Thompson of Syracuse University said the address was “made for use by the Democrats for social media.”50 More than 36 million people watched the accep- tance address and generated 4 million tweets. The Obama campaign not only man- aged the news agenda but also successfully challenged what had become an accepted way of thinking about how the news is presented.

Building Productive Coalitions. The essence of political leadership is coali- tion building. Finding ways to get groups with different goals to work together is a powerful skill. Effective leaders know when to make alliances and when to end them. Bill Clinton used a strategy of “triangulation” between Republicans and Democrats to put together coalitions on a range of issues including free trade, fam- ily leave, and welfare reform. While George W. Bush built a coalition for his early efforts against the war on terrorism, he failed to win international understanding for the abandonment of the ABM missile treaty with Russia and the Kyoto accords to prevent global warming. Many Europeans came to view Bush as a unilateralist content to ignore the opinions of other nations.51 Ted Sorensen, former speech- writer for John F. Kennedy, compared Barack Obama’s historic primary campaign in 2008 to the efforts of Kennedy, the first Catholic president. He remarked that Kennedy’s victory in Protestant West Virginia electrified the country. Of Obama, he said, “At the root of all this is his remarkable ability to transcend traditional politics and reach across lines—regional, political, racial—just as John F. Kennedy did.”52

Channeling the National Mood. The early presidents rarely addressed Con- gress or the public in person, but their modern counterparts are expected to express the collective grief, anger, joy, and resolve of their constituents. Theodore Roosevelt declared the White House a “bully pulpit,” and each succeeding leader has under-

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stood the role of president as encompassing an important public dimension. We expect the president to be, in Mary Stuckey’s words, our “interpreter in chief.” As she notes, the holder of the highest office in the land has become “the nation’s chief storyteller,” offering narratives of “what sort of people we are, [and] how we are constituted as a community.”53 George W. Bush’s first address to Congress after the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington and Ronald Reagan’s eulogy for the crew lost in the explosion of the space shuttle Challenger gave voice to the feelings of most Americans, expressing both national resolve and grief.

Legislative Persuasion Members of Congress spend their time shuttling between Washington DC and

their home state—between governing and campaigning. In a routine day, a senator or representative may meet with constituents in the morning, lunch with a lobbyist at noon, question an expert witness in an afternoon committee meeting, and receive an evening phone call from a cabinet official soliciting support on an upcoming vote. In between these events, members may consult with a dozen col- leagues, plan strategy on the introduction of a piece of legislation, tape a radio report to constituents back home, and review the schedule for a busy weekend of campaigning. The time spent actually “voting” on legislation is slim.

We tend to judge our representatives by communication with the citizens of their district, the way they deal with constituents, and the services they provide for the district. Constituent service includes voicing concerns of the district, solving individual problems that citizens have with the government, and making sure that the district gets its share of federal money and assistance. The majority of the con- stituent work is done by district staff members.54

The primary job of a member of Congress is “talking”—communicating with constituents by mail, with the media on the phone or in person, with lobbyists, in public appearances, in Congressional speeches, at meetings or fund-raisers or social gatherings. Legislating is an endless round of exchanges in which informa- tion or support is sought from colleagues, the press, constituents, and interest groups. The currency of legislative life is communication with staff members, con- stituents, and peers. When it comes to voting, however, there is very little talk. In the 112th Congress, the House introduced 6,711 bills and the Senate 3,695, yet only 283 were enacted. Since 2000, less than 5 percent of all bills introduced are voted into law.55

Influence of Staff. Members of Congress and their staffs work in an environ- ment of competing messages from constituents, government officials, and other interested parties. The interaction between members and their staffs is vitally important. Staff members play major roles during three stages of decision making: when members are attentive to issues while the staff monitors policy development and formulates responses; in shaping members’ legislative agendas by identifying key issues to address; and shaping specific responses and alternatives to legislation for member advocacy.

Congressional members routinely receive three types of information each day from staff: policy information, political information, and procedural information.

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Policy information includes understanding the causes and magnitude of a problem and the impact proposed legislation has on budgetary issues as well as on specific constituencies and society at large. Political information refers to the position of other members, the point of view of party leaders, and the views of constituents. Procedural information includes the tracking of legislation, the schedule of activity in committees and on the floor, as well as the rules that govern consideration and voting of measures.

Deliberation. Congressional deliberation is important in three ways. First, adequate and full discussion of issues makes resulting policies more legitimate; it is important that there be opportunities for all sides of an issue to be heard. Second, congressional debate (conveyed through news reports highlighting key arguments and positions) educates the public on issues of concern. Finally, the more construc- tive the deliberation, the more likely that good policy and intelligent legislation will be the end products.

Paul Quirk defines congressional deliberation as an intellectual process that includes the following elements: identifying and developing alternative policies, estimating the consequences of those policies, assessing the ethical or emotional significance of policies and consequences, and refining provisions of proposed leg- islation. The primary vehicle for congressional deliberation is debate. “Members listen, and may contribute, to a stream of discourse about policy choices. Other actors—such as the president, other executive branch officials, interest group repre- sentatives, and various experts—also contribute.”56 Legislative debate may be for- mal or informal. The primary formal settings include committee hearings, committee markups (drafting legislation), and floor debates. Informal avenues are the meetings with interest groups, White House staff, and others from the executive branch to argue for or against potential provisions of a bill.

Quirk makes the point that the rules, structure, and procedures of Congress influence the quality of deliberation. Some of the more important elements include: the amount of time and attention Congress gives to a decision; the avail- able resources and expertise to address an issue; the information available for con- sideration; the opportunities for broad discussion among members; and incentives for deliberative effort, such as rules for selecting committee members and chairs.57

Although most congressional deliberation is done in committees, the final stage is the floor debate. This stage gains the most media attention and hence receives the greatest public awareness. According to Quirk, “a useful debate will feature direct confrontation between opposing claims, with substantial presentation of reasoning, evidence, criticism, and rebuttal. Finally, it will go on for a reasonable period and then end with a decision.”58

Hearings. One of the most potent forums for the persuasion of both the U.S. public and individual legislators is the committee hearing. This venue is where much of the work of legislating and negotiating is done. In 1973, the three major commercial networks devoted over 235 hours to the presentation of Senate hear- ings into the Watergate affair.59 The political and cultural history of the United States could be partly written from the minutes of the legislative hearings that have taken place in the nation’s capital—ranging from Joseph McCarthy’s attempts in

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1954 to find Communists in the State Department to the confirmation hearings for the appointment of Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court to the testimony of tobacco executives in 1998 to the testimony of Jeffrey Skilling (former CEO of Enron) in 2006 to the testimony of baseball pitcher Roger Clemens in 2008 to Attorney General Eric Holder’s testimony about the “fast and furious” weapons in 2012 to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s testimony in hearings on the Benghazi Embassy attack in 2013. Millions of Americans become transfixed by the theater of these high-visibility proceedings.

Hearings are conducted by the members of committees who have jurisdiction over specific types of proposed legislation. They present an ideal setting for support- ers and opponents of legislation to dramatize their concerns. Victims, experts, and lobbyists regularly appear before committees that consider early drafts of proposed legislation. Committee members often count on the presence of the press—espe- cially television cameras—to place issues of concern before the general public. Hearings have an inherent drama—whether a heated exchange between a commit- tee member and someone called for questioning or the prepared statements of those who have suffered a loss. The testimony of victims is often graphic and dramatic; the narratives highlight innocent victims and the villains who have harmed them. For example, the Enron employees who lost their jobs and their pensions fueled public anger against the company executives called by House and Senate commit- tees to explain their accounting practices.60 Committee leadership can orchestrate hearings to sway public opinion and to make a convincing case for new legislation.

Constituent and Party Pressure. Members of legislatures are also the recipi- ents of influence from constituents and colleagues. In a representative democracy, messages from constituents receive attention, although action is not always taken. Letters, faxes, phone calls, and e-mail from a legislator’s district can all be factors in determining how he or she will vote on a pending question. Office holders and interest groups rely on the Internet to maintain and extend electoral support and to bring public pressure for or against individual bills.61 Individuals and groups are empowered by e-mail, Internet blogging, text messaging, and other online commu- nication—adding their voices to campaigns.62 The new voices represent both opportunities and challenges for Congressional members.

Another source of influence is the party. Political parties are less dominant than they once were, but they are still important. Parties in Washington and the state cap- itals used to be able to “deliver” the votes of their members with great regularity. Prior to the 1950s, the act of going against one’s party was a risky business. Powerful leaders like Lyndon Johnson in the Senate and Sam Rayburn in the House of Repre- sentatives headed well-drilled teams of floor managers and whips who would regu- larly deliver the votes of members on questions that had been defined as party issues.

In terms of general voting, most legislatures follow the will or direction of their party. However, in controversial votes or issues, they may well rely on personal beliefs or values or clear preferences of key constituencies. Sometimes, individual legislators are influenced by fellow member colleagues who are friends, are from similar geographic areas, or perhaps voting as a result of “reciprocity”—returning a favor for support of a previous vote.63

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Campaign Persuasion In chapter 9, we provided a brief overview of the features, phases, functions,

and strategies of political campaigns. In this chapter, we delve deeper into cam- paigns and focus on their inherent persuasive nature. According to longtime politi- cal operative Ed Rollins:

The modern campaign . . . is a high-tech, high-maintenance, high-anxiety, high- concept monstrosity where response time is instant. The candidate may have never held office. The manager is a professional political consultant who may be juggling three other races. The pollster samples public opinion every night for weeks. The press is frantically looking for dirt on the candidate and his or her every relative, dead or alive. The television budget may be larger than the gross national product of Niger. And if your ads don’t slash and burn, you’ll lose.64

Much of the change to contemporary campaigns, of course, comes at the higher levels of electoral politics. There still are true “citizen-politicians” at the state and local level; however, there is an increasing professionalization of political campaigns, even at the local levels. As Daniel Shea and Michael Burton note:

The Internet, which found its political footing in the 21st century, has wrought fundamental change. Every position paper, every advertisement, every news release, can now be personalized to voters across the World Wide Web. In the new millennium, the local knowledge once monopolized by local political workers who knew constituents by name or at least by reputation is being sup- planted by computer-generated voter lists that serve much the same function.65

Increasingly, campaign workers and money come from outside the geographic area of the race. Money rules the day in terms of staff, advertising, and the use of campaign technology. Of course, money has always been the lifeblood of politics. In the 1960 presidential campaign, John F. Kennedy spent $70 million ($2.05 per vote received.) Each campaign becomes more expensive and breaks previous spending records. In 2008, John McCain was limited to spending just $85 million for the general election because of his participation in the public financing system. In contrast, the Obama campaign spent $750 million. In 2012, Mitt Romney spent $992 million, while Obama spent $1.07 billion.66

According to Shea and Burton, it is essential for every campaign to have a theme. “A good theme is a carefully crafted merger of what the voters want, what the candidate has to offer, and what the opponent brings to the table.”67 Public opinion polling helps candidates develop a theme that sums up voter concerns. Challengers have more latitude in theme selection. Incumbents are more restricted because they have a record to defend or exploit and prior rhetorical postures from which deviation is difficult. Campaign themes are most effective for voters who make their choice of which candidate to support for reasons other than party affiliation or incumbent sta- tus. Campaign themes try to be as inclusive and broad as possible. Consistency and repetition of the campaign theme are critical considerations. Themes can include the economy, peace, prosperity, participation, hope, leadership, and change. Campaign slogans often reflect campaign themes. Examples include: “Vote yourself a farm” (Abraham Lincoln); “Peace and prosperity” (Dwight D. Eisenhower); “The stakes are too high for you to stay home” (Lyndon B. Johnson); “It’s morning in America”

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(Ronald Reagan); “Yes, America can” (George W. Bush, 2004); “Change we can believe in” (Barack Obama, 2008) and “Forward” (Barack Obama, 2012).68

In campaigns, there are two basic types of issues. Positional issues are those that have well-defined sides and require definitive positions. Issues such as abortion, gun control, embryonic stem cell research, and same-sex marriage are examples of positional issues. Valence issues reflect more general concerns about which most people agree: a strong national defense, good schools, safe roads, and less crime? Campaigns express and communicate more valence issues than positional ones.

Political Marketing. Politicians increasingly use marketing techniques and research tools to plan effective campaigns. Joe McGinniss wrote The Selling of the President after learning that both presidential candidates in 1968, Richard Nixon and Hubert Humphrey, had hired advertising agencies “to package them like prod- ucts and sell them to the American people.”69 Television changed how candidates campaigned. Nixon’s image adviser stated bluntly, “the response is to the image, not to the man. . . . It’s not what’s there that counts, it’s what’s projected.”70

The Sawyer Miller Group in the 1970s “married Madison Avenue with Penn- sylvania Avenue, selling candidates like consumer goods in an electronic democ- racy.”71 The political consulting group very successfully “wrapped intellectual voter appeals in emotional clothes.” By the time it dissolved in the early 1990s, its victorious clients included four senators, six governors, Vaclav Havel, and Israel’s Shimon Peres. Its techniques included constant polling, sloganeering, and attack ads. James Harding’s Alpha Dogs traces the spread of the very effective techniques nationally and internationally. As he notes, “we now live in a tactical age, not an ideological one. Managers, speechwriters, pollsters and get-out-the-vote specialists have more power than we’d like to admit.”72

Darren Lilleker and Jennifer Lees-Marshment argue that the global public is thinking and behaving like a consumer in all areas of life, including campaigns and elections. They and others call this the “Americanization,” “Coca-Cola-ization” or “McDonaldization” of the world. Business and commercial techniques and strate- gies permeate the political arena. The “market-oriented party” is not tied to histor- ical ideology; it is “focused on developing a credible product with which to satisfy its core electoral market.”73

Gary Mauser argues that candidates and marketers have the same basic prob- lems and goals.74 Both entities compete for the support of a specified target group under the constraints of time, money, and personnel. Bruce Newman and Richard Perloff define political marketing as:

the application of marketing principles and procedures in political campaigns by various individuals and organizations. The procedures involved include the analysis, development, execution, and management of strategic campaigns by candidates, political parties, governments, lobbyists and interest groups that seek to drive public opinion, advance their own ideologies, win elections, and pass legislation and referenda in response to the needs and wants of selected people and groups in society.75

Lilleker and Lees-Marshment remark that any political organizations, whether political parties, parliaments, or government departments, using techniques (such

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as market research in the form of opinion polls or focus groups) and concepts orig- inally used in the business world to help them succeed in passing legislation or win- ning elections are engaging in political marketing.76

Lisa Spiller and Jeff Bergner argue, following contemporary marketing theory, “the task is to begin with what people want, and to shape the image of a candidate to fit these wants. We have moved altogether beyond a product-centric marketing approach to an approach that is completely customer-centered.”77

In marketing terms, the political party is viewed as the company, and the vote is the purchase. Instead of analyzing political parties from the perspective of their history, ideology, or policy platforms, political marketing considers them in terms of their market standing or competitive position.78 Are they market leaders, chal- lengers, followers, or nichers? When a political party is the market leader, strategies focus on expanding the total market as well as maintaining current market share and working to extend it. Of course, the market leader is always under attack. The problem of increasing market share involves balancing the appearance of stability and dominance with that of being innovative and open to new ideas and constitu- encies. Achieving this delicate balance requires a blend of product (policies) and promotion (communication). The primary strategy is to maintain market share by reinforcing the existing image among supporters as well as reminding them of rea- sons for remaining loyal to the party.

Today, candidates, as with celebrities, become “brands.” Brands and branding for products have been around a long time. In terms of a political brand, it’s a per- sona that envelops a product (candidate promises and issue positions), organiza- tion (political party), and person (candidate attributes).79 Components of a brand consist of words, images, sounds and personified characters.80 For example, in 2008, Barack Obama used the campaign theme of “hope” and “change,” a brand identity of “charisma” and “confidence,” and the slogans of “Change We Can Believe In” and “Yes We Can.” The candidate theme and brand emerges. Today, the political marketing equation is: Marketing + Politics + Technology.

Campaign Research. Campaign research is a highly specialized function and provides the basis for strategy development and execution. Campaign research pro- vides a great deal of the data necessary for the overall plan—voting patterns, voter turnout, demographic correlates of voting, voter attitudes, opinions, issues, registra- tion, and election projections, to name a few. Dennis Johnson argues that political campaign research is very different from traditional academic social science research.81 Campaign research is applied research. Its purpose is to provide informa- tion that one can use in a variety of ways during a campaign. It does not attempt to be objective or reflect both sides of an issue. While the information is selective, it must still be accurate and genuine. Campaigns will often claim that opponents’ facts are wrong when, in reality, it is the interpretation of the facts that is usually problematic.

Most campaigns prepare a “bible” that summarizes the relevant issues of the campaign, profiles friendly voters, analyzes opposition strengths, weaknesses, and strategy, and provides information about specific localities for campaign stops. Like campaign planning and strategy development, research is a continual process, especially as Election Day approaches.

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Thousands of hours are spent on campaign research, and thousands of items recorded. Ironically, probably 95 percent of the material will never be used.82

Research is first conducted on one’s own candidate. Incumbent or not, this research is essential, and it reveals potential problem areas as well as accomplish- ments. The accomplishments are normally identified by key constituent groups; by media market; by issue and subject areas. For incumbents, the data will be classi- fied by year in office and by the names of individuals, groups, or organizations that benefited from legislation passed or services provided.

Microtargeting matured in the primary campaigns of 2008. Microtargeting identifies small but important groups of voters who may be attracted to a candidate (and the messages that will resonate with that group). The selective surveying and laser-focused voter contact is much more finely tuned than larger, less differenti- ated groups such as “soccer moms.” Microtargeting has revolutionized the ongoing tasks of mobilizing support, political advertising, and raising funds.83

Predictive analytics combines computer science and statistics and uses technol- ogy to analyze data to predict the future behavior of individuals in order to make better decisions about campaign activities.84

The process involves gathering elaborate information on voters that can include public items like party affiliation, ZIP code-based assumptions on income level and housing, and fairly detailed consumer preferences such as which car you drive, where you vacation and which entertainment you prefer. That informa- tion is augmented by surveys that link those traits and behaviors to attitudes on political and social issues.85

With refined techniques, improved software, and technological advances in per- sonal computers, mining of databases can be done from virtually any computer. People surfing the Web leave a history of browsing that allows researchers to con- struct individual profiles of interests and locations, allowing campaigns to make phone calls, place ads, or to send direct mail to people whose profiles indicate that they would be receptive to the message. Firms, such as Democratic DSPolitical and Republican CampaignGrid buy data and then match it to public voter registration records. The information provides insight into past voting, routinely visited web- sites, and opportunities for communicating with a voter.86 Google allows marketers to target users based on demographic information and even launched “Google Political Toolkit” for candidates to reach potential voters by a whole host of criteria.

The process of contemporary microtargeting consists of three steps. First, a “cookie” or digital marker is dropped in a user’s computer tracking website visits and/or purchases. Second, a profile is constructed matching offline data about the individual in terms of interests or other purchasing behaviors. Finally, the collected data and profile is matched against voting records, donations, and other activities. This makes it easy to link individual interests to candidates in favorable online environments. In fact, in the 2012 presidential campaign, it was possible for two people in the same household to receive different messages.87

An important element of campaign research today focuses on the opposition. Opposition research is more than simply finding dirt on one’s opponent. It is detailed information that covers every aspect of an individual’s private and public

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life. The key is how to interpret, apply, and communicate a particular piece of information. Opposition data may reveal past actions and behavior that disqualify a candidate for selection, or it may provide a basis to predict future behavior or atti- tudes about specific policies that may be contrary to prevailing public desires.

Opposition research is usually presented in two parts. The first is simply a compilation of data and information under several categories: incumbent legisla- tive record and candidate voting record, property records, court records, interest group ratings, resume verification, newspaper searches, government budget analy- sis, statements of economic interest, and review of campaign finance disclosure statements. The second part is the analysis and interpretation of the raw informa- tion. Such analysis provides themes, attack strategies, and messages.88 The explo- sion of Internet websites has revolutionized political research. There is an extraordinary range of public information (driving records, property records, bank- ruptcy, tax records, etc.) available at the fingertips of anyone with a computer.89

Campaign Strategy. Every campaign needs a strategy or a blueprint for win- ning an election. A strategy is how to position the candidate and allocate resources to maximize the candidate’s strengths and to minimize the candidate’s weaknesses. According to Ron Faucheux:

Message is the reason you give voters to select you over the opposition. How and when you communicate that message (sequence, timing, intensity, persua- sion) and how and when you mobilize your resources are the strategic compo- nents of every campaign, large and small.90

Faucheux identifies the following four campaign strategies. A message sequence strat- egy identifies the order of presenting arguments to voters. A timing and intensity strategy specifies when the candidate acts and at what pace. A mobilization and per- suasion strategy targets voter preferences and allocates resources to specific favor- able voting groups. An opportunity strategy finds ways to exploit situational events or obstacles.

Shea and Burton designate three main goals for campaign strategy: reinforce- ment, persuasion, and conversion. Reinforcement is keeping core or base voters committed to the campaign. Persuasion is gaining the support of swing or unde- cided voters. Conversion is bringing opponent supporters over to your side. Gener- ally, campaigns reinforce their own partisans, persuade the swing voters, and convert partisans of the opposition. Of course, it is easier to reinforce or persuade voters than to convert them.91

Message strategies may be based on the personal virtues or vices of the candi- dates (e.g., (in)experience, (in)competence, integrity or lack thereof, compassion, and so forth); ideological or partisan differences (e.g., liberal, conservative, libertar- ian, etc.); or some combination of the two. The main point is that the campaign message must draw a line of distinction between the candidate and the opposition by framing a clear choice for voters.92

Political campaigns offer numerous messages about our past, future, and cur- rent situations. Campaigns are uniquely communication events: communication of images, characters, and persona. Most campaign strategies are designed to do more

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than get votes. They are designed to project a certain image, to alter a perception, or to counter the opposition. As primarily communication phenomena, campaigns influence and impact our behavior in both obvious and subtle ways. Their impor- tance transcends the preference for one individual over another.

The impact of media consultants on our political process is an unsettled ques- tion. For some, consultants are the new kingmakers, blamed for attack ads that cor- rode and debase the democratic process. “Professionally driven campaigns change the tone and temperament of the contest. Many fear that the authentic voices of candidates are lost or transformed beyond recognition, filtered and reconstructed through survey research and test-marketing, packaged for maximum persuasive impact.”93 Consultants, of course, believe that they are making the electoral pro- cess more democratic. They claim that they cannot control votes as the old political bosses did through the patronage system. Consultants further argue that they make elections more open and provide access for reporters to candidate strategies, views, and campaign information.

As the role of professional consultants increased in the latter decades of the twentieth century, volunteers became disenchanted or felt shunted aside. There are now signs that concerned individuals and community organizations can make a dif- ference.94 The Internet and other new media technologies may indeed make the pro- cess more democratic. Web pages, social networking sites such as MySpace and Facebook, and YouTube allow individuals to communicate their opinions, as well as enabling candidates to reach potential voters at very little cost. Candidates with less name recognition can generate support and a following by talking directly to voters and avoiding the party power structure. The Internet and Web 2.0 technologies are now essential to establishing a grassroots campaign, fund-raising, and getting out the vote. In addition, websites invite people to volunteer, to make phone calls, and to attend nearby events. Web 2.0 is specifically designed for interactive communication.

Importance of Media Framing and Priming. Increasingly, analysts of the electoral process and other forms of political persuasion point to the power of the media to significantly impact attitudes by framing their narratives and priming news consumers. Framing and priming are two pivotal concepts that focus on how the placement or deletion of story details can alter audience attitudes about political agents. Priming theorists Shanto Iyengar and Donald Kinder note:

Political persuasion is difficult to achieve, but agenda setting and priming are apparently pervasive. According to our results, television news clearly and deci- sively influences the priorities that people attach to various national problems, and the considerations they take into account as they evaluate political leaders or choose between candidates for public office.95

It is possible to dramatically alter an audience’s judgment about the competence and integrity of a politician by altering the sequence of details presented. If a cam- paign story about a candidate starts with a negative fact about him or her, that fact will loom as a significant measure of the candidate for the rest of the story. It is notoriously difficult to induce attitude change from a television or a news story, but it is comparatively easy to use television news or ads to build a sense of importance for a topic.

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Framing is similar to priming, but more general. It represents a persistent pat- tern for structuring stories, always reminding us that “the devil is in the details.” Frame analysts do not necessarily argue that the media employ a secret tool to smuggle attitudes into ostensibly objective reporting. However, all stories must start from a specific perspective—and that perspective dictates what facts and details will be relevant.96 It is useful to think of a media frame as a window with a limited view of the terrain outside. Other windows in different locations might offer a very different perspective. The press, in essence, chooses the window from which we look at the territory.

The Internet presents framing and priming problems as well. Unsubstantiated facts that frame an unflattering portrait of a candidate or his/her stance on issues spread virally—a simple copy and paste is all that is required to disseminate a story. Videos on the Internet have a much longer shelf life than a newspaper story; televised or audio stories can be captured and posted. Audience opinions may be primed months after the original airing. Electronic rumors about Barack Obama included false reports that he was a Muslim and that he could not produce his birth certificate. During both the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections, his cam- paign dedicated websites to counter misinformation. Followers could report “false attacks,” obtain accurate information, address rumors, and “spread the truth”— using the same electronic channels as detractors had used to spread the falsehoods. In 2008 the site was “fighthesmears.com” and in 2012 it was “attackwatch.com.”97

One of the media frames employed since Gary Hart campaigned for the presi- dency in 1988 is character. Prior to that time, “political reporters generally observed an unwritten rule: a politician’s private life was private, absent compelling evidence that personal conduct was affecting public performance.”98 Hart had promised to adhere to the very highest standards of integrity and ethics. Tom Fiedler, a veteran political reporter for the Miami Herald, learned that Hart was hav- ing an affair; he investigated and wrote a story about Hart’s private life. Hart with- drew from the presidential primaries two days later after an avalanche of coverage. Paul Taylor (at the time a reporter for the Washington Post and currently with the Pew Research Center) views Hart’s story as “a milestone in the evolution of our cultural norms, and our press norms.”99 The “journalistic watershed” occurred in a setting where Watergate and Richard Nixon’s resignation had primed the audience that personal traits were as important, if not more so, than positions on issues.

Today, the surge of nontraditional media has added to the scrutiny of candi- dates. The director of the Pew Project for Excellence in Journalism, Tom Rosen- stiel, remarked: “With bloggers and talk radio and the more partisan media in full flower, the norms of what’s a story and what’s not a story have been broadened. It is a given now that everything is fair game.”100 There is a bewildering array of web- sites offering information that ranges from highly reliable, nonpartisan, and fair reporting to highly partisan opinions, character assassination, and rumor monger- ing. “Many websites and blogs perform valuable civic service, while others practice guerilla warfare.”101 Online expert Michael Cornfield describes the Internet as “Part deliberative town square, part raucous debating society, part research library, part instant news source, and part political comedy club.”102

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Political Persuasion through Symbolic and Status Issues Thus far, we have primarily described political persuasion in instrumental

terms—the use of persuasion to achieve specific goals. However, politics also has a dramatic and expressive function in any society. Like all of the popular arts, politi- cal discussion sometimes exists more for the emotional lift it gives its participants than for the specific effects it may produce in the nation’s governmental and civil life.103 A Memorial Day tribute—with music, flags, and soldiers—hardly lends itself to a discussion of the foreign policy decisions that caused the deaths of those being honored. The cross, the flag, and their verbal counterparts are not instru- ments of discussion as much as expressive symbols of affirmation. Political lan- guage defines who we are or who we want to be as often or more often than it contributes to social change.

Sometimes a specific issue matters less for how it might evolve into legislative proposals than for what our position on it says about who we are. In his interesting discussion of what he calls status politics, sociologist Joseph Gusfield notes that we tend to combine our attitudes toward specific issues with stereotyped attitudes about certain kinds of people.104 A topic becomes a status issue when a group col- lectively makes the judgment that where other people stand on a question demon- strates their superiority or inferiority. In short, status issues are linked to identity.

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For example, how should the western expansion of the United States be por- trayed in school history books? Was government negotiation with Native Ameri- cans fair? Did government policy serve the nation or enforce harsh terms on indigenous people with prior claims on the land? Story lines for history books are hotly debated by many school boards in many states.105 Should golfers join clubs that restrict membership by race or gender? While many might ignore the implica- tions of such membership, others view it as rejecting the civil rights of others.

Heated debates about gay rights, veterans’ benefits, affirmative action, and women’s issues all speak to the vital issue of group and self-esteem. When state- ments are made that confirm the prestige of groups with which we identify, our own self-esteem is confirmed. A victory for the group is a victory for us as well. The concept of status politics is a potent reminder that political persuasion is not only about objective changes in policy but also about our sense of solidarity or estrangement from others.

Political Persuasion in the Context of Entertainment Much of the discussion of political persuasion to this point was drawn from a

fairly narrow sector of public discourse. Civic discourse today has merged into the language and forums of public amusement. News is now marketed as entertain- ment and competes with other prime-time programming for ratings. With so many cable and satellite offerings, most programs aim for a specific audience and deal with themes of social and political life. Hollywood continues to generate films and documentaries with targeted social and political messages.

In some ways drama is the perfect vehicle for mass-oriented political discus- sion. It comes to the receiver in an attractive context (as entertainment) and in a perfect persuasive environment (e.g., a movie theater, or viewing TV at home) when the viewer’s defenses against persuasion are reduced. Dramatizations rou- tinely illustrate society’s successes and failures. Popular melodramas, comedies, and films are well suited to show the ironies and hypocrisies of government and modern life. Even forms of mass media with ostensibly nonpolitical objectives fre- quently contain at least an implicit political subtext or motivation. An exhibit, film, or television program that may have the manifest goal of simple entertainment can itself be the direct outcome of an intensely political agenda or a sustained power struggle—for instance, The Day After Tomorrow cinematically depicts the cata- strophic effects of global warming.

Dan Nimmo argues that “movies of all genres—be they screwball comedies, musicals, westerns, science fiction, historical sagas, gangster, private eye, romance, war, religious, or what have you—touch directly or indirectly on matters that go to the heart of politics: conflict and consensus, power and authority, order and disor- der, etc.”106 Commercial films communicate what we collectively want to praise or condemn in our national life. Small towns may be sentimentalized (Back to the Future, My Girl, The Best Years of Our Lives), with suburbs as their opposite (American Beauty, Fargo). Businesses may be populated by cunning and corrupt figures (Wall Street, The Insider, Jerry Maguire). Many films provide portraits of women who defy conventional boundaries of class or sexism (Working Girl, Thelma and Louise, The Business of Strangers).

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The decade of the 1990s introduced new types of programming and political talk on television—challenging “the assumptions of what constitutes knowledge, who gets to speak, what issues can be addressed, as well as what types of political talk audiences will find both informative and pleasurable.”107 Political talk pro- gramming has a long history. First was NBC’s Meet the Press in 1947 followed by CBS’s Face the Nation in 1954. The journalistic roundtable started on public televi- sion in 1967 in various incarnations such as Washington Week in Review (PBS 1967), The McLaughlin Group (PBS 1982), and Capital Gang (CNN 1988). Today, not only are there are all types of political talk shows, but there are also dedicated news cable channels—FOX News, MSNBC, CNN, and CNBC.

AM talk radio transformed the nature of political talk and punditry. The enor- mous success of Rush Limbaugh ushered in a populist, common-person approach to political discussions that encouraged skepticism of elite authority and the “lib- eral media.”108 The conservative perspective originally dominated this type of pro- gramming. Cable outlets soon followed the radio example, providing programming that incorporated citizen participation and commentary: “Political commentary and opinions from viewing audiences could become part of the programming via e- mail, faxes, voice mail, phone calls, chat rooms, video-conferencing, and bulletin board systems.”109

With the transformation of political talk shows also came changes in stylistic features. The host or participant was no longer an independent, objective partici- pant; he or she now speaks from a certain perspective or issue position. Second, many of these talking heads are celebrities in their own right. They are well known, demand large speaking fees, and often become the subject of stories themselves. Finally, in competition for ratings, the shows must have an edge—generate excite- ment, controversy, and confrontation resulting in “spectacle.”110

Another interesting innovation was late-night political talk shows focused on comedy. Beyond the simple jokes and celebrity banter of standard network late- night fare, cable options provided “aggressively iconoclastic, sharp-tongued, and sharp-witted comedian-hosts” who offered programming that “addresses the fak- ery in public life as manifest in news and late-night television talk.”111 Politically Incorrect with Bill Maher, Dennis Miller Live, and The Daily Show with Jon Stewart address politics directly and aggressively through rants, parody, and sometimes, insult. Jeffrey Jones argues adamantly that these shows do not trivialize politics. Instead, they demand a sophisticated knowledge about both politics and popular culture in order to understand the humor, anger, amusement, dismay, and disagree- ment woven into the narrative flow of each show.112 During the 2004 presidential campaign, the University of Pennsylvania’s National Annenberg Election Survey found that viewers of late-night comedy programs were more likely to know the issue positions and backgrounds of presidential candidates than those who did not watch late-night comedy. This was especially true for viewers of The Daily Show with Jon Stewart on Comedy Central.113

Many social scientists and academics bemoan the fact that The Daily Show is not only the primary source of political information for today’s young people but also, for many, the only source of political information.

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Making fun of politicians is as American as singing “The Star Spangled Ban- ner” at the start of a baseball game. But does the relentless ribbing have a seri- ous underside? If the late-night talk shows make fun of every politician, night after night and election cycle after election cycle, is the butt of the joke no lon- ger the politician but the American democratic system?114

Russell Peterson once worked as a political cartoonist and stand-up comedian. Now at the University of Iowa, he thinks that the cumulative effect of political lam- pooning is corrosive. The political comedy of Leno, Letterman, and O’Brien focuses relentlessly on personality flaws. Peterson sees more value in the satire of Stewart, Colbert, and Maher who have more time to develop comedy based on issues rather than personalities. Robert Thomson notes that the competition has altered the nature of political comedy. “You’ve got to shout a little louder to get attention. But the culture has changed vastly, too. You can’t get through Vietnam, Watergate, O. J. Simpson and Monica Lewinsky without changing.”115

Politicians and political candidates happily submit to the satire of Jon Stewart and Stephen Colbert “as a badge of coolness [that they have arrived] in this self- conscious, New York–Washington media world.”116 However, campaigns also actively seek appearances on shows whose audiences are much less tuned into pol- itics: Entertainment Tonight, Access Hollywood, The Ellen DeGeneres Show, The View, and World Wrestling Entertainment. In 1991, Samuel Popkin coined the phrase “low information signaling” to describe how seemingly trivial details impact political choices.117 People who watch entertainment programming are often undecided; they don’t identify strongly with a particular ideology, so they may be more per- suadable, especially if they like the candidate. Some argue that low information is important because it demystifies politicians and politics. If potential voters are interested in the candidates, they may tune into the campaign and the issues.

Negative evidence is an invaluable tool for the persuasion analyst when dissect- ing the political overtones in content. Sometimes the most interesting—and most revealing—feature of a message is what is not present—the absence of something one might reasonably expect to find. Television’s Linda Ellerbee once observed: “When we point the camera at one thing, we are pointing it away from another. Thus, one of the first things to look at when viewing the media is what you cannot see.”118 In assessing the content of the broadcast networks’ nightly newscasts, for example, one would expect to find stories on certain topics. Among the important stories that were seriously unanticipated and underreported in the U.S. media— especially television news—was the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1980s, the deceptive accounting practices of companies such as Enron and WorldCom in 2001, and the subprime crisis in the mortgage market in late 2007. Advertiser-sup- ported media generally produce some interesting patterns of negative evidence. Many studies confirm that media content—in news or entertainment—generally plays to our fantasies and beliefs rather than to our mistaken impressions.119

Indeed, journalists who truly report the unexpected sometimes pay a high price for the business and power interests they offend.120

In today’s popular culture, it is virtually impossible to separate the political from the nonpolitical. “From documentary and feature films to nonfiction books and novels, television talk and comedy programming, radio shows, Internet humor

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and blogs, and music videos, concert tours, and CDs, popular culture [is] saturated with and consumed by popularly mediated political expressions.”121 We engage and participate in politics much more so through the media than we do through the act of voting, which occurs much less frequently. Our civic discourse is part of entertainment and popular culture. We follow issues, candidates, and campaigns through a wide variety of media programming: from talk radio, to prime-time com- edies, to news talk shows, to reading blogs, to late-night comedies. Perhaps, more than any other time in our history, citizens are in a true 24/7 political environment that comprises a major portion of our popular culture.

 What We Can Learn from Political Persuasion As with virtually all contexts for persuasion, shaping political attitudes is a

struggle. How much of a struggle is still open to debate. We can simplify the discus- sion for our purposes by looking at two different camps, one that holds that political agents—especially the mass media—have a great deal of power to shape attitudes. The other camp acknowledges that persuasion occurs but that its effects are limited.

Limited Effects Model For years, political scientists questioned whether or not campaigns mattered. It

can be extremely difficult to isolate the effects of messages and mediums from the other influences that ebb and flow through our lives.122 However, we can identify some elements of stability in political attitudes. Core political attitudes tend to be quite stable. For example, Republicans, Democrats, and Independents are likely to retain their identities for long periods of time, if not entire lifetimes. One axiom cited by campaign professionals is that “40 percent of the people will always vote for your party, and 40 percent will never vote for your party, and the remaining 20 percent are up for grabs.”123 News stories rarely change minds, but they can influ- ence the undecided.124

Individual messages, like political commercials, are heavily discounted by con- sumers wary of their claims, although negative ads often do shape attitudes.125 The public is generally subject to less manipulation from political or media sources than some observers assume. Others might argue that given the targeted nature of cam- paigns from a voter and electoral perspective, much campaign information is aimed at a small number of voters in a few battleground states. Most political com- munication is about reinforcing existing beliefs, attitudes and values—not about changing large numbers of individual opinions or views.

Doris Graber notes that media content plays a significant role in helping us justify our decisions.126 She also argues that we cannot fully assess the media’s influence because of the many components of the “media message omelet.” Each medium can affect the others. When we read a newspaper story, our impression can be affected by a subsequent television or radio interview or an interpersonal conversation. As she states, commercials are a major ingredient in campaigns,

but it is well-nigh impossible to isolate their contribution because all the ingre- dients—print and electronic news stories, editorials, talk-show banter and pun-

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ditry, Internet messages, advertisements, even political jokes and skits on entertainment shows—mix inextricably with one another and become trans- formed in the process.127

As a result, Graber believes the most important influence of media is shaping and reinforcing predispositions and influencing the selection of candidates.

Significant Effects Model A number of observers have argued that because media portrayals of politics are

difficult to measure, they conceal significant effects. John Zaller believes that tradi- tional measures of political impact are too clumsy to detect the significance of changes.

[T]he true magnitude of the persuasive effects of mass communication is closer to “massive” than “small to negligible” and . . . the frequency of such effects is “often.” Exactly as common intuition would suggest, mass communication is a powerful instrument for shaping the attitudes of the citizens who are exposed to it, and it exercises this power on an essentially continuous basis.128

The changes are there; we just need to do a better job of measuring them. For example, part of the “large effects” hypothesis makes more sense when one distin- guishes between relatively demanding changes in attitude and more subtle but important changes in awareness. As we noted with regard to framing and priming, the media seem to have more power to create awareness of a subject than to create a particular attitude toward it. This is called agenda setting, and it is a cornerstone of study for all types of mass media effects.129

Consider Kathleen Jamieson’s observation that perhaps only 20 percent of the voters in an election can be influenced by campaign messages. Who would argue that one-fifth of an audience’s attitudes or votes are insignificant? We have already noted that recent presidential contests have been decided by just a fraction of a per- centage, especially in several key states. Many congressional races, referenda, and local campaigns are also decided by razor-thin margins. One of the important les- sons any persuader can take from the study of politics is that even voters on the edges can spell the difference between victory and defeat.

 Politics and Trust We close with a cautionary word about our national distrust of politics and

political messages. The commonly accepted stereotype of the political persuader is that of a human weather vane whose persuasion is shaped by the prevailing winds of public opinion. Some of the most compelling figures in dramatic literature are characters caught between a sense of personal duty and the need to maintain a pub- lic face. Shakespeare made this a central feature in many plays; strong and decisive heroes, such as Coriolanus, were forced to balance their private ideals against the need to say politically correct things to satisfy potential allies. Of the honest Corio- lanus who says what he thinks even when it is impolitic, a friend observes, “his nature is too noble for the world.”130 Because he has little interest in winning the support of others, he stands out as the nonpolitical hero.

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Ours is a very different time, but the dilemma of serving the needs of many while remaining true to oneself remains. The images of politicians as men and women dominated by expediency rather than principles are generally nurtured by a cynical press.131 But like all stereotypes, they tend to fall apart when examined more closely. From a persuasion perspective, democratic politics should be seen as a process for turning conflict into consensus. We should expect that the diversity of political opinions on any one question will reflect the diversity of opinions in soci- ety as a whole and that political figures will attempt to adjust to these opinions as well as attempt to change them. The hero Coriolanus is not a politician precisely because he is disengaged. He stands apart from the community and makes minimal attempts to play a role in it. Ironically, we honor him and his modern counterparts who have dismissed the political world, but as John Adams suggests at the beginning of this chapter, at what price?

The process of seeking consensus requires attitudes that will flex and positions that must be compromised. Not all consensus builders are liars or weak-willed opportunists. Indeed, many of the heroes of the world’s great moral and social movements—for example, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Nelson Mandela, or Martin Luther King—can be productively studied for their attempts to accommodate the views of others even while pressing their own demands.132 Imagine the costs to their supporters and their causes had these leaders decided to disengage, to live apart from the political world. What if they had decided that an ongoing conversa- tion with their complex and imperfect societies would be more of a bother than it was worth? We are perhaps too comfortable with the idea that those who shun the give and take of public life have somehow preserved their good character. We think one good lesson can be taken from the engagement that is the essential work of pol- itics: we can be too quick to dismiss the honor and dedication that is bound up in the messy but essential business of serving the public interest.

 Summary In this chapter, we have illustrated the scope of U.S. political persuasion by sur-

veying some of the communication patterns common to politics in a variety of con- tests: administrative, campaign, and policy-making activities, as well as expressive forms of persuasion tied to status issues and messages embedded in popular enter- tainment. No single overview is adequate to describe the wealth of thought and research that has been directed to the processes involved in shaping public opinion. However, we offer some broad conclusions.

• We are all political, both as agents of groups seeking influence and as the recipients of the appeals of others.

• Politics is not only about the state and its institutions but also about how all kinds of institutions reach decisions and accommodate differences.

• Administrative and legislative persuasion thrives on coalition-building activ- ities. Political leadership requires listening more than demanding, accommo- dation as well as idealism.

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• Political campaigns represent ideal case studies for the processes and diffi- culties of persuasion. They provide opportunities to see the effects of media agenda setting, framing, and priming. They also are a reminder of the variety of media that can be used to deliver messages, ranging from television ads to the Internet.

• At the national level, political persuasion is increasingly a professionalized process involving the technologies of polling, microtargeting, news manage- ment, and mass communication.

• It would be a mistake to consider political activity as separate from other forms of popular culture, especially novels, films, and prime-time television. Popular media reflect the values and attitudes of our political culture.

• Measures of persuasion effects are inexact. If the key yardstick is attitude change, effects seem to be minimal. If other yardsticks, such as increased awareness, are included, the effects of various efforts may be greater than we can now measure.

 QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 1. Attend a city council meeting, a session of the state assembly, legislative hear-

ings, or an address given by a prominent political leader. After observing one of these events, compare your overall impressions with the coverage provided by newspapers, radio, or television stations in your area. Did framing or priming occur? Was the coverage focused on strategy or messages? How well was the public served by the news story?

2. Plan a group viewing of the classic and award winning 1993 campaign film, The War Room (available on DVD and videocassette). This documentary by Chris Hegedus and D. A. Pennebaker traces the work of advisers George Stepha- nopoulos and James Carville in the 1992 presidential campaign of Bill Clinton. It also provides an interesting look at modern campaigns. After the film, com- pare your impressions. Specific questions to discuss might include:

• Does the film explain why the Clinton campaign was successful in 1992?

• What personal characteristics worked for or against Carville as an advocate for his candidate?

• What is the most interesting persuasive strategy you observed?

• How would you like to see political campaigns change?

• Which of the settings (political commercials, television news reports, rallies, and debates) offered the best opportunity for reaching and persuading voters?

3. The authors argue that most forms of entertainment, such as films and televi- sion programs, have at least latent political content. After reviewing their argu- ments in the section, “Political Persuasion in the Context of Entertainment,” (a) argue against their position or (b) identify additional examples that confirm their conclusions.

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4. The speeches of all modern presidents are available in most libraries (and often on the Internet) as part of a continuing series of volumes collectively titled Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States. The White House website also pub- lishes recent speeches (www.whitehouse.gov). Select a national address by Pres- ident Barack Obama and illustrate coalition building, the president as “interpreter in chief,” and leadership agenda setting.

5. In this chapter we mention several social movements that have pushed for legis- lative action in civil rights, voter rights, abortion, and so on. What major social issues are most visible now? Are any of the current movements justifiably seen as raising status issues?

6. The authors assert that most organizations follow political processes. Beyond the examples cited in the book, illustrate this conclusion with your own recent experiences in a nongovernmental organization. What made specific advocates persuasive or ineffective?

7. View Warren Beatty’s film, Bullworth, that satirizes national politics. What does it reveal about politics, persuasion, and political participation? Does it argue for or against the authors’ assertion that politics should be about accommodation and can be a noble calling? View the more recent 2012 comedy The Campaign and reflect upon the same questions and issues.

 ADDITIONAL READING Michael Burton and Daniel Shea, Campaign Craft, 4th ed. (Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2010). Robert E. Denton, Jr. (Ed.), The 2012 Presidential Campaign: A Communication Perspective

(Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013). Robert E. Denton, Jr., and Jim A. Kuypers, Politics and Communication in America: Campaigns,

Media, and Governing in the 21st Century (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2008). Richard Fox and Jennifer M. Ramos, iPolitics (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press,

2012). John Heileman and Mark Halperin, Game Change (New York: Harper, 2010). Robert Ormrod, Stephan Henneberg and Nicholas O’Shaughnessy, Political Marketing: The-

ory and Concepts (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 2013). Lisa Spiller and Jeff Bergner, Branding the Candidate (Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2011). Judith Trent, Robert Friedenberg, and Robert E. Denton, Jr., Political Campaign Communica-

tion, 7th ed. (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2012).

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333

PART IV

Issues and Strategies of

Message Preparation

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12

Ethical Considerations of Persuasion

OVERVIEW

 Ethics, Values, and Principles

 Communication, Ethics, and Society Persuasion and Communication Ethics Sources of Attitudes and Values Categories of Communication Ethics

 Considerations for Ethical Communication Communicator Considerations Message Considerations Medium Considerations Receiver Considerations Ethical Values of Communicators

 Areas of Special Concern Media and New Technologies News Journalism Politics and Political Communication Public Discourse

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From a communicative perspective, “acting ethically” is a dynamic practice that requires an ongoing awareness of the everyday opera- tion of power, and a willingness to engage “the other” in a manner that is both responsive to his/her/their difference and that opens up the possibility for self-transformation.

—Dennis K. Mumby1

Since the beginning of time, humans have expressed a concern for ethics. Plato’s Republic is essentially a work of political ethics, as is Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics. For both Plato and Aristotle, the good person was a conscientious citizen contrib- uting to the city-state. The notion of civic virtue implies a citizenry that is informed, active, selfless, enlightened, and, above all, just.

Life today is more individualistic. We are concerned with self-actualization, success, comfort, convenience, property, and the pursuit of happiness. Increasing numbers of studies, polls, and news articles lament the decline of ethical behavior in the United States. One cover of U.S. News & World Report in 1987 asked “A Nation of Liars?” Time magazine that same year questioned “Whatever Happened to Ethics?” Atlantic Monthly in 1992 and Newsweek magazine in 1995 explored the absence of a sense of shame as a norm in our culture. Lying and cheating among adults and among children has become rather commonplace. From 1998 to 2010, surveys of high-school students showed increases in cheating, lying, and theft before declining in 2012. Fifty-one percent of students cheated on an exam in 2012 (compared to 59% in 2010); 32% copied an Internet document for a classroom assignment (34% in 2010); 55% lied to a teacher (61% in 2010); and 20% stole something from a retail store (27% in 2010).2

Eric Anderman’s research shows that close to 85 percent of all students have cheated at least once before leaving high school. Boys are slightly more likely to admit to cheating than girls, but cheating is fairly uniform across demographic groups.3 Social psychologists say that students today live in a culture that fosters the temptation to cheat, and the emphasis on testing is a significant contributing factor. Beginning in grade school, students take a number of federal and state stan- dardized exams. The emphasis is on scoring, rather than learning. Anderman found that even habitual cheaters were less likely to do so if they believed the point of the test was to help them master the material. Emphasizing scores on tests cre- ates an environment conducive to cheating—for students and for adults. In the Atlanta Public Schools system, 178 teachers and principals cheated to raise perfor- mance test scores on standardized tests; cheating occurred in 44 of the 56 schools in the district. The Superintendent actually won awards for “turning the schools around and dramatically raising standard test scores.”4

Students with high reasoning abilities cheat as much as do those with low levels of reasoning abilities. While cheating is unethical, students often rationalize their

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actions or blame others—“a little help isn’t really cheating” or “everyone does it” or “the teacher is unfair, so I have to cheat.” The perceived necessity of higher grades to get into college or graduate school or to be hired by prestigious firms can override ethical decision making.5 Some students even rationalize cheating as generous behavior that doesn’t harm anyone. A student who took the SAT test at least twenty times for other people (whom he charged $2,500 each) told 60 Minutes that when he took the test for people with poor grades he was giving them a new lease on life.6

Academic integrity is a core value in every educational institution, yet cheating is more the rule than the exception at schools and institutions of higher learning across the country. The first major survey on cheating in higher education took place in 1963; since that time, the percentage of students who cheat at least once in their college careers has held steady at about 75 percent.7 In 2012, there were reports of large-scale cheating at very competitive schools, including Harvard and the Air Force Academy. At Harvard, 60 students in a government course that enrolled 279 were suspended for a year.8 That scandal prompted another ethical dilemma when the administration searched the e-mail accounts of faculty to deter- mine who leaked the story to the press.9

Studies show that a majority of students violate standards of academic integ- rity; high achievers are just as likely to cheat as those who do not do well at school. Donald McCabe, a leading researcher on cheating, notes that some struggling stu- dents have always cheated to survive but that increasingly top students now “cheat to thrive.”10 Students are under pressure to do well, and cheating has become easier with Internet access. Research has shown that a major factor in unethical behavior is the ease with which it can be accomplished. The Internet—with instant down- loads from innumerable websites, cutting, and pasting—has changed attitudes about what is cheating or plagiarism. Students can share homework assignments by attaching files to e-mail messages. They can use smart phones to take a picture of test questions, send them to a friend outside the classroom, and receive the answer in a text message. Howard Gardner has studied professional and academic integrity for twenty years and believes that “the ethical muscles have atrophied,” due partially to a culture that glorifies success.

Administrators at the University of Texas have been collecting data on cheat- ing since the 1980s; in 2003, they began publishing the information. They list the instances of cheating by gender, ethnicity, age, grade-point average, area of study, and type of violation (the university defines 12). Of the 350 incidents that occurred between 2003 and 2011, senior undergraduates accounted for more than one-third of the cases; more males than females cheated; and one-third to one-half of the stu- dents had GPAs greater than 3.0. The most common violation was plagiarism. The law school, the school of engineering, and the college of natural sciences had the most incidents of cheating (relative to their enrollments), while the schools of architecture, social work, and fine arts had the lowest. Gary Pavela, a researcher of academic ethics, is surprised that more campuses do not collect data. “Every cam- pus I know of has some kind of program that promotes and protects academic integrity, but how do they evaluate its effectiveness without statistics?”11 Without data, faculty members and administrators react to individual cases with no knowl- edge about possible campus or national trends.

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The general public is guilty of the same general disregard for ethical behavior. One survey found that 52 percent of employees played “hooky” at least once a year, calling in sick when they were not.12 Another survey found that 19 percent of employees admitted to lying at work.13 The Association of Certified Fraud Exam- iners reports that a typical organization loses 5% of revenue because of occupa- tional fraud, with $3.5 trillion of losses per year worldwide.14

What words do we use to describe behavior that is a little bit wrong? If you make personal phone calls at work, are you stealing? What about downloading songs from the Internet? Is it dishonest to reuse a stamp that wasn’t cancelled by the post office? The fragmented nature of society today makes defining ethical behavior more difficult. We separate our world into personal, business, political, and religious realms. We approach each realm with a different set of norms and behaviors. The segmentation can be an excuse to ignore ethical behavior appropri- ate in one context if we’re operating in another. We might find lying to friends and family completely unacceptable but rationalize lying at work.

Deception and fraud abound in society across all occupations and socioeco- nomic groups. Individuals from the fields of entertainment, sports, business, or pol- itics are frequently in the news because of deceptive, dishonest, or illegal actions. The publicized failings are so widespread that there is abundant temptation to rationalize our own shortcomings (although the failures of others clearly do not remove the responsibility to conduct ourselves in an ethical manner). We con- stantly confront choices and decisions (large and small) that have ethical implica- tions. Should we repeat rumors about other people? Should we answer honestly, even if the response may hurt a friend’s feelings? Is it wrong to take a few pens home from work?

It is indeed a sign of the times that nearly all textbooks, regardless of subject matter, now include a chapter on ethics; similarly, the curricula at most business schools include ethics courses. A cynic would argue that the trend accomplishes lit- tle. How can a few pages or one course succeed where years of socialization and/or religious instruction have failed? The question is valid, but engaging in discussion and recognizing different aspects of issues may sensitize us to proper behavior and attitudes and perhaps even elicit a sense of moral obligation.

Stephen Toulmin argues that the social function of ethics is to reconcile con- flicts of interest and to prevent avoidable suffering. A simplified version of Toul- min’s approach to ethics is to test individual actions by rules and to test those rules by their consequences.15 Our position in this chapter follows his suggestions and could be rephrased as: ethical communication should be fair, honest, and designed not to hurt other people.

 Ethics, Values, and Principles Ethics entails values, judgment, and conduct. Values provide the framework for

evaluating potential behavior, from which we make judgments about how to conduct ourselves ethically. From this perspective, ethics refers to standards of conduct based on moral duties and virtues (characteristics such as generosity, kindness, or valor) derived from principles of right and wrong. There are two behavioral dimensions to

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ethics. The first is the ability to discern right from wrong; the second is a commitment to do what is right, good, and appropriate. Thus, there is an action dimension to eth- ics; it involves active compliance with rules or standards of behavior.

The terms values and ethics are not synonyms. Discussions of ethics center around modes of conduct and behavior. Values, as discussed in chapter 6, are the composite beliefs and attitudes that determine how someone actually behaves. Our core values define our personal character and personality. Often, our values may conflict. For example, our commitment to honesty and fairness may conflict with our desire for wealth and success in some situations.

Consciously or subconsciously, we all have a personal value system that ranks competing values to help us decide how we will behave. Our personal value system encompasses our values of right and wrong, good and evil. Society collectively forms expectations for behavior. Ethical principles are the rules of conduct derived from a culture’s ethical values. For example, honesty is a value. From this value, we form many principles: be truthful, don’t mislead, don’t cheat, etc. Sometimes prin- ciples become laws to ensure social compliance. Some might argue that govern- ment has overstepped its boundaries in trying to legislate morals. Others see a decline of morals and advocate even more laws to regulate behavior.

 Communication, Ethics, and Society The disciplines of rhetoric and communication studies have long been inter-

ested in the subject of ethics. For Aristotle, a rhetor’s character or ethos was the most important element in public discourse. Quintilian argued that a good orator was a “good man speaking well.” There is universal agreement that human com- munication demands concern for ethics. Richard Johannesen, Kathleen Valde, and Karen Whedbee advise:

Potential ethical issues are inherent in any instance of communication between humans to the degree that the communication can be judged on a right-wrong dimension, that it involves possible significant influence on other humans, and that the communicator consciously chooses specific ends sought and communi- cative means to achieve those ends.16

Because communication involves the process of symbol selection, choice, and creation, some scholars argue that all intentional communication transactions inher- ently involve some degree of persuasion. As you may recall from chapter 3, lan- guage is the vehicle for social interaction, a practical tool for getting things done. It is also a form of social behavior. Through language, we define social roles and rules for behavior. Interaction with others creates the reality toward which we respond and act. Indeed, it makes a difference if we convince someone that a glass is either half- full or half-empty. In the former, there is a sense of hope and optimism. The latter involves caution and perhaps even despair. Ethical choices about language are man- datory in a society that negotiates boundaries of conduct through communication.

Historically, Americans place great faith in the ability of people to make ratio- nal and reasonable decisions in life. We also believe strongly in the guarantees of the First Amendment: freedom of speech and freedom of the press. These values

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and practices place a special burden on those who communicate with others. With freedom comes responsibility—responsibility for the form and content of our com- munication behavior. The importance of this point becomes clear when consider- ing the essential characteristics of a democratic form of government.

Accountability is essential to a representative democracy. Because citizens dele- gate authority to those who hold office, politicians must answer to the public for all actions and deeds. Information is critical for citizens to make informed judgments and evaluations of elected officials. Incomplete or inaccurate information can lead to bad public decisions. A free marketplace of ideas is also vital to the concept of democracy. Diversity of thought and respect for dissent are hallmarks of the values of freedom and justice. When multiple viewpoints are heard and expressed, the common good prevails over private interests. Finally, we enjoy a process of what Dennis Thompson calls collective deliberation on disputes about issues and funda- mental values.17 National and public debate determines the collective wisdom and will of the people.

Authority is a central concept in social and political thought. There are many forms of authority: bureaucratic, technical, or professional, to name a few. The role of authority in government is to guarantee social and political freedom—acting as a barrier to centralized, arbitrary, and despotic power. We use authority to protect our rights, to provide order and security, to manage conflict, and to distribute the benefits and burdens of society.

The authority of the U.S. government was established by the Constitution. The moral authority of government originates from the collective beliefs, attitudes, and values of citizens—the obligations and duties derived from shared community val- ues and ideals. From a democratic perspective, the very nature of authority rests precisely on the ability to inspire voluntary compliance. Moral authority rests on voluntary consent; without it, social violence, chaos, and coercion will be the norm.

A government is only as good, decent, and moral as its citizens. Individual integrity, responsibility, and accountability are the best check on government abuses. The collective social values of citizens become the conditions necessary for the existence of political authority. The government that encompasses and expresses our collective values ensures the respect and voluntary compliance of all citizens. Political authority rests on the assumption that it exists to promote the good of those who accept it and that the common good will prevail rather than the self-interests of those in authority.

We need to reaffirm our national civic values—the principles embodied in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights. The ideals of democracy, freedom, equality, and justice provide the basis for building commu- nity. Civic responsibility, accountability, and initiative should once again become touchstones of social life. Working toward the common good promotes the devel- opment of self-control, moral reasoning, and respect for others. This approach helps citizens recognize the values behind laws enacted to guarantee that every- one’s rights are protected. Democracy makes government accessible and account- able to ordinary citizens. We need leaders whose characters clearly demonstrate that they possess the moral authority necessary for governing. In order to elect bet- ter leaders, we must become better citizens, friends, and neighbors.

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Thus, at the very heart of democracy is public communication. The quality of that public communication directly impacts the quality of our democracy and soci- ety at large. We concur with philosopher Jack Odell, who over forty years ago rec- ognized and proclaimed:

A society without ethics is a society doomed to extinction. . . . Ethical principles are necessary preconditions for the existence of a social community. Without ethical principles, it would be impossible for human beings to live in harmony and without fear, despair, hopelessness, anxiety, apprehension, and uncertainty.18

Many decry the moral decay of American values. For more than a decade, the rate of Americans who think the morals of our nation are “poor” has hovered around 43 percent.19 Social and moral relativism dominate the public square today. In recent presidential elections, the extent to which religious values (historically, the primary source for ethical standards) and beliefs inform public policy was hotly debated. This debate will likely continue not only in the United States but also internationally as nations (such as Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Egypt) struggle to estab- lish more democratic forms of government.

Persuasion and Communication Ethics Persuasion is a tool of communication. It can be used by both good and bad

people for equally good or bad purposes. Strategies and tactics of persuasion are not inherently ethical or unethical. The motives of persuaders determine the nature of specific strategies and provide a context for judgment. For example, most aca- demics and politicians complain about the use of overtly emotional rather than more rational or logical appeals. However, one could argue that sometimes a strong emotional appeal is appropriate (for example, to convince teens not to drink and drive). Using a fear appeal as a threat or as blackmail, however, is coercive.

To illustrate the complexity of judging the appropriateness of various strategies and tactics of persuasion, consider the following dilemma. Suppose a terrorist group has threatened to explode a bomb in a city, potentially killing thousands of people. The police arrest a member of the group, but he or she refuses to talk. Should the police torture the terrorist to obtain the location of the bomb in order to save thou- sands of lives? Which outcome is worse: the torture of one individual or the failure to save thousands of innocent people? Is this a case where coercion may be warranted?

By its very nature, persuasion forces us to consider the ethical consequences of our own acts. When we communicate with a persuasive intent, we are usually seeking change in others rather than in ourselves. We expect those we address to risk changes in their attitudes or behaviors, even while we remain relatively comfortable in our own. Thus, the persuader gives up nothing while asking others to alter their lives. Under these circumstances, there is an understandable need to consider whether a communication transaction that places most of the risk on the receiver meets certain minimal standards of fairness and decency. Some of the types of risks persuaders may ask others to accept are: financial (“this product is worth your hard-earned dollars”), psychological (“your fear of large animals is irrational; you’ll enjoy an afternoon of horseback riding”), social (“no one will think less of you for agreeing to serve as an unpaid volunteer”), or physical (“you haven’t lived until you’ve tried hang gliding”).

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St. Augustine very clearly described the responsibility to communicate honestly.

It is evident that speech was given to man, not that man might therewith deceive one another, but that one man might make known his thoughts to another. To use speech, then for the purposes of deception, and not for its appointed end, is a sin.20

We have choices in what we say and how we say it. Communication ethics are req- uisite for social relationships and trust. Sissela Bok argues that:

There must be a minimal degree of trust in communication for language and action to be more than stabs in the dark. This is why some level of truthfulness has always been seen as essential to human society, no matter how deficient the observance of other moral principles.21

She cautions that trust in some degree of veracity is a foundation for relationships among human beings; without it, institutions would collapse.

The distinction for many scholars between truth and lying is the intent to mis- lead or not to disclose significant information. As communicators, we have a responsibility for veracity beyond personal motives. For example, consider that television programs to entertain children also sell to children. Advertisers seeking exposure on children’s programs target their young audiences by using appeals that will motivate them to buy (or lobby their parents to buy) products such as cereals or toys. The ethical line here is a thin one. By their nature, children are not yet savvy consumers. The match between marketing experts and vulnerable four-year- olds is grossly uneven. Because children lack an adult’s ability to discount the advertising puffery that is part of most product advertising, corporations have spe- cial obligations to their young audiences.

Sources of Attitudes and Values In chapter 6, we defined the concepts of beliefs, attitudes, and values and

argued that attitude change is the core concept in nearly all theories of persuasion. There are six generally agreed-upon sources that influence the construction of our beliefs, attitudes, and values: families, schools, social/peer groups, specific role models, societal institutions, and the media.

Early in our lives, parents provide our rules for behavior. The family has the greatest amount of influence in the socialization process. Through instruction and discipline, we gain a sense of right and wrong. As we grow older, we learn more from observing the behavior of our parents than we do from what they tell us. We learn a powerful lesson about deception when we see Dad call in sick and then go golfing. As important as religion is to Americans, religion as a source of beliefs and values is generally considered as a component in the influence of family.

After families, the second greatest influence on value formation is through the schools. They provide general civic education and rituals such as reciting the Pledge of Allegiance that help shape students’ attitudes toward government and expected social behavior and conduct. Of course, individual teachers can exert a great amount of influence, to the chagrin of some parents. Overall, schools today provide the most detailed standards of social conduct, attitudes, and worldviews.

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Next in influence are our social networks or peer groups. In adolescence, peer groups become an important influence; peer groups evolve and change over time. Ini- tially we learn from others in our neighborhood, school, and church. Eventually social clubs and the workplace become sources for peer pressure. Social network members exert a strong influence on specific issues, political ideology, and acceptable forms of social behavior. Generally, the influence of friends, neighbors, and close associates is one of reinforcement. We tend to associate with those of similar political beliefs, attitudes, values, and socioeconomic backgrounds. Thus, our peer and social networks provide information and support of preexisting beliefs and attitudes.

Role models other than our parents are another influence on our values and atti- tudes throughout our lives. Role models may be people we know, historical figures, or sports and media celebrities. By becoming psychologically involved with role models, we assume their ideas, attitudes, and behavior. Some social observers worry about the lack of genuine heroes today. Many parents are concerned about the influence of rock or media stars, such as Miley Cyrus or Howard Stern, on the values of their children.

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Even as adults, however, we are still influenced by real or fictionalized charac- ters. A telling moment for political observers was when President Ronald Reagan repeated Clint Eastwood’s line, “Go ahead, make my day,” to Congress in promis- ing to veto a tax increase. The allusion was very clear. The statement portrayed Reagan as strong, defiant, and heroic. Media stars, actors, and musicians routinely voice their opinions about social issues they support, sometimes testifying before congressional committees. Special causes generally benefit from association with celebrities because of increased publicity. However, because of the powerful impact of celebrities, many citizens believe that media stars and athletes have a moral obli- gation to set higher standards of social conduct than does the public at large. Inter- estingly, many athletes deny any such responsibility. They believe they are paid to play the game, and they are not obligated to accept any other responsibility. Tim Tebow, a celebrated quarterback at the University of Florida, generated a great deal of interest by proclaiming that he is and should be a role model for youth. He spoke proudly about his faith and openly prayed during ball games.

Social institutions are also important in influencing, changing, or reinforcing social values. We associate specific values and expectations of behavior with insti- tutions such as churches, government, and various professional organizations. We are shocked and disappointed when we learn of corruption within government, the police, or the medical profession, for example. There is a growing debate about the proper role of social and governmental institutions in instilling values among the populace. Should values education be taught in schools? Have we gone too far in removing religious values and principles from government? Within the last few years, several states have passed legislation to require moments of silence, character education programs, and the recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance.

Another major agent of political socialization is the media. The mediated socialization process also starts early in life. The general consensus is that exposure to mass media content impacts three broad aspects of a young person’s value for- mation: the cognitive (awareness and knowledge of issues, events), the affective (interest, attitudes toward issues), and the behavioral (interpersonal discussion, political and social participation). Critics are concerned about the amount of media influence on value development. Both entertainment and public affairs pro- gramming influence one’s perceptions about many social issues. There is a com- pounding effect because media also influences all the other important sources of value formation, such as family, peers, and teachers.

As discussed in chapter 11, the process of socialization begins early in life. Our beliefs, attitudes, and values form the basis of our character as individuals and as a society. They also define what behavior and conduct we will judge as ethical in our daily interactions.

Categories of Communication Ethics Ronald Arnett reviewed studies related to communication ethics published

from 1915 to 1985. He identified five approaches to communication: democratic ethics, universal-humanitarian ethics, procedural or code ethics, contextual ethics, and narrative ethics. His classification has become a mainstay and starting point for considerations of communication ethics.22

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Democratic ethical concerns, as already mentioned, focus on how to improve the functioning of democracy in the United States. Guidelines address the need for openness, accuracy, mutual respect, and justice.

The universal-humanitarian approach to communication ethics attempts to identify universal, concrete guidelines for social interaction. Concepts important to this approach are: wisdom, morality, social and human values, rationality, character, com- mitment, and responsibility, to name only a few. This approach resembles Platonic idealism but also recognizes the importance of individual honesty, truth, and dignity.

Almost every organization and profession has developed standards of con- duct—a procedural code approach to ethics. They range from the very narrow and specific to the most broad and idealistic. Even a casual reading finds many of the guidelines rather optimistic, especially in light of contemporary practices. For example, members of the American Association of Political Consultants sign a code pledging to “use no appeal to voters which is based on racism or discrimina- tion,” to “refrain from false and misleading attacks on an opponent,” and to “be honest in my relationship with the press.” In light of such guidelines, few political ads would qualify. As discussed in chapter 11, political ads routinely violate one or more of the above guidelines. Of course, the value of professional codes for an organization or profession is a public acknowledgement of acceptable standards of behavior. The codes offer ideal standards for decision making about ethical prac- tices. If you search the Internet, you will find a number of organizational and pro- fessional codes. A quick reading reveals great similarity in the values and goals espoused in the various statements. Many of the statements could work for nearly any profession or social endeavor.

Proponents of contextual ethics argue that one must consider the dynamics and elements of the situation when rendering ethical judgments. Audience adaptation, symbolic choice, and flexibility become key issues. Lying may even be acceptable if the contextual requirements dictate such a strategy.23 For example, the Defense Department during a war might deny that an aircrew had been shot down in a hos- tile country; security concerns would override the necessity to tell the truth. While there may be problems identifying and articulating absolute ethical standards, few scholars would advocate complete reliance on a situational approach to communi- cation ethics.

Of the various approaches, narrative ethics is the newest and most theoretical. In many ways, it is a combination of all the others. At the heart of this approach is the belief that social drama, vision, and storytelling interact to construct community values. A code emerges from public discussion and interaction. Public narratives provide the rationale for action and social definitions. In essence, this approach recognizes the dynamic nature of ethical considerations, a process produced through constant public/private dialog.

These five approaches to ethics represent attempts to understand a complex topic from varying perspectives. The categories are not mutually exclusive; they are descriptive labels rather than prescriptive rules. Knowing how others have analyzed and approached ethical dilemmas provides an array of choices when we must make our own decisions. Karl Wallace identifies four basic habits that comprise a democratic ethic, for example. The “habits” include: a “habit of search” (knowl-

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edge), a habit of justice (fairness and accuracy), a habit of preferring public to pri- vate motivations (the common good), a habit of respect for dissent.24

 Considerations for Ethical Communication There are several basic procedures to guide our decision making about whether

a persuasive appeal is ethical. First, search your conscience. Reflect on the lessons and values of your upbringing. Would you ask your parents to follow the prescribed action? Would your grandparents approve? How would your favorite teacher react? A second test is peer consultation. We can discuss our ideas, appeals, or approaches with friends, mentors, or other people we respect and trust. Interpersonal discus- sion may help us sort out our motives, suggest our biases, and help focus on the pri- mary issues of conflict. The third test is publicity. Here you test ideas or arguments with representatives of the people most likely to be affected by your opinions. For example, suggest a smoking ban to a smoker or gun restrictions to an avid hunter. Finally, look for personal, religious, or professional guidelines. Many samples are provided throughout this chapter. Some ethicists argue that the only guideline nec- essary is the golden rule, “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.”

James Chesebro has proposed five ethical standards in communication. First, he suggests that ethical standards of communication should reflect the political structure of the society. In our case, our standards should mirror the values of a democratic society. Second, the standards should reflect “a more universal, human- istic perspective of humans.” This means that communication should develop and expand opportunities for individuals. Third, “ethical communication should con- centrate upon the means used to attain an end.” Fourth, standards should enhance communication itself. Finally, he favors situational and contextual factors influenc- ing ethical standards rather than a universal set of standards for all cases.25

Sissela Bok has several recommendations to avoid deceiving others. She sug- gests that people can:

decide to rule out deception wherever honest alternatives exist, and become much more adept at thinking up honest ways to deal with problems. They can learn to look with much greater care at the remaining choices where deception seems the only way out. They can make use of the test of publicity to help them set standards to govern their participation in deceptive practices. Finally, they can learn to beware of efforts to dupe them, and make clear their preference for honesty even in small things.26

A casual survey of communication textbooks and codes provides a wide range of “do’s” and “don’ts” to ensure ethical persuasive communication. Below we identify and summarize some of the most common standards in relation to the communicator, the message, the medium, and the receiver. We conclude by provid- ing a list of desired ethical values of communicators.

Communicator Considerations 1. Do not misrepresent personal knowledge, experience, or skills.

2. Do not conceal personal motives or purposes for persuasive appeals.

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3. Do not misrepresent, distort, or ignore consequences of actions advocated.

4. Do not advocate ideas, positions, or actions in which you do not believe.

5. Do not advocate actions or behaviors of others that are dangerous, illegal, or unethical.

6. Do not use coercion or manipulation to achieve ends.

7. Respect diversity of opinions.

8. Encourage full discussion and debate of issues.

9. When developing an argument, provide the very best thinking and reason- ing based on the most current evidence.

10. Respect individuals’ right to privacy.

11. Select and present facts and opinions fairly.

12. Reveal sources of information and opinions.

Message Considerations 1. Do not use false, fictitious, distorted, or irrelevant information or evidence

to support arguments or claims.

2. Do not intentionally use misleading or illogical reasoning.

3. Do not oversimplify complex issues, positions, or situations into polar views or choices.

4. Do not artificially link ideas or arguments to emotional appeals or claims.

5. Do not use language that is confusing or misleading to an audience.

6. Do not attack the personal character of opponents.

7. Do not use sexist or racist language or appeals.

8. Do not make false or misleading comparisons.

9. Do not quote people out of context or in such a way as to distort their orig- inal intent.

10. Avoid offensive appeals or materials.

11. In presentations, utilize the most timely and accurate information available.

12. Clearly distinguish among assumptions, opinions, and facts.

Medium Considerations 1. Do not use visual devices, effects, or techniques that distort information or

deceive the audience (for example, exaggerated camera angles, lighting, etc.).

2. Do not use sound effects or devices that distort or deceive the audience (for example, the use of compressed speech, background music, etc.).

3. Do not use visual, symbolic artifacts such as flags, children, or animals that generate emotional support or divert attention away from the issue or evi- dence presented.

4. The technology of or the access to the medium should not be the determin- ing factor of influence, information, or message understanding.

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Receiver Considerations 1. Be open to dissent and the opinions of others.

2. Listen critically in order to analyze, synthesize, and properly interpret and evaluate ideas or arguments presented.

3. Be prepared to provide a response or feedback to the ideas or arguments presented.

4. Do not be defensive or ego-involved in responses.

5. Do not judge an argument or position based on the speaker’s race, religion, sex, or cultural heritage.

6. Be honest in responses.

Ethical Values of Communicators Ethical persuasive discourse is essentially identical to all other ethical commu-

nication. The following values are characteristics of an ethical communicator.

1. Honesty—individuals are truthful, open, sincere, and objective.

2. Integrity—individuals are principled with a sense of values; they are will- ing to take a stand.

3. Caring—individuals are empathetic and concerned about the feelings and circumstances of others.

4. Respect—individuals believe in the dignity and value of all humans.

5. Fairness—individuals are committed to the expression of diversity of opin- ion and equal justice for everyone—even if expressed opinions are radi- cally different.

6. Democracy—individuals advocate the values of liberty, equality, and the process of open debate and discussion of ideas and issues.

7. Responsibility or accountability—individuals are willing to be responsible for actions and ideas advocated.

8. Civic virtue—individuals are committed to public service and the exercise of responsible citizenship.

9. Competence—individuals are knowledgeable, intelligent, and capable of performing or completing tasks as claimed.

10. Reliability—individuals are dependable, consistent, and loyal.

Much of the information in this textbook is directed to an audience with fairly similar worldviews. Today, the idea of community has expanded on some levels to global proportions. This means the Western worldview encounters Eastern beliefs or third-world philosophies. The anger and frustration of Middle Eastern Islamic nations against the United States, as reflected in the extreme attack on the World Trade Cen- ter in New York on September 11, 2001, is a case in point. Is there a generic ethical code that allows people of diverse backgrounds to communicate ethically?

The New Ethic website outlines “an ethic for the information age, acceptable to all humans regardless of religion, ethnicity, or sex, based on good will, coopera-

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tion, and equality and the avoidance of domination, deceit, and exploitation.”27

Developments in information technology, communication, and travel have reduced distances. To preserve world peace and continued prosperity, there is a need for globally accepted ethical norms. Seven key values are summarized below.

1. Benevolence—goodwill or good intention, cooperation, peace, loyalty, soli- darity, compassion, caring, and humility. Involves respect for others and the readiness to help instead of to harm and to sympathize rather than to judge.

2. Equality—avoidance of domination and oppression. Exercise the least pos- sible force, constraint, violence, threat, or power over the other. Refrain from the exploitation of perceived weakness (such as infirmity, old age, vul- nerability, ignorance, gullibility, or any handicap). Work to eliminate social exclusion; inclusion is marked by the absence of racial, ethnic, religious, sexual, class, and cultural prejudice.

3. Truthfulness—honesty and truth are the building blocks for a better future. Lies, pretense, and fraud work against the creation of a better world.

4. Equity—social justice for all. People must have the basic necessities of life; abject poverty makes moral conduct almost impossible. Information should be free; everyone with a desire to learn must be guaranteed the opportunity for an education to her/his fullest potential.

5. Environmental protection—protect the environment to the extent possible given a society’s needs for the basic necessities of life.

6. Freedom—everyone should enjoy freedom of action as long as it doesn’t interfere with the freedom of others.

7. Treat others as you wish that others would treat you—the golden rule is unequaled in succinctly summing up the right moral conduct. Although one can cite exceptions to its validity on technical grounds, the point is that any person of adequate intelligence can grasp its intent and understand its appli- cability in concrete cases.

 Areas of Special Concern We discussed ethical communication behaviors as an essential foundation for

interpersonal relationships. They are also essential elements of any professional endeavor. In addition, some professions or communication industries tend to gen- erate special ethical concerns. These include media and new technologies, news journalism, and politics. While the “sins” are easy to describe and illustrate, our purpose here is to highlight general concerns and to suggest some actions.

Media and New Technologies Computers, fiber optics, and satellites have introduced an era of high-speed

communication that greatly impacts the creation, collection, and dissemination of information. Our laws and social expectations have not kept up with the rapid changes in communication technologies. The Internet has become one of the defin- ing scientific and social innovations of the twenty-first century. The “information

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superhighway,” as it was originally called, created the ability to link people and resources in a way that was never previously possible. Users share data of all types, communicate messages, discuss topics, and connect to computers and mobile devices all over the world.

The distribution of the numbers of Internet users in the world is: 44.8% in Asia, 21.5% in Europe, 11.4% in North America; 10.4% in Latin America; 7% in Africa, 3.7% in the Middle East, and 1% in Australia. However, if we look at pene- tration (percentage of the population), North America has the highest level at 78.6% compared to 67.6% for Australia, 63.2% for Europe, 42.9% in Latin Amer- ica, 40.2% in the Middle East, 27.5% for Asia, and 15.6% for Africa. The world average in 2012 was 34.3 percent.28 Eighty percent of the population in the United States in 2012 used the Internet.29

Because of the freedom of expression allowed on this unique network, the pos- sibilities for learning and enrichment are endless. There is a delicate balance between freedom and privacy, access and dissemination of information and pro- tecting intellectual property, as well as open access to everything and social harm (such as pornography).30 But with a network so large (and a territory so uncharted), there is great concern about the quality of material readily available to anyone accessing the web.

The Internet is unique; every individual connected to it defines his or her cor- ner of cyberspace. There is no Internet, Inc., no board of directors, no president, and very few rules (if any). While access to the web is generally through a service provider (whether a commercial online service such as Yahoo, or a telecommuni- cations company such as Time Warner, or a university), the service provider’s obli- gation usually ends when the customer opens a connection. From that point on, it is up to each user to seek out information, assess its accuracy, and decide whether to transfer it to the user’s own computer.

Misrepresentation and outright lying are rather commonplace on the web. According to the 2012 Internet Crime Report, auto fraud (selling vehicles for which one does not have the title) was the most frequent crime followed by FBI-related scams (in which a criminal poses as the FBI to defraud victims). Other scams are intimidation/extortion (phone calls claiming malware on the computer, delinquent payments, or grandchildren in distress), identity theft (unauthorized use of an indi- vidual’s personal information to commit crimes), and real estate fraud.31 There is even a category of “romance scams,” where victims are targeted to establish a romantic relationship to steal their wealth. The total number of reported Internet scams was approximately 290,000, with victim losses exceeding $525 million.

There are special concerns about the safety of children and teenagers using the Internet. Some of the risks include exposure to inappropriate material, emotional vulnerability from sharing personal information with strangers, or harassment from demeaning or belligerent e-mail or bulletin-board messages. As Internet con- nections in public schools increase, educators face a number of challenges. Imag- ine, for example, a middle-school student researching a paper on the history and construction of the White House. A simple query to “whitehouse.com” leads to a pornographic site whose page contains full nudity and proclaims, “We are the Worldwide Leader in Adult and Political Entertainment.” Most service providers

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and user organizations have created guidelines for acceptable Internet usage. Like- wise, many public schools have found it necessary to develop both student and parental agreements outlining the rules and risks of Internet usage.

Questions about privacy and ownership of communication are increasingly topics not only for discussion but also for policy formation. Defining what is private in the workplace is becoming more difficult and complex. Is computer e-mail pri- vate and confidential? Does your host system or organization keep records of your destinations on the Internet? Do computer files on office machines belong to you or to your organization? Employers are monitoring phone calls, reading e-mail, installing hidden video cameras, conducting routine background checks, and obtaining a wide range of personal and medical information that may influence evaluations of performance. Technological advances have changed the nature of work, communication, and supervisory functions in the workplace—and have made issues of privacy even more acute.

Computers and mobile devices record every message and purchase made through a network. Buying products online provides a customer profile of purchas- ing behavior. Organizations and firms imbed cookies—information that a server places on your hard drive that identifies specific details of how you use the web (such as site visits, frequency of visits, banner ads accessed, etc.). Over time, the provider can customize the site in terms of your likes and preferences, largely with- out your knowledge or awareness.

Another example of technology’s impact on communication is the increasing use of photo manipulation, which is now virtually impossible to detect. Some manipulations may seem harmless and even humorous as when TV Guide, in a cover story on Oprah Winfrey, superimposed Oprah’s face on the body of Ann- Margaret or when CBS released a “slimmed-down” publicity photo of Katie Cou- ric for the publicity about her becoming the new anchor for the evening news. Are these depictions disrespectful or dishonest or both? What about the removal of a soft-drink can from the photo of a Pulitzer prize-winning photographer? A quick search on Google reveals hundreds of thousands companies offering services for photo manipulation or photo illustration (in fact, entering “photo manipulation companies” on Google returns almost 10.4 million responses). Some editors and publishers argue that manipulated photos or videos are a disservice to history. Peo- ple do not have the right to alter what is true and actual. Others argue that manipu- lated photos do not convey accurate information and thus, by definition, distort reality; such photos are false and misleading. At the very least, scholars and observers contend that all manipulated photographs should carry proper disclosure and explanation.32

Photo manipulation in covering the news, especially in times of war and inter- national turmoil, is a dangerously misleading behavior. Photos can be used for pro- paganda, and they can create deadly impressions. During the 2006 Israeli/ Hezbollah war, Reuters news agency broke its ties with freelance photographer Adnan Hajj after a blog exposed the fact he had doctored two of his photos. Reuters removed all 920 of his photographs from its database.33 Some of the photos were digitally manipulated; others reflected scenes staged by Hezbollah as if they were authentic and spontaneous. Some were staged or set up by the photographer,

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and false or misleading captions were used on photos that had been taken at a dif- ferent time or place. The photos were propaganda to inflame citizen emotions and to distort the behavior of Israeli troops.34

In many newsrooms it is unethical to publish a retouched photo. Most editors agree that retouching of a news photograph should be limited to basic exposure and color correction, cropping, resizing, or conversion to grayscale. Any additional enhancing of a photo should be clearly labeled in the caption as a “news illustra- tion,” so that readers are aware that the photo has been altered. Today, each media organization has their own set of ethical guidelines for journalists to follow.

Some of the problems associated with technology can be regulated. However, as is the case with most questions of ethics, issues are very complex. Resolutions are generally the product of human judgment colored by the particular context and norms established through previous experience. The public will continue to encounter ethical implications in the use of technology.

News Journalism Criticisms of the press range from allegations of distortion to outright lying.

Generally, the public thinks that the press has become too powerful, too negative, and too biased in its news coverage. In 2013, a national survey by the Pew Research Center found that 67 percent of Americans think news stories are inaccurate, 58 per- cent consider the stories politically biased, 76 percent perceive the stories as favoring one side, and 35 percent believe the American press actually hurts democracy.35

Much of the criticism of contemporary journalism focuses on the coverage of politics and political campaigns. Among the first to raise concerns about the chang- ing nature of American political campaign coverage was Larry Sabato in the early 1990s. He recognized that such coverage

has become a spectacle without equal in modern American politics: the news media, print and broadcast, go after a wounded politician like sharks in a feed- ing frenzy. The wounds may have been self-inflicted, and the politician may richly deserve his or her fate, but the journalists now take center stage in the process, creating the news as much as reporting it, changing both the shape of election-year politics and the contours of government.36

We can segment the criticisms of news journalism into five major areas of con- cern. First, there is concern about how the media cover people, places, and events. Some argue that the coverage is largely irrelevant to the average citizen. Journalists tend to ask questions for themselves rather than questions that reflect the interests of citizens. The inquiries tend to be hostile, technical, and designed to catch the interviewee in a misstatement. Reporters provide far more coverage on people than events, sensational behaviors rather than the routine, and superficial overviews rather than in-depth analyses. James Fallows believes that these problems are the result of journalists moving away from their central values. In essence, “main- stream journalism has fallen into the habit of portraying public life in America as a race to the bottom, in which one group of conniving, insincere politicians cease- lessly tries to outmaneuver another.”37 To attract viewers (and advertisers), news programs often resemble entertainment rather than objective reporting. There is

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too much tabloid journalism creating drama and seeking emotional reactions (often with “slick” editing). Some news outlets pay sources for exclusive inter- views—and accept limitations on the type of questions that will be asked.

Media critics point to a second major area of concern—the negativity of the press—that has contributed to public alienation from the political process. Since the 1970s, journalists have increasingly added more negative spin and interpreta- tion of events and issues. Since Watergate, news coverage in general tends to be more negative. This is also true for coverage of presidential campaigns. Voters expressed strong criticism of the 2012 presidential campaign.38 Fifty-one percent thought there was less discussion of issues than usual (compared to 34 percent in the 2008 election, 42 percent in 2004, and 36 percent in 2000). Sixty-eight percent thought there was more negative campaigning and mudslinging than usual (com- pared to 54% in 2008, 72 percent in 2004, and 34 percent in 2000).

Third, and somewhat related, is the concern about general media bias. For more than 30 years, academics, media professionals, and partisan pundits have alleged bias in the media. Alden Williams argued that media is biased if it is will- ful, influential, threatening to commonly held conventions, and sustained over a period of time. He perceived media bias not as an isolated news report but rather a willful prejudice in content that over time prevents impartial judgment or under- standing by the public.39 For decades, conservative politicians, pundits, and talk show celebrities complained about what they perceived as the liberal bias of the mainstream media and most cable news organizations. Indeed, Brant Bozell founded the Media Research Center in 1987 to “bring balance and responsibility to the news media” and to systematically document “the extent of media bias.”40 The opposite perspective was represented in publications such as Eric Alterman’s (2003) What Liberal Media? , Joe Conason’s (2003) Big Lies: The Right-Wing Propa- ganda Machine and How It Distorts the Truth, and Al Franken’s (2005) Lies and the Lying Liars Who Tell Them.

Fourth, much of the criticism of contemporary journalism focuses on the cov- erage of politics and political campaigns. Joseph Cappella and Kathleen Jamieson argue that the contemporary journalistic culture and its focus on strategy, conflict, and motives encourage public cynicism.41 Specifically, they claim that voters exposed to news framed in terms of campaign strategy report higher levels of cyni- cism than those who saw it framed in the more traditional problem-solution story formats. Campaign strategy coverage is comprised of several characteristics: win- ning and losing are the central concerns; the language of war, games, and competi- tion dominates; stories with performers, critics, and audience hold attention; performance, style, and perception of the candidate are central features; and there is heavy reliance on polls. For Cappella and Jamieson, strategic coverage of cam- paigns and government is problematic and invites:

the attribution of cynical motives to political actors in campaigns and public policy debates, not because voters are distanced from the process but precisely because they are drawn into it and, through a rational analysis of the politi- cians whose motives they have come to know, reject the actors and ultimately the process.42

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The result is a “spiral of cynicism” in which “reporters and politicians justify their own cynical discourse by saying that it is required by the other. By produc- ing the predicted discourse, each reinforces the assumption the other brought to the exchange.”43

Richard Davis and Diana Owen explain the fifth concern about the media: the rise of an elite corps of “celebrity journalists” that increasingly become integral parts of news stories and events.44 They enjoy celebrity status in terms of pay, perks, fan clubs, and huge speaker fees; they have their own “star system” and compete for airtime. Accompanying this trend is the rise of interpretive content of news; each story has a slant to fit a particular news theme. Stories are shorter to accommodate more human-interest segments (stories that focus on the personal experiences of people not in the public spotlight). There has been a recent trend of individuals moving from political jobs to the newsroom. These partisan pundits “masquerade as reporters on newscasts and talk shows.”45 There is no expectation or pretense of objectivity or independence. Some “celebrity” journalists appear in movies as well as in product commercials. How are we expected to know what is real and who is credible?

Much has been written about the media and media ethics. We want to empha- size that broadcast news is a human communication endeavor. “News” is selected, created, and communicated by people. News is much more than just facts. It is a story and an argument—an example of how the journalist perceives reality and the symbols he or she uses to describe that reality to the audience. News stories influ- ence how readers and viewers perceive reality. As television viewers, we need to recognize that news broadcasts contain very persuasive messages. News and the truth are not the same thing. News reporting is just one version of the facts—a cre- ated sequence. Some aspects are magnified; others are downplayed.

Ethical considerations for journalists include the following five factors. Story selection should be based on newsworthiness—not on whether the story fits a partic- ular worldview. Second, source selection should involve careful evaluation of infor- mation and reliability rather than selecting only sources that mirror the opinions of a preferred position. Third, fact selection and arrangement must report all perspec- tives in a balanced manner. Fourth, language selection impacts the reporting; select language that is devoid of bias or emotion. Finally, timing and context are impor- tant; provide the proper context for story, facts, and opinions for balanced, fair reporting. Reporting on terrorism presents some very special challenges in terms of media coverage, sources, and balance. The news media can be used by terrorists, but just how patriotic should broadcasters be? Should media outlets avoid participating in negotiations with terrorist groups? Should they reveal secret military information?

The proliferation of online newspapers and political blogs raise multiple ques- tions regarding whether they are journalism and how journalistic ethics apply. Journalists at the Poynter Institute generated a series of protocols for editors and online journalists to follow related to content reliability, database information, linking, potentially offensive or harmful content, and journalistic integrity and commercial pressure. Some of the guidelines are summarized below:

• Ensure information on website has been edited to a standard equal to print or broadcast standards.

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• Notify online users if newsworthy materials originated from outside the site and whether they were edited or reviewed to meet acceptable standards.

• Be sensitive to individuals’ privacy rights when compiling and making data- bases available.

• Particularize data only when the public’s right to know outweighs individual privacy concerns.

• Links should be clearly identified as either editorial or commercial (site has received money to include).

• Review all sites linked in terms of taste, relevance, currency, and accuracy.

• Formulate standards regarding permissible language and behavior for inter- active areas and make them known to users.

• The audience should be able to clearly distinguish between editorial content and advertising, etc.

• If tracking technologies (such as cookies) are used, they should not intrude on or violate the privacy of the user.46

Not all bloggers are journalists. Blogs by their nature are more casual and informal. However, because the material is public, responsible bloggers should be sensitive to their readers, the people they write about, and societal norms in gen- eral. CyberJournalist.net created a Bloggers’ Code of Ethics that specifies accept- able behavior. In essence, bloggers should be honest and fair in gathering, reporting, and interpreting information. To minimize harm, they should treat sources and subjects as human beings deserving of respect. In addition, they must be accountable—quick to admit mistakes, to disclose conflicts of interest and per- sonal agendas, and to avoid advertiser pressure to influence content.47

Some of the persuasive dimensions of news journalism include technology (cam- era angles, editing, special effects), the newsgathering process (deadlines, reliability, and truthfulness of sources), story structure (drama, conflict, action, novel), interpre- tation (personal bias, ideological orientations), and social action (agenda setting, ini- tiating public debate). All of the areas can present ethical dilemmas and require mindful analysis when deciding whether the reporting meets ethical standards.

Neil Postman offers several recommendations when viewing news program- ming.48

1. In encountering a news show, you must come up with a firm idea of what is important—one needs some basis, knowledge, or criteria for evaluating the significance of “news.” In order not to be manipulated by news, viewers need to have some concrete idea of what is significant and of value in their lives.

2. In preparing to watch a TV news show, keep in mind that it is called a “show”—the priority of local stations and networks is not citizen educa- tion. News is a business endeavor to garner viewers for commercial pur- poses. This consideration helps us to remember that news is portrayed in dramatic and stylistic ways.

3. Never underestimate the power of commercials—as presented in chapter 10, commercials are planned, purposeful attempts of persuasion.

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4. Learn something about the economic and political interests of those who run TV stations.

5. Pay special attention to the language of newscasts—language frames the pictures and creates the reality toward which we act. Language reflects our views of issues, places, events, and the world.

6. Reduce by at least one-third the amount of TV news you watch—there is a tremendous amount of redundancy in news, and less than half of the stories are really “news” rather than stories chosen for their entertainment value.

7. Reduce by one-third the number of opinions you feel obligated to have—not all views are equally correct or deserve your attention. One needs to be reflective and base attitudes and beliefs on experience and reasonable factors.

8. Do whatever you can to get schools interested in teaching children how to watch TV news shows.

Without question, there are special and unique ethical considerations for the press: good news versus bad news, issues of privacy and objectivity, degree of explicitness of video footage, use of hidden cameras and recorders, use of unnamed sources, and “off the record” versus “on the record,” to name only a few. While our intent is not to provide a laundry list of ethical journalistic rules and practices, we do suggest that the practice of journalism should reflect the social values of our nation. Such values include honesty, fairness, humaneness, social responsibility, stewardship, and respect.

Politics and Political Communication Historically, there has always been great skepticism about the practice of politics

and, above all, about politicians. In many public opinion polls, people find that poli- ticians are more dishonest than car salespeople and attorneys. Part of the problem is the continual string of shocking behavior by many politicians: the Watergate hear- ings during the Nixon administration and the impeachment hearings about Bill Clinton’s sexual misconduct in office are two examples. Some ethical dilemmas arise because of the difference between campaigning and governing. At the 1988 Republican national convention, George H. Bush pledged: “Read my lips; no new taxes.” The declaration became a prominent sound bite, and the promise was seared into the public consciousness. Bush’s reversal of the pledge during his term in office was portrayed as an act of willful deception and outright lying, not as an act of lead- ership and conscience to reduce the budget deficit. Some scholars attribute his defeat in 1992 to the reversal. Many Americans believe George W. Bush misled citizens in terms of Iraq owning weapons of mass destruction. It is now a common assumption that politicians will say or do almost anything to get elected. The critical question is whether ethical politics is possible or whether the phrase is an oxymoron.

To address campaign ethics is a daunting task for several reasons. First, politi- cal campaigns are mediated events. Few Americans experience campaigns first- hand. We experience campaigns, the candidates, and the issues through media portrayals. In the United States, television is still the prominent medium for politi- cal campaigning. To complicate matters more, how we form political attitudes and

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candidate images of competence, leadership, and character depends largely on the mediums viewed and messages attended. Seldom does one message determine preference. In some cases, years of media exposure condition specific responses during campaigns. Given the complexity of the media’s role in electoral politics, it is difficult to trace all the strands of campaign ethics.

Second, there are many players involved in campaigns: candidates, consul- tants, reporters, editors, etc. There are certainly no uniform considerations of ethics among all the players. However, each has some role in determining how the candi- date is portrayed or presented and in the strategy of a campaign.

Third, there are multiple media and candidate activities involved in cam- paigns, from bumper stickers to political advertising, to two-minute news packages, to the talking-head political shows, to the constantly increasing number of candi- date debates. The ethical concerns or decisions lie not in the “machinery” of cam- paigns but in the people who use the media, strategies, and tactics. While true, this rationale is too simplistic and only part of the story. Of course, intentionality is a variable of ethics, but so is capability or access. For example, television is usually targeted as the source of numerous social and political ills: reduced voter turnout, decline of political parties, decline of political participation, reduction of issue dis- cussion to sound bites, automatic reelection of incumbents, increased use of sym- bolic rather than problem-solving strategies of leadership, and an increase of general public distrust and cynicism, to name only a few. Are these concerns the results of the medium itself, the content, access, control, or socialization (i.e., how we use a medium)?

Fourth, there really is no single set of standards, criteria, or behavior that defines political campaign ethics, despite the proliferation of individual codes of ethics for professional groups. Everyone would pay lip service to the necessity to tell the truth in political ads. But do we need to tell the “whole truth and nothing but the truth”? While what is said may be true, what is not said could be more useful in voter deci- sion-making. In practice, political ads only tell part of any story or political claim.

Royce Hanson draws on the metaphors of war to describe campaigning and democratic governance.49 He views campaigns as surrogates for civil war where bal- lots are substituted for bullets. The vocabulary of a campaign is rich in the language of warfare (i.e., victory and defeat, attack and counterattack, strategy and tactics, rallying the troops, etc.). However, there are interesting differences between ethical considerations of war and democracy. For example, during war, ethical constraints are relaxed. It is not unethical to mislead the enemy, spy on them, or withhold information from your own citizens and soldiers to protect strategic advantages. However, democracy demands ethical principles. Voters must have access to the information necessary to make informed decisions. Democracy condemns lying and secrecy as political and governing strategies. Misinformation is dangerous to informed choice. In campaigns, “truth” is assumed to emerge from the competition between candidates. Hanson notes that unlike trials by jury, campaigns follow no rules of evidence. No one is under oath; everything is admissible and deniable. Under the rules of political engagement, we expect each candidate to present views and positions most favorable to his or her campaign, as well as those most damning to the opponent.

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Bruce Gronbeck developed a model to assess ethical issues of presidential cam- paigns.50 He views campaigns as corporate rhetorical ventures in which it is becoming increasingly difficult to place blame on individuals. Gronbeck argues that in order to make ethical assessments, citizens reduce campaigns to compre- hensible dramas where they examine the action (motives), people (character), and thoughts (competence as politicians) of the candidates. These dramas can be assessed from four moral vantage points: message makers, message consumers, the messages themselves, and situation expectations. In constructing a 3 × 4 matrix (see figure 12.1), Gronbeck generates 12 questions voters should ask in assessing the ethical dimensions of presidential candidates.

Beyond candidate promises and attacks, political ads are the most problematic in terms of veracity and truth. Yet, political ads are the primary source of campaign information for the vast majority of voters. Research indicates that political ads do educate viewers about issues, influence voter perceptions about candidates, and especially influence late-deciding or undecided voters.51

Scholars voice many concerns about the influence of political ads. First, in many ways, they “buy” access to voters. Only campaigns that raise enough cash will be able to purchase advertising time. Large Political Action Committees can spend large sums of money advocating a special cause or candidate favorable to a specific issue position or view. If, as some argue, money equates with free speech, then some politicians and organizations have more “free” speech than others.

Another enduring criticism of political advertising is the dependence on emo- tion and strong visuals to convey meaning rather than a more rational, logical dis- cussion of issues. In essence, political spots tend to detract from rational decision making by concentrating on images instead of issues, resulting in emotional, not

Moral Vantages

Message Makers

Message Consumers

Messages

Situations

Competence

Have candidates dem- onstrated political com- petence?

What measures of polit- ical competence are used by particular sets of voters?

Are candidates illustrat- ing their political com- petence in messages and in responses to opponents’ messages?

Are candidates han- dling various political situations competently?

Character

Are candidates’ charac- terological styles acceptable?

What characterological styles do sets of voters find acceptable?

Are candidates’ charac- terological styles depicted in acceptable ways?

What characterological styles are expected in various situations?

Motives

Are candidates’ motives acceptable?

What political motives do sets of voters find acceptable?

Are candidates’ motives expressed in acceptable ways?

What motives are acceptable in various situations?

Figure 12.1 Questions to Guide Voters’ Ethical Judgments in Presidential Campaigns

Ethical Pivots

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logical, vote choices. Another criticism is that political spots tend to oversimplify issues, thus debasing and even trivializing the electoral process. It is nearly impossi- ble to fully explain the complexity of most issues in 30 or 60 seconds. As a result, most ads are superficial, containing half-truths and some distortion of information.

Using technology for visual manipulation is commonplace in campaigns and includes editing techniques, special effects, visual imagery or dramatizations, and photo manipulation. The “morphing” technique transforms objects or candidates (such as the Pinocchio effect—elongating an opponent’s nose to imply lack of truth- fulness). Computer enhancement allows candidates to superimpose the image of the opponent in situations that have particular meaning for some groups of voters.

Scholars have found that attack or negative political ads influence voters because they are more compelling, more memorable, and more believable than positive ads.52 However, Stephen Ansolabehere and Shanto Iyengar find that the heavy reliance on negative political ads results in lower voter turnout and general public cynicism. “Attack advertisements resonate with the popular beliefs that gov- ernment fails, that elected officials are out of touch and quite corrupt, and that vot- ing is a hollow act. The end result: lower turnout and lower trust in government, regardless of which party rules.”53

Failure to disclose information is a common ethical problem. Even if the sources of allegations are disclosed, the references are on the screen for just a mat- ter of seconds and often out of context. Visual impressions may lead viewers to “see what they want to see.” Messages may be intentionally ambiguous, omitting essential information. Messages can be inconsistent, depending on the audience to which it is delivered. While there are numerous ethical issues and concerns about political campaigns and communication, we believe strongly that democratic life carries responsibilities for audiences and citizens as well as for politicians. The pol- ity must share the praise or blame that it heaps on its leaders. Their failures are, in many ways, our failures. Becoming an informed, educated, and critical voter is your best safeguard against unethical political advertising.

Public Discourse We conclude the chapter with a consideration of the essential role of ethical pub-

lic discourse. According to Celeste Condit, public morality is “constructed by collec- tivities through their public discourse in a process of reflexive reproduction that utilizes the capacity of discourse simultaneously to create, extend, and apply moral concepts.”54 The public and the individual interact to produce morality. More specif- ically, “it is through the arguments of individuals about enactment of particular moral rulings that the collective moral code is built.”55 The process of constructing public morality “fulfills the human urge for goodness, creativity, and perfection.”56

Especially in the mid-term Congressional elections of 2010 and the Presidential contest of 2012, candidates were routinely booed, interrupted by outraged citizens. Anger and shouting erupted frequently at campaign events. Elected leaders call each other names, make innuendos, and issue statements of half-truths. Partisan pundits and news personalities attack leaders relentlessly on a daily basis. And the blogosphere is ripe with mean and hateful commentary. Discussion and debate has been replaced with yelling and demonizing. In this crossfire of public discourse,

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important issues are not properly addressed. Confrontation wins out over public policy. Can we return to civil discourse? Is there a role for politeness? There were public calls for respect and civil public discourse. Ronald Collins and David Skover fear the “death of discourse” in America.57 They point to the irony of true discourse disappearing while talk floods all the mediums. For them, discourse is interaction characterized by reason, method, and purpose. It is not trivial talk. Discourse is not mere expression for expression’s sake; rather, as in the Aristotelian sense, it is in the service of the public good. It is about values, policies, and national character.

Collins and Skover distinguish the principles of political discourse character- ized by rational decision making, civic participation, meaningful dissent, and self- realization from contemporary political speech characterized by entertainment, passivity, pleasure, and self-gratification. Note that for them, political discourse is conducted within the framework of traditional American political values of free- dom, but also in terms of equality, mutual respect, and opportunity for all voices and sides to be heard. They believe we are on the border of equating “amusement with enlightenment, fantasy with fact, and the base with the elevated.”58 A candy bar is food, but is it nutritional? How much junk food do we consume? How much junk food can we ingest before the body becomes sick? We have plenty of food, but we are starving. Similarly, how much of our so-called political discussion is actu- ally trivial talk? In how much trivial discourse can we participate before we, as a nation, become critically naive and uninformed?

Guy and Heidi Burgess of Colorado’s Conflict Research Consortium have developed an approach to “constructive confrontation.”59 The approach revolves around several general guidelines. First, it is important to separate people from the problem. Genuine and well-meaning people can disagree. It is essential to focus on solutions to problems rather than resort to personal and harmful attacks. Second, identifying the “technical facts” of a problem or situation will reduce conflict. Resolving factual differences whenever possible enhances agreement as to prob- lems and solutions. It is also important to limit interpersonal misunderstandings. This means an honest and continuing attempt to understand the views, perspec- tives, and reasoning of opponents. It often takes a serious effort to avoid the escala- tion of tensions; awareness and use of de-escalation strategies are beneficial. In the public arena, both sides of issues or policies should honor and respect the uses of all available legal, political, and other types of power. We should respect the rights of others to use the full resources of our political system rather than attempt to silence the opposition through threats and name calling. Both sides should also be open to persuasion and compromise. Open minds can often generate positive results and outcomes. Closed-minded, all-or-nothing approaches to problems esca- late emotions and result in deadlock—with no or little chance of solutions. Finally, Burgess and Burgess argue that in the end, there needs to be more persuasion, more exchange, and less force. “The best way to produce stable, long-term policy change is through persuasion in which parties are converted to their opponent’s point of view, or through exchange through which the parties negotiate mutually beneficial win-win trade-offs. This implies that the use of force should be minimized wher- ever possible.”60

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We agree with Kathleen Jamieson that good political persuasion is a discourse that argues rather than asserts, seeks the common rather than private good, relates a candidate’s past to his or her promises and those to governance, grants the good- will of all parties to the dialogue, and engages the issues raised by others while being engaged by them as well. It is a discourse that restores the genres of speeches, debates, press conferences, and interviews to their distinct and distinctly useful roles in the campaign menu.61

 Summary Louis Day makes the case that all societies need a system of ethics for social

stability. According to him, “ethics is the foundation of our advanced civilization, a cornerstone that provides some stability to society’s moral expectations.”62 A sys- tem of ethics serves as a moral gatekeeper by identifying and ranking the norms and morals of a society. A system of ethics also helps societies resolve conflicts and establishes rules and laws for behavior. Finally, a system of ethics helps clarify com- peting values and new social dilemmas. The current debate over such issues as genetic engineering, the death penalty, immigration, and same-sex marriage are examples of ethical and moral dilemmas in the United States.

Throughout this book, we have identified and explained various tools of per- suasion. We have also attempted to note problems and abuses with the practice of persuasion. Like any instrument, the tools of persuasion can be used for good or bad purposes. In this chapter we explored ethical considerations of persuasion and summarized some of the specific rules of application. However, we believe that if there is a problem with ethics in the United States, it begins with each individual interaction. We cannot depend on teachers, politicians, the media, or religious leaders to correct the real or perceived problems of American ethics. The task is ours. Only as citizens can we alter or affect the quality of our society. As Ronald Arnett observes:

If we are to be concerned about ethical issues in communication and do not wish to place ourselves at the mercy of expert opinion, then argument, debate, and public discourse over what is and is not ethical must continue. If we are to be good choice makers, we must actively pursue opportunities to ask ethical questions about the process and the content of communication.63

Your study of persuasion may well be a significant factor in your ethical growth. Learning how to find good reasons to support your ideas, learning how to present your opinions so that an audience will listen, and learning to express your- self clearly and intelligently will help you become an active, contributing member of society. Ethics is not a separate subject for study; it is an integral part of each individual and every action. Likewise, persuasion is not an isolated topic; it occurs constantly. We are both receivers and creators of persuasion—just as we both expe- rience and create ethical behavior.

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 QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 1. What values do you think your parents taught you? What did you learn from

friends? Teachers? Role models? How do they compare and contrast?

2. Select five magazine ads and analyze them according to the Advertising Code of American Business (http://ethics.iit.edu/ecodes/node/5164). How do they conform to the specified standards?

3. Reflect on the list of ethical values of communicators provided in the chapter. Do you think it is possible for someone always to uphold these values? Why or why not?

4. Share with the class your current or childhood heroes. What makes them spe- cial? What do you emulate in them?

5. Describe the main values of democracy. Give a concrete example of each and explain how ethical communication contributes to each value.

6. Record two evening news broadcasts for the same day. Compare the broad- casts: order of story topics, length of time of stories, visuals used, etc. Compare and contrast reports on the same topic or story. How are they similar? How are they different?

7. Should the media treat rape as any other crime, i.e., give names of victims and names of alleged rapists? Should newspapers report the cause of death in the obituaries if the cause is suicide?

8. You interviewed three people for a position in your company. How much detail do you provide to those not selected for the position? What influenced your decision?

9. From your perspective, is it ever acceptable to lie? If so, under what circum- stances? Is there a difference between lying about public and private matters? Personal or business matters?

10. View several political ads. Do they increase voter knowledge? Do they tell the “whole” truth? How would you go about verifying the facts and claims pre- sented in the ads?

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 ADDITIONAL READING Pat Arneson (Ed.), Exploring Communication Ethics (New York: Peter Lang, 2007). Sissela Bok, Lying: Moral Choice in Public and Private Life (New York: Vintage Books, 1989). George Cheney, Steve May and Debashish Munshi (Eds.), The Handbook of Communication

Ethics (New York: Routledge, 2011). Clifford Christians and John Merrill (Eds.), Ethical Communication: Moral Stances in Human

Dialogue (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2009). Robert E. Denton, Jr. (Ed.), Political Communication Ethics: An Oxymoron? (Westport, CT:

Praeger, 2000). Richard L. Johannesen, Kathleen S. Valde, and Karen E. Whedbee, Ethics in Human Commu-

nication, 6th ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2008). Len Marrella, In Search of Ethics, 3rd ed. (Sanford, FL: DC Press, 2009). Stephen J. A. Ward, Ethics and the Media: An Introduction (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Uni-

versity Press, 2011.

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13

Constructing and Presenting Persuasive Messages

OVERVIEW

 Strategic Considerations for Nondiscursive Persuasion The Visual Image Honoring Gestalt Values in Visual Design Set Realistic Goals Keep the Message Thematically Consistent Consider the Appropriate Cultural Palette Use a Sympathetic Figure or Key Icon to Communicate Your

Central Idea Frame the Discussion in the Imagery of Heroes, Villains,

and Victims

 Strategic Considerations of a Set Presentation Know the Audience Determine Your Objectives Determine Your Thesis Develop Main Points as Good Reasons Amplify and Support the Main Points Write the Introduction Prepare the Outline Presenting the Message

 Two Additional Considerations of Discursive Messages When to Reveal the Thesis Whether to Recognize Opposing Views

365

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Form is not a sterile concept. It makes a difference whether material combines into a unified whole or remains an inchoate mass of dis- jointed particulars.1

—Lester Thonsson and A. Craig Baird

Every species of influence has its own sequential logic: what should happen first in the transaction between source and receiver, and what must follow thereafter. Constructing a message—any message—is mostly about getting the key elements right and in the best sequence. For example, a new car salesperson knows that when a customer pulls onto a lot, the sales sequence will unfold in an expected pat- tern. When he or she is the next “up,” there is a predictable pathway for these things. The customer must typically be coaxed through the “just looking” phase to learn what he or she wants. The next step is to check the inventory at the dealership to see if there is a “match.” Taking a test drive or “demo” is next. It puts the pros- pect in a new car and moves them one step closer to making the pristine object their own. The common script then usually has them moving into “the box”—a cubicle office near the showroom floor—where numbers can be reviewed and negotiated. The seller assures the buyer that the vehicle is affordable. The expected resistance over the price typically triggers a phone call or a visit to the sales man- ager. The salesperson uses this step to “perform” the act of bargaining on behalf of the client. So it’s important that the client witness the interaction. The newly won “discounts” go onto a worksheet that lists the value of a trade-in, the monthly pay- ment, and “extras” and fees. If all goes well after the reciprocal negotiations, the deal is signed and the sale made.2

If the task is to lobby a member of a legislature for a cause you support, any number of organizations can advise about a potential sequence: a series of steps that usually begins with a caution for the budding advocate to do their homework before the meeting. Members of trade or social action organizations in Washing- ton, D.C. and various state capitols routinely instruct citizen-lobbyists. Advice includes reminders to know the legislation involved, the member’s voting record, and features of the legislation that would affect their district. With this information in hand, the recommendation is usually to begin a meeting by expressing admira- tion for the representative’s work. Advocates are cautioned to let the member talk but to be persistent in identifying the problem that can be remedied with their sup- port. They must explain but not argue. And they are encouraged to remind the rep- resentative that constituents like the citizen-lobbyists will be pleased to hear of the member’s support. But even if the representative “can’t be with you” on this issue, the goal is to leave the meeting on a positive note.3 Each step helps to create the right atmosphere for the next.

The rule that every message has its own natural form even applies to creating music, which is perhaps the ideal model for understanding how form serves to sat-

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isfy the expectations of others. Traditionally, the easiest way to sell a new pop song is to adhere to what is usually known as the 32-measure A-A-B-A structure. These terms may be new to you, but your brain knows this form well. Whether we are lis- tening to Ryan Gosling serenading Michelle Williams in the 2010 film Blue Valen- tine (“You Always Hurt the One You Love”), or a cover band’s take on a Beatles classic, chances are the music approximates a structure that includes two 8-mea- sure statements of the melody, followed by a modulated refrain or “bridge” that offers a contrasting theme and often a musical “hook.” The song concludes with a final 8-bar restatement of the melody. By the time we’ve heard the third repeat of the main tune—if it’s any good—it’s ours, creating an “earworm” not easily erased from our minds.4 We could define a number of other sequential patterns that can be identified in selling programs and products on television, constructing compel- ling and clear narratives, or making a public apology. There is an underlying form for each of these presentations.

In this chapter, we will explore the composition and sequencing of persuasive messages. To analyze persuasion effectively, a person must be acquainted with the art of message design. In the process of constructing appeals, a range of tactical questions and choices must be addressed. The first part of this chapter offers practi- cal guidelines for preparing nondiscursive messages. These forms of communication usually depend on presentational symbols—pictures, icons, slogans, headlines—for much of their meaning. Typical nondiscursive messages include billboards, web- sites, and advertising, which offer a world of possibilities for visually enhanced per- suasion. The rest of the chapter explores selected strategic considerations for organizing and presenting discursive messages. These are usually longer, face-to-face presentations that depend primarily on verbal arguments rather than on visual images or evocative symbols.

 Strategic Considerations for Nondiscursive Persuasion Effective persuasion is often visual as well as verbal, relying as much or more

on images and other visual and aural elements to convey meaning. Any consumer of websites, direct-mail flyers, and advertising sees how graphics, photo art, and audio can have an impact on message comprehension and acceptance. There may be some truth to the notion that we have never been more “ocularcentric,” defining what we know by what we can see.5 But it has always been the case that the repre- sentational world offers immediate and universal signs and symbols: images and sounds that cross beyond the borders of language to “speak” in universal terms.

Nondiscursive media depend on the instant connections made by visual infor- mation because they usually have less time to make their point. Complex relation- ships and statistical data are usually given graphic representations or visual reference points that are easy to follow.6 Text headlines must communicate an atti- tude clearly and directly. Implications of danger or safety, threat or reassurance, approval or rejection often must be communicated in the familiar iconography of the culture.

The challenge of constructing nondiscursive messages is to stand out in a con- text of many other competing messages. Clutter is the advertising industry’s term

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for too many messages competing for attention in the same space. In the language of the Elaboration Likelihood Model discussed in chapter 6, we usually process messages in a cluttered environment peripherally. An image or key phrase must be memorable or the message will not draw our attention. In the realm of the Internet, for example, the length of time an average user spends on a page is usually less than 10 seconds. Amplifying text is often ignored. Researchers refer to screen-based reading behaviors of scanning, keyword spotting, and nonlinear reading as “power browsing.”7 Against these daunting prospects, the persuader needs finely honed skills to cut through the clutter.

The Visual Image Dynamic pictures (video), static concrete pictures (print), and concrete words

(audio or print) offer the greatest potential for the audience to be aware of and remember the ideas in the message.8 Aural and visual information create instant shorthand for feelings and moods that print cannot easily match. Happiness, anger, and fear have universal forms. We learn what these facial expressions signify in the first years of life and the meaning of symbols (happy faces, poison warnings, and so on) soon after. Unlike learning a foreign language or a specialized field of knowledge, we do not need to master special “access codes” to understand many forms of aural and visual information.9 Pictures contain expressions and back- grounds that are likely to have well-defined meanings within a culture, if not uni- versal significance. Disney’s classic film Pinocchio (1940) works as well in Japan as in the United States. Photos of migrants in the 1930s in the United States or refu- gees from Darfur, Sudan, in 2012 communicate the misery of people across time and space.

Carefully selected visual imagery is a key element in the compression of a mes- sage into the limited time and space of a nondiscursive message. Images provide effective analogues to complex ideas or feelings.10 They can easily represent the essence of a message. Thus, a campaign that urges parents to take greater responsi- bility for some aspect of their children’s health might include a photograph of a child’s small fingers holding an adult’s hand. The dependency on adults is illus- trated poignantly in the image. Pictures also function as commentary. They may be visual puns that “play” on familiar shapes and objects (Absolut Vodka ads) or rep- resentations of values more easily shown than discussed (the use of multiethnic actors in Coke ads). All have “branded” their products in contexts that are intended to make these images instant stand-ins for their message. With sufficient repetition—and without scandals or bad news, which destroy carefully constructed associations (think of the quickly-abandoned ad campaigns organized around celebrities with sudden legal or ethical problems)—certain images trigger more or less reliable attitudes. Add in representations of human faces, and a flood of feel- ings and associations can be evoked.

Images can also function as icons. Icons are graphic or pictorial representations that are instantly recognizable to members of a culture, or a sub-group within it. In some ways they function as the visual counterparts to commonplaces and norms by communicating a recognized feature of the culture. The audience recognizes golden arches as McDonald’s, white on red cursive script as Coca-Cola, and

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Smokey Bear as the Forest Service’s cautionary warning about wildfires. Smokey’s message is assured; these images are—pardon the pun—burned into our conscious- ness. Commercial art relies on the iconic image to enhance recall and favorable rec- ognition for a product or service.

Some icons trigger strong feelings and emotions. Before September 11, 2001, directors of films like Working Girl (1988) and Town and Country (2001) often used the Manhattan skyline as a romantic backdrop, with helicopter shots sweeping from the dense skyscrapers of Midtown southward to the slender towers of the financial district. Among the images intended to convey the city’s energy and vitality was the World Trade Center. But no more. The twin towers were iconic before the tragedy, but the symbolism changed. They now carry too much meaning to be used for any- thing less than a statement about loss and an unexpectedly hostile world.

Honoring Gestalt Values in Visual Design The layout of persuasive messages with visual cues involves many choices,

including fonts, graphics, images, copy, and sequencing, in addition to other strate-

Dorothea Lange’s photographs capture the pain and endurance

of migrant workers at the height of the Great Depression

in 1936. Pictured here are Florence Thompson and

three of her seven children. Source: Library of Congress.

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gies and aesthetic considerations than can be fully represented here. But there are at least some core variables to keep in mind, beginning with some fundamental guidelines for thinking visually.

Gestalt theory was a complete psychological system that arose at the end of the 1800s. Its theorists believed that individuals had to be understood in the specific con- text of their lives, not simply as physical agents. “To the Gestaltists,” notes Roy Beh- rens, “things are affected by where they are and by what surrounds them . . . so that things are better described as ‘more than the sum of their parts.’”11 A Gestalt approach to the layout of images and text assumes that certain choices create mes- sages that are unified and perceptually satisfying. The Gestalt guidelines help explain how we perceive images and indicate what seem to be certain “hard-wired” human predispositions for processing visual information. Much of the Gestaltists’ psycho- logical work has been discredited, but their descriptions of how we perceive relation- ships between elements of an image have provided a useful terminology for design.

• Figure and ground. We perceive objects against the context of their surroundings. We expect the background to provide a fitting and appropriate setting for fore- ground action. A given ground should not dominate the images or words in front of it. Ground dominates only when the message intends to suggest the vulnerability of a figure, as when a single surfer is photographed against an enormous wave. In the example below, the grey provides a suitable ground for the word. The darker shading in the second illustration competes with the word, violating what should be a complementary relationship.

• Similarity. We group similar things in the same frame together. Images should have obvious contextual connections to each other. And text (headlines as well as amplification) should use consistent fonts, rhetoric, and syntax within the same message or frame.

For example, we identify with images of a 3-year-old sitting on the grass in front of a home or against a tree in the backyard. But a child placed on a

Figure

Figure

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street curb would be alarming. We don’t expect to see unattended children inches away from automobile traffic. Such an image would be unsettling.

• Proximity. If positioned near each other, we assume connections or relationships between the things or people pictured. For example, the closer individuals are to each other, the more we seek to interpret the basis of their relationship. Their status as coworkers, friends, relatives, or intimate partners becomes a signifi- cant part of the message.

When the two hearts in the first image are separated by more space, the mes- sage of closeness or connection is reduced.

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• Continuation. The layout of a message visually creates a line or natural curve for the eye to follow. The delicate business of composing representational images in all media must take care to lead the viewer’s attention to the central point of the message. In Leonardo de Vinci’s “The Last Supper,” our eyes track to Jesus rather than to the apostles. Similarly, we follow Adam’s outstretched arm and hand reaching toward the hand of God in Michelangelo’s Sistine Chapel fresco. Most visual forms encourage the eye to follow a natural pro- gression through an image.12 In our example below, the top image fulfills this function better than the bottom image.

• Closure. We seek to complete what has been started. Within the frame of a mes- sage, elements that raise questions must be answered. In art, music, and rhet- oric, elements that are implied or partly concealed are often “completed” by the audience.13 When viewing a photograph of a face in partial shadow, we fill in features we cannot see. Leave off the last few notes of a well-known tune, and we complete the song. Give us the first two acts of a play, and we will feel cheated if we cannot see the third. In our model at the top of the fol- lowing page, two opposing arrows suggest impasse or irresolution. Their “agreement” suggests closure, with the movement in one direction.

To see the Gestalt elements at work, consider the public service announcement from the American Diabetes Association, “A Toast” (figure 13.1 on p. 374). The iconic image of the bride who will be married without the presence of her mother sets up an obvious short narrative that is explained in the copy that follows. Ampli- fication about the risks and prevalence of diabetes features white text made clearer because it is set off against a dark ground. The eye goes first to the image, but the

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message gains closure by essentially answering the visual tableau. We can also see the strength of a monochrome color scheme. In color, the text box and photo could feature too many dissimilar colors. But as it is, the shading of the two halves in close proximity creates a degree of similarity. The darkness of the father’s suit coat functions as a pathway of continuation to the dark ground and its copy, enabling the reader to take in the message as a single Gestalt. Even though the public service ad is trying to persuade by nudging the reader’s awareness of a violated expectation— weddings are cherished family events, especially for parents—the message itself avoids violations of our visual expectations.

“OMG” (figure 13.2 on p. 375) is a public service announcement to discourage texting and driving; it is part of the “Decide to Drive” campaign sponsored by the American Academy of Orthopedic Surgeons. This PSA works somewhat differ- ently from “The Toast.” Color versions of this ad have appeared in magazines, on websites, and as graphics on city buses. All of the copy is set out against contrasting grounds: black text and red splotches of blood against the background of a broken windshield. The ad is simple and direct. The answer to the problem of the broken glass and urgent text appears in the simple statements that appear at the bottom: “TEXTING WHILE DRIVING IS A DEADLY DISTRACTION.” In Gestalt terms, the ad is all of a piece. Each visual element gains meaning and clarity from what is in the rest of the frame. The calculated proximity of these elements adds urgency to the claim that texting is “deadly.” Perhaps the only weakness in the mes- sage is the less unified bottom, with too many sponsor logos and a “Spread the word” message not well integrated into the rest of the message.

We can only scratch the surface in offering suggestions for the design of mes- sages where time is short and the possibility for distraction is very high. The follow- ing is a selective checklist of reasonable expectations and message strategies for nondiscursive persuasion.

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Figure 13.2

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Set Realistic Goals In direct, one-on-one, oral communication with another person, the chances of

producing agreement can be relatively high. It is far less likely that any brief encounter with a nondiscursive message will have a dramatic effect on attitudes and behavior. With some exceptions, the human attention span is notoriously short and subject to a great deal of distraction. One force that weakens many nondiscur- sive messages is that they exist among the clutter of competing messages in the same context. An hour of commercial television, for example, contains about 40 commercials, “billboards” (brief announcements, usually 3, 5, or 10 seconds in length, such as “the following portion is brought to you by . . .”), or public service announcements. Watching anyone peruse a magazine or newspaper can be a sobering experience for an advertiser. A full-page ad may get little more than a glance as it competes for attention with photographs, human interest stories, edito- rials, attention-grabbing headlines, and other advertising. Our level of involvement in advertising, for example, is less than in most forms of interpersonal contact.14 To somewhat offset this handicap, audiences must repeatedly be exposed to the same messages. A successful direct-mail campaign, for example, may generate a response rate of 4.4 percent, and e-mails are even less effective with a response rate barely higher than zero (.12 percent).15 Advertisers hope to improve the low per- centages by repeating the message multiple times.

Keep the Message Thematically Simple Message designers have more control over visual noise. Noise refers to elements

within a message that distract audiences, weakening the overall impact. Visual noise happens when there is too much going on in the “ground” of the message. Imagine a 30-second automobile commercial with a montage of 25 shots of the car. Add in audio elements of an announcer reading advertising “copy” while a popu- lar song plays in the background. There is no focus to direct the audience’s atten- tion—no clarity in a message drowning in a din of images and sounds.

In order for nondiscursive messages to stand out, they must be simple. Direct descriptive text and a simple image can combine to communicate a great deal in a relatively short space. Consider the antismoking ad on the following page. It is the- matically unified. Everything in the message works to that single persuasive end. Note the reversal of conventional figure and ground colors. The simple text stands out as white-on-black. The eye is drawn first to the uncomplicated image of the smoker and his limp cigarette, and then to its explanation in the 13-word text. The use of the word “impotence” and the visual pun of the cigarette work together to provide unambiguous closure to the message. Smoke as a young man, claims the ad, and you risk the loss of sexual function. Every element supports the premise.

Consider the Appropriate Cultural Palette At some point in the process of message design, choices need to be made about

what is appropriate visually for an audience. Even in the absence of textual cues, we can sense that there is a vernacular of visual elements for Dove soap ads that make them look different than the typical advertisement for Bud Light. The crisp blue and

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Courtesy of California Department of Health Services.

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white colors of a Dove campaign could not be successfully transposed into the darker hues of a beer commercial targeting young adult men.16 Sandra Moriarty and Lisa Rohe make the vital point that visual design needs to start with images and colors appropriate to a message’s target audience. What colors are right for the audience for a message? What are the most appropriate and least appropriate sym- bols? In short, what’s the right cultural palette for them? The answers can never be certain, but they can be culturally wise and savvy.17 Moriarty and Rohe note that the best symbols for the Mexican-American culture are linked to the family: for example, sitting at the kitchen table, sitting on a porch, or children playing with homemade toys or the family pet. Elements that would not be part of this palette include images of the Alamo, the Texas flag, clichés of a daytime siesta, or images of the military or police.18 Appropriate symbols for an audience of “mothers of young children” would include “hearts, flowers, plants, circles, cute animals; shapes that are soft, rounded, and oriented toward feelings.” Symbols of “war, violence, sex, starvation, social discontent, anger,” and so on would be inappropriate. The color palette emphasizes yellow, purple, and pastels, while staying clear of black, brown, and neon colors.19 Designers need to be cautious about the application of any formula, but understanding that there are better and worse mixes of design ele- ments increases the likelihood that they will not blunder into serious missteps.

Use a Sympathetic Figure or Key Icon to Communicate Your Central Idea

The literary device of the synecdoche has a potent counterpart in most short forms of persuasion. A synecdoche is a thing or person that represents a much larger universe. Kenneth Burke described it as one of four “master tropes”—thought pat- terns we use to discover and describe basic truths.20 The statements “Matt Damon is the perfect ‘everyman’ in recent American film” or Louis Armstrong was “the jazz musician of the twentieth century” speak to our impulse to reduce wide swaths of reality to specific people, places, or events. The synecdoche is a multiplier of cultural meanings.

Imagine, for example, meanings associated with images of the American flag, the World Trade Center in New York, or an ethnic or demographic stereotype. Images must be appropriated with care and vetted for possible unintended mean- ings. Several years ago when Apple Computer introduced ads that featured “con- versations” between “Mac” (actor Justin Long) and “Mr. PC” (portly actor and humorist John Hodgman), the point was that the PC guy was uncool and a little square: maybe a little like Microsoft’s earnest Bill Gates. Justin Long’s casual appearance was meant to define the fantasy of young hipness, from his unshaven face to his posture with his hands in his pockets. He was perhaps a stand-in for Apple’s iconic founder, Steve Jobs. As a company, Apple has rarely made a misstep in branding and designing its products. Gates himself called Jobs a “brilliant designer.”21 But according to Slate’s Seth Stevenson, perhaps Apple tried just a little too hard, making Long a “smug little twit” and Hodgman a frumpy but more lik- able everyman.22 In that equation, “Mac” was a bit elitist while “PC” was more of an ordinary guy. Not quite what Apple intended.

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Frame the Discussion in the Imagery of Heroes, Villains, and Victims

Storytelling is a universal, familiar method of presenting information and illus- trating a point of view. The essence of storytelling is the portrayal of specific charac- ters as they negotiate life’s obstacles. We could accurately describe human beings as homo narrans, the only living creatures who naturally frame their understanding of the world in terms of narratives and their related characters.23 In Sharon Lynn Sperry’s words, the human is “an incorrigible imagist. To know and give order to the world he lives in, man has always devised and shared stories.”24 We are attracted to stories about celebrities, which make us more receptive to the causes they promote: Michael J. Fox (research on Parkinson’s disease), Bono (world peace and health issues), and Angelina Jolie (United Nations Human Rights Commis- sion). We also consume films and drama that guide us to rooting for reform. As with all drama, events must conform to the formulaic requirements of storytelling. There must be action that requires others to respond; the plot must build. Charac- ters must be sorted out as creators of the problem (villains), bystanders who have been harmed (victims), or protagonists who may solve the problem (heroes). And there must be closure—a conclusion that resolves the problem justly. While life is usually messier, we generally want the closure and finality that exists in storytelling.

Characters in biographical films are often the vessels of persuasive themes. In Lee Daniels’ The Butler (2013) we see an African American sharecropper’s son sur- vive the murder of his father by a plantation owner to eventually assume the posi- tion of senior butler at the White House. Forest Whitaker’s Cecil Gaines escapes brutal poverty to emerge as a patient confidant of seven presidents, all while raising a family through the toughest days of the civil rights movement. His dignity and toughness are challenged—both by the silent neglect of official Washington and by the struggles of his wife and family during the harrowing times. The Butler is a tradi- tional story where the will to succeed triumphs over adversity. There is more irony in Aaron Sorkin’s Social Network (2010) about a very bright Harvard geek (played by Jesse Eisenberg) who has problems finding and keeping friends but, with some- times ruthless single-mindedness, manages to create the world’s largest social net- work. Sorkin’s script about Facebook’s Mark Zuckerberg doesn’t turn him into a traditional hero; rather, he is portrayed as a flawed genius more representative of our times. Using compelling mixtures of fantasy and probability, such narratives use identification to pull us toward characters we feel we already “know” and then invite us to consider the choices on which these characters have staked their lives. Persuasion is fundamentally about ideas, but in presentational media, we usually need to be attracted to stories about agents before accepting the ideas they advocate.

 Strategic Considerations of a Set Presentation We turn now to the design of discursive messages, which allow persuaders more

time or space to make their case to an audience. In discursive messages there is space to lay out a complete vision, answer opposing points of view in detail, and show how an alternative point of view explains other features of our social or polit-

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ical lives. This is the realm of transformative persuasion. Most of us can recall a novel, film, speech, essay, or groundbreaking book that changed our thinking on a subject. For some, it might have been An Inconvenient Truth (2006) that presented an argument about climate change through dramatic images of disappearing glaciers and discussions about the worldwide rise in greenhouse gas emissions. For our grandparents, Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring (1962) opened many eyes to the envi- ronmental effects of pesticides. Many young Americans became aware of changing perceptions of homosexuality with the television programs Ellen and Will & Grace. We can similarly compose a list of favorite writers, bloggers, and speakers who have transformed our thinking. Most of us have been lucky enough to encounter a handful of wonderful high-school or college teachers whose presentations captured our attention and transformed our interests or sensibilities. Among current and well-known persuaders working in discursive forms are David Brooks and Gale Collins, both widely read online and in newspapers; bloggers Andrew Sullivan (The Daily Beast) and pediatrician Elisa Ariyan (babytopics.blogspot.com); speakers Joel Osteen (Joel Osteen Ministries), former President Bill Clinton, former Secretary of Labor Robert Reich; and essayists David Remnick, Louis Menand (The New Yorker), and Roger Rosenblatt (The New York Times).

For the remainder of this chapter we will take the face-to-face presentation as a representative case of longer-form persuasion. But most of our comments apply to written forms as well. Think of the recommendations below as a general guide to planning any extended effort to win support from reluctant individuals. (Some of the suggestions are equally relevant to nondiscursive messages.)

Know the Audience People often say that they are “writing a speech,” but a speech on paper is only

a guide for what really matters: the actual presentation to an audience. Just as the building produced by an architect is more than the blueprints, a presentation is more than words on paper. It obviously takes place between listeners and speakers at a particular point in time. While audiences will not provide feedback as graphically as they do in the cartoon on the facing page, your presentation is an interaction. You write a plan for that moment and adjust it to your audience during delivery.

As we indicated in chapter 7, a fundamental requirement of communication is an understanding of whom you wish to influence. It is admittedly difficult to be precise about the attitudes, values, and interests of groups. People are too complex to be reduced to simple stereotypes. But because persuasion involves “adjusting ideas to people and people to ideas,”25 thorough preparation starts with questions about the audience.

• How will they respond to your point of view?

• Will they consider you a qualified advocate?

• What is the extent of their prior knowledge?

• Has anything happened recently that would affect the audience’s interest and attitudes?

• What position have opinion leaders in the audience taken on the topic?

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• What core values or attitudes will your own message challenge?

• Which existing audience values can be used as good reasons?

Questions like these will help you assess the audience to decide what you can hope to accomplish in the message.

Determine Your Objectives After determining the makeup of your audience and their attitudes toward

your message, you are in a position to set realistic goals about what you can achieve. In some cases you may want an audience to yield to a small change: to give money, volunteer time, pass on a message to others, or buy a product. In other cases the goal may be more closely linked to a person’s sense of self, as when a listener is urged to think or act differently about entrenched or addictive behaviors (i.e., drink- ing, gambling, or aggressive driving). Don’t settle for vague objectives such as “informing,” or “increasing awareness.” You have successfully found the objective

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for a message when you know exactly what you want from your contact with the audience. Here are some examples.

Behavioral Outcomes • To encourage a jury member to vote “not guilty”

• To sign up volunteers or pledges for a campus organization

• To have listeners vote for a political straight ticket

• To make a sale

• To discourage the use of a retailer that your group is boycotting

• To flood legislators with letters in support of legislation

• To encourage changes in the eating, drinking, or texting habits of friends

Attitude-Centered Outcomes • To encourage an audience to respect the work of a controversial author, art-

ist, or musician

• To win supporters for a different philosophy or system of values

• To encourage people to accept the merits of an unpopular position

• To remind people that the beliefs they already hold are worth keeping

• To move listeners incrementally closer to accepting an attitude they still reject

Some desired purposes are usually impossible to achieve in one attempt, such as a complete reversal of a group’s opposition to a proposed law. Base your expec- tations on the fact that a single persuasive event will have limited impact. It is unlikely, for example, that a current member of the United States Senate could suc- cessfully convince most of her colleagues that they should press for an end to the long-standing economic boycott of Iran. Even so, the hope that she might weaken support for the boycott in the Senate may not be out of the question. Good objec- tives consider what is realistically possible given the specific circumstances you are likely to encounter. Even though you probably will not state them to your audience, write down your objectives and keep them in mind.

Determine Your Thesis To this point, your preparation has been largely concerned with defining the

unique persuasive situation governed by your message, your audience, and what the audience knows about you. The next task is to draft the most important sentence of the whole message. Write the thesis that you want to communicate. Think of the the- sis statement as the primary conclusion of the message, the statement to which everything else that is said is subordinate. It should be the one idea listeners recall weeks later.

Inexperienced communicators are tempted to skip the thesis-writing stage and begin preparing the rest of the message, or they may substitute a one- or two-word topic for a genuine thesis statement. Failure to establish one central idea in your planning can result in much wasted time and disorganization. Likewise, stating a general topic rather than a specific thesis also falls short of providing the guidance necessary to prepare the rest of the message. For example, it is not enough to pre- pare a persuasive case centered on phrases such as “using Facebook” or “giving up

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eating meat.” Both topics are perennially ripe for advocacy, but persuasive attempts on these issues should be constructed from more sharply defined declarative sen- tences. Consider the following thesis statements, all of which are better because they are far more explicit.

• If personal privacy is important, consider giving up your use of social media.

• Federal law should require gun manufacturers to equip handguns with safety locks.

• Our state should close failing schools and provide full tuition vouchers to their students.

• Our university should set the goal of having a neutral “carbon imprint” within ten years.

• Credit card vendors should be banned from university retail areas.

• The NCAA does not adequately protect student athletes from exploitative athletic programs.

Although no two people will develop identical messages from the same state- ment, the construction of a clear thesis is essential to trigger the mental processes necessary for the next stage—constructing the good reasons or main points that are the framework for the body of the message.

Develop Main Points as Good Reasons After determining your thesis, the next step is to locate the good reasons that

justify the thesis. As we noted in chapter 4, reasons are good when they make sense to you and are likely to make sense to your audience as a defense for the thesis. Not all good reasons will be universally accepted. However, you should work to estab- lish reasons that are consistent with what you believe and what you think an audi- ence will accept. For example:

Thesis: Our university should join a growing list of schools pledged to reduce their car- bon imprint. (because . . .)

I. Reducing the use of carbon fuels is a first step in reducing global warming, which is a serious threat to all nations, especially those least able to cope with climate change.

II. Universities and their students have always been leaders in progressive environ- mental change.

III. American Universities and their students can have a significant impact on emissions in their own communities.26

In this preliminary outline, the main points are worded as declarative sen- tences, making their relationship to the thesis clear and apparent. Use the because test. The insertion of “because” between the thesis and each of the main points is a useful test of this relationship, since main points should “make sense” when bridged by this word. If a main point does not seem to follow, it may not be a good reason. Imagine, for instance, an added fourth point for the above example:

IV. Automobiles are a major source of green house gases.

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If you read the thesis statement followed by the conjunction “because,” the fourth statement does not make sense. How does the automobile fit with the uni- versity’s carbon footprint? Does the speaker intend to prohibit automobiles as a means to get to and from campus? The statement is unclear, unlike the other points that invite agreement and may move a listener closer to the thesis. In terms of prac- tical logic, the statement has no “force.” One could agree with it and still oppose the thesis.

Amplify and Support the Main Points The few sentences developed so far are essential to the successful preparation

of the message, but general assertions by themselves lack the impact of specific evi- dence and examples. Many listeners will remember only two things: your general point of view and your most interesting example or illustration.

There are two basic ways to make ideas vivid and memorable: amplification and proof. These forms of support fill out the body of the message, appearing as indented subpoints (A, B, C, and so on) under the main points designated with Roman numerals. For example:

Thesis I. Main point

A. Amplification or evidence 1. Further explanation

Amplification dramatizes the familiar or ordinary; evidence seeks to prove what may be doubted. Amplification is important but often neglected because we some- times confuse merely stating a point with making it clear. Simply saying what you think does not guarantee that interest or understanding will follow. Ideas must be sufficiently explained so their relevance and implications are instantly apparent. Few statements are so novel or fresh that merely stating them will command our attention. Listeners discover the significance of ideas through application to spe- cific situations. Examples, extended illustrations, comparisons, and analogies are the basic explanatory tools. Inexperienced communicators frequently overestimate the ability of a few sentences to create interest or clear away confusion; they forget that their own familiarity or interest in a topic may not shared by the audience. A good teacher, for example, does not simply talk about a subject but teaches it—mak- ing the vague much clearer.

Consider the subject of “writing.” For most of us any talk about putting words on paper is something that is—on the surface—self-evident and maybe not very interesting. But in compilations about how authors work, such as Brian Lamb’s Booknotes, there are hundreds of small but interesting facts that revive the idea of writing in all of its creative and sometimes peculiar details. A few examples from living or recently deceased writers:

Shelby Foote, historian: I write with a “dip pen,” which causes all kinds of prob- lems—everything from finding blotters to pen points—but it makes me take my time, and it gives me a feeling of satisfaction; . . . you have to dip it in the ink and write three or four words and dip it again. It has a real influence on the way I write.27

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Christopher Hitchens, essayist: I sometimes write in bars in the afternoons. I go out and find a corner of a bar. If the noise isn’t directed at me—in other words, there’s not a phone ringing or a baby crying or something—I quite like it if the jukebox is on and people are shouting the odds about a sports game. I just hunch over a bottle in the corner. . . . Then when I’ve got enough (written) down, I start to type it out, editing it as I go. I don’t use any of the new technol- ogy stuff.28

bell hooks, poet, feminist, and professor: I like to write in really tiny, enclosed spaces, and I don’t know why this is. I like them to have a window, but I like them to be very small. . . . I handwrite everything, and then I put it on computer. I think, for me, there’s something about handwriting still that slows down the idea pro- cess. When you’re working on the computer, I find you can just zoom ahead, and you don’t have those moments of pause that you need . . . I primarily write in the morning. I’m a meditator, so I get up to meditate . . . and then I like to write with fierce intensity for a few hours, and then I like to play for the rest of the day.29

Reading how authors work adds detail to a vague process. Samples like these give new life in vital and relatable details to what we think we “know.”

The second key form of message development is evidence, which aspires to pro- vide proof—sometimes factual, sometimes informed opinion—for a controversial claim. Evidence is used to reduce doubts and reservations in a skeptical audience.30

Since the qualities of credible sources of evidence were thoroughly discussed in chapter 5, our focus here is on what evidence can and cannot do in overcoming audience resistance.

While it is rare to find evidence that makes claims absolutely certain or true, persuaders usually attempt to cite evidence that may be hard for opponents to dis- miss. A speech by the former president of the American Medical Association on the rising costs of coverage uses examples and statistics to urge change.

Let me tell you what I’ve seen in the last few weeks. I met a family at a pediatric hospital in Des Moines, Iowa. One of the parents told me that their daughter needs medications that cost $5,000 a month. And their insurance requires a copayment of 20%. Now I don’t have to do the math for you to have your figure out that’s $12,000 that family has to pay every year. Just for medications alone. . . . And then, there was the story that still makes my blood run cold. A story I will never forget. Because I met another man that day (who) had just turned 62. And he said to me, “Doctor, I lost my job to a young man when I was 59. And I lost my health coverage. Now, I have a lung tumor. And I have to decide whether to spend my resources on radiation and chemotherapy to buy an extra year of life or to forego treatment now and leave something for my wife.” No one in the United States of America should ever have to make a deci- sion like that.31

Similarly, in 2009 remarks at Cairo University in Egypt, President Barack Obama rolled out a variety of evidence forms as proof that the United States was open to the values of Islam and wanted to be an honest broker between the interests of Arab states and Israel. It was a tough challenge. In 2009 as today, many citizens in the Arab world consider the United States hostile to the interests of countries that have

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sizable groups of Islamic conservatives and traditionalists. The speech was widely covered around the world and mostly interpreted as an effort by the Obama admin- istration to recalibrate American foreign policy to incorporate working with Islamist parties and groups. Here is some of the evidence Obama used to make his case “to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world.”32

[Personal example] Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes genera- tions of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the Azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.

[Statistics] Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one’s religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders.

[Testimony] I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America’s story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, “The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion, or tranquility of Muslims.”

[Examples/Cases] And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at our universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers—Thomas Jefferson—kept in his personal library.

[Analogous Evidence] The Holy Koran tells us, “O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.”

The Talmud tells us: “The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promot- ing peace.”

The Holy Bible tells us, “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God.”

The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God’s vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth. Thank you. And may God’s peace be upon you.

Although these evidence forms vary by setting and subject, all provide compelling forms of support for major contentions.

Write the Introduction After the main and supporting points of the speech have been outlined, the

remaining task is the introduction. While the introduction is the first part of a speech, it is the last to be written. Just as it would be difficult to introduce a person you did not know, so it is awkward to write an introduction before the body of a message has been completed. At this stage, you know what attitudes or behaviors you want the intended audience to accept. Now you are in a position to build a

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bridge between the audience’s existing attitudes and those you want them to hold at the end of the message.

A good introduction prepares an audience to accept the main points that you will present, reducing resistance to your ideas and arguments. Each of the follow- ing is worth considering, although it is unlikely every introduction will need to achieve all of these objectives.

Gain Interest and Attention. An audience cannot be motivated to accept an idea until it has been motivated to listen. Stories, relevant personal experiences, or provocative and contrasting perspectives are all good ways to begin. Note how actress Jane Fonda begins a speech in one of the well-known TED-Talks series pop- ular on the Internet. In this series, audiences are challenged to abandon old ideas in favor of different ways of thinking.

There have been many revolutions over the last century, but perhaps none as significant as the longevity revolution. We are living on average today 34 years longer than our great-grandparents did. Think about that. That’s an entire sec- ond adult lifetime that’s been added to our lifespan. And yet, for the most part, our culture has not come to terms with what this means. We’re still living with the old paradigm of age as an arch. That’s the metaphor, the old metaphor. You’re born, you peak at midlife and decline into decrepitude. [laughter] Age as pathology.

But many people today—philosophers, artists, doctors, scientists—are tak- ing a new look at what I call the third act, the last three decades of life. They realize that this is actually a developmental stage of life with its own signifi- cance—as different from midlife as adolescence is from childhood. And they are asking—we should all be asking—how do we use this time? How do we live it successfully? What is the appropriate new metaphor for aging?33

The speech goes on to challenge audiences to think of productive “third acts,” an idea dear to the authors’ hearts.

Establish Goodwill. The greater the gulf that separates speaker and audience, the greater the need to say something that will establish a sense of goodwill. A speaker may start paying tribute to the good work or prestige of the audience’s organization. For example, the pioneering founder of Apple, Steve Jobs, started his 2005 commencement remarks at Stanford University with the simple observation, “I’m honored to be with you today for your commencement at one of the finest universities in the world.”34

Another common device for gaining goodwill is to note the values the audi- ence and speaker hold in common. This was the strategy of an editor at Playboy at the beginning of a speech to Southern Baptists, few of whom could be counted on to share the “Playboy philosophy.” He tactfully combined references to shared con- cerns with comments on the spirit of openness within the audience:

I am sure we are all aware of the seeming incongruity of a representative of Play- boy magazine speaking to an assemblage of representatives of the Southern Bap- tist Convention. I was intrigued by the invitation when it came last fall, though I was not surprised. I am grateful for your genuine and warm hospitality, and I am flattered (though again not surprised) by the implication that I would have

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something to say that could have meaning to you people. Both Playboy and the Baptists have indeed been considering many of the same issues and ethical prob- lems; and even if we have not arrived at the same conclusions, I am impressed and gratified by your openness and willingness to listen to our views.35

Use Humor (Carefully) to Soften Opposition. Humor can take away the “edge” sometimes associated with advocacy, at the same time softening an impression an audience may hold that the speaker knows all the answers. The second President Bush has humorously acknowledged his occasional grammatical and pronunciation difficulties, showing journalists a photo of the First Lady with her hand over his mouth. In this photo, he explained in a mock serious tone, “She is helping me pro- nounce Azerbaijanis.”36 In a formal talk, one-time Secretary of State Madeline Albright was asked about her groundbreaking work in the Clinton Administration.

I was asked what it was like to be the first woman Secretary of State a few min- utes after I’d been named. And I said, “Well I’ve been a woman for 60 years, but I’ve only been Secretary of State for a few minutes.” So it evolved. [laughter] But basically I love being a woman. . . . I think we are a lot better at personal relationships, and then have the capability obviously of telling it like it is when it’s necessary. But I have to tell you, I have my youngest granddaughter, when she turned seven last year, said to her mother, my daughter, “So what’s the big deal about Grandma Maddie being Secretary of State? Only girls are Secretary of State.” [laughter]37

Preview the Scope of the Message. Comprehending a message takes signifi- cant effort, especially if the message is delivered orally and challenges some of our views. It therefore must be introduced with care. A crucial part of the introduction is a clear statement of what you will cover. This is sometimes called a “road-sign” or overview statement. Listeners should be given advance notice of the length and scope of the topic in which they are investing their attention. Lack of information about the length of the speech and the range of topics to be considered is as frus- trating as not knowing the distance of a foot race until the finish line. Your intro- duction should tell the audience what topics you will discuss, what topics will be excluded, and how long the presentation will take. By mentioning what will be excluded, for example, you can lay to rest misunderstandings about the scope of your speech and provide a better match between what an audience expects and what they will hear. In testimony before a senate committee in 2007, former Vice President Al Gore testified on the urgency of dealing with global warming, begin- ning his remarks with an overview of two key ideas.

I want to testify today about what I believe is a planetary emergency—a crisis that threatens the survival of our civilization and the habitability of the Earth. . . . As many know, the Chinese expression for “crisis” consists of two characters side by side. The first symbol means “danger.” The second symbol means “opportunity.” I would like to discuss both the danger and the opportu- nity here today.38

This overview not only communicated the thesis and main points but also signaled the scope of ideas to be addressed.

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Define Key Terms. Successful communication sometimes depends on the way words or phrases are used. Some terms are misunderstood because they are technical, others because ordinary usage may not coincide with the meanings you have in mind. In either case, definitions are useful.

In the following example, a historian begins an address on the relationship between sports and television with a redefinition of two familiar words that imply two different worlds.

Sport, I am convinced, is the best known yet least understood phenomenon in American society. Much of our misunderstanding and misconceptions about sports stems from our failure to make meaningful distinctions among the vari- ous components of the sports world. . . . One is sport. Sport is an extension of play involving two or more persons. Sport turns on games and contests which are highly organized, competitive, characterized by the established rules; but like play, sport has as its primary purpose fun for the participant.

Athletics, on the other hand, derives not from play at all, but from work. Athletics, as they have been referred to from the ancient Greeks on, refers to intensely competitive confrontation between specially trained performers whose primary objectives are (a) spectator entertainment and (b) victory. Although the game involved in sport and athletics may be the same, as, for example, basketball, the two activities are worlds apart in terms of purpose and attitude. . . . I would simply call your attention to the obvious difference that we understand between intramural sport and intercollegiate athletics.

The speaker then uses the distinctive meanings of the two terms to state his the- sis: “The telecommunications industry is interested in athletic contests, not sport- ing events.”39

It may appear that an introduction containing all five elements discussed above would consume half the allotted time for a speech. Even if this assessment were accurate, the minutes would be well spent if the receptivity of the audience was increased. The more unfamiliar an audience is with a topic or the more hostile they are toward your thesis, the greater the need to take the time to establish an appro- priate foundation for the persuasive appeals.

Prepare the Outline As mentioned earlier, going through the strategic processes discussed in this

section generates an outline for your planned presentation. After completing all the stages, finalize your working outline; it will contain key ideas and concepts you want to cover. Organize it clearly; type it using a legible font in a large point size; and make the major ideas and divisions of the speech easy to locate at a glance. Every outline is different. Some speakers use full sentences throughout, while oth- ers use only key words below the main points (I, II, etc.). Some speakers reduce their notes to an outline of only key words and phrases, but key sentences are gen- erally more effective. Specific ways to state the points, along with transitions, and additional detail are added during delivery.

The following model is a general guide. This style of indention allows the speaker to see at a glance major ideas and their support.

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INTRODUCTION A. B. C.

Thesis: BODY I.

A. B.

1. 2.

II. A. B.

III. A. B.

SUMMARY Use the summary to restate main points and close with a final capstone exam- ple, illustration, or quote. Don’t introduce new ideas in the summary. Use it as a final opportunity to affirm what you have already presented.

Presenting the Message While there is no single formula for translating ideas from the page into an effec-

tive face-to-face presentation, there are a number of useful guidelines to consider.

• Practice delivering your message several times; do not memorize or read it. The outline highlights all the points you want to make, but the actual expla- nations should be in conversational language with your audience during delivery. If you memorize your message, the delivery style will resemble an oral reading rather than a conversation. As Otis Walter and Robert Scott noted, we tend to be more expressive in voice and gesture if we think about our ideas as we say them. An outline encourages thinking; reading does not.40

• For your outline, use double-spaced type (16 point or larger) on full sheets of paper. Small note-cards are too hard to read while trying to maintain audi- ence eye contact.

• Be flexible about cutting or adding items to the outline. The actual circum- stances of delivery (running out of time, unanticipated comments made by a previous speaker) may force you to vary your speech from its original form. The outline can easily accommodate change.

• Use a systematic pattern of indenting so that key points can be easily located along the left-hand margin. If you lose your place, for example, you can always relocate the main points of the speech by searching them out on the left margin. Reserve Roman numerals for major contentions in the body of the speech that will be repeated several times.

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• Avoid writing a conclusion that introduces new ideas that have not been developed in the body. The real conclusion of the speech is the thesis. An extended conclusion may involve a review of all main points and perhaps a closing story or illustration.

• A major goal should be to communicate your conviction. Don’t be overly con- cerned about pauses, the urge to rephrase an idea, or the desire to make another attempt to clarify a point. These are natural features of all oral com- munication. It is more unnatural to read to someone in a way that makes their presence seem marginal rather than central to your reason for speaking.

• Use media support sparingly. PowerPoint, video, and computer illustrations can help amplify main points, but they can also create their own distractions and disrupt the flow of ideas. Use display and visual media only if they actu- ally add to your persuasiveness. Since equipment can let you down, prepare a message that will work even without media support.

• Don’t apologize. Don’t communicate feelings of inadequacy. We all some- times feel challenged by the task of addressing others, especially in larger groups. And persuasion is rarely easy. But audiences generally want speakers to succeed. They don’t want to worry about whether you are up to the chal- lenge. So stay focused on your ideas.

 Two Additional Considerations for Discursive Messages To this point, we have described a general method for translating a persuasive

intent into an actual message. We turn now to several additional concerns about persuasion strategies in longer, discursive forms of communication.

When to Reveal the Thesis Ideally, you should state the thesis in the introduction to give direction to the

remarks that follow. In some instances, however, this strategy might alienate the audience. If their hostility to the thesis is known to be very strong, you might with- hold it until you have established common ground and evidence for the conclu- sions you want them to reach.41

In his famous “Funeral Oration,” for example, Marc Antony begins by prais- ing Brutus, one of the assassins of Caesar, as an “honorable man.” He does so because Brutus has just given his speech in which he has convinced the crowd that Caesar deserved to die. As Shakespeare writes his part, Antony begins with the famous lines that give no hint as to the eventual conclusion he wants his audience to reach:

Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears; I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him.

Only later in the speech is it evident that he has actually come to do the reverse: to bury Brutus and to praise Caesar. This attitude gradually emerges as Antony offers his observations about Caesar’s goodness seemingly as afterthoughts. He uses the phrase “Brutus was an honorable man” to communicate an intended irony.

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When that the poor have cried, Caesar hath wept: Ambition should be made of sterner stuff; Yet Brutus says he was ambitious; and Brutus is an honorable man.42

Antony concludes that Brutus is the true villain only when he thinks the audience is ready to hear it.

Whether to Recognize Opposing Views When we think of a persuader or a passionate advocate, we usually assume

that the ideas to be presented will be one-sided. Few persuaders, whether they are consumer advocates testifying in a congressional hearing or people selling cars, will give equal time to ideas or attitudes they oppose. Successful persuasion frequently requires commitment to one side of a case because the communicator’s conviction must be apparent. Part of what makes a persuader credible is the evident passion he or she has for a cause.

Yet audiences do not live only in the persuader’s world. In many cases, their awareness about a topic includes significant information about the other side of a controversial question. They have been subject to counterpersuasion—persuasion intended to weaken the impact of opposing advocates—and will be subject to it again. In the case of heavily advertised products such as beer and automobiles, for example, counterpersuasion frequently occurs within a matter of hours or even minutes.

There have been many experimental studies conducted to measure how atti- tudes are affected by single and two-sided persuasion.43 One conducted by Carl Hovland and his associates found that a two-sided presentation may not be as effective for an audience that already agrees with your point of view.44 However, individuals hostile to a speaker’s thesis responded positively to the recognition given the other side of a question. This is called a two-sided presentation, and its pos- itive effects were especially evident in “better educated” listeners.45 As a general rule, the greater the audience’s working knowledge of a topic the more a persuader will need to state and deal with counter arguments.46

 Summary In this chapter, we have explored a number of recommendations for construct-

ing persuasive messages. In discursive messages such as speeches, we reviewed a development sequence of six steps: (1) know the audience; (2) determine your objectives; (3) determine your thesis; (4) develop main points; (5) develop amplifi- cation and evidence; and (6) write the introduction. We made two basic claims about persuasive speaking. The first is that it is important to think of a speech as more than a written copy of what you intend to say. Preparing to persuade an audi- ence is as much a process of thinking about the event as it is about writing words on paper. Everything done before the speech should make the contact between you and your listeners as successful and satisfying as possible. No speech is completed when it is written—only when it is delivered.

In the first part of the chapter we explored conventional message-building guidelines used by persuaders who have less time or space to develop their views.

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The shorter and more subtle nondiscursive persuasion of advertising, the Internet, and other visual and aural media rely on a kind of symbolic shorthand. Individuals encounter so many of these kinds of messages that it is difficult for anyone to burn into our consciousness. Even so, we use every device to try to break through: the creation of interesting stories, praise- or blameworthy agents, and familiar iconog- raphy to carry their meanings. We made a number of recommendations:

• Use images, fonts, and icons that thematically enhance your message.

• Make every word and image count, with an emphasis on concrete symbols that make your meaning unambiguous.

• Where appropriate, frame persuasion as narratives with heroes who embody the attitudes or behaviors you advocate.

Even though we may strategize over the choices of certain communication ele- ments, it pays to be humble about anticipated effects. It is the classic stuff of farce to see well-intentioned planning run completely aground in unanticipated effects. Campaign speeches that fall onto silent audiences, antidrug messages that actually present drug use as an accepted norm, or advertisements that leave us cheering for the “other” brand are only small representations of the challenge and serendipity of all persuasion. The message designer is—in a sense—put to the ultimate test of translating tactics and strategies into real messages for people who are never quite as predictable as sometimes assumed.

 QUESTIONS AND PROJECTS FOR FURTHER STUDY 1. Pick a presentation from the online “persuasive” list at TED Talks (http://

www.ted.com/talks). This nonprofit and nonpartisan organization features speakers with new ideas in science, culture, and entertainment. All talks are available on their website. Assess the message in terms of some of the recom- mendations and strategies discussed in the second half of this chapter.

2. In discussing one-sided versus two-sided presentations, the authors note that there is no inherent ethical problem in focusing on only one side of an issue. Agree or disagree with the authors, citing real or hypothetical examples to sup- port your point of view.

3. As an exercise in generating good reasons for an assertion, (1) write a thesis statement that presents an attitude with which a partner disagrees and (2) iden- tify two or three good reasons in support of the thesis. Working alone, write down the strongest case that you can. Ask the partner questions about the logi- cal structure you have developed. Your questions may include the following: Do you accept any of the good reasons? If not, where are the flaws? If so, does your acceptance of a good reason make you feel uncomfortable about rejecting the thesis? Is there a major objection that the outline overlooks?

4. Locate and analyze the evidence used (or missing) in the persuasive appeals of a blogger or columnist. (Samples can be found in the online websites of The Wash- ington Post, The New York Times, and other news organizations.) Identify the kinds of evidence the writer employs using the categories developed in this chap- ter and the types of sources cited in chapter 5.

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5. Using the standards for pictures and images discussed in the section on prepar- ing nondiscursive messages, assess advertising intended for audiences that include you. How effective are the images? What are some possible unintended associations that may weaken some of the images? What suggestions would you make for improvement? Do the same for a website with accessible persuasive messages (http://www.adcouncil.org/Our-Work/Current-Work or http:// www.livingroomcandidate.org/ or http://www.dfaf.org/).

6. Considering our comments on delivery, analyze and evaluate a persuasive pre- sentation (i.e., at a campus forum, in Congress over cable television’s C-SPAN, in a recorded TED talk, or in a persuasion class). Some questions to consider: What kind of notes is the speaker using? Are the notes a help or a hindrance in promoting successful communication with the audience? If the speaker were to ask you for suggestions for improvement, what would you say?

7. Working with a partner and using some of the recommendations for construct- ing nondiscursive forms of persuasion, identify a target audience and design a one-page ad for a social action group that interests you (Greenpeace, Mothers Against Drunk Driving, Christian Coalition, Planned Parenthood, etc.). Con- sider the role of photos, headlines, key symbols, and additional persuasive copy.

 ADDITIONAL READING Bruce Gronbeck, “Reconceptualizing the Visual Experience in Media Studies,” in Judith

Trent (Ed.), Communication: Views from the Helm for the 21st Century (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1998).

Carl I. Hovland (Ed.), The Order of Presentation in Persuasion (New Haven, CT: Yale Univer- sity Press, 1957).

Paul Lester, Visual Communication: Images with Messages, 6th ed. (Belmont, CA: Wads- worth, 2014).

Lawrence J. Prelli, Rhetorics of Display (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2006). Michael E. Roloff and Gerald R. Miller (Eds.), Persuasion: New Directions in Theory and

Research (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1980). John Rossiter and Larry Percy, “Visual Communication in Advertising,” in Richard Jackson

Harris (Ed.), Information Processing Research in Advertising (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erl- baum Associates, 1983), pp. 103–109.

Edward Tufte, Visual Explanations (Cheshire, CT: Graphics Press, 1997).

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 395 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

Endnotes

 Chapter 1 1 Hugh D. Duncan, Language and Literature in Society (New York: Bedminster Press, 1961), p. x. 2 For a sample of the missionary efforts of two twin sisters, see their self-made You-Tube video,

retrieved from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s0HcpekX4gk&feature=related 3 Missionary Preparation: Student Manual (Salt Lake City, UT: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day

Saints, 2005), 99. 4 The 2001 Disney film about a missionary, The Other Side of Heaven, reflects this fact. See, for example,

Stephen Holden, “Spreading Sugar-Coated Religion in the South Seas,” New York Times, April 12, 2002. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2002/04/12/movies/12HEAV.html

5 Gary Shepherd and Gordon Shepherd, Mormon Passage: A Missionary Chronicle (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998).

6 Josh Jarman, “God’s Salesmen,” The Columbus Dispatch, July 6, 2007, p. 3B. 7 Ibid. 8 Missionary Preparation, p. 100. 9 Ibid.

10 Gustav Niebuhr, “Youthful Optimism Powers Mormon Missionary Engine,” New York Times, May 23, 1999. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/1999/05/23/us/youthful-optimism-powers- mormon-missionary-engine.html

11 Jarman. 12 Shepherd and Shepherd, p. xii. 13 Quoted in Lester Thonssen and A. Craig Baird, Speech Criticism (New York: Ronald Press, 1948), p. iv. 14 Aristotle, Rhetoric, Book II, Chapters 12–17. 15 Plato, Gorgias. Trans. by Donald Zeyl (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1987) 462e, 463a. 16 Robert Cialdini, Influence: Science and Practice, 5th ed. (New York: Harper Collins, 2009), p. xii. 17 See, for example, Anthony Pratkanis and Elliot Aronson, Age of Propaganda, 2nd ed. (New York:

W.H. Freeman 2001), pp. 1–9. 18 William J. McGuire, “Attitudes and Attitude Change,” in Gardner Lindzey and Elliot Aronson

(Eds.), Handbook of Social Psychology Volume II, 3rd ed. (New York: Random House, 1985), p. 235. 19 Anthony Pratkanis, “Social Influence Analysis: An Index of Tactics,” in Anthony Pratkanis (Ed.),

The Science of Social Influence: Advances and Future Progress (New York: Psychology Press, 2007), p. 17. 20 Erwin B. Bettinghaus and Michael Cody, Persuasive Communication, 5th ed. (New York: Holt, Har-

court, 1994), p. 6. 21 Herbert W. Simons, with Joanne Morreale and Bruce Gronbeck, Persuasion in Society (Thousand

Oaks, CA: Sage, 2001), p. 7. 22 Ibid., pp. 73–89.

395

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23 Roderick Hart and Suzanne Daughton, Modern Rhetorical Criticism, 3rd ed. (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 2005), p. 8.

24 Christopher Hitchens, Hitch 22: A Memoir (New York: Twelve Hachette Book Group, 2010), p. 407. 25 Ibid., p. 406. 26 Kenneth Burke, A Rhetoric of Motives (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1953), p. 55. 27 Daniel J. O’Keefe, Persuasion: Theory and Research, 2nd ed. (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002), p. 3. 28 Gerald R. Miller, “On Being Persuaded,” in James Dillard and Michael Pfau (Eds.), The Persuasion

Handbook (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002), p. 6. 29 See, for example, Howard Leventhal and Linda Cameron, “Persuasion and Health Attitudes,” in

Sharon Shavitt and Timothy C. Brock (Eds.), Persuasion: Psychological Insights and Perspective (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1994), p. 221.

30 The ad can be seen on YouTube. Retrieved from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SBuKuA9nHsw 31 Ian Sparks, “McDonald’s Launches TV ad Campaign Targeting Gay Men,” The Daily Mail (UK),

June 1, 2010. Retrieved from http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/worldnews/article-1283148/ McDonalds-launches-TV-advertising-campaign-targeting-gay-men.html

32 Ibid. 33 Comments to Sparks in Ibid. 34 “Gay Group: Don’t Trust McDonald’s Commercial,” ABC News online, June 22, 2010. Retrieved

from http://abcnews.go.com/Business/mcdonalds-commercial-france-prompts-charges-hypocrisy- us-gay/story?id=10975302&page=2

35 Steven Erlanger, “A Message with Fries on the Side,” New York Times, June 3, 2010, p. A6. 36 D. Graham Burnett, A Trial by Jury (New York: Knopf, 2001). 37 Ibid. pp. 72–73. 38 Ibid. p. 12. 39 Ibid. p. 166. 40 Ibid., p. 138. 41 Ibid., p. 139. 42 See Barry Bearak, “Odyssey to Suicide,” New York Times, April 28, 1997, p. A1. 43 Comparisons between Jones and Koresh abound. See, for example, Melinda Liu and Todd Barrett,

“Hard Lessons in the Ashes,” Newsweek, May 3, 1993, p. 31. 44 Jones quoted in Jeannie Mills, Six Years with God (New York: Times Books, 1979), p. 317. 45 Ibid., p. 319. 46 Jones quoted in James Reston Jr., Our Father Who Art in Hell (New York: Times Books, 1981), p. 324. 47 Wes Enzinna, “Big Meat on Campus,” Mother Jones, November/December, 2010, p. 25. 48 Michael Pollan, The Omnivore’s Dilemma (New York: Penguin, 2006), p. 10. 49 Enzinna. 50 Beef.org, “Masters of Beef Advocacy.” Retrieved from http://www.beef.org/mastersofbeefadvocacy.aspx 51 Quoted in Enzinna. 52 Ibid. 53 Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (New York: Anchor, 1959), p. 15. 54 Ibid., pp. 121–122. 55 Aristotle, Rhetoric, Book I, Chapter 2. 56 Plato, “Gorgias” in Patricia Bizzell and Bruce Herzberg (Eds.), The Rhetorical Tradition, 2nd ed. (New

York: St. Martin’s, 2001), pp. 87–138. 57 Ronald Reagan, Where’s the Rest of Me? (New York: Karz, 1981), p. 163. 58 People named as communist sympathizers were blacklisted; many careers were ruined, and the leg-

acy of this troubled period lives on. At the Academy Awards in 1999, screen director Elia Kazan received the lifetime achievement award to the frustration of many of his former friends. Kazan had testified before the House Un-American Activities Committee and had named members of the enter- tainment industry as members of the Communist Party. For an account of this period see Richard Schickel, Elia Kazan: A Biography (New York: Harper Perennial, 2005), pp. xiii–xxxi, 251–272.

59 Among our favorites from classic films: Charlie’s sudden inability to resist the urgings of Rose to take huge risks in The African Queen (1951), Tracy’s sudden discovery in the last 10 minutes of The Philadel- phia Story (1940) that she really does love Dexter, whom she divorced a few years earlier, or the ease with which Dorothy recruits the scarecrow, the tin man, and the lion for the risky trip down the yel- low brick road to meet The Wizard of Oz (1939).

Endnotes  397

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60 See, for example, Eric Knowles and Jay Linn, “The Importance of Resistance to Persuasion,” in Eric Knowles and Jay Linn (Eds.) Resistance to Persuasion (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2004), pp. 3–10.

61 Catt quoted in Gail Collins, “My Favorite August,” New York Times, August 14, 2010, p. A19. 62 Minimal effects theory primarily rose out of work Elihu Katz and Paul Lazerfield in their book, Per-

sonal Influence: the Part Played by People in the Flow of Mass Communications (Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1955). For a modern critique of this thesis and the author’s argument that face-to-face persuasion is greater than mass-mediated persuasion see Jefferson Pooley, “Fifteen Pages that Shook the Field: Personal Influence, Edward Shils, and the Remembered History of Mass Communication Research,” in The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, November, 2006, pp. 130–157.

63 Charles Atkin, “Promising Strategies for Media Health Campaigns,” in William Crano and Michael Burgoon (Eds.), Mass Media and Drug Prevention (Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 2002), pp. 35–64.

64 See Pooley, 130–157. 65 See, for example, Rosanna Guadagno and Robert Cialdini, “Online Persuasion and Compliance:

Social Influence on the Internet and Beyond,” in Yair Amichai-Hamburger (Ed.), The Social Net: Human Behavior in Cyberspace (New York: Oxford, 2005), pp. 91–114.

66 See, for example, Kai Sassenberg, Margarete Boos, and Sven Rabung, “Attitude Change in Face to Face and Computer Mediated Communication,” European Journal of Social Psychology, Vol. 35, 2005. Retrieved from http://elearn.jku.at/wiki/images/4/4b/SaBoRa.pdf

67 Stevenson, F. A., Cox, K., Britten, N. and Dundar, Y., “A Systematic Review of the Research on Communication between Patients and Health Care Professionals about Medicines: The Conse- quences for Concordance.” Health Expectations, September, 2004, pp. 235–245.

68 Al Gore and George W. Bush each polled about 48% of the electorate in 2000. John Kerry polled 48% in 2004, compared to George W. Bush’s 50%. 2008 was a rare year: Barack Obama (52.9%) would have still beaten John McCain (45.7%) in the popular vote even with a 6% shift.

69 International Parliamentary Union, “Women in National Parliaments,” July 31, 2010. Retrieved from http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm

70 “The Top Beers in the US in 2012 by Value.” December 2012. Retrieved from http://www.adbrands.net/sectors/sector_booze.htm

71 “Cheerios Is King.” Topher’s Breakfast Cereal Character Guide, 2008. Retrieved from http://www.lavasurfer.com/cereal-stats.html

72 Jennifer Agiesta, “Post-ABC Poll: Views on Gay Marriage Steady, More Back Civil Unions,” Wash- ington Post online, February 12, 2010. Retrieved from http://voices.washingtonpost.com/behind-the- numbers/2010/02/post-abc_poll_views_on_gay_mar.html

73 The Talented Mr. Ripley, Paramount Pictures, 1999, based on the book by Patricia Highsmith. 74 To be sure, it is never easy to assign intentions to another’s communications. We are creative inter-

preters of others’ motives, but there are no easy benchmarks of certainty. See, for example, Arabella Lyon, “Introduction: Intentions Assumed,” in Arabella Lyon (Ed.), Intentions: Negotiated, Contested and Ignored (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999), pp. 1–25.

75 We are not alone. For two critiques on the unsettled state of persuasion and social influence research see Robert Bostrom, “ ‘Put the Helm Over!’ and Steer a New Heading: Communication and ‘Social Influence,’ ” in Judith Trent (Ed.), Communication: Views from the Helm for the 21st Century (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1998), pp. 103–109, and Michael Burgoon, “Social Influence Research: At the Helm, on the Edge, or Over the Abyss?” in Ibid., pp. 88–93.

76 Intentions are rarely as transparent as they may first seem. The sources of personal motivation remain among the most obscure of all human processes, confounding psychologists, philosophers, and rhetoricians. See Bertram Malle, Louis Moses and Dare Baldwin, “Introduction: The Signifi- cance of Intentionality,” in Bertram Malle, Louis Mowes and Dare Baldwin (Eds.), Intentions and Intentionality (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001), pp. 1–24. In addition, it is clearly possible to be persuasive without intending to be so. Information has salience. It can have an urgency that perhaps even the original source seems to lack, as when long term predictions of bigger hurricanes might dis- suade someone from buying a Florida home near the beach.

77 Monte N. Poen (Ed.), Strictly Personal and Confidential: The Letters Harry Truman Never Mailed, (Boston: Little, Brown, 1982).

78 Studies in the rhetoric of science sometimes explore the points where knowledge and socially gener- ated values intersect. See, for example, Simons, pp. 307–326, and Alan Gross, “The Origin of Spe-

398  Endnotes

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cies: Evolution Taxonomy as an Example of the Rhetoric of Science,” in Herbert Simons (Ed.), The Rhetorical Turn (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), pp. 91–115.

79 Burke quoted in Kermit Lansner, “Burke, Burke, the Lurk,” in William Rueckert (Ed.), Critical Responses to Kenneth Burke (Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1969), pp. 261–262.

 Chapter 2 1 Jaron Lanier, “Digital Power and its Discontents,” Edge: The Reality Club. Retrieved from

http://www.edge.org/discourse/digitalpower.html 2 No One Knows about Persian Cats, 2009. To view a trailer and other information about the film visit the

Internet Movie Database. Retrieved from http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1426378/ 3 A. O. Scott, “Band on the Run, Filmed on the Fly,” New York Times, April 16, 2010. Retrieved from

http://movies.nytimes.com/2010/04/16/movies/16noone.html 4 You can view the map online. Newseum, “Press Freedom Map.” Retrieved from

http://www.newseum.org/exhibits-and-theaters/permanent-exhibits/world-news/ press-freedom-map.html

5 Freedom House, “Freedom of the Press 2013: A Global Survey of Media Independence.” Retrieved from http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/freedom-press-2013

6 John Kelly, “At Newseum, Updating the Overview of Press Freedom,” Washington Post, April 29, 2010, B2.

7 Ibid. 8 This “right”—now so difficult to interpret in the age of social media—is more implied than explicit in

the American Constitution. For a useful primer on the evolution of privacy protections, see Doug Linder, “Exploring Constitutional Law: The Right of Privacy.” Retrieved from http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/conlaw/rightofprivacy.html

9 Dan Steinbock, “China’s Urban Challenge,” Newgeography, June 21, 2010. Retrieved from http://www.newgeography.com/content/001628–china%E2%80%99s-urban-challenge-balancing- sustainable-economic-growth-and-soaring-property-pr

10 Nina Hachigian, “China’s Cyber-Strategy,” Foreign Affairs, March/April 2001. Retrieved from http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/56857/nina-hachigian/chinas-cyber-strategy; “What Are They Afraid Of ?” The Economist, February 20, 2010. Retrieved from http://www.economist.com/ node/15546095

11 “China: No Investigation, No Redress and Still No Freedom of Speech! Human Rights Activists Tar- geted for Discussing the Tiananmen Crackdown,” Amnesty International Public Statement, June 2, 2010. Retrieved from http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA17/025/2010/en/ 596b29d0–0190–41b0–95b0–474d3f915002/asa170252010en.html

12 “Jailed China Earthquake Activist’s Appeal Declined,” Amnesty International Report, June 9, 2010. Retrieved from http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/jailed-china-earthquake-activists- appeal-declined-2010–06–09

13 For a useful overview of China’s human rights record, see U.S. Department of State, “Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2012: China.” Retrieved from http://www.state.gov/ documents/organization/204405.pdf

14 Sharon LaFraniere, “China Aims to Stifle Tibet’s Photocopiers,” New York Times, May 12, 2010, p. A8. 15 Andrew Jacobs, “China Requires Software on News Computers to Block ‘Unhealthy Information,’”

New York Times, June 9, 2009, p. A11. 16 You can test whether a website is accessible in China by using Website Pulse’s “China Firewall Test”

at http://www.websitepulse.com/help/testtools.china-test.html. In July 2013, a test of http:// www.savetibet.org reported “Failure receiving network data” in Shanghai and Guangzhou, but Bei- jing and Hong Kong reported “ok.”

17 Martyn Williams, “Tuning the FM dial in Pyongyang,” North Korea Tech, September 16, 2011. Retrieved from http://www.northkoreatech.org/2011/09/16/tuning-the-fm-dial-in-pyongyang/

18 Salman Rushdie, “In Good Faith: The Pen Against the Sword,” Newsweek, February 12, 1990, p. 53. 19 Plato, The Republic, Bks 7–10. See also, Karl R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies Vol. 1, 5th ed.

(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1966), p. 42.

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20 The dialogue is called The Gorgias. For an interesting analysis of Plato’s attacks on Gorgias and the teaching of persuasion, see Robert M. Pirsig’s best-selling biographical novel, Zen and the Art of Motor- cycle Maintenance (New York: Morrow, 1974), especially Part IV.

21 W. C. K. Guthrie, The Sophists (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1977), p. 270. 22 Ibid. p. 272. 23 For a more nuanced assessment of the real Gorgias, see Scott Consigny, Gorgias: Sophist and Artist

(Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2001), pp. 107–118. 24 Plato, Phaedrus, trans. by Alexander Nehamas and Paul Woodruff. From John M. Cooper (Ed.),

Plato: Complete Works (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett, 1997), pp. 277b-c. For an interpretation congruent to ours about Plato’s doubts about the possibilities for enlightened persuasion see Brad McAdon, “Plato’s Denunciation of Rhetoric in the Phaedrus,” Rhetoric Review, January 1, 2004, Ebsco Commu- nication and Mass Media Complete.

25 See, for example, William G. Kelley Jr., “Rhetoric as Seduction,” Philosophy and Rhetoric, 6(2), Spring, 1973, pp. 69–80.

26 Guthrie, p. 183. 27 Ibid., p. 184. 28 Aristotle, Rhetoric, Book I, Chapter 1. 29 For a broad overview of ideas feeding the American revolution see Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological

Origins of the American Revolution, Enlarged Edition (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), pp. 1–93.

30 David McCullough, John Adams (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001), pp. 447–448. 31 Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, The Federalist Papers, ed. Clinton Rossiter (New

York: Mentor, 1961), p. 79. 32 For an overview of the institution’s current problems see Thomas Mann and Norman Ornstein, The

Broken Branch: How Congress is Failing America and How to Get it Back on Track (New York: Oxford Uni- versity Press, 2008).

33 Hamilton, Madison, and Jay. p. 81. 34 Alan Durning, “Undemocracy and the U.S. Senate,” Sightline Daily, March 16, 2010 Retrieved from

http://daily.sightline.org/daily_score/archive/2010/03/16/un-democracy-and-the-us-senate 35 Jefferson quoted in Page Smith, Jefferson: A Revealing Biography (New York: American Heritage,

1976), p. 157. 36 McCullough, pp. 504–505. 37 Holmes quoted in Jerome Barron, Freedom of the Press for Whom? (Bloomington: Indiana University

Press, 1973), p. 320. 38 See, for example, Jackson Diehl, “East Europe on Cultural Fast Forward,” in Shirley Biagi (Ed.),

Media Reader (Belmont, CA.: Wadsworth, 1989), pp. 340–342. 39 See, for example, Frank Rich, “Wallflowers at the Revolution,” New York Times, February 6, 2011,

Week in Review, p. 8. 40 Jay Yarrow, “Chart of the Day: Google’s Search Share Flatlines,” Business Insider, September 16,

2010. Retrieved from http://www.businessinsider.com/google-search-share 41 Jaron Lanier quoted in Michael Agger, “The Geek Freaks,” Slate, January 3, 2010. Retrieved from

http://www.slate.com/id/2239466/ 42 A Google official quoted in David Segal, “A Bully Finds a Pulpit on the Web,” New York Times,

November 28, 2010, Sunday Business, p. 6. 43 FreePress, “Who Owns the Media?” Retrieved from http://www.freepress.net/ownership/chart 44 For a list of outlets owned by media companies, see “Who Owns What,” The Columbia Journalism

Review. Retrieved from http://www.cjr.org/resources/ 45 Howard Zinn, Disobedience and Democracy: Nine Fallacies on Law and Order (New York: Vintage, 1968),

pp. 67–87. 46 Meg Greenfield, Washington (New York: Public Affairs Press, 2001), p. 93. 47 Felicity Barringer, “State Dept. Protests Move by U.S. Radio,” New York Times, September 26, 2001,

p. B3. 48 Ibid. 49 American Library Association, “Banned Books Week: Celebrating the Freedom to Read. Retrieved

from http://www.ala.org/advocacy/banned/bannedbooksweek

400  Endnotes

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50 American Library Association, “Top Ten Challenged Books by Year, 2001–2012.” Retrieved from http://www.ala.org/advocacy/banned/frequentlychallenged/21stcenturychallenged

51 Alison Cowan, “Librarian is Still John Doe, Despite Patriot Act Revision,” New York Times, March 21, 2006. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2006/03/21/nyregion/ 21library.html?_r=1&pagewanted=2

52 Andrew Revkin, Climate Expert Says NASA Tried to Silence Him,” New York Times, January 29, 2006, pp. A1, A20.

53 See Dylan Blaylock, “White House Ends Climate Change Gag Order: EPA Whistleblowers Now Free to Speak Out,” Government Accountability Project, July 28, 2010. Retrieved from http://www.commondreams.org/newswire/2010/07/28–3

54 Private interview of an official within a national health agency. 55 Robert Seidman, “Total Viewers Don’t Matter to Primetime Advertising Rates,” TV by the Numbers,

April 8, 2010. Retrieved from http://tvbythenumbers.zap2it.com/2010/04/08/ total-viewers-dont-matter-to-primetime-advertising-rates-part-642000/47727

56 George Gerbner, “Minister of Culture, the USA, and the ‘Free Market of Ideas’” in Biagi, pp. 335–339. 57 European Committee for Interoperable Systems, “Microsoft A History of Anticompetitive Behavior

and Consumer Harm” March 31, 2009. Retrieved from http://www.ecis.eu/documents/ Finalversion_Consumerchoicepaper.pdf

58 Ibid. 59 Joseph Menn and Chris Gaither, “U.S. Obtains Internet User’s Search Records,” Los Angeles Times,

January 20, 2006. Retrieved from http://www.commondreams.org/headlines06/0120-06.htm 60 Clifford Levy, “Microsoft Moves to Help Nonprofits avoid Piracy-Linked Crackdowns,” New York

Times, October 17, 2010. 61 Bill Carter, “CBS Pulls Show Over Concern From P & G,” New York Times, August 17, 2001, p. C1. 62 William Spain, “Advertisers Deserting Fox News’ Glenn Beck,” Market Watch, August 14, 2009.

Retrieved from http://www.marketwatch.com/story/advertisers-deserting-fox-news-glenn-beck- 2009–08–14?pagenumber=2

63 Ryan Chittum, “It’s Time for the Press to Push Back Against Apple,” Columbia Journalism Review, April 15, 2010. Retrieved from http://www.cjr.org/the_audit/its_time_for_the_press_to_push.php

64 Ibid. 65 Kelefa Sanneh, “Strong, Independent and Taking Their Own Advice,” New York Times, August 3,

2006. Retrieved from http://query.nytimes.com/gst/ fullpage.html?res=9D00EFDA103FF930A3575BC0A9609C8B63

66 Russ Baker, “The Squeeze,” Columbia Journalism Review, September/October, 1997. Retrieved from http://www.russbaker.com/archives/CJR%20–%20The%20Squeeze.htm

67 Ibid. 68 See, for example, Lawrence Soley, Advertising Censorship (Milwaukee: South Shore Press, 2002), 5–64. 69 Edith Honan, “Lowe’s Defends Pulling Ads from Muslim TV Show,” Reuters, December 12, 2011.

Retrieved from http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/12/13/us-media-muslim- lowes-idUSTRE7BC01D20111213

70 Adam Liptak, “Verizon Blocks Messages of Abortion Rights Group,” New York Times, September 27, 2007. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/27/us/27verizon.html?pagewanted=print

71 Trudy Lieberman, “You Can’t Report What You Don’t Pursue,” Columbia Journalism Review, May/ June 2000, pp. 44–49.

72 Ibid. 73 The Network Didn’t. See Paul Farhi, “On NBC, the Missing Story about Parent Company General

Electric,” Washington Post, March 29, 2011. Retrieved from http://www.washingtonpost.com/ lifestyle/style/on-nbc-the-missing-story-about-parent-company-general-electric/2011/03/29/ AFpRYJyB_print.html

74 Jaron Lanier, “Digital Power and its Discontents.”

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 Chapter 3 1 Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (New York: Routledge, 1997), p. 1. 2 George Bush, “Address by George W. Bush, President of the United States, Delivered to a Joint Ses-

sion of Congress and the American People, Washington, DC, September 20, 2001,” Vital Speeches of the Day, Vol. LXVII, No. 24, p. 760.

3 Reed Irvine and Cliff Kincaid, “Is Reuters Kowtowing to Terrorists?” Accuracy in Media, November 22, 2001, http://www.aim.org/media-monitor/is-reuters-kowtowing-to-terrorists/

4 National Federation of Independent Business et al. v. Sebelius, Secretary of Health And Human Services et al., No. 11–393, June 28, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/11pdf/ 11-393c3a2.pdf

5 Ann Gill, Rhetoric and Human Understanding (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 1994), p. 9. 6 Ibid., p. 15. 7 Ibid., p. 7 8 Ibid., p. 16. 9 C. K. Ogden and I. A. Richards, The Meaning of Meaning (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1923).

10 “Most definitions,” About.com. Retrieved from http://puzzles.about.com/library/weekly/blmosdef.htm 11 Sonja K. Foss, Karen A. Foss, and Robert Trapp, Contemporary Perspectives on Rhetoric, 3rd ed. (Long

Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2002), p. 205. 12 Arthur Asa Berger, Signs in Contemporary Culture: An Introduction to Semiotics (Salem, WI: Sheffield,

1989), p. 173. 13 Ibid. 14 Foss, Foss, and Trapp, p. 63. 15 Ibid. 16 Ernesto Grassi, Rhetoric as Philosophy: The Humanist Tradition (University Park: The Pennsylvania

State University Press, 1980), p. 96. 17 Dan Rothwell, Telling It Like It Isn’t (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: A Spectrum Book, 1982), p. 48. 18 Lawrence Hosman, “Language and Persuasion,” in James Dillard and Michael Pfau (Eds.), The Per-

suasion Handbook (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002), p. 371. 19 Gill, p. 28. 20 See John Carroll and Joseph Casagrande, “The Function of Language Classifications in Behavior,” in

Alfred Smith (Ed.), Communication and Culture (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1966), p. 491. 21 Stephen W. Littlejohn and Karen A. Foss, Theories of Human Communication, 10th ed. (Long Grove,

IL: Waveland Press, 2002), p. 374. 22 Gill, p. 21. 23 S. I. Hayakawa, Language in Thought and Action, 3rd ed. (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,

1972), pp. 27–30. 24 Ronald F. Reid and James F. Klumpp, American Rhetorical Discourse, 3rd ed. (Long Grove, IL: Wave-

land Press, 2005), pp. 340–341. 25 Frank Dance, “The Functions of Speech Communication as an Integrative Concept in the Field of

Communication,” XV Convegno Internazionale delle Comunicazioni (Genoa, Italy: Instituto Internazio- nale delle Comunicazioni, 1967), p. 14.

26 Joshua Whatmough, Language: A Modern Synthesis (New York: New American Library, 1956). 27 Roman Jakobson, “Closing Statement: Linguistics and Poetics,” in Thomas Sebeok (Ed.), Style in

Language (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1960), pp. 350–377. 28 Lawrence Hosman, “Language and Persuasion,” in James Dillard and Michael Pfau (Eds.), The Per-

suasion Handbook (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002). 29 Frank Luntz, Words that Work: It’s Not What You Say, It’s What People Hear (New York: Hyperion,

2007), p. xiv. 30 Gill, pp. 9–10. 31 Foss, Foss, and Trapp, p. 212. 32 Paul E. Corcoran, “Language and Politics,” in David Swanson and Dan Nimmo (Eds.), New Direc-

tions in Political Communication (Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1990), p. 70. 33 Ibid. 34 Murray Edelman, Constructing the Political Spectacle (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), p. 108.

402  Endnotes

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35 Corcoran, p. 53. 36 Doris Graber, “Political Languages,” in Dan Nimmo and Keith Sanders (Eds.), Handbook of Political

Communication (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1981), pp. 195–224. 37 Craig Allen Smith, Political Communication (San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1990), pp.

61–62. 38 Kenneth Burke, A Rhetoric of Motives (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), p. 55. 39 Kenneth Hacker, “Political Linguistic Discourse Analysis,” in Mary Stuckey (Ed.), The Theory and

Practice of Political Communication Research (Albany: University of New York Press, 1996), p. 29. 40 Hugh Duncan, Symbols in Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 25. 41 Ernest and Nancy Bormann, Speech Communication: A Comprehensive Approach (New York: Harper &

Row, 1977), pp. 306–317. 42 Richard Davis and Diana Owen, New Media and American Politics (New York: Oxford University

Press, 1998), p. 96. 43 Ibid., p. 260. 44 See Michael Oreskes, “For GOP Arsenal, 133 Words to Fire,” New York Times, September 9, 1990,

Section One, p. 30. 45 In Craig Smith, Presidential Campaign Communication (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2010, pp. 79–92. 46 William Lutz, “Resolutions,” in William Lutz (Ed.), Beyond Nineteen Eighty-Four (Urbana, IL:

National Council of Teachers of English, 1989), p. ix. 47 Ibid., p. xii. 48 National Council of Teachers of English, “Past Recipients of the NCTE Doublespeak Award.”

Retrieved from http://www.ncte.org/library/NCTEFiles/Involved/Volunteer/ Appointed%20Groups/Past_Recipients_Doublespeak_Award.pdf

49 William Lutz, “Notes Toward a Definition of Doublespeak” in Lutz, Beyond Nineteen Eighty-Four, p. 4. 50 Rita Whillock and David Slayden (Eds.), Hate Speech (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1995), p. xiii. 51 Ibid. 52 Rita Whillock, “The Use of Hate as a Stratagem for Achieving Political and Social Goals,” in Whill-

ock and Slayden, p. 32. 53 Janette K. Muir, “Hating for Life: Rhetorical Extremism and Abortion Clinic Violence,” in Whillock

and Slayden, p. 164. 54 Saul Alinsky, Rules for Radicals: A Practical Primer for Realistic Radicals (New York: Vintage, 1971), p. 128. 55 Ron E. Roberts and Robert M. Kloss, Social Movements: Between the Balcony and the Barricade (St.

Louis: C.V. Mosby, 1974), p. 154. 56 Barnet Baskerville, The People’s Voice (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1979), p. 4. 57 Kevin Phillips, Mediacracy (New York: Doubleday, 1974), p. v. 58 Kathleen H. Jamieson, Eloquence in an Electronic Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 166. 59 Ibid. 60 Robert Cathcart and Gary Gumpert, “Mediated Interpersonal Communication: Toward a New

Typology,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, 69 (1986), p. 267–77. 61 Robert E. Denton, Jr. and Rachel Holloway, “Clinton and the Town Hall Meetings: Mediated Conver-

sation and the Risk of Being ‘In Touch,’” in Robert E. Denton and Rachel Holloway (Eds.), The Clin- ton Presidency: Images, Issues, and Communication Strategies, (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1996), pp. 17–41.

62 Davis and Owen, pp. 17–20. 63 Bruce E. Gronbeck, “The Web, Campaign ’07–’08, and Engaged Citizens,” in Robert E. Denton, Jr.,

(Ed.), The 2008 Presidential Campaign (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2009), p. 229. 64 “Cable and Internet Loom Large in Fragmented Political News Universe,” The Pew Research Cen-

ter, January 11, 2004. Retrieved from http://people-press.org/reports/display.php3?ReportID=200 65 Andrew Paul Williams and John Tedesco, “Introduction,” in Andrew Paul Williams and John

Tedesco (Eds.), The Internet Election: Perspectives on the Web in Campaign 2004 (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), p. 1.

66 Aaron Smith, “The Internet and Campaign 2010.” Pew Research Center, March 17, 2011. Retrieved from http://www.pewinternet.org/~/media//Files/Reports/2011/ Internet%20and%20Campaign%202010.pdf

67 Morley Winograd and Michael Hais, Millennial Makeover: MySpace, YouTube, and the Future of Ameri- can Politics (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2009), 175.

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68 Paul Harris and David Smith, “Obama’s Wi-Fi White House Speaks to the YouTube Age,” The Observer, November, 2008, 38.

69 Chuck Todd and Sheldon Gawiser, How Barack Obama Won: A State-by-State Guide to the Historic 2008 Presidential Election (New York: Vintage Books, 2009), 30–31.

70 David D. Perlmutter, Blog Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 153. 71 Aaron Smith and Maeve Duggan, “Online Political Videos and Campaign 2012,” Pew Research

Center, November 2, 2012. Retrieved from http://pewinternet.org/~/media//Files/Reports/2012/ PIP_State_of_the_2012_race_online_video_final.pdf

72 Aaron Smith and Maeve Duggan, “The State of the 2012 Election—Mobile Politics,” Pew Research Center, October 9, 2012. Retrieved from http://pewinternet.org/~/media//Files/Reports/2012/ PIP_State_of_the_2012_race_mobile.pdf

73 Lee Rainie, Aaron Smith, Kay Lehman Schlozman, Henry Brady, and Sidney Verba, “Social Media and Political Engagement,” Pew Research Center, October 19, 2012. Retrieved from http://pewinternet.org/ ~/media//Files/Reports/2012/PIP_SocialMediaAndPoliticalEngagement_PDF.pdf

74 Aaron Smith, “Civic Engagement in the Digital Age,” Pew Research Center, April 25, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.pewinternet.org/~/media//Files/Reports/2013/ PIP_CivicEngagementintheDigitalAge.pdf

75 Luntz, Words that Work, p. 264.

 Chapter 4 1 David Sedaris, “Standing By,” The New Yorker, August 9, 2010, p. 35. 2 See, for example, The Curse of the Were-Rabbit (2005). 3 “Cartoon Caption Contest,” The New Yorker, December 6, 2010, p. 98. 4 For a discussion on audience motivations to seek out logical relationships in persuasion see Daniel J.

O’Keefe, Persuasion: Theory and Research, Second Edition (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002), pp. 97–99. 5 Michael Kinsley, “Bipolar America,” New York Times Book Review, January 8, 2012. p. 12. 6 Jeffrey Toobin, “Crackdown,” The New Yorker, November 5, 2001, p. 59. 7 Stephen Toulmin, Richard Rieke, and Allan Janik, An Introduction to Reasoning (New York: Macmil-

lan, 1979), p. 9. 8 Aristotle, Rhetoric, Book I, Chapter 1. 9 See Toulmin, Rieke and Janik, pp. 125–35.

10 Chaim Perelman and L. Olbrechts-Tyteca, The New Rhetoric: A Treatise on Argumentation, trans. John Wilkinson and Purcell Weaver (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame, 1969), p. 2.

11 Gustav Niebuhr, “Southern Baptists Declare Wife Should Submit to Her Husband,” New York Times, June 10, 1998, p. A1, Don Lattin, “Baptists Say Wives Must Submit,” San Francisco Chronicle, June 10, 1998, p. A1.

12 For further discussion of this point see Richard Weaver, The Ethics of Rhetoric (Chicago: Henry Regn- ery, 1953), pp. 7–9.

13 Lloyd Bitzer, “Aristotle’s Enthymeme Revisited,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, December 1959, pp. 399–408.

14 Aristotle, Topics, Book I, Chapter. 1. 15 Aristotle, Rhetoric, Book II, Chapter 23. 16 For a more nuanced assessment of how the Sophists dealt with the apparent dichotomy between cer-

tain truth and intersubjective truth, see Nathan Crick, “The Sophistical Attitude and the Invention of Rhetoric,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, 96 (February, 2010), pp. 25–45.

17 Aristotle, Topics, Book I, Chapter 1. 18 Ibid. For further discussion of the differences between demonstrations and arguments, see also Perel-

man and L. Olbrechts-Tyteca, pp. 13–14. 19 A good case has been made by “Sociologists of Knowledge” and others that very little knowledge

about human affairs is completely free of our own values. In a practical way, however, certain obvi- ous facts are largely free of subjective interpretations. The reader interested in how social values can shape what we claim to “know” might start with Peter L. Berger’s and Thomas Luckmann’s The Social Construction of Reality (New York: Doubleday, 1967).

404  Endnotes

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20 Statistical Abstract of the United States, 130th ed., cited in “U.S. Portrait in Numbers, New York Times, January 11, 2011, p. A10.

21 Ibid. 22 Stephanie Goldberg, “Many Teens Send 100-Plus Texts a Day, Survey Says,” CNN Tech, April 20,

2010. Retrieved from http://articles.cnn.com/2010–04–20/tech/teens.text.messaging_1_ text-messaging-cell-phones-teens?_s=PM:TECH

23 “Harper’s Index,” Harpers Magazine, November, 2001, p. 13. 24 For a convincing case arguing Hauptmann’s innocence, see Ludovic Kennedy, The Airman and the

Carpenter (New York: Viking, 1985). 25 Tony Schwartz, The Responsive Chord (New York: Anchor Books, 1974), p. 73. 26 Thomas Hollihan and Kevin Baaske, Arguments and Arguing, 2nd ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland,

2005), p. 89. See also Toulmin, Rieke, and Janik, p. 110. 27 See, for example, Andrew Sullivan, “This is a Religious War,” New York Times Magazine, October 7, 2001,

p. 44, and Salman Rushdie, “Yes, This is About Islam,” New York Times, November 2, 2001, p. A25. 28 See, for example, Irshad Manji, The Trouble with Islam Today: A Muslim’s Call for Reform in Her Faith

(New York: St. Martins, 2005), and Vartan Gregorian, Islam: A Mosaic, Not a Monolith (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2004).

29 See, for example, Fareed Zakaria, “The Jihad against the Jihadis,” Newsweek, February 12, 2010. Retrieved from http://www.newsweek.com/2010/02/11/the-jihad-against-the-jihadis.html

30 Weaver, pp. 11–12, and Plato’s Phaedrus, trans. R. Hackforth (Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs Merrill, Library of the Liberal Arts, 1952), pp. 119–22.

31 Karl Wallace, “The Substance of Rhetoric: Good Reasons,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, October 1963, p. 247.

32 Ibid., p. 248. 33 Aristotle, Rhetoric, Book I, Chapter 2. 34 Wallace, p. 249. 35 Gray L. Dorsey, “Symbols: Vehicles of Reason or of Emotion?” in Lyman Bryson, Louis Finkelstein,

R. M. McIver, and Richard McKeon (Eds.), Symbols and Values: An Initial Study (New York: Cooper Square, 1964), p. 445.

36 Murray Edelman, The Symbolic Uses of Politics (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1967), p. 137. 37 Isabelle Blanchette, “The Effect of Emotion on Interpretation and Logic in a Conditional Reasoning

Task,” Memory and Cognition, July, 2006, pp. 1112–1125. 38 For classic statements of this view, see Gary Cronkhite, “Logic, Emotion, and the Paradigm of Per-

suasion,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, February, 1964, pp. 13–18; and Samuel Becker, “Research on Emotional and Logical Proofs,” Southern Speech Journal, Spring, 1963, pp. 198–207.

39 Kenneth Burke, The Philosophy of Literary Form, 3rd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), p. 191–192.

40 For a sample of Hitler’s rhetoric of victimage against Jews see Mein Kampf, 14th Printing (Houghton Mifflin, 1971), pp. 61–65.

41 Max Black, “Fallacies,” in Jerry M. Anderson and Paul J. Dovre (Eds.), Readings in Argumentation (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1968), p. 301.

42 Jacques Steinberg, “Back to ‘Talking Smack’ with Rosie, Donald and Barbara,” New York Times, Jan- uary 11, 2007. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/11/arts/television/ 11feud.html?n=Top%2fReference%2fTimes%20Topics%2fPeople%2fO%2fO%27Donnell%2c% 20Rosie&_r=0

43 Leonard Garment, Crazy Rhythm (New York: Random House, 1997), p. 199. 44 Leonard Garment, “Richard Nixon, Unedited,” New York Times, October 19, 2001, p. A23. 45 “Transcript: Obama Speech Addresses Tragedy in Tucson,” ABC News, January 13, 2011. Retrieved

from http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/obama-speech-transcript-president-addresses-shooting- tragedy-tucson/story?id=12597444&page=2

46 “Just the Facts,” Good Medicine, Summer, 2005, p. 23. 47 Gina Kolata, “For a World of Woes, We Blame Cookie Monsters,” New York Times, October 29, Sec.

4, 2006, p. 14. 48 Ibid. 49 Don Lattin, “Baptists Say Wives Must Submit,” San Francisco Chronicle, June 10, 1998, p. A11.

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50 Roni Caryn Rabin, “There Goes Your Excuse for Drinking,” Globe and Mail (Canada), June 19, 2009, p. L4.

51 Christopher Plummer, In Spite of Myself: A Memoir (New York: Knopf, 2008), pp. 124–125. 52 “Selling It,” Consumer Reports, April, 1986, p. 279. 53 “Selling It,” Consumer Reports, December, 2007. Retrieved from http://www.consumerreports.org/

cro/selling/selling-it-december-2007/selling-it-ov_1.htm 54 This is admittedly a simplification of a very complex issue. There were obviously many reasons for the

U.S. commitment to support the South Vietnamese. One reporter who has written extensively on both the early and later phases of our involvement is David Halberstam. His first book, The Making of a Quag- mire (New York: Random House, 1965), points to the dilemmas brought on by heavy military involve- ment in a land war. His second book, The Best and Brightest (New York: Random House, 1972), partially reconstructs the circular reasoning behind what became the United States’ “no win” situation.

55 See for example, John Barry, “Obama’s Vietnam,” Newsweek, January 31, 2009. Retrieved from http://www.newsweek.com/2009/01/30/obama-s-vietnam.html

56 See Gary C. Woodward, Center Stage: Media and the Performance of Politics (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2007), pp. 38–42.

57 Dashka Slater, “On the one hand,” Sierra Magazine, May/June 2011, p. 28. 58 International Centre for Prison Studies, Prison Population Totals. Retrieved from http://www.prisonstudies.org/info/worldbrief/wpb_stats.php?area=all&category=wb_poptotal 59 Toulmin, Rieke, and Janik, p. 17. 60 MGM’s classic 1952 film, Singing in the Rain, is Hollywood’s own good-natured send-up of the trau-

mas associated with the switch to sound films. 61 George Will, “Have We Got a Deal for You,” Washington Post, June 7, 2009. Retrieved from http://

www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/06/05/AR2009060502835.html 62 “New iPod Listening Study Shows Surprising Behavior of Teens,” Science Daily, February 28, 2009.

Retrieved from http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2009/02/090218135054.htm 63 Luisita Torregrosa, “Up in Smoke,” New York Times Magazine, August 26, 1996, p. 42. 64 Walter Isaacson, Steve Jobs (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2011), pp. 117–124. 65 For a humorous look at how twisted the logic of smoking can become, see the film, Thank You for

Smoking (2005). 66 Most “twelve-step programs” ranging from alcohol abuse to spousal abuse work this way. For one

example, see Claudia Pinto, “Helping Kids Quit,” Modern Healthcare, April 20, 1998, p. 62. 67 Louis Story and Landon Thomas Jr., “Tales from Lehman’s Crypt,” New York Times, September 13,

2009, Sunday Business, p. 1. 68 Ibid., p. 7. 69 Tom Zeller, Jr., “Is it Hot in Here?” New York Times, August 1, 2010, Week in Review, p. 4. 70 A similar distinction is sometimes made between “persuasion” that moves us intellectually and “con-

viction” that moves us personally. See Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca, pp. 26–31.

 Chapter 5 1 Aristotle, Rhetoric, Book I, Chapter 2. 2 Cardiner Harris, “Panel Suggests Limit on Drug for Diabetes,” New York Times, July 15, 2010, pp.

A1, A18. 3 Lynn Zinser, “Bell Chooses Health over More Football,” New York Times, May 10, 2012. Retrieved

from http://fifthdown.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/05/10/bell-chooses-health-over-more-football/?_r=0 4 Julie Creswell and Landon Thomas Jr., “The Talented Mr. Madoff,” New York Times, January 25,

2009, pp. B1, B8. 5 For samples of these arguments see various documentaries, including The High Cost of Low Prices, 2005

(Robert Greenwald Productions) and Is Wal-Mart Good for America? PBS/Frontline, November 2004. 6 Larry Copeland, “Walmart’s Hired Advocate Takes Flak,” USA Today, March 16, 2006, p. 4B. 7 Aristotle, Rhetoric, Book II, Chapter 1. 8 Ibid. 9 These are high credibility indicators cited by Jack L. Whitehead, Jr. in “Factors of Source Credibil-

ity,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, 54 (1968), p. 61.

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10 Robert M. Pirsig, Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance: An Inquiry Into Values (New York: William Morrow, 1974), p. 32.

11 Ibid., pp. 33–34. 12 Robert P. Newman and Dale R. Newman, Evidence (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1969), p. viii. We are

indebted to the authors of this book for the general scheme developed in this section. 13 Harper Lee, To Kill A Mockingbird (New York: Popular Library, 1962), p. 208. 14 Ibid., p. 244. 15 Bill Carter, “An Energized Brokaw Is in the Middle of the Story,” New York Times, November 5, 2001, C1. 16 Robert McChesney, Rich Media, Poor Democracy (New York: The New Press, 2000), p. 54. 17 Louise Story and Landon Thomas Jr., “Tales from Lehman’s Crypt,” New York Times, September 13,

2009, Sunday Business, pp. 1, 7. 18 Alex Spiegel, “How to Win Doctors and Influence Prescriptions,” National Public Radio.org, Octo-

ber 21, 2010. Retrieved from http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=130730104 19 Newman and Newman, p. 79. 20 Alan Wolfe, “The Education of Diane Ravitch,” New York Times Book Review, May 16, 2010, p. 14. 21 Allison Steele and Joseph Slobodzian, “Philadelphia Breath-test Readings Off for 1,147 Cases,” Phil-

adelphia Inquirer, March 24, 2011. Retrieved from http://www.philly.com/philly/news/ 20110324_Phila__breath-test_readings_off_for_1_147_cases.html

22 Carl Hovland, Irving L. Janis, and Harold Kelley, Communication and Persuasion (New Haven, CT: Yale, 1953).

23 Carl Hovland and Walter Weiss, “The Influence of Source Credibility on Communication Effective- ness,” Public Opinion Quarterly 15 (1951), pp. 635–650.

24 For a critique and review of this study see Philip G. Zimbardo, Ebbe B. Ebbesen, and Christina Maslach, Influencing Attitudes and Changing Behavior, 2nd ed. (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1977), pp. 94–98, 125–27.

25 Ibid., p. 126. 26 For more detailed analyses of experimental research on source credibility see: Kenneth Andersen and

Theodore Clevenger, Jr., “A Summary of Experimental Research in Ethos,” in J. Jeffrey Auer (Ed.), The Rhetoric of Our Times (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1969), pp. 127–51; Jesse G. Delia, “A Constructivist Analysis of the Concept of Credibility,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, December 1976, pp. 361–75; Icek Ajzen and Martin Fishbein, Understanding Attitudes and Predicting Social Behavior (Engle- wood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1980), pp. 13–27, 218–28; and Dominick A. Infante, Kenneth R. Parker, Christopher H. Clarke, Laverne Wilson, and Indrani A. Nathu, “A Comparison of Factor and Functional Approaches to Source Credibility,” Communication Quarterly, Winter 1983, pp. 43–48.

27 Arthur R. Cohen, Attitude Change and Social Influence (New York: Basic Books, 1964), p. 26. 28 Jennifer Greer, “Evaluating the Credibility of Online Information: A Test of Source and Advertising

Influence,” Mass Communication and Society, 6(1) (2003): 11–28. 29 See, for example, Steve Booth-Butterfield and Christine Gutowski, “Message Modality and Source

Credibility Can Interact to Affect Argument Processing.” Communication Quarterly, Winter 1993, pp. 77–89.

30 For more on assessments of motives, see our discussion of attribution theory in chapter 6. 31 Zakary Tormala, Pablo Briñol, and Richard Petty, “Multiple Roles for Source Credibility Under

High Elaboration: It’s All in the Timing,” Social Cognition, 25 (August 2007), pp. 536–552. 32 Herbert W. Simons, Nancy N. Berkowitz, and John Moyer, “Similarity, Credibility, and Attitude

Change: A Review and Theory,” Psychological Bulletin, January, 1970, pp. 2–4. 33 Michael Sunnafrank, “Attitude Similarity and Interpersonal Attraction in Communication Processes:

In Pursuit of an Ephemeral Influence,” Communication Monographs, December 1983, pp. 273–84. 34 Peter A. Andersen, Nonverbal Communication: Forms and Functions, 2nd ed. (Long Grove, IL: Wave-

land, 2008), pp. 271–273. 35 William J. McGuire, “Attitudes and Attitude Change” in Gardner Lindzey and Elliot Aronson (Eds.),

Handbook of Social Psychology, Third Edition, Volume II (New York: Random House, 1985), p. 263. 36 Wayne N. Thompson, Quantitative Research in Public Address and Communication (New York: Random

House, 1967), pp. 54–55. 37 Thanomwong Poorisat, Benjamin Detenber, Vani Viswanathan, and Helen Nofrina, “Perceptions of

Credibility: A Comparison of User-Generated and Expert Generated Websites,” International Com- munication Association Annual Meeting, 2009.

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38 Thomas E. Patterson and Robert D. McClure, The Unseeing Eye: The Myth of Television Power in Politics (New York: Putnam, 1976), pp. 22–23.

39 See, for example, Stephen Rains, “The Anonymity Effect: The Influence of Anonymity of Sources and Information on Health Websites,” Journal of Applied Communication Research, May, 2007, Ebsco- host, February 14, 2011.

40 Andrew Flanagin and Miriam Metzger, “Perceptions of Internet Information Credibility,” Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, Autumn, 2000, pp. 515–540.

41 Charles Kiesler, Barry E. Collins, and Norman Miller, Attitude Change: A Critical Analysis of Theoretical Approaches (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1969), p. 108.

42 Gary Cronkhite and Jo Liska, “The Judgment of Communicant Acceptability,” in Michael Roloff and Gerald Miller (Eds.), Persuasion: New Directions in Theory and Research (Beverly Hills, Sage, 1980), p. 104. See also Daniel J. O’Keefe, Persuasion: Theory and Research (Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1990), pp. 130–57.

43 Larry Rosen, “The Daily Show Effect,” Psychology Today, October 8, 2010. Retrieved from http://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/rewired-the-psychology-technology/201010/ the-daily-show-effect-attracting-young-voters-politics

44 For a more detailed discussion of different assumptions for assessing credibility see Cal Logue and Eugene Miller, “Rhetorical Status: A Study of its Origins, Functions, and Consequences,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, Feb. 1995, pp. 20–28.

45 Richard Sennett argues that the trivia that flows from the celebrity-making machinery of the mass media increasingly eclipse a person’s genuine accomplishments. It may now be easier to be a celeb- rity—to be well known—than to sustain public attention on an agenda for social action. See Richard Sennett, The Fall of Public Man (New York: Vintage, 1978), pp. 282–87.

46 Daniel Pope, The Making of Modern Advertising (New York: Basic Books, 1983), p. 228. 47 For research on some effects of celebrity endorsements see Clinton Amos, Gary Holme, and David

Stutton, “Exploring the Relationship Between Celebrity Endorser Effects and Advertising Effective- ness,” International Journal of Advertising, 7(2), 2008.

48 Edward Shils, “Charisma,” in David Sills (Ed.), The Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 2 (New York: Macmillan, 1968), p. 387.

49 Ibid. 50 Andy Barr, “Obama Still a Rock Star in Europe,” Politico, March 30, 2009. Retrieved from

http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0309/20682.html 51 Quoted in Richard Weaver, The Ethics of Rhetoric (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1953), p. 200. 52 “Donald Rumsfeld Quotes,” About Political Humor. Retrieved July 25, 2013 from

http://politicalhumor.about.com/cs/quotethis/a/rumsfeldquotes.htm 53 Thurman Arnold, The Symbols of Government (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1962), p. 46. 54 Ibid., p. 70. 55 Jacob Weisberg “Did Sarah Palin Really Say That?” Slate, January 28, 2011. Retrieved from

http://www.slate.com/id/2283069/#add-comment 56 See, for example, Steven Rains and Craig Scott, “To Identify or Not Identify: A Theoretical Model of

Receiver Responses to Anonymous Communication,” Communication Research, February 2007, pp. 61–67.

57 Stephen Rains, “The Impact of Anonymity on Perceptions of Source Credibility and Influence in Computer-Mediated Group Communication,” Communication Research, February, 2007.

58 Ibid. 59 Denis McQuail and Sven Windahl, Communication Models for the Study of Mass Communication (New

York: Longman, 1993), pp. 62–63. 60 For recent summaries of interesting applications of Lazarsfeld and Katz’ research, see “Quick Read

Synopsis of Politics, Social Networks, and the History of Mass Communications Research: Reread- ing Personal Influence,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 608, November 2006, pp. 315–342.

61 “What’s the Buzz about Buzz Marketing,” Knowledge@Wharton, January 12, 2005. Retrieved from http://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/article.cfm?articleid=1105&CFID=2739428& CFTOKEN=16196988

62 Jerome D. Frank, Persuasion and Healing (New York: Schocken, 1974), p. 137.

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63 Margaret Talbot, “The Placebo Prescription,” New York Times Magazine, January 9, 2000, pp. 34–39, 44, 58–59; F. J. Evans, “Placebo,” in Raymond Corsini, Ed., The Encyclopedia of Psychology, 2nd ed. (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1994), Vol. 3, pp. 91–92.

64 Gina, Kolata, “Placebo Effect Is More Myth than Science, Study Says,” New York Times, May 24, 2001, p. A20.

65 Fred Guterl, “How Real is the Placebo Effect?” Newsweek, June 18, 2001, p. 49. 66 Eric Hoffer, The True Believer: Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements (New York: Harper and Row,

1966), p. 109. 67 T. W. Adorno, Else Frankel-Brunswik, Daniel J. Levinson, and R. Nevitt Sanford, The Authoritarian

Personality (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950). The study is considered a classic, although seri- ous questions have been raised about its complex attitude-research methodology in 1950. See for example, Roger Brown, Social Psychology (New York: Free Press, 1965), pp. 509–26.

68 Adorno et al., p. 248. 69 See, for example, Daniel Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust

(New York: Knopf, 1996), pp. 3–48. 70 Charles Goodell, Political Prisoners in America (New York: Random House, 1973), p. 87. 71 See Joseph Margulies, Guantanamo and the Abuse of Presidential Power (New York: Simon and Schuster,

2006), pp. 3–61. 72 David Hwang, “Are Movies Ready for Real Orientals?” New York Times, August 11, 1985, Sec. 2, pp.

1, 21. 73 Stanley Milgram, Obedience to Authority: An Experimental View (New York: Harper and Row, 1974),

pp. 3–4. 74 Ibid., p. 4. 75 Ibid., p. 6. 76 For a useful discussion of Milgram’s study and the problem of obedience, see Roger Brown, Social

Psychology, 2nd ed. (New York: Free Press, 1986), pp. 1–41. 77 Gustave LeBon, The Crowd (New York: Viking, 1960), p. 118. 78 Whitehead, “Factors of Source Credibility,” pp. 59–63.

 Chapter 6 1 Leon Festinger, Henry W. Riecken, and Stanley Schachter, When Prophecy Fails (Wilder, 2011), p. 3. 2 Martin Fishbein and Icek Ajzen, Belief, Attitude, Intention, and Behavior (Reading, MA: Addison-Wes-

ley, 1975), pp. 222–28. 3 Martin Fishbein and B. Raven, “The AB Scale: An Operational Definition of Belief and Attitude,”

Human Relations, 15 (February 1962), p. 42. 4 Robert Gass and John Seiter, Persuasion, Social Influence, and Compliance Gaining, 5th ed. (Boston:

Allyn & Bacon, 2014), p. 44–46. 5 Phil Erwin, Attitudes and Persuasion (Sussex, England: Psychology Press, Ltd., 2001), pp. 21–41. 6 Stephanie Rosenbloom, “Got Twitter? You’ve Been Scored,” New York Times, June 26, 2011, Week in

Review, p. 5. 7 Gass and Seiter, p. 49. 8 Quoted in Nicholas Carr, The Shallows: What the Internet Is Doing to Our Brains (New York: Norton,

2011), p. 151. 9 Mary John Smith, Persuasion and Human Action (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1982), p. 39.

10 Russell Fazio and David Roskos-Ewoldsen, “Acting as We Feel” in Richard Petty and John Cacioppo (Eds.), Communication and Persuasion (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1986), pp. 74–82.

11 Richard Perloff, The Dynamics of Persuasion, 4th ed. (Hillsdale, NJ: Taylor & Francis, 2010), p. 85. 12 Gerald Miller, Michael Burgoon and Judee Burgoon, “The Functions of Human Communication in

Changing Attitudes and Gaining Compliance” in Carroll Arnold and John W. Bowers (Eds.), Hand- book of Rhetorical and Communication Theory (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1984), pp. 442–44.

13 Ibid. 14 Michael Burgoon, Frank Hunsaker, and Edwin Dawson, Human Communication, 3rd ed. (Thousand

Oaks, CA: Sage, 1994), p. 188.

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15 Robert B. Cialdini, Influence: Science and Practice, 5th ed. (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 2009), pp. 6–10. 16 For a detailed overview of the theory see Josh Compton, “Inoculation Theory” in James Price Dillard

and Lijiang Shen (Eds.), The Sage Handbook of Persuasion, 2nd ed. (Los Angeles: Sage, 2013) 220–236. 17 Ibid., pp. 246–248. 18 Fritz Heider, The Psychology of Human Relations (Hillsdale NJ: Erlbaum, 1958) pp. 79–124. 19 Kenneth Burke, A Grammar of Motives (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), p. xv–xvi. 20 See, for example, Kelly Shaver, An Introduction to Attribution Processes (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erl-

baum Associates, 1983). 21 Philip Zimbardo, Ebbe Ebbesen, and Christina Maslach, Influencing Attitudes and Changing Behavior

(Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley Publishing, 1977), p. 74. 22 Leon Festinger, A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance (Evanston, IL: Row, Peterson, 1957), p. 3. 23 Cynthia Carr, “An American Secret,” New York Times Magazine, February 26, 2006, p. 110. 24 For a fascinating review of this key theory, see Joel Cooper, Cognitive Dissonance: Fifty Years of a Classic

Theory (Los Angeles: Sage, 2007). 25 Gass and Seiter, p. 58. 26 Roger Brown, Social Psychology (New York: Free Press. 1965), p. 584. 27 For a more nuanced view of dissonance theory, see Eddie Harmon-Jones, “A Cognitive Dissonance

Theory Perspective on Persuasion,” in Dillard and Pfau, pp. 99–116. See also Festinger’s 1956 land- mark study of believers who have seen their predictions fail: Festinger et al., When Prophesy Fails.

28 See, for example, Duane Wegner, Richard Petty, Natalie Smoak, and Leandre Fabrigar, “Multiple Routes to Resisting Attitude Change,” in Eric Knowles and Jay Linn (Eds.), Resistance to Persuasion (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2004), pp. 13–38.

29 The Education of Shelby Knox, documentary by Marion Lipschutz and Rose Rosenblatt, InCite Pic- tures, 2005. (Aired on PBS as part of the P.O.V. Series in 2006).

30 Gass and Seiter, p. 59. 31 “New iPod Listening Study Shows Surprising Behavior of Teens,” Insciences, February 18, 2009.

Retrieved from http://insciences.org/article.php?article_id=2517 32 For example, The Awful Truth (1937) or A Night at the Opera (1935) or HBO’s Curb Your Enthusiasm. 33 Andy Bowers, “Dear Limey Assholes . . .” Slate, November 4, 2004. Retrieved from

http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/politics/2004/11/dear_limey_assholes_.html 34 Robert Hornik, Lela Jocobsohn, Robert Orwin, Andrea Piesse, and Graham Kalto, “Effects of the

National Youth Anti-Drug Media Campaign on Youth,” American Journal of Public Health, 98(12), December, 2008, pp. 2229–2236.

35 Ryan Grim, “A White House Drug Deal Gone Bad,” Slate, September 7, 2006. Retrieved from http://www.slate.com/articles/health_and_science/science/2006/09/a_white_house_drug_ deal_gone_bad.html

36 “Evaluation of the National Youth Anti-Drug Media Campaign: 2004 Report of Findings, Executive Summary,” Department of Health and Human Services, June, 2006. Retrieved from http://archives.drugabuse.gov/initiatives/westat/NSPY2004Report/ExecSumVolume.pdf

37 See Muzafer Sherif and Carl Hovland, Social Judgment: Assimilation and Contrast Effects in Communica- tion and Attitude Change (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1961); Carolyn Sherif, Muzafer Sherif, and Roger Nebergall, Attitude and Attitude Change: The Social Judgment-Involvement Approach (Philadelphia: Saunders, 1963); Littlejohn and Foss, pp. 85–87.

38 Littlejohn and Foss, p. 87. 39 Perloff, p. 66. 40 Ibid., p. 146. 41 Richard Petty and John Cacioppo, “The Elaboration Likelihood Model of Persuasion,” in Communi-

cation and Persuasion (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1986). 42 Robert B. Cialdini, Influence, 5th ed. (New York: Harper Collins 1009), p. 7. 43 Petty and Cacioppo, p. 7. 44 O’Keefe, p. 141. 45 Littlejohn and Foss, p. 88. 46 According to the National Highway Transportation Safety Administration, highway accidents are

largest single cause of death for teenagers, who are also less likely to use seatbelts. Retrieved from http://www.nhtsa.gov/Driving+Safety/Teen+Drivers

410  Endnotes

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47 Kathleen M. German, Bruce Gronbeck, Douglas Ehninger, and Alan Monroe, Principles of Public Speaking, 18th ed. (Boston: Pearson, 2013), p. 222.

48 Our language is slightly different than first offered by Monroe, who talked about Attention, Need, Satisfaction, Visualization and Action. Ibid., pp. 222–223.

49 “Oscar Winner Charlize Theron Exposes Puppy-Mill Cruelty,” People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals, YouTube, June 12, 2009. Retrieved from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NtS1gSBKyLw

50 See, for example, Ziva Kunda, “The Case for Motivated Reasoning,” Psychological Bulletin, 108(3), November, 1990, pp. 480–498.

51 For further explorations of this idea in terms of current political attitudes, see Jonathan Haidt, The Righteous Mind (New York: Pantheon, 2012).

52 Michael Bérubé quoted in Judith Warner, “Free Fact Science,” New York Times Magazine, February 25, 2011. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2011/02/27/magazine/27FOB-WWLN-t.html?_r=0

53 Quoted in Marten Vansteenkiste and Kennon Sheldon, “There’s nothing more practical than a good theory: Integrating motivational interviewing and self-determination theory,” British Journal of Clinical Psychology, 45, 2006, p. 63.

 Chapter 7 1 Paul Woodruff, The Necessity of Theater (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 38. 2 Joe Klein, The Natural (New York: Broadway Books, 2002), p. 10 3 George Herbert Mead, Mind, Self and Society (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1962), p. 253. 4 Émile Durkheim quoted in Hugh Dalziel Duncan, Symbols and Social Theory (New York: Oxford,

1969), pp. 152–53. 5 John Durham Peters, Speaking into the Air (University of Chicago, 1999), p. 4. 6 Prince Philip quoted in Sarah Lyall, “A Diplomat, He Isn’t: Prince Philip’s Tongue Remains Sharp as

Ever,” New York Times, June 10, 2011, p. A9. 7 “Ann Curry Addresses Wrong School,” The Daily Beast, May 25, 2010. Retrieved from

http://www.thedailybeast.com/cheats/2010/05/25/ann-curry-addresses-wrong-school.html 8 Brian Stelter and Brooks Barnes, “Disney Sells a Franchise That Mothers Didn’t Like,” New York

Times, May 13, 2010, p. B3. 9 Robert Cialdini, Influence: Science and Practice, 5th ed. (New York: Longman, 2009), p. 99.

10 Tina Rosenberg, Join the Club: How Peer Pressure Can Transform the World (New York: Norton, 2011), p. xxi. 11 See, for example, David Fincher’s film about Zuckerberg, The Social Network (2010). 12 “College Drinking: Changing the Culture,” National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, March

3, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.collegedrinkingprevention.gov/statssummaries/snapshot.aspx 13 James Webster and Patricia Phalen, The Mass Audience: Rediscovering the Dominant Model (Mahwah,

NJ: Erlbaum, 1997), p. xiii. 14 More men than women visit YouTube, in a wide age range. “Five Years of YouTube: Statistics and

Infographics,” Online Marketing Trends, January 24, 2011. Retrieved from http://www.onlinemarketing-trends.com/2011/01/five-years-of-youtube-statistics-and.html

15 Joshua Meyrowitz, No Sense of Place (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 73–92. 16 Alan Finder, “When a Risqué Online Persona Undermines a Chance for a Job,” New York Times,

June 11, 2006, pp. A1, A30. 17 For examples of two recent ad campaigns that ran into a backlash generated through social media see

Stuart Elliot, “Milk Campaign Ended amid Social Media Firestorm,” New York Times, July 22, 2011, B3. 18 Michael Scherer, “How Obama’s Data Crunchers Helped Him Win,” November 8, 2012. Retrieved

from http://www.cnn.com/2012/11/07/tech/web/obama-campaign-tech-team/index.html 19 For a discussion of this question see Robert N. Bellah et al., Habits of the Heart, Updated Edition

(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), pp. 275–307. 20 Todd Gitlin, The Twilight of Common Dreams: Why America is Wracked by Culture Wars (New York:

Henry Holt, 1995), p. 203. 21 Visit their website at http://www.asientertainment.com/television-research/ 22 Augustine quoted in Kenneth Burke, A Rhetoric of Motives (Berkeley: University of California, 1969),

p. 50.

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23 For a more detailed discussion see Gary C. Woodward, The Idea of Identification (Albany: State Uni- versity of New York Press, 2003), pp. 1–43.

24 Tony Schwartz, The Responsive Chord (New York: Anchor, 1974), p. 25. 25 Jacques Ellul, A Critique of the New Commonplaces, trans. by Helen Weaver (New York: Knopf, 1968),

p. 13. 26 See, for example, Aristotle, Rhetoric, Book I, Chapters 5–7, trans. by W. Rhys Roberts (New York:

Modern Library, 1954); Cicero, Topics, trans. by H. M. Hubbell (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1960), pp. 383–459.

27 Robert S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd, Middletown in Transition: A Study in Cultural Conflicts (New York: Harvest, 1937), p. 402.

28 Ibid., pp. 413–15, 418. 29 See, for example, Katie Reilly, “A Generational Gap in American Patriotism,” Pew Center for the People

and the Press, July 3, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2013/07/03/ a-generational-gap-in-american-patriotism/

30 Alan Wolfe, One Nation After All (New York: Viking, 1998), pp. 62, 155, 177, 205. 31 Some commonplaces in the Lynds’ study have become antiques, for example, “a married woman’s

place is first of all in the home and any other activities should be secondary to ‘making a good home for her husband and children’ ” and “married people owe it to society to have children.” Lynd and Lynd, p. 410.

32 “Entering the Lion’s Den,” New York Times, April 3, 2011, Week in Review, p. 2. 33 Bill Clinton Inaugural Address, in Michael Osborn and Suzanne Osborn (Eds.), Public Speaking, 3rd

ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1994), p. B24. 34 “President George W. Bush Inaugural Address,” The San Diego Union-Tribune, January 21, 2001, p. A8. 35 Barack Obama’s Inaugural Address, January 21, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.whitehouse.gov/

the-press-office/2013/01/21/inaugural-address-president-barack-obama 36 Aristotle, Rhetoric, Book II, Chapter 12. 37 “Millennials: Confident. Connected. Open to Change,” Pew Research Center, Social and Demographic

Trends, February 24, 2010. Retrieved from http://pewsocialtrends.org/2010/02/24/ millennials-confident-connected-open-to-change/

38 “Civil War at 150: Still Relevant, Still Divisive,” Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, April 8, 2011. Retrieved from http://pewresearch.org/pubs/1958/civil-war-still-relevant-and- divisive-praise-confederate-leaders-flag 2011

39 Readers interested in norms-based persuasion related to health issues can find a number of interesting studies on the National Social Norms Institute website (http://www.socialnorms.org/Research/ articles13.php).

40 Robert B. Cialdini et al., “Managing Social Norms for Persuasive Impact,” Social Influence, March, 2006, pp. 3–15.

41 See, for example, “Radio Today 2013: How America Listens to Radio,” Arbitron, 2013 Retrieved from http://www.arbitron.com/downloads/Radio_Today_2013_execsum.pdf

42 Gary C. Woodward, Center Stage: Media and the Performance of Politics (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2007), pp. 119–120.

43 Mimi Swartz, “Enron Multiple Choice,” The New Yorker, February 6, 2006, pp. 35–36; Sylvia Hsieh, “On Murder and Social Media: Casey Anthony’s Jury Consultant Speaks,” Lawyers USA, July 5, 2011. Retrieved from http://lawyersusaonline.com/blog/2011/07/05/on-murder-and-social-media- casey-anthony%E2%80%99s-jury-consultant-speaks/

44 David Margolick, “Ideal Juror for O.J. Simpson: Football Fan Who Can Listen,” New York Times, September 23, 1994, p. A1.

45 Thomas Patterson and Robert D. McClure, The Unseeing Eye: The Myth of Television Power in National Politics (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1976), p. 121.

46 Kurt Lang and Gladys Engle Lang, Politics and Television (New York: Quadrangle, 1968), p. 16. 47 To cite studies of just two types of messages, see Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., “Annual Messages of the

Presidents: Major Themes of American History” in Fred L. Israel (Ed.), The State of the Union Mes- sages, Vol. 1, 1790–1860 (New York: Chelsea House/Robert Hector, 1966), pp. xiii–xvi; and Donald Wolfarth, “John F. Kennedy in the Tradition of Inaugural Speeches,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, April 1961, pp. 124–32.

412  Endnotes

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48 About half of the students at Brandeis are Jewish. See Michael Powell, “Jimmy Carter’s Peace Mis- sion to Brandeis,” Washington Post, January 24, 2007, C1.

49 Peter Baker and Rachel Swarns, “After Obama’s Decision on Marriage, a Call to Pastors,” New York Times, May 13, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/14/us/politics/ on-marriage-obama-tried-to-limit-risk.html?_r=1&hp

50 Bill Clinton, Memorial Day Address, May 3, 1993. Retrieved from http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=qr-_Oi_qHYI

51 The singing group and the veteran rocker both came out publicly against the Presidency of George Bush, to a good deal of national criticism. See for example, Dixie Chicks: Shut Up and Sing, a 2006 doc- umentary by Barbara Kopple.

52 “Keeping It Civil,” The Harvard Crimson, November 8, 2005. Retrieved from http://www.thecrimson.com/article/2005/11/8/keeping-it-civil-free-and-open/

53 “Khatami Urges US, Iran to use Restraint,” Boston Globe, September 11, 2006, NewsBank, Access World News.

54 Ibid., and “Controversial Visitor,” Harvard Magazine, November–December 2006. Retrieved from http://harvardmagazine.com/2006/11/controversial-visitor.html

55 Gail Collins, “My Favorite August,” New York Times, August 14, 2010, p. A19. 56 See chapter 2 for a more extended discussion of Plato’s concerns.

 Chapter 8 1 Teri Gamble and Michael Gamble, Interpersonal Communication: Building Connections Together (Los

Angeles, CA: Sage, 2014), p 3. 2 Timothy Mottet, Sally Vogl-Bauer, and Marian Houser, Your Interpersonal Communication (Boston:

Pearson, 2012), p. 5. 3 See Gamble and Gamble, pp. 16–17. 4 Mottet et. al., p. 94–95. 5 Ibid, p. 94. 6 Laura K. Guerrero and Michael L. Hecht, The Nonverbal Communication Reader: Classic and Contem-

porary Readings, 3rd ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2008), p. 4–5. 7 Peter A. Andersen, Nonverbal Communication: Forms and Functions, 2nd ed. (Long Grove, IL: Wave-

land Press, 2008), pp. 256–257. 8 Judee Burgoon and Gregory Hoobler, “Nonverbal Signals” in Mark Knapp and John Daly (Eds.),

Handbook of Interpersonal Communication, 3rd ed. (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002), p. 240–242. 9 Timothy Borchers, Persuasion in the Media Age, 3rd ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2013), p. 257.

10 Ibid., p. 258. 11 David Matsumoto and Hyi Sung Hwang, “Body and Gestures” in David Matsumoto, Mark Frank,

and Hyi Sung Hwang (Eds.), Nonverbal Communication: Science and Applications (Los Angeles: Sage, 2013), p. 86–87.

12 Ibid., p. 87. 13 Kathryn Sue Young and Howard Paul Travis, Communicating Nonverbally: A Practical Guide to Present-

ing Yourself More Effectively (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2008), p. 81. 14 Matsumoto and Hwang, pp. 84–85. 15 Michael Hackman and Craig Johnson, Leadership: A Communication Perspective, 6th ed. (Long Grove,

IL: Waveland Press, 2013), pp. 147–148. 16 Gamble and Gamble, p. 266. 17 Hackman and Johnson, p. 136. 18 John French and Bertram Raven, “The Bases of Social Power,” in D. Cartwright (Ed.), Studies in

Social Power (Ann Arbor, MI: Institute for Social Research, 1959), pp. 150–167. 19 Steven Beebe, Susan Beebe, and Mark Redmond, Interpersonal Communication: Relating to Others, 7th

ed. (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 2014), p. 234. 20 Mottet et al., pp. 98–99. 21 Laura Guerrero and Kory Floyd, Nonverbal Communication in Close Relationships (Mahwah, NJ: Law-

rence Erlbaum, 2006), p. 161.

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22 Beebe et al., p. 233. 23 Borchers, p. 379. 24 Erwin Bettinghaus and Michael Cody, Persuasive Communication, 5th ed. (New York: Harcourt

Brace, 1994), pp. 185–188. 25 Borchers, pp. 380–384. 26 William Rogers, Persuasion: Messages, Receivers, and Contexts (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield,

2007), p. 55. 27 Robert B. Cialdini, Influence: Science and Practice, 5th ed. (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 2009), pp. 18–225. 28 Richard Perloff, The Dynamics of Persuasion, 4th ed. (New York: Routledge, 2010), pp. 274–275. 29 Ibid., 276–277. 30 Ibid., pp. 259–262. 31 Borchers, pp. 386–389. 32 Eric Knowles and Dan Riner, “Omega Approaches to Persuasion: Overcoming Resistance,” in

Anthony Pratkanis (Ed.), The Science of Social Influence (New York: Psychology Press, 2007), pp. 83–108. 33 Ibid., pp. 89–105. 34 Stephen W. Littlejohn and Kathy Domenici, Communication, Conflict, and the Management of Difference

(Long Grove, IL: Waveland, 2007), p. 9. 35 James McCroskey and Virginia Richmond, Fundamentals of Human Communication: An Interpersonal

Perspective (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 1996), p. 61. 36 William R. Cupach, Daniel J. Canary, and Brian Spitzberg, Competence in Interpersonal Conflict, 2nd

ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2010), p. ix. 37 Littlejohn and Domenici, pp. 25–26. 38 Cupach et al., pp. 10–11. 39 Mottet et al., pp. 207–208. 40 Hackman and Johnson, pp. 184–186. 41 Ibid., pp. 186–187. 42 Mottet et al., p. 223. 43 Gamble and Gamble, pp. 307–308. 44 Borchers, pp. 401–402. 45 Littlejohn and Domenici, pp. 78–79. 46 Littlejohn and Domenici, pp. 5–6. 47 Peter Kellett and Diana Dalton, Managing Conflict in a Negotiated World (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage,

2001), pp. 10–11. 48 Beebe et al., pp. 227. 49 Dudley Cahn and Ruth Abigail, Managing Conflict through Communication, 5th ed. (Boston: Pearson

Education, 2014), p. 219. 50 Ibid., p. 207. 51 Ibid., p. 183. 52 Saul Alinsky, Rules for Radicals (New York: Vintage Books, 1969), p. vii. 53 Littlejohn and Domenici, p. 272. 54 Ruth Wodak, Gender and Discourse (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1997), p. 11. 55 Brenda Allen, Difference Matters (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2011), p. 42. 56 Deborah Tannen, You Just Don’t Understand: Women and Men in Conversation (New York: Ballantine

Books, 1990), pp. 17, 18. 57 Eric Eisenberg, H. L. Goodall, Jr., and Angela Trethewey, Organizational Communication: Balancing

Creativity and Restraint, 6th ed. (Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2010), pp. 178–179. 58 Tannen, You Just Don’t Understand, p. 77. 59 Ibid., pp. 144–145. 60 Ibid., pp. 123–143. 61 Andersen, pp. 120–125. 62 Shari Kendall and Deborah Tannen, “Gender and Language in the Workplace,” in Gender and Dis-

course, pp. 81–91. 63 Deborah Tannen, Talking from 9 to 5: Women and Men in the Workplace (New York: William Morrow,

1994), p. 23. 64 Ibid., pp. 88–90.

414  Endnotes

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65 John Gray, Mars and Venus in the Workplace (New York: Harper Collins, 2002), p. 4. 66 Tannen, You Just Don’t Understand, pp. 120–121. 67 Ibid., p. 294. 68 Ibid., p. 298. 69 Allen, p. 47. 70 Linda Carli, “Gender Issues in Workplace Groups,” in Gender and Communication at Work (Hamp-

shire, England: Ashgate, 2006), p. 76. 71 Elizabeth Aries, “Sex Differences in Interaction: A Reexamination,” in Kathryn Dindia and Daniel

Canary (Eds.), Sex Differences and Similarities in Communication, 2nd ed. (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erl- baum, 2006, p. 32.

72 Ibid., p. 32. 73 Allen, p. 55. 74 Cupach et al., p. 73–76. 75 Daniel J. Canary, William R. Cupach, and Susan J. Messman, Relationship Conflict: Conflict in Parent-

Child, Friendship, and Romantic Relationships (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1995), p. 131. 76 Beebe et al., p. 73. 77 Sana Reyonds and Deborah Valentine, Guide to Cross-Cultural Communication, 2nd ed. (Boston: Pren-

tice-Hall, 2011), pp. 5–6. 78 Ibid., p. 11. 79 Gamble and Gamble, p. 23; Reynolds and Valentine, pp. 15–22. 80 Reynolds and Valentine, p. 24. 81 Hackman and Johnson, p. 22. 82 James Kouzes and Barry Posner, The Leadership Challenge, 5th ed. (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2012). 83 Hackman and Johnson, p. 6. 84 Ibid., p. 11. 85 Kouzes and Posner, p. 35. 86 Jay Conger and Ronald E. Riggio, The Practice of Leadership (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2007), p. 7. 87 For a very good discussion and summary of research, see Hackman and Johnson, chapter 2. 88 Ibid., p. 48. 89 Ibid., p. 44. 90 Lynn Offerman and Kenneth Matos, “Best Practices in Leading Diverse Organizations” in Jay Con-

ger and Ronald Riggio (Eds.), The Practice of Leadership (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2007), p. 288. 91 Beebe et al., p. 372. 92 Robert Kelley, The Power of Followership (New York: Doubleday, 1992), pp. 142–148. 93 Gary Yukl, “Best Practices in the Use of Proactive Influence Tactics by Leaders,” in Jay Conger and

Ronald Riggio (Eds.), The Practice of Leadership (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2007), p. 111. 94 James MacGregor Burns, Transforming Leadership (New York: Atlantic Books, 2003), p. 20. 95 Hackman and Johnson, p. 236. 96 George Cheney, Lars Thøger Christensen, Theodore E. Zorn, Jr., and Shiv Ganesh, Organizational

Communication in an Age of Globalization (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2011), pp. 7–8. 97 Eisenberg, Goodall, and Trethewey, pp. 26–36. 98 Ibid., p. 30. 99 Ibid., p. 32.

100 Cheney et al., pp. 157–158. 101 Ibid., p. 143–144. 102 Ibid., p. 440. 103 Vicki Schultz, “The Sanitized Workplace,” Yale Law Journal, 112, 2003, pp. 2067–2070. Retrieved

from http://yalelawjournal.org/images/pdfs/140.pdf 104 Kathleen Reardon, Persuasion in Practice (Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1991), pp. 143–146. 105 Eisenberg, Goodall, and Trethewey, p. 20. 106 Ibid., p. 233–236. 107 Ibid., pp. 218–219. 108 Cheney et al., p. 95. 109 Ibid., pp. 78–79. 110 Ibid., p. 329.

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111 Ibid., p. 340. 112 Bruce Horovitz, “After Gen X Millennials, What Should Next Generation Be?” USA Today, May 4,

2012. Retrieved from http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/money/advertising/story/2012-05-03/ naming-the-next-generation/54737518/1

113 Steve Johnson and Adam Shaivitz, Selling Is Everyone’s Business (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2006), p. xiv.

114 Thomas Leigh, “Customer Relationship Management and the Sales Force,” in David Cravens, Ken- neth Meunier-Fitzhugh and Nigel Piercy (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Strategic Sales and Sales Man- agement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 351.

115 Bill Brooks, Sales Techniques (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2004), p. 16. 116 David Mayer and Herbert Greenberg, “What Makes a Good Salesman,” in Harvard Business Review

on Sales and Selling, Harvard Business Review (Boston: Harvard Business School Publishing Corpo- ration, 2008), pp. 41–45.

117 See Borchers, pp. 391–393. 118 The Million Dollar Round Table Center for Productivity, Million Dollar Closing Techniques (New

York: John Wiley & Sons, 1999). 119 Bradley Sugars, Instant Sales (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2006), pp. 5–16. 120 Ibid., pp. 25–35. 121 Ibid., pp. 118–121. 122 Ibid., pp. 121–127. 123 Charles Stewart and William Cash, Interviewing: Principles and Practices, 13th ed. (New York:

McGraw-Hill, 2011), p. 4. 124 Ibid., p. 8. 125 Ibid., pp. 287–313. 126 Ibid., pp. 87–90.

 Chapter 9 1 Gerard A. Hauser, Introduction to Rhetorical Theory, 2nd ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2002),

p. 96. 2 Mitchell McKinney, Lynda Lee Kaid, and Kianne Bystrom, “The Role of Communication in Civic

Engagement,” in Mitchell McKinney, Lynda Lee Kaid, Dianne Bystrom and Diana Carlin (Eds.), Communicating Politics: Engaging the Public in Democratic Life (New York: Peter Lang, 2005), p. 4.

3 William Paisley and Charles K. Atkin, “Public Communication Campaigns: The American Experi- ence,” in Ronald Rice and Charles Atkin, Public Communication Campaigns, 4th ed. (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2013), pp. 22–23.

4 W. Lance Bennett, “News Polls: Constructing an Engaged Public,” in Robert Shapiro and Lawrence Jacobs (Eds.) The Oxford Handbook of American Public Opinion and the Media (Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 251.

5 Ibid. 6 Diane Heith, Polling to Govern (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2004), p. x. 7 Ibid., p. 135. 8 Carroll J. Glynn, Susan Herbst, Garrett O’Keefe, and Robert Shapiro, Public Opinion (Boulder, CO:

Westview Press, 1999), pp. 4–11. 9 Paisley and Atkin, pp. 31–33.

10 Herbert Simons, Persuasion, 2nd ed. (New York: Random House, 1986), p. 227 11 Samuel Becker, “Rhetorical Studies for the Contemporary World,” in Lloyd Bitzer and Edwin Black

(Eds.) The Prospect of Rhetoric (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1971), p. 21. 12 Ibid., pp. 21–43. 13 Doug Newsom, Judy Turk, and Dean Kruckeberg, This is PR, 11th ed. (Boston, MA: Wadsworth,

2013), p. 13. 14 Dennis Wilcox and Glen Cameron, Public Relations, 10th ed. (Boston, MA: Pearson, 2012), p. 14. 15 Ibid, p. 5. 16 Newsom, Turk, and Kruckeberg, p. 298.

416  Endnotes

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 416 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

17 Kathleen Fearn-Banks, “Crisis Communication,” in Robert Heath (Ed.), Handbook of Public Relations (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2001), p. 480.

18 Ibid. 19 Ibid. 20 Robert Heath and Timothy Coombs, Today’s Public Relations: An Introduction (Thousand Oaks, CA:

Sage, 2006), p. 204. 21 Dennis Johnson, No Place for Amateurs (New York: Routledge, 2001), p. xiii. 22 Paul Lazarsfeld, Bernard Berelson, and Hazel Gaudet, The People’s Choice (New York: Columbia Uni-

versity Press, 1948). 23 Robert E. Denton, Jr., and Jim Kuypers, Politics and Communication in America: Campaigns, Media, and

Governing in the 21st Century (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2008), p. 123. 24 Bruce Gronbeck, “Functional and Dramaturgical Theories of Presidential Campaigning,” Presidential

Studies Quarterly, 14, Fall 1984, p. 490. 25 Ibid., p. 496. 26 See: http://www.smokeybear.com. The website provides a history of the Smokey Bear campaign and

explains misconceptions about Smokey’s name. The correct name is Smokey Bear, but a song written in 1952 used Smokey the Bear to maintain the correct rhythm. It became so popular that generations of fans have believed his name includes the article.

27 “Report: US Government Spent at Least $945M on Advertising in 2010,” FoxNews.com, March 19, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2012/03/19/report-us-government-spent- at-least-45m-on-advertising-in-2010/

28 Ron Faucheux, “The Grassroots Explosion,” Campaigns & Elections, December/January 1995, p. 20. 29 “Lobbying Database,” OpenSecrets.org, July 29, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.opensecrets.org/

lobby/index.php 30 Wilcox and Cameron, p. 513. 31 Wilcox and Cameron, p. 516. 32 “Top Spenders,” OpenSecrets.org, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/

top.php?indexType=s 33 “Top Issues,” OpenSecrets.org, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/

top.php?indexType=u 34 Faucheux, p. 23. 35 Kenneth Godwin, One Billion Dollars of Influence (Chatham, NJ: Chatham House, 1988), p. 74. 36 Consolidated Financial Statements for Year Ended December 31, 2012. Retrieved from

http://www.aarp.org/content/dam/aarp/about_aarp/annual_reports/2013-06/2012-aarp- consolidated-financial-statements-12-31-12.pdf

37 OpenSecrets.org, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/ clientsum.php?id=D000000082&year=2012 and “NRA,” 2012. Retrieved from http://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/summary.php?id=D000000082

38 Faucheux, p. 22. 39 Wilcox and Cameron, p. 516. 40 “What is a PAC?” OpenSecrets.Org. Retrieved August 28, 2013 from http://www.opensecrets.org/

pacs/pacfaq.php 41 Ibid. 42 Paul Herrnson, “A New Era of Interest Group Participation in Federal Elections” in Paul Herrnson,

Christopher Deering, and Clyde Wilcox (Eds.), Interest Group Unleashed (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2013), p. 13.

43 Ibid, p. 14. 44 Ibid, p. 14. 45 “Leadership PACs,” OpenSecrets.org, 2012 Retrieved from http://www.opensecrets.org/pacs/

industry.php?txt=Q03&cycle=2012 46 “527s: Advocacy Group Spending,” OpenSecrets.org, March 4, 2013. Retrieved from

http://www.opensecrets.org/527s/index.php 47 Ibid. 48 Newsom, et al., p. 227. 49 Wilcox and Cameron, p. 254.

Endnotes  417

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 417 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

50 Ibid., p. 255. 51 Ken Cohen, Perspectives. Retrieved from http://www.exxonmobilperspectives.com/about/ 52 For additional information on planning news events and developing media relations strategies, see

Carole E. Howard and Wilma K. Mathews, On Deadline: Managing Media Relations, 5th ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2013).

53 Charles Stewart, Craig Allen Smith, and Robert E. Denton, Jr., Persuasion and Social Movements, 6th ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2012).

54 Ibid., pp. 2–7. 55 Ibid., pp. 7–10. 56 Ibid., pp. 10–12. 57 Ibid., pp. 13–14. 58 Ibid., pp. 15–16. 59 Ibid., pp. 18–20. 60 Ibid., see chapter 3, pp. 49–84. 61 Ibid., see chapter 4, pp. 88–109. 62 Ibid., see chapter 5, pp. 113–133. 63 Ibid., see chapter 14, pp. 369–388. 64 There are numerous classifications of campaign planning and execution. The one presented here is

one of the most basic in structure. However, all of the important variables are identified.

 Chapter 10 1 Marshall McLuhan, Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964) Pt.

II, Chapter 23. 2 Caitlin A. Johnson, “Cutting through Advertising Clutter,” CBS News, February 11, 2009.

Retrieved from http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-3445_162-2015684 3 Changing the Channels, “Limit Commercialism.” Retrieved from http://changingchannels.org/

pages/parents/commercialism.php 4 W. James Potter, Media Literacy, 4th ed. (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2008), p. 137. 5 George E. Belch and Michael A. Belch, Advertising and Promotion: An Integrated Marketing Communi-

cations Perspective, 9th ed. (Boston: McGraw-Hill Irwin, 2012), p. 120. 6 “Channel One,” Center for Commercial Free Public Education. Retrieved from

http://www.ibiblio.org/commercialfree/channelone.html 7 Brett Lamb, “Advertising,” April 27, 2013. Retrieved from http://lessonbucket.com/media/year-9/

advertising/ 8 Mike Vorhaus, “Too soon for gloom on mobile advertising,” USA Today, January 5, 2013. Retrieved

from http://www.usatoday.com/story/tech/2013/01/05/column-mobile-advertising/1808769/ 9 Larry Kim, “How Many Ads Does Google Serve in a Day?” Business 2 Community, November 2,

2012. Retrieved from http://www.business2community.com/online-marketing/how-many-ads- does-google-serve-in-a-day-0322253

10 “YouTube Ads Leaderboard, February 2013.” Retrieved from https://www.google.com/ #q=youtube+ads+leaderboard+february

11 Lauren Indvik, “Online Ad spending to Surpass Print for the First Time in 2012,” Mashable, January 19, 2012. Retrieved from http://mashable.com/2012/01/19/online-advertising-surpasses-print-2012/

12 Vorhaus. 13 Rudie Obias, “14 TV Commercials Made by Famous Movie Directors,” Mental_floss, March 22,

2013. Retrieved from http://mentalfloss.com/article/49603/14-tv-commercials-made-famous- movie-directors#ixzz2WUwzCWUV

14 Gaebler Ventures, “How Much Do Television Ads Cost?” Retrieved September 6, 2013 from http://www.gaebler.com/Television-Advertising-Costs.htm

15 Rick Suttle, “What Are Five Advantages to Using Celebrities in Advertising?” Houston Chronicle. Retrieved September 6, 2013 from http://smallbusiness.chron.com/five-advantages-using- celebrities-advertising-34394.html http://www.gaebler.com/Television-Advertising-Costs.htm

418  Endnotes

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16 Lorena Blas, “From Clooney to Kravitz, Celebrity Ad Deals Are Growing,” USA Today, July 4, 2012. Retrieved from http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/life/people/story/2012-07-03/ Celeb-endorsements/56007526/1

17 Belch and Belch, p. 183; for examples of Japanese ads with U.S. celebrities, visit http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLrMEncyd64BcNJ04jboynRQPnsH802GWO

18 Charlotte Willis, “Most Outrageous Celebrity Endorsement Deals, News.Com.AU, December 11, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.news.com.au/entertainment/celebrity/ beyonce-signs-50m-pepsi-deal-to-become-global-brand-ambassador/story-e6frfmqi-1226534213626

19 “Celebrities paid thousands for endorsement tweets,” CBS News, November 7, 2011. Retrieved from http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-31749_162-57319886-10391698/celebrities-paid-thousands- for-endorsement-tweets/

20 Laura Case, “How Much Do Celebrities Get Paid to Tweet?” Wetpaint Entertainment, March 28, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.wetpaint.com/network/articles/how-much-do-celebrities-get- paid-to-tweet

21 “Franchise Fever!” Newsweek, April 22, 2002, p. 58. 22 brandchannel, “Leading Brand Appearances.” Retrieved from http://www.brandchannel.com/

brandcameo_brands.asp?all_year=all_year#brand_list 23 Ibid. Retrieved from http://www.brandchannel.com/brandcameo_

brands.asp?brand_year=2012#brand_list 24 Ibid. Retrieved from http://www.brandchannel.com/brandcameo_films.asp?movie_year=2012 25 Paul Bignell and Lauren Dunne, “Superman Is already a $170m Brand Superhero as Man of Steel

Tops the Product Placement Charts,” The Independent, June 9, 2013. Retrieved from http:// www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/films/news/superman-is-already-a-170m-brand- superhero-as-man-of-steel-tops-the-product-placement-charts-8651215.html

26 “Primetime Shows with the Most Product Placement,” CNBC. http://www.cnbc.com/id/ 45884892/page/11

27 Laura Stampler, “12 Excellent Examples of How Apple Product Placements Rule Hollywood,” Business Insider, August 7, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.businessinsider.com/ apple-product-placements-in-tv-and-movies-2012-8?op=1

28 Katherine Neer, “How Product Placement Works.” Retrieved September 6, 2013 from http://money.howstuffworks.com/product-placement.htm/printable

29 Marieke de Mooij, Global Marketing and Advertising: Understanding Cultural paradoxes, 4th ed. (Thou- sand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2013).

30 Jean Kilbourne, Deadly Persuasion (New York: The Free Press, 1999), p. 34. 31 Belch and Belch, 382. 32 Juliann Sivulka, Soap, Sex, and Cigarettes (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1998), p. 425. 33 In Timothy Borchers, Persuasion in the Media Age, 3rd ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2013), p. 354. 34 John O’Toole, The Trouble with Advertising (Chelsea House, 1981), p. 15. 35 Belch and Belch, p. 302. 36 Ibid., p. 125. 37 Sut Jhally, The Codes of Advertising (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1987), p. 1. 38 Vance Packard, Hidden Persuaders (New York: Pocket Books, 1957), p. 1. 39 William Leiss, Stephen Kline, Sut Jhally, and Jacqueline Botterill, Social Communication in Advertis-

ing, 3rd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2005). 40 Ibid., pp. 3, 5. 41 Ibid., p. 566. 42 Ibid., p. 568. 43 David Huron, “Music in Advertising: An Analytic Paradigm,” Musical Quarterly, 73(4), 1989, p. 558. 44 Carrie McLaren and Rick Prelinger, “Salesnoise: The Convergence of Music and Advertising,” Stay

Free! 15, Fall 1998. Retrieved from http://www.stayfreemagazine.org/archives/15/timeline_text.html 45 McLaren and Prelinger. 46 Ibid. 47 Huron, pp. 557–574. 48 Vance Packard, The People Shapers (Boston: Little, Brown, 1977), p. 11. 49 Packard, Hidden Persuaders, p. 21.

Endnotes  419

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50 Richard Campbell, Christopher R. Martin, and Bettina G. Fabos, Media & Culture with 2013 Update: An Introduction to Mass Communication, 8th ed. (Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2013), p. 330.

51 See Al Ries and Jack Trout, Positioning: The Battle for Your Mind (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1981). 52 Carmen Noble, “Neuromarketing: Tapping Into the ‘Pleasure Center’ of Consumers,” Forbes, Febru-

ary 1, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.forbes.com/sites/hbsworkingknowledge/2013/02/01/ neuromarketing-tapping-into-the-pleasure-center-of-consumers/

53 Samuel M. McClure, Jian Li, Damon Tomlin, Kim S. Cypert, Latané M. Montague, and P. Read Montague, “Neural Correlates of Behavioral Preference for Culturally Familiar Drinks” (abstract). Neuron, 44 (2), pp. 379–387.

54 John Jones, Does It Pay to Advertise? (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1989), p. 345. 55 Richard H. Thaler and Cass R. Sunstein, “A Gentle Prod to Go Green,” Chicago Tribune, April 6,

2008, sec. 2, p. 1. 56 Barbara Kiviat, “Lured toward the Right Choice,” April 14, 2008, Time, 171(15), p. 76. 57 See William Myers, The Image-Makers (New York: Times Books, 1984). 58 “Coca-Cola Turns to Pavlov,” The Wall Street Journal, January 19, 1984. 59 “The VALS™ Story.” Retrieved September 9, 2013 from http://www.strategicbusinessinsights.com/

vals/about.shtml 60 A sample questionnaire is available at http://www.strategicbusinessinsights.com/vals/

surveynew.shtml 61 Marcel Danesi, Brands (New York: Routledge, 2006), p. 8. 62 Ibid., p. 7. 63 Ibid., p. 3. 64 Ibid., p. 13. 65 Ibid., p. 14. 66 Robin Landa, Designing Brand Experiences (Clifton Park, NY: Thomson, 2006), pp. 4–9. 67 Ibid., p. 4. 68 Ibid., pp. 14–16. 69 Danesi, p. 16. 70 Belch and Belch, pp. 111; see chapter 4 for perspectives on consumer behavior. 71 Kim Rotzoll and James Haefner, Advertising in Contemporary Society, 3rd ed. (Champaign: University

of Illinois Press, 1996), pp 114–115. 72 Leiss et al., pp. 83–87. 73 Alexander Biel, “Likability: Why Advertising That Is Well Liked Sells Well,” in Joe Jones (Ed.),

How Advertising Works (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1998), pp. 111–120. 74 John Jones, The Ultimate Secrets of Advertising (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002), p. 10. 75 Ibid., p. 33. 76 Belch and Belch, p. 14. 77 Ibid., pp. 368–369. 78 Craig Reiss, “Now Look Here, Now Learn from This,” entrepreneur.com, July 18, 2010. Retrieved from

http://www.nbcnews.com/id/38282026/ns/business-small_business/t/now-look-here-now-learn/ 79 Steve McKee, “Integrated Marketing: If You Knew It, You’d Do It,” Business Week, May 10, 2012.

Retrieved from http://www.businessweek.com/articles/2012-05-10/integrated-marketing-if-you- knew-it-youd-do-it#p2

80 Belch and Belch, p. 22. 81 Ibid., p. 392. 82 Ibid., pp. 409–411. 83 Ibid., p. 415. 84 Ibid., p. 401. 85 Ibid., p. 122. 86 See Wilson Bryan Key, Subliminal Seduction (New York: Signet Books, 1973) and Media Sexploitation

(New York: Signet Books, 1976). 87 Anthony Pratkanis and Elliot Aronson, Age of Propaganda, Revised Edition (New York: Henry Holt

and Co., 2001), p. 288. 88 Joseph Campbell, The Power of Myth (New York: Doubleday, 1988), pp. 4–8; see also Joseph Camp-

bell, Transformation of Myth through Time (New York: Harper & Row, 1990).

420  Endnotes

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89 Sal Randazzo, Mythmaking on Madison Avenue (Chicago: Probus Publishing Co., 1993), pp. 49–50. 90 Ibid., p. 128. 91 Ibid., pp. 12–14. 92 Martin Green, “Some Versions of the Pastoral: Myth in Advertising,” in Mary Cross (Ed.), Advertis-

ing and Culture (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1996), p. 41. 93 Belch and Belch, p. 293. 94 Michael Hyman and Richard Tansey, “The Ethics of Psychoactive Ads,” Journal of Business Ethics, 9,

1990, p. 108. 95 Belch and Belch, pp. 203–205. 96 Ashwini Ambekar, “Different Types of Advertising Appeals,” January 9, 2009. Retrieved from

http://www.infojug.com/advertising-articles/types-of-advertising-appeals.html 97 Belch and Belch, p. 206. 98 Chintan Bharwada, “Sex Appeal as Promotion Strategy, Loyalty & Customers,” March 23, 2010.

Retrieved from http://loyaltyandcustomers.com/2010/03/sex-appeal-as-a-promotion-strategy/ 99 Stephanie Pappas, “Sexy Advertising on the Rise,” LiveScience.com, June 6, 2012. Retrieved from

http://www.livescience.com/20773-sexy-advertising-increasing.html. 100 Bharwada. 101 Kwesi Sakyi-Gyinae, “Sex Sells: But How Far Is Too Far?” BrandSenZ, May 8, 2012. Retrieved

from http://brandsenz.blogspot.com/#!/2012/05/sex-sells-but-how-far-is-too-far.html 102 Carol Moog, “Are They Selling Her Lips?”: Advertising and Identity (New York: William Morrow,

1990), p. 35. 103 Belch and Belch, p. 186. 104 Sarah Dray, “Facts & Statistics about Dieting”, Livestrong.com, February 24, 2011. Retrieved from

http://www.livestrong.com/article/390541-facts-statistics-about-dieting/ 105 Stephanie Clifford, “One Size Fits Nobody: Seeking a Steady 4 or 10,” New York Times, April 24,

2011. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/25/business/25sizing.html?_r=0 106 Michael Jacobson and Laurie Mazur, Marketing Madness (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995), p. 79. 107 Kilbourne, p. 132. 108 Ibid., p. 133. 109 Unilever, “Self-Esteem Discussion Guide,” 2013. Retrieved from http://www.dove.us/Social-Mission/

GirlsUnstoppable.aspx?page=pdftracker; “Your Purchase Counts.” Retrieved from http://www.dove.us/Social-Mission/Your-Purchase-Counts/default.aspx

110 “The Dove Campaign for Real Beauty,” September, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.dove.us/ social-mission/campaign-for-real-beauty.aspx

111 Think Insights, “Case Study: Real Beauty Shines Through,” June 2013. Retrieved from http://www.google.com/think/case-studies/dove-real-beauty-sketches.html

112 Donna Cross, Media-Speak (New York: Mentor Books, 1983), p. 16. 113 See Robert Wyckham, “Implied Superiority Claims,” Journal of Advertising Research, February/

March 1987, pp. 54–63. 114 Ivan Preston, The Tangled Web They Weave: Truth, Falsity, and Advertisers (Madison: University of Wis-

consin Press, 1994). 115 Ibid., p. 53. 116 Kathleen Jamieson and Karlyn Kohrs Campbell, The Interplay of Influence: News, Advertising, Politics,

and the Internet, 6th ed. (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2006). 117 Bruce Horovitz, “Marketing to Kids Gets More Savvy with New Technologies,” USA Today, August

15, 2011. Retrieved from http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/money/industries/retail/ 2011-07-27-new-technolgies-for-marketing-to-kids_n.htm

118 Center for a New American Dream, “Facts about Marketing to Children,” January 30, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.education.com/reference/article/Ref_Facts_Marketing/

119 Horovitz. 120 Maggie LaBarbera, “Television Advertisements and Kids Facts,” April 15, 2012. Retrieved from

http://www.nourishinteractive.com/healthy-living/free-nutrition-articles/ 185-tv-kids-advertisements-ads-influence

121 Diane, Bartz, “Spending on Food Advertising to Kids Fell in ’09,” Chicago Tribune, December 21, 2012. Retrieved from http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2012-12-21/lifestyle/ sns-rt-us-usa-advertising-childrenbre8bk0ta-20121221_1_fast-food-food-companies-ftc

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122 LaBarbera. 123 Roy Fox, Harvesting Minds: How TV Commercials Control Kids, 2nd ed. (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2000),

pp. 91–146. 124 Roy Fox, Harvesting Minds: How TV Commercials Control Kids, 2nd ed. (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2000),

p. 8. 125 Ibid., pp. 19, 147–155. 126 Alissa Quart, Branded: The Buying and Selling of Teenagers (New York: Basic Books, 2004), p. xvii. 127 Belch and Belch, p. 12. 128 Fox, pp. 161–165. 129 Potter, p. 143. 130 Bryan Wolf, “Apple Getting Sued for ‘Planned Obsolescence’ of iPad 3,” February 21, 2013.

Retrieved from http://appadvice.com/appnn/2013/02/apple-getting-sued-for-planned- obsolescence-of-ipad-3

131 Kilbourne, p. 74. 132 Ibid., p. 27. 133 Thomas Heath, “Math Geeks Help Firms Multiply Profit,” The Washington Post, p. B2. 134 Noah Rayman, “Advertisements Staring . . . You,” Time, October 28, 2013, p. 16. 135 Laura Stampler, “Six-Second Stars,” October 14, 2013, Vol. 182, #16. 136 John Kenneth Galbraith, The Affluent Society, 40th Anniversary Edition. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin,

1998), p. 194. 137 Hyman and Tansey, pp. 111–113. 138 Jacobson and Mazur, p. 9.

 Chapter 11 1 Adams quoted in David McCullough, John Adams (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001), p. 415. 2 John H. Bunzel, Anti-Politics in America (New York: Vintage, 1967), pp. 7–8. 3 “US Right Direction Wrong Track,” Huffpost Pollster, September 19, 2013. Retrieved from

http://elections.huffingtonpost.com/pollster/us-right-direction-wrong-track 4 “Harris Alienation Index Jumps Up Considerably to a Level Not Seen Since the Clinton Years,”

Harris Interactive, September 13, 2011. Retrieved from http://www.harrisinteractive.com/ NewsRoom/HarrisPolls/tabid/447/ctl/ReadCustom%20Default/mid/1508/ArticleId/861/ Default.aspx1

5 James Ceasar and Andrew Busch, Red Over Blue: 2004 Elections and American Politics (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005), p. 33.

6 Ibid., p. 1. The color choice by The New York Times is not lost on political observers. Traditionally the color red in politics often denoted left-leaning tendencies and also communism. The Times, which many Republicans charge is a paper with a liberal bias, describing Republican-leaning states as “red” is a noticeable irony.

7 Ibid., p. 18. 8 Larry Sabato, Divided States of America (New York: Longman, 2006), p. x. 9 Robert E. Denton, Jr. (Ed.), The 2012 Presidential Campaign: A Communication Perspective (Lanham,

MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013), p. xi–xii. 10 See John A. Hendricks and Robert E. Denton, Jr. (Eds.), Communicator-in-Chief: How Barack Obama

Used New Media Technology to Win the White House (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2010). 11 George E. Belch and Michael A. Belch, Advertising and Promotion: An Integrated Marketing Communi-

cations Perspective, 9th ed. (Boston: McGraw-Hill Irwin, 2012), p. 263. 12 Lee Rainie, Aaron Smith, Kay Lehman Schlozman, Henry Brady, and Sidney Verba, “Social Media

and Political Engagement.” Pew Research Center, October 19, 2012, p. 2. Retrieved from http://pewinternet.org/~/media//Files/Reports/2012/ PIP_SocialMediaAndPoliticalEngagement_PDF.pdf

13 Aristotle, The Politics of Aristotle, trans. Ernest Barker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 5. 14 Aristotle, Rhetoric, trans. W. Rhys Roberts (New York: Modern Library, 1954), p. 22. 15 David Green, Shaping Political Consciousness, (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987), p. 7.

422  Endnotes

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16 Murray Edelman, The Symbolic Uses of Politics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1964), pp. 102–103. 17 Ibid., p. 103. 18 G. R. Boynton, “Our Conversations about Governing,” in David L. Paletz (Ed.), Political Communi-

cation Research: Approaches, Studies, and Assessments, Vol. II (Norwood, NJ: Ablex, 1996), p. 102. 19 Ibid., p. 110. 20 Bruce Bimber and Richard Davis, Campaigning Online (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 45. 21 Sharon Jarvis, The Talk of the Party (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005), p. 42. 22 Paul Corcoran, “Language and Politics,” in David Swanson and Dan Nimmo (Eds.), New Directions

in Political Communication (Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1990), p. 53. 23 Robert E. Denton, Jr. and Jim Kuypers, Politics and Communication in America (Long Grove, IL:

Waveland Press, 2008), p. 5–12. 24 Lloyd Bitzer, “Political Rhetoric,” in Swanson and Nimmo, p. 239. 25 Brian McNair, An Introduction to Political Communication (London: Routledge, 1995), p. 4. 26 Denton and Kuypers, p. 15. 27 Bernard Brock, Mark Huglen, James Klumpp, and Sharon Howell, Making Sense of Political Ideology

(Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005), pp. 60–63. 28 Ibid., p. 2. 29 James Gimpel, Celeste Lay, and Jason Schuknecht, Cultivating Democracy (Washington, DC: Brook-

ings Institution Press, 2003), p. 13. 30 See Larry Powell and Joseph Cowart, Political Campaign Communication: Inside and Out, 2nd ed. (Bos-

ton: Pearson, 2013), p. 23. 31 Michael Carpini, “Mediating Democratic Engagement,” in Lynda Lee Kaid (Ed.), Handbook of Polit-

ical Communication Research (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2004), p. 410. 32 Gimpel et al., p. 14. 33 Ibid., p. 25. 34 Howard Fineman, “To Argue or Not to Argue,” Newsweek, 151(17), April 28, 2008, pp. 38–39. 35 Carpini, p. 408. 36 Robert Huckfeldt, Paul Johnson, and John Sprague, “Individuals, Dyads, and Networks,” in The

Social Logic of Politics (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2005), p. 66. 37 Ibid., p. 70. 38 Barbara Bardes and Robert Oldendick, Public Opinion, 4th ed. (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2012). 39 Ibid. 40 Huckfeldt et al., p. 132. 41 Carpini, p. 408. 42 See Silvo Lenart, Shaping Political Attitudes (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1994). 43 Ibid., pp. 20–22. 44 See Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, The Spiral of Silence, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,

1993). 45 In George Comstock and Erica Scharrer, The Psychology of Media and Politics (San Diego: Elsevier/

Academic Press, 2005), p. 13. 46 Ibid., p. 33. 47 Roosevelt quoted in Emmet John Hughes, The Living Presidency (New York: Coward, McCann and

Geoghegan, 1972), p. 184. 48 Catherine Mayer, “Voyager to the West, Time, 171(17), April 28, 2008, p. 37. 49 Mark Hertsgaard, On Bended Knee: The Press and the Reagan Presidency (New York: Schocken, 1988),

p. 345. 50 Reuters, “Obama Draws Biggest Convention TV Audience, Twitter Record,” September 7, 2012.

Retrieved from http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/09/07/us-usa-campaign-media- idUSBRE88619220120907

51 “Bush Unpopular in Europe, Seen as Unilateralist,” The Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, August 15, 2001. Retrieved from http://people-press.org/reports/display.php3?ReportID=5

52 Christi Parsons and John McCormick, “Obama’s Formula: It’s the Network,” Chicago Tribune, May 25, 2008, p. 6.

53 Mary Stuckey, The President as Interpreter in Chief (Chatham, NJ: Chatham House, 1991), p. 1. 54 Roger Davidson, Walker Oleszek, Frances Lee, and Eric Schickler, Congress and Its Members, 14th ed.

(Thousand Oaks, CA: CQ Press, 2013).

Endnotes  423

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55 Josh Tauberer, “How Many Bills Are There? How Many Are Enacted?” Govtrack.us, August 4, 2011. Retrieved from http://www.govtrack.us/blog/2011/08/04/kill-bill-how-many-bills-are-there- how-many-are-enacted/; Thomas, “List of Bills Introduced in the 112th Congress.” Retrieved from http://thomas.loc.gov/home/LegislativeData.php?&n=BillText&c=112

56 Paul Quirk, “Deliberation and Decision Making,” in Paul Quirk and Sarah Binder (Eds.), The Legis- lative Branch (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 317.

57 Ibid., pp. 324–325. 58 Ibid., p. 335. 59 Stephen Hess, The Ultimate Insiders: U.S. Senators in the National Media (Washington, DC: Brookings,

1986), p. 38. 60 Richard Oppel, Jr., and Richard Stevenson, “Enron’s Many Strands: The Overview,” New York

Times, February 27, 2002, p. A1. 61 Joseph Cooper, “The Modern Congress,” in Lawrence C. Dodd and Bruce I. Oppenheimer (Eds.),

Congress Reconsidered, 10th ed. (Thousand Oaks, CA: CQ Press, 2013), p. 408. 62 Dennis Johnson, No Place for Amateurs: How Political Consultants are Reshaping American Democracy,

2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2007), p. 15. 63 Powell and Cowart, p. 230. 64 Johnson, No Place for Amateurs, p. 15. 65 Daniel M. Shea and Michael J. Burton, Campaign Craft, 4th ed. (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2010), p. 4. 66 “The 2012 Money Race,” New York Times, November 26, 2012. Retrieved from

http://elections.nytimes.com/2012/campaign-finance 67 Shea and Burton, Campaign Craft, pp. 130–134. 68 Presidential Campaign Slogans. Retrieved September 23, 2013 from http://www.presidentsusa.net/

campaignslogans.html 69 Joe McGinniss, “The Selling of a President,” Parade, April 27, 2008, p. 12. 70 Ibid. 71 Tony Dokoupil, “How Global Politics Got Starbucked,” Newsweek, 151(20), May 19, 2008, p. 8. 72 Ibid. 73 Darren G. Lilleker and Jennifer Lees-Marshment, “Introduction: Rethinking Political Party Behav-

ior,” in Darren Lilleker and Jennifer Lees-Marshment, Political Marketing: A Comparative Perspective (Manchester, England: Manchester University Press, 2005), p. 1.

74 Gary Mauser, Political Marketing: An Approach to Campaign Strategy (New York: Praeger, 1983). 75 Bruce I. Newman and Richard Perloff, “Political Marketing: Theory, Research, and Application,”

in Kaid, p. 18. 76 Lilleker and Lees-Marshment, pp. 6–7. 77 Lisa Spiller and Jeff Bergner, Branding the Candidate (Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2011), p. 7. 78 Neil Collins and Patrick Butler, “Considerations on Market Analysis for Political Parties,” in Nicho-

las O’Shaughnessy (Ed.), The Idea of Political Marketing (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002), p. 2. 79 Spiller and Bergner, p. 34. 80 Ibid, p. 40. 81 Johnson, No Place for Amateurs, p. 58. 82 Ibid., p. 75. 83 Cooper, The Modern Congress, p. 408. 84 Eric Siegel, Predictive Analytics: The Power to Predict Who Will Click, Buy, Lie, or Die. (Hoboken, NJ:

Wiley, 2013). 85 Steven Levy, “Campaigns Get Personal,” Newsweek, 151(17), April 28, 2008, p. 20. 86 Alison Brennan, “Microtargeting: How Campaigns Know You Better Than You Know Yourself,”

CNN, November 5, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.cnn.com/2012/11/05/politics/ voters-microtargeting/index.html

87 Tanzina Vega, “Online Data Helping Campaigns Customize Ads,” New York Times, February 20, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/21/us/politics/campaigns-use- microtargeting-to-attract-supporters.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0

88 John Bovee, “Opposition Research,” in David Perlmutter (Ed.), The Manship School Guide to Political Communication (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1999), pp. 108–112.

89 Johnson, No Place for Amateurs, p. 73.

424  Endnotes

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90 Ron Faucheux, “Strategies that Win!” Campaigns and Elections, 18(10) (1998), p. 25. 91 Shea and Burton, p. 116. 92 Faucheux, p. 25. 93 Johnson, No Place for Amateurs, p. xiv. 94 Ibid. 95 Shanto Iyengar and Donald Kinder, News That Matters (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987),

p. 117. 96 Stephen Reese, “Prologue—Framing Public Life: A Bridging Model for Media Research,” in Ste-

phen Reese, Oscar Gandy, Jr., and August Grant (Eds.), Framing Public Life (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2001), pp. 10–11.

97 Daniel Strauss, “Obama Campaign Launches Website to Fight Misinformation,” The Hill, Septem- ber 13, 2011. Retrieved from http://thehill.com/blogs/blog-briefing-room/news/181301-obama- campaign-launches-website-to-fight-misinformation

98 Dick Polman, “Those Aren’t Rumors,” Smithsonian, 39(1), April 2008, p. 112. 99 Ibid., p. 114.

100 Ibid., p. 118. 101 Johnson, No Place for Amateurs, p. 74. 102 Ibid., p. 27. 103 For a broad discussion of this perspective see Jack M. McLeod and Lee B. Becker, “The Uses and

Gratifications Approach,” in Nimmo and Sanders, pp. 67–99. A less technical discussion of this per- spective is also developed in Murray Edelman, The Symbolic Uses of Politics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1967), pp. 1–43.

104 Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), pp. 1–22.

105 Todd Gitlin, Twilight of Common Dreams (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1995), pp. 7–36. 106 Dan Nimmo, “Political Propaganda in the Movies: A Typology,” in James Combs (Ed.), Movies and

Politics (New York: Garland Publishing, 1993), p. 279. 107 Jeffrey Jones, Entertaining Politics, 2nd ed. (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2010), p. 44. 108 Jeffrey Jones, “Beyond Genre: Cable’s Impact on the Talk Show,” in G. Edgerton and B. Rose

(Eds.), Thinking Outside the Box: A Contemporary Television Genre Reader (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2005), p. 167.

109 Jones, Entertaining Politics, p. 51. 110 Ibid., pp. 46–47. 111 Ibid., p. 62. 112 Ibid., p. 66. 113 Jeffery Jones, “‘Fake’ News versus ‘Real’ News as Sources of Political Information,” in K. Riegert

(Ed.), Politicotainment: Television’s Take on the Real (New York: Peter Lang Publishers, 2007), p. 129. 114 Stevenson Swanson, “Late-Night Comics Sock It to Democracy, Some Say,” Chicago Tribune, April

13, 2008, p. 1. 115 Ibid., p. 13. 116 Suzanne Smalley and Sarah Kliff, “Just How Low Will They Go?” Newsweek 151(23), June 9, 2008,

p. 34. 117 Ibid., pp. 34–35. 118 Quoted in Naomi Wolf, Fire with Fire (New York: Random House, 1993), p. 78. 119 See, for example, Neil Postman, Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business

(New York: Penguin, 1985), pp. 3–15; Jeffrey Scheuer, The Sound Bite Society (New York: Four Walls, Eight Windows, 1999), pp. 1–59; Bill Kovack and Tom Rosenstiel, Warp Speed: America in the Age of Mixed Media (New York: Century Foundation, 1999), pp. 1–32.

120 For a collection of recent case studies see Kristina Borjesson (Ed.), Into the Buzzsaw: Leading Journal- ists Expose the Myth of a Free Press (New York: Prometheus Books, 2002).

121 Jeffery Jones, “The Shadow Campaign in Popular Culture,” in Robert E. Denton, Jr. (Ed.), The 2004 Presidential Campaign: A Communication Perspective (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005), p. 196.

122 For an interesting discussion of the problems associated with estimating political effects through television see Ken Goldstein and Paul Freedman, “Lessons Learned: Campaign Advertising in the 2000 Elections,” Political Communication, 19, 2002, 19, pp. 5–6.

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123 Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Everything You Think You Know About Politics (New York: Basic Books, 2000), p. 5.

124 Doris Graber, Mass Media and American Politics, 8th ed. (Thousand Oaks, CA: CQ Press, 2010), p. 221. 125 For a clear review of the effects of television on campaigns, see Thomas Hollihan, Uncivil Wars: Polit-

ical Campaigns in a Media Age, 2nd ed. (Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2009), chapter 6. 126 Graber, Mass Media and American Politics, pp. 166–173. 127 Ibid., p. 216. 128 John Zaller, “The Myth of Massive Media Impact Revived: New Support for a Discredited Idea,” in

Diana C. Mutz, Paul Sniderman, and Richard Brody (Eds.), Political Persuasion and Attitude Change (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996), p. 18.

129 See, for example, Maxwell McCombs, “The Agenda Setting Approach,” in Nimmo and Sanders, p. 121; and Everett Rogers and James Dearing, “Agenda Setting Research: Where Has It Been and Where Is It Going,” in Communication Yearbook, Vol. 11 (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1988), pp. 555–594.

130 Reuben Brower and Sylan Barnet (Eds.), Shakespeare: Coriolanus (New York: Signet, 2002), pp. 244–255.

131 Joseph Cappella and Kathleen Jamieson, Spiral of Cynicism: The Press and the Public Good (New York: Oxford, 1997), pp. 17–37. In the cinema, Congress is especially filled with self-important windbags, such as Richard Dreyfus’ Senator Bob Rumson in The American President and Gene Hackman’s Sen- ator Keeley in The Birdcage.

132 For example, Martin Luther King, Jr., campaigned for Lyndon Johnson in 1964 and then cam- paigned to keep the pressure on for civil rights legislation after Johnson was elected. See Taylor Branch, Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years: 1963–1965 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998), pp. 518–523.

 Chapter 12 1 Dennis Mumby, “Power and Ethics,” in George Cheney, Steve May and Debashish Munshi (Eds.),

The Handbook of Communication Ethics (New York: Routledge, 2011), p. 95. 2 Josephson Institute, “The Ethics of American Youth: 2012,” November 20, 2012. Retrieved from

http://charactercounts.org/programs/reportcard/2012/ 3 Robert Kolker, “Cheating Upward.” The New York Magazine, September 16, 2012. Retrieved from

http://nymag.com/news/features/cheating-2012-9/ 4 Heather Vogell, “Investigation into APS Cheating Finds Unethical Behavior across Every Level,”

The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, July 6, 2011. Retrieved from http://www.ajc.com/news/ investigation-into-aps-cheating-1001375.html?printArticle=y

5 Thomas Ehrlich and Ernestine Fu, “Cheating in Schools and Colleges,” Forbes, August 22, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.forbes.com/sites/ehrlichfu/2013/08/22/cheating-in-schools-and-colleges/

6 Kolker, “Cheating Upward.” 7 James M. Lang, “How College Classes Encourage Cheating,” Boston Globe, August 4, 2013.

Retrieved from http://www.bostonglobe.com/ideas/2013/08/03/how-college-classes-encourage- cheating/3Q34x5ysYcplWNA3yO2eLK/story.html

8 Richard Pérez-Peña, “Students Accused of Cheating Return Awkwardly to a Changed Harvard. New York Times, September 16, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/17/education/ students-accused-of-cheating-return-awkwardly-to-a-changed-harvard.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0

9 James M. Lang, “News Flash . . . Harvard Students Cheat Too.” Time, September 11, 2013. Retrieved from http://ideas.time.com/2013/09/11/news-flash-harvard-students-cheat-too/

10 Richard Pérez-Peña, “Studies Find More Students Cheating, With High Achievers No Exception,” New York Times, September 7, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/08/ education/studies-show-more-students-cheat-even-high-achievers.html?_r=0

11 Frank Bi, “Better Data Can Help Colleges Fight Cheating,” Chronicle of Higher Education, September 9, 2013. Retrieved from http://chronicle.com/article/Better-Data-Can-Help-Colleges/141485/

12 Kronos Global Absence Survey, August 31, 2011. Retrieved from http://www.kronos.com/pr/ kronos-global-absence-survey-shows-employees-around-the-world-playing-hooky-with-china- leading-the-pack.aspx

426  Endnotes

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13 “Workplace Lying Common,” San Antonio Express, March 11, 2010. Retrieved from http://www.mysanantonio.com/business/article/Workplace-lying-common-790226.php

14 Association of Certified Fraud Examiners, 2012 Report to the Nations on Occupational Fraud and Abuse. May 9, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.acfe.com/rttn-highlights.aspx

15 As quoted in Andrew G. Oldenquist, Moral Philosophy (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 1978), pp. 16–17.

16 Richard Johannesen, Kathleen S. Valde, and Karen E. Whedbee, Ethics in Human Communication, 6th ed. (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2008), p. 2.

17 Dennis Thompson, Political Ethics and Public Office (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), p. 3.

18 Quoted in Johannesen, Valde, and Whedbee, Ethics in Human Communication, p. 5. 19 Alyssa Brown, “American’s Outlook for US Moral Values Still Pessimistic,” Gallup Incorporated, May

22, 2013, Retrieved from http://www.gallup.com/poll/162740/americans-outlook-moral-values- pessimistic.aspx

20 Quoted in Sissela Bok, Lying: Moral Choice in Public and Private Life (New York: Vintage Books, 1989), p. 32.

21 In Bok, p. 18. 22 Ronald Arnett, Pat Arneson, and Leeanne Bell, “Communication Ethics: The Dialogic Turn,” in Pat

Arneson (Ed.), Communication Ethics: Interviews with Influential Scholars in the Field (New York: Peter Lang, 2007), pp. 156–164.

23 Bok, p. 68. 24 Arnett et al., p. 156. 25 In Pat Arneson, Exploring Communication Ethics (New York: Peter Lang, 2007), p. 146. 26 Bok, p. 243. 27 New Ethic: The Independent Ethics Site. Retrieved from http://www.ethics1.org/newethic.html 28 Internet World Stats. June 30, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats.htm 29 Google Public Data. September 8, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.google.com/publicdata/

explore?ds=d5bncppjof8f9_&met_y=it_net_user_p2&idim=country:USA&dl=en&hl=en&q= internet+usage+statistics

30 Charles Ess, “Ethical Dimensions of New Technology/Media,” in George Cheney, Steve May, and Debashish Munshi (Eds.), The Handbook of Communication Ethics (New York: Routledge, 2011), p. 204.

31 FBI, 2012 Internet Crime Report. 2013. Retrieved from http://www.ic3.gov/media/annualreport/ 2012_IC3Report.pdf

32 See “The Ethics of Photo Manipulation,” at http://graphicssoft.about.com/cs/digitalphotoethics/ for a number of articles discussing the topic.

33 Associated Press, “Altered Images Prompt Photographer’s Firing,” August 7, 2006. Retrieved from http://www.nbcnews.com/id/13165165

34 “The Reuters Photo Scandal: A Taxonomy of Fraud.” Retrieved from http://www.zombietime.com/reuters_photo_fraud

35 Pew Research Center, “Amid Criticism, Support for Media’s ‘Watchdog’ Role Stands Out,” August 8, 2013. Retrieved from http://www.people-press.org/files/legacy-pdf/8-8-2013%20Media% 20Attitudes%20Release.pdf

36 Larry Sabato, Feeding Frenzy (New York: The Free Press, 1991), p. 1. 37 James Fallows, Breaking the News: How the Media Undermine American Democracy (New York: Random

House, Vintage edition, 1997), p. 7. 38 Pew Research Center, “Low Marks for the 2012 Election,” November 15, 2012, p. 38. Retrieved from

http://www.people-press.org/files/legacy-pdf/11-15-12%20Post%20Election.pdf 39 A. Williams, “Unbiased Study of Television News Bias,” Journal of Communication, 25(4), 1975, pp.

190–199. 40 Brant Bozell, Weapons of Mass Distortion: The Coming Meltdown of the Liberal Media (New York: Crown

Forum, 2004), p. 1. 41 Joseph Cappella and Kathleen H. Jamieson, The Spiral of Cynicism: The Press and the Public Good (New

York: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 31, 33, 96. 42 Cappella and Jamieson, The Spiral of Cynicism, p. 37. 43 Ibid, p. 237.

Endnotes  427

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44 Richard Davis and Diana Owen, New Media and American Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 189–209.

45 Jim Squires, “The Impossibility of Fairness,” Media Studies Journal, 12(2), 1998, pp. 66–71. 46 “Journalism Values and Ethics in New Media.” Retrieved from http://www.cyberjournalist.net/

news/000147.php 47 “A Blogger’s Code of Ethics.” Retrieved from http://www.cyberjournalist.net/news/000215.php 48 Neil Postman, How to Watch TV News (New York: Penguin Books, 1992), pp. 159–168. 49 Royce Hanson, “Reading Lips and Biting Sound: The Ethics of Campaign Communications,” in

Lawson Taitte (Ed.), Morality of the Mass Media (Dallas: University of Texas Press, 1993), pp. 157–206. 50 Bruce E. Gronbeck, “Ethical Pivots and Moral Vantages in American Presidential Campaign Dra-

mas,” in Denton, Ethical Dimensions of Political Communication (New York: Praeger, 1991) pp. 49–68. 51 Montague Kern, 30-Second Politics (New York: Praeger, 1989), p. 5. 52 Michael Pfau and Henry Kenski, Attack Politics (New York: Praeger, 1990), p. xiii. 53 Stephen Ansolabehere and Shanto Iyengar, Going Negative (New York: The Free Press, 1995), p. 148. 54 Celeste Michelle Condit, “Crafting Virtue: The Rhetorical Construction of Public Morality,” in John

Lucaites, Celeste Condit, and Sally Caudill (Eds.), Contemporary Rhetorical Theory (New York: Guil- ford Press, 1999), p. 320.

55 Ibid, p. 321. 56 Ibid. 57 Ronald Collins and David Skover, The Death of Discourse, 2nd ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2005), p. xix. 58 Ibid, 203. 59 Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess, “The Meaning of Civility,” 1997. Retrieved from

http://www.colorado.edu/conflict/civility.htm 60 Ibid. 61 Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Dirty Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 11. 62 Louis Day, Ethics in Media Communications: Cases and Controversies, 5th ed. (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth,

2006) p. 19. 63 Ronald Arnett, “The Status of Communication Ethics Scholarship in Speech Communication Jour-

nals from 1915 to 1985,” in Karen Joy Greenberg (Ed.), Conversations on Communication Ethics (Nor- wood, NJ: Ablex, 1991), p. 69.

 Chapter 13 1 Lester Thonssen and A. Craig Baird, Speech Criticism (New York: Ronald Press, 1948), p. 404. 2 Chandler Phillips, “Confessions of a Car Salesman,” Edmunds.com, May 4, 2009. Retrieved from

http://www.edmunds.com/car-buying/confessions-of-a-car-salesman-pg2.html 3 Most organizations affected by state or federal laws offer advice to members on how to lobby. For a rep-

resentative case, see “Lobbying your Representatives,” American Humanist Association, n.d. Retrieved from http://www.americanhumanist.org/Support_Humanism/Action_Center/Lobbying_Tips

4 See, for example, Daniel J. Levitin, This Is Your Brain on Music (New York: Penguin, 2006), pp. 237–240. 5 Bruce Gronbeck, “Reconceptualizing the Visual Experience in Media Studies,” in Judith Trent (Ed.),

Communication: Views from the Helm for the 21st Century (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1998), pp. 291–92. 6 For excellent examples of visual presentations of ideas see Edward Tufte, Visual Explanations

(Cheshire, CT: Graphics Press, 1997). 7 See Nicholas Carr, The Shallows: What the Internet Is Doing to Our Brains (New York: Norton, 2010),

pp. 135–137. 8 John Rossiter and Larry Percy, “Visual Communication in Advertising,” in Richard Jackson Harris

(Ed.), Information Processing Research in Advertising (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1983), pp. 103–109.

9 Joshua Meyrowitz, No Sense of Place (New York: Oxford, 1985), pp. 93–9. 10 See, for example, Robert Hariman and John Louis Lucaites, “Liberal Representation and Global

Order: the Iconic Photograph from Tiananmen Square,” in Lawrence J. Prelli (Ed.), Rhetorics of Dis- play (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2006), pp. 121–38.

11 Roy Behrens, Design in the Visual Arts (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1984), p. 49.

428  Endnotes

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12 For an overview of “eye tracking” research and technology see Sheree Josephson, “Eye Tracking Methodology and the Internet,” in Ken Smith, Sandra Moriarty, Gretchen Barbatsis, and Keith Ken- ney (Eds.), Handbook of Visual Communication (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2005), pp. 63–80.

13 See, for example, Paul Lester, Visual Communication: Images with Messages, 4th ed. (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2006), pp. 3–28; Ralph Haber and Maurice Hershenson, The Psychology of Visual Percep- tion, 2nd ed. (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1980), pp. 315–316.

14 See, for example, Robert E. Burnkrant and Alan Sawyer, “Effects of Involvement and Message Con- tent on Information-Processing Intensity,” in Harris, pp. 43–64.

15 Allison Schiff, “Direct Mail Response Rates Beat Digital.” June 14, 2012. Retrieved from http://www.dmnews.com/dma-direct-mail-response-rates-beat-digital/article/245780/

16 Compare messages on their websites at http://www.budlight.com/ and http://www.dove.us/Social-Mission/campaign-for-real-beauty.aspx

17 Sandra Moriarty and Lisa Rohe, “Cultural Palettes in Print Advertising: Formative Research Design Method,” in Smith, Moriarty, Barbatsis and Kenney, pp. 117, 120.

18 Ibid, p. 124. 19 Ibid., p. 125. 20 Kenneth Burke, A Grammar of Motives (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1954), p. 503. 21 Patrick Stafford, “Five Nuggets of Wisdom from Microsoft Founder Bill Gates’ Australian Visit,”

Smart Company, December 16, 2011. Retrieved from http://www.smartcompany.com.au/ information-technology/047422-20111216-five-nuggets-of-wisdom-from-microsoft-founder- bill-gates-australian-visit.html

22 Seth Stevenson, “Apple’s Mean-Spirited New Ad Campaign,” Slate, June 19, 2006. Retrieved from http://www.slate.com/articles/business/ad_report_card/2006/06/mac_attack.html

23 This is Walter R. Fisher’s phrase in Human Communication as Narration: Toward a Philosophy of Reason, Value, and Action (Columbia: University of South Carolina, 1987), p. 62.

24 Sharon Lynn Sperry, “Television News as Narrative,” in Richard P. Adler (Ed.), Understanding Televi- sion: Essays on Television as a Cultural Force (New York: Praeger, 1981), pp. 297–98.

25 Donald C. Bryant, “Rhetoric: Its Function and Scope,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, December 1953, p. 401. 26 Claudia Deutsch, “College Presidents Lead the Fight for Carbon Neutrality,” The New York Times,

June 13, 2007. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/13/education/13green.html?_r=0 27 Brian Lamb, Booknotes (New York: Times Books, 1997), p. 10. 28 Ibid., p. 253. 29 Ibid., pp. 64–65. 30 Audiences do not always respond to the presence of strong evidence as a basis for accepting claims,

but we believe that ethical persuasion requires reasoning from available evidence. For more discus- sion of research in this area see Michael Burgoon and Erwin P. Bettinghaus, “Persuasive Message Strategies,” in Michael E. Roloff and Gerald R. Miller (Eds.), Persuasion: New Directions in Theory and Research (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1980), pp. 146–148.

31 Thomas Reardon, “Taking Care of Health Care,” in Calvin Logue, Lynn Messina, and Jean DeHart (Eds.), Representative American Speeches, 1999–2000 (New York: H. W. Wilson, 2001), p. 112.

32 All quotes are from “Text: Obama’s Speech in Cairo,” The New York Times, June 4, 2009. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/04/us/politics/04obama.text.html?pagewanted=all

33 Jane Fonda, “Life’s Third Act,” TED Talks, January 2012. Retrieved from http://www.ted.com/ talks/jane_fonda_life_s_third_act.html

34 Steve Jobs, “How to Live Before You Die,” TED Talks, October 2011. Retrieved from http://www.ted.com/talks/steve_jobs_how_to_live_before_you_die.html

35 Anson Mount, “The Playboy Philosophy—Pro,” in Will Linkugel, R. R. Allen, and Richard Johan- nesen (Eds.), Contemporary American Speeches, 4th ed. (Dubuque, IA: Kendall-Hunt, 1978), p. 182.

36 Elisabeth Bumiller, “White House Letter: President was Comedian in Chief at Press Dinner,” The New York Times, May 6, 2002. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2002/05/06/us/ white-house-letter-president-was-comedian-in-chief-at-press-dinner.html

37 “Madeleine Albright: On Being a Woman and a Diplomat,” TED Talks, February 2011. Retrieved from http://www.ted.com/talks/madeleine_albright_on_being_a_woman_and_a_diplomat.html

38 Al Gore, “Making Changes for Our Children,” Vital Speeches of the Day, May 2007, Vol. 73, Issue 5. 39 Larry R. Gerlach, “Sport as Part of Our Society,” in Owen Peterson (Ed.), Representative American

Speeches, 1983–1984 (New York: H. H. Wilson, 1984), pp. 106–7.

Endnotes  429

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40 Otis M. Walter and Robert L. Scott, Thinking and Speaking, 5th ed. (New York: Macmillan, 1984), p. 292–93.

41 For a discussion of this and other argument-order issues and options, see William J. McGuire, “Atti- tudes and Attitude Change,” in Gardner Lindzey and Elliot Aronson (Eds.), The Handbook of Social Psychology, Vol. II, 3rd ed. (New York: Random House, 1985), pp. 271–74.

42 “Marc Antony’s Funeral Oration,” in George W. Hibbitt (Ed.), The Dolphin Book of Speeches (New York: Dolphin, 1965), pp. 10–11.

43 See, for example, James McCroskey, Thomas Young and Michael Scott, “Special Reports: the Effects of Message Sidedness and Evidence on Inoculation Against Counterpersuasion in Small Group Communication,” Communication Monographs, August, 1972, pp. 205–212; Edward Bodaken and Gerald Miller, “Choice and Prior Audience Attitude as Determinants of Attitude Change following Counterattitudinal Advocacy,” Communication Monographs, June, 1971, pp. 109–112.

44 Carl I. Hovland, Arthur A. Lumsdaine, and Fred D. Sheffield, “The Effects of Presenting ‘One Side’ Versus ‘Both Sides’ in Changing Opinions on a Controversial Subject,” in Ralph L. Dosnow and Edward S. Robinson (Eds.), Experiments in Persuasion (New York: Academic Press, 1967), pp. 224–25.

45 Ibid., p. 225. 46 Daniel O’Keefe, Persuasion theory and Research, 2nd ed. (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002), pp. 144–145.

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Index

Acceptance, latitude of, 147 Accountability, in democra-

cies, 338 Ad hominem reasoning, 94 Adams, John, 37 Adaptation, ethics of, 175–176 Administrative persuasion,

311–313 Adorno, T. W., 122 Ad hominem fallacy, 94 Advertising

advocacy, 241–242 appeals using sex, 281–282 archetypal roles and sto-

ries in, 279 behavioral economics/

behavioral psychology in, 267–268

branding/naming of prod- ucts, 269–270

capitalism and, 266 celebrity endorsements,

257–258, 268 children’s, ethical issues

regarding, 290–292, 340 clutter in, 18, 367–368 commercials, 256–257,

259, 292, 295 communicating corporate

values through, 212 consumer attachment to

products and, 264, 292 consumer decision making

and, 271–274

corporate culture and, 212 costs, 163, 257 criticisms of, 287–294 critiquing, 285–287 cross selling, 258–259 culture and, 259, 262–264,

295 deception/falsity in,

287–289 definition/characteristics

of, 259, 262 demand created through,

272, 274 direct marketing, 276 emotional appeals, 280–282 expenditures, 256–257 freedom of speech and, 293 Gestalt elements in,

372–373 humor in, 268, 281, 388 individualized persuasive

appeal of, 100, 102 as institution of socializa-

tion, 261 integrated marketing,

274–276 Internet, 38, 274–275 jingles, 265, 291 language of, 289–290 likability's impact on per-

suasion in, 273 magazine, 275–276 minimizing the influence

of, 295

mobile, 256–257 music used to structure the

message, 264–266 as myth, 277–279 neuromarketing, 266–268 pervasiveness in our daily

lives, 256 political. See Political cam-

paigns private vs. public interests

in, 294 product campaigns, 230 product placement/posi-

tioning in, 258–259, 266–267

psychographics, 268–269 psychology’s role in,

266–270 public service ads, 372–374 radio, 275 rational-functional appeals,

285 reach and frequency, 274 reminder ads, 285 self-esteem, ads playing on,

284–285 social influence of, 292 through social media, 264,

274–275 social norms marketing,

160 social/political structure of

society and, 266 stereotyping in, 292

431

432  Index

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 432 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

stimulus-response theory applied to, 268

subliminal, 276–277 television, 276 top 10 leading national

advertisers, 257 traditional values chal-

lenged by, 292 transformative appeals,

282–285 unanticipated effects of, 8–9

Advocacy advertising/lobbying,

241–242 believing in what we want

others to accept, 170–171

corporate, 241–243 grassroots lobbying, 236,

241 in open society, 27–47 subduing in a one-party

state, 30–32 Affection, human need for,

183 Agenda setting, 62–63,

233–234, 312 Agreement, as middle ground

between compliance and conviction, 7

Alien and Sedition Acts, 37 Alinsky, Saul, 73, 199 Alpha Dogs (Harding), 317 Alterman, Eric, 353 American Library Associa-

tion, Office for Intellec- tual Freedom, 40

Amplification, 384 Anchor position, 146 Anderman, Eric, 336 Andersen, Peter, 186 Anderson, Rolph, 214 Anonymity/identity conceal-

ment, 119–120 Ansolabehere, Stephen, 359 Archetypal images, Western,

278–279 Arguments/argumentation

analytic, and practical enthymemes, 84–87, 98

appeals vs. argumentative good reasons, 100

circular, 96–97 claims linked to premises

and evidence in, 83–84 demonstration and, 87–88 fallacious, 93–98 implied and stated compo-

nents of, 90–91 persuasion vs, 98–102 political language and, 64

Aries, Elizabeth, 201 Aristotle

on arguments as form of demonstration, 87–88

on audience-specific norms, 167

on character/ethos of rhetors, 339

on civic virtue, 334 on commonplaces, 165 on credibility, 16, 106 on enthymemes, 84, 87, 98 on ethos, 108 on metaphor 54 on persuasion, 4 on politics and communi-

cation, 302 on practical reasoning, 84,

87–88 on soundness of public

opinion, 35 on three forms of proof, 92

Ariyan, Elisa, 378 Arnett, Ronald, 344, 361 Arnold, Thurman, 119 Aronson, Elliott, 276 Artifactual communication,

185 Assimilation effect, 147 Astroturf, 239 Atkin, Charles, 17, 229 Attitude(s)

affective/behavioral dimensions associated with, 134

attitude-behavior consis- tency, 133

campaigns to change/rein- force, 231

change, persuasion as, 13–14

consumers’ formation of, 271–273

ethical, sources of influ- ence on, 342–344

genetic basis for develop- ment of, 132

group norms and, 167–168 interaction with beliefs and

values, 131–133 measuring, 132–133 role models, as source of,

342–344 salience of, 133 strengthening through per-

suasion, 7 Attribution theory, 138–140 Audience(s)

analysis process for, 163–170

audience-centered political communication, 305–306

audience-specific norms, 167–170

autonomous, 8 belief in advocate’s convic-

tion, 170–171 classifying advertising

through, 260–261 demographic and lifestyle

differences in, 161 for discursive messages,

380–381 gaining interest/attention

of, 385 general working knowledge

of a topic, 392 high credibility/high agree-

ment persuasion of, 172 high credibility/low agree-

ment persuasion of, 172–173

homogenous, challenge of finding, 161–162

hostile, 174–175 on implied and stated com-

ponents of arguments, 90

Index  433

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 433 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

inferences about, 168–170 learning information

regardless of source credibility, 115

low credibility/high agree- ment persuasion of, 173–174

low credibility/low agree- ment persuasion of, 174–175

media’s impact on political persuasion of, 321

narrowcasting to reach, 259

overcoming fragmentation through integrated mar- keting, 274

pandering to, 175–176 primary, secondary, and

unintended, 161–162 shared attitudes among,

162–163 sleeper effect, 115 target, 5 types of, 161–162 as willing participants in

their own persuasion, 5 Authority

acquiescence and, 122–125 appeals based on, 122–125 credibility as, 116–125 excessive dependence on,

98 F (Antidemocratic) Scale

inventory on authoritar- ian predisposition, 123

governmental, role of, 340 power vs., 189

Ayer, N. W., 260

Bad faith communication, 171 Barone, Michael, 300 Baskerville, Barnet, 73 Beeson, Ann, 41 Behavior

attitudes preceding and influencing, 132

attribution theory and, 138–140

change, persuasion as, 7

consistency with attitude, 133

dissonance theory and, 140, 142–143

induced discrepant, 143–144

language as regulator of, 56, 58

nonverbal, aspects that affect persuasion, 186

power and dominance communicated through, 190

reducing inconsistencies in, 140

stimulus-response theory and, 135–136

symbols as regulators of, 59, 62

Behavioral economics/behav- ioral psychology, 267–268

Behrens, Roy, 370 Belch, George, 274 Belch, Michael, 274 Beliefs

audience belief in advo- cate’s conviction, 170–171

interaction with attitudes and values, 131

social, statements of, 87 Believability, 112–116 Benoit, William, 69 Berger, Arthur Asa, 53 Bergner, Jeff, 318 Bérubé, Michael, 153 Bettinghaus, Erwin, 5,

191–192 Big Lies: The Right-Wing Propa-

ganda Machine and How It Distorts the Truth (Cona- son), 351

Bimber, Bruce, 303 Bitzer, Lloyd, 304 Black, Max, 93 Blogs/blogging, ethical con-

siderations about, 354–355

Blumenthal, Mark, 227 Body communication, 185

Bok, Sissela, 342 Bolstering, 144 Boomerang effect, 20,

144–146, 173 Borchers, Timothy, 191 Bormann, Ernest, 67 Bormann, Nancy, 67 Botterill, Jacqueline, 262 Boucher, Richard, 40 Boynton, G. R., 303 Bozell, Brant, 353 Brainwashing, 16, 19 Branch Davidians, 11 Branding, 269–270, 318 Brinkley, David, 68 Brooks, Bill, 214 Brooks, David, 380 Brown, Gordon, 311 Brown, Roger, 141 Bunzel, John, 300 Bureaucratese, 71 Burgess, Guy, 358 Burgess, Heidi, 360 Burgoon, Judee, 186 Burke, Kenneth, 6, 53, 59, 66,

138 Burnett, Graham, 9–10 Burns, James MacGregor, 207 Burton, 316, 320 Burton, Michael, 316 Bush, George W., 166, 300,

312–313 Butler, Judith, 50 Buzz marketing, 121 Bystrom, Kianne, 224

Cacioppo, John, 148–149 Callahan, James, 98 Campaigns

communication approach to campaign analysis, 229

issue-related, 234–243 persuasive, 229, 243,

250–251 political. See Political cam-

paigns product/commercial, 230 public relations, 230–232

Campbell, Joseph, 277

434  Index

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 434 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

Canary, Daniel, 195 Capitulation, 250 Cappella, Joseph, 353 Carli, Linda, 201 Carpini, Michael, 307 Carr, Cynthia, 140 Carter, Jimmy, 172 Cash, William, 217–218 Cassirer, Ernst, 52, 59 Catt, Carrie Chapman, 17, 175 Celebrities

credibility as sources, 116, 118

endorsements by, 257–258, 265, 268

journalists as, 354 Censorship, 30–32, 40 Charisma, 118, 190 Chase, Howard Cheating, in academia,

336–337 Cheetos, “Orange Under-

ground” advertising cam- paign for, 267

Cheney, George, 207 Childhood obesity, advertis-

ing linked with, 290–291 Children, advertising’s impact

on, 290–292 China, limited freedom of

expression in, 31–32 Chrysler Corporation, ad con-

tent restrictions by, 43 Cialdini, Robert, 136, 148,

159, 168, 192 Cicero, 4, 54, 58, 165 Citizen action groups,

239–240 Civic values, national reaffir-

mation of, 338 Claims

in argumentation, 83 factual and judgmental,

88–89 finding good reasons for,

91–92 Clinton, W. J., 166, 173, 312,

378 Closed societies, 31–32 Closure, in visual images, 372

Clutter, 18, 367–368 Coactive enterprise, persua-

sion as, 5 Coalition building, political,

312 “Coca-Cola-ization” of the

world, 317 Cody, Michael, 5, 191–192 Coercion, compliance gaining

through, 191 Coercive persuasion, 249 Cognitive dissonance theory,

140–144 Cohen, Arthur, 113 Collective deliberation, in

democracies, 308, 340 Collins, Gale, 380 Collins, Ronald, 360 Comedy, political, 327–328 Commercialism, 294 Commonplaces, 165–167 Communication

conflict management and, 194–197

dyadic (two-person), 182–183, 217, 219

ethical, 339–346 as form of expression, 21 gender differences in,

199–202 information-giving, 20–21 interpersonal, 183–184 Luntz’s ten rules for, 58 nonverbal, 184–189 persuasion as, 4, 21–22 political, 66, 302–329,

356–359 public, characteristics of,

225–226 style of, 58, 184, 196 symbolic interactionist the-

ory, 59–61 targeted, advertising as,

261 verbal, 184–185

Communication ethics categories of, 344, 346 news journalism and,

352–356 persuasion and, 341–342

procedures for judging per- suasive appeals, 346–349

sources of attitudes and values in, 342–344

Compliance individual differences influ-

encing, 193 practitioners, 5 proactive influence tactics

for gaining, 206 reducing resistance to, 194 situational factors influenc-

ing, 193 strategies for gaining,

190–194 Compliance-agreement-con-

viction continuum, 7 Comstock, George, 310 Conason, Joe, 353 Condit, Celeste, 359 Conditioned response, 136 Conflict

coping mechanisms for, 196

gender-based responses to, 202

interpersonal, 194–199 levels and types of, 195 management, 184–197 myths/misunderstandings

about, 198 negotiation process, 196 resolution/outcomes,

197–198 Conger, Jay, 205 Congressional communica-

tion, 313–315 Connotative meanings, 55,

85–86 Consistency, 140–144, 192 Consonance, 141 Constructive confrontation, 360 Consumers/consumerism

creating demand, 272, 274 five-stage decision-making

model, 271–272 information search by con-

sumers, 271 product involvement levels

and, 272

Index  435

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 435 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

Context, and the meaning of symbols, 54

Continuation, in visual images, 372

Contrast effect, 147 Contrast, compliance tactics

of, 192 Control

over freedom of expression, 39–44

human need for, 183 interpersonal persuasion

and, 189–190 Conversational rituals, 200–201 Corax, 33 Corcoran, Paul, 62, 304 Cornfield, Michael, 322 Corporate advocacy/issue

management, 241–243 Corporate culture, 212–213 Correlation, mistaking for

causation, 94–95 Counterpersuasion, 14, 249,

392 Credibility

as authority, strategic dimensions of, 116–125

believability as, 112–116 ethos as good character,

108–109 high, 172–173 identity concealment and,

119–120 legitimation and, 116–118 low, 173–175 mystification and, 118–119 rational/legal perspective

on, 109–112 sources, types of, 107 three perspectives on, 108

Crises, types of, 232 Crisis communication, 231–232 Cronkhite, Gary, 115 Culture

advertising, cultural frames of, 262–266

corporate, 212–213 impact of language on, 56 visual design and cultural

palette, 377–378

Cupach, William, 195 Curry, Ann, 159 Cyberjournalism, 355

Dance, Frank, 57 Danesi, Marcel, 269–270 Daughton, Suzanne, 5 Davis, Richard, 75, 303, 354 Day, Louis, 361 Deception

in advertising, 287–289 ethical lapses in society,

338 manipulative persuasion

as, 5 photo manipulation,

351–352 Decision-making process,

271–272 Deductive logic, 85 Democracy

accountability essential to, 340

as civic dialogue/public communication, 224

founding fathers’ views of, 36–37

free marketplace of ideas in, 308, 340

Madison on, 37 man as the measure of all

things, 34 Plato on, 33–34 problems of commercial-

ism in, 294 public communication as

essential in, 308 useful functions of ideol-

ogy in, 306 Demonstration, 87–88 Denial, refutation of reason-

ing through, 98–99 Denotative meanings, 55 Denotative terms, 85 Denton, Robert, 244, 246, 305 DESC (describe, express, spec-

ify, consequences) script, 197

Descriptive vs. injunctive norms, 168

Devil terms/god terms, 246 Dial groups/focus groups,

163–164 Differentiation, 144 Direct interpersonal contact,

18 Direct requests, compliance

gaining through, 191 Discursive persuasion, 379–392 Dispositional attributions, 139 Dissonance theory, 140–144 Dixie Chicks, 43 Domenici, Kathy, 194–195,

199 Dominance, interpersonal,

184 Door-in-the-face compliance

tactic, 193 Doublespeak, 69–70 Douglass, Frederick, 57 Drama and political lan-

guage, 66–68 Duncan, Hugh D., 2, 66 Durkheim, Émile, 158 Dyadic communication,

182–183, 217, 219 Dynamic speaking, 188

Eco, Umberto, 52 Edelman, Murray, 61, 302 Ego-defensive/expressive

function, 135 Eisenberg, Eric, 211 Elaboration likelihood theory/

model, 114, 148–152, 368 Ellerbee, Linda, 326 Ellul, Jacques, 165 Emotional appeals

in advertising, 280–282 compliance gaining

through, 191–192 ethical issues involving,

358–359 false dualism of emotion

and logic, 92 fear appeal, 280–281, 341 intimacy of relationships

and, 193 reasoned justification vs.,

93

436  Index

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 436 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

Emotional content (pathos), 92

Enthymemes, 84, 87 Ethics

of blogging, 354–355 contextual, 345 decline of ethical behavior

in the United States, 336–338

democratic, 345 narrative, 345 principles and values of,

338–339 procedural/code, 345 public communication

and, 339–346 social function of, 338 universal/humanitarian,

345 values vs., 339

Ethos Aristotle on, 108 as ethical proof, 92 as good character, 108–109 vs. rational credibility, 109,

111 Euphemisms, 70 Evasion, 249 Evidence

in argumentation, 84 negative, 112, 326 supporting in discursive

messages, 385–386 Expression, freedom of, 28–30 ExxonMobil op-ed advertis-

ing program, 242 Eye movements/eye contact,

187

F (Antidemocratic) Scale inventory on authoritar- ian predisposition, 123

Facebook, 21, 38, 46, 76, 133, 162, 236, 240, 294, 301, 321, 379, 382

Face-to-face persuasion, 380–394

Facial/eye communication, 185

Factual claims, 88–89

Fallacies, 93–98 Fallows, James, 352 False cause, 94–95 Fantasy themes, 67 Faucheux, Ron, 236, 320 Fear appeals, 280–281, 341 Feminine Mystique, The

(Friedan), 247 Festinger, Leon, 130, 140–142,

154 Fiedler, Tom, 322 Finkelstein, Norman, 174 Fiore, Mark, 43 First Amendment, 37, 72, 293,

339 Focus groups/dial groups,

163–164 Followership, 206 Foote, Shelby, 384 Foot-in-the-door compliance

tactic, 193 Forgiveness, 198 Fox, Roy, 291 Framing, 321–322 Frank, Jerome, 121 Franken, Al, 353 Freedom

free marketplace of ideas, 340

individual, American expe- rience of, 35–37

persuasion involving free choice, 7

Freedom of expression, 28–30 in American society, 39–44 corporate controls over,

41–44 government controls over,

39–41 technology’s impact on,

38–39 French, John, 189–190 Friedan, Betty, 247 Fronting, 171

Galbraith, John Kenneth, 294 Gamble, Michael, 182 Gamble, Teri, 182 Gardner, Howard, 335 Garment, Leonard, 94

Gendered identities, conversa- tional styles shaped by, 199–202

Generalizations, 65 Gerbner, George, 42 Gestalt values in visual design,

369–373 Gill, Ann, 55–56 Gimpel, James, 307 Gingrich, Newt, 69 Glaser, Milton, 43 Globalization, 212–214 Glynn, Carroll, 228 Goal setting, realistic,

381–383 God terms/devil terms, 246 Goffman, Erving, 14 Goodall, Harold, 211 Goodwill, establishing,

387–388 Gorgias (Plato), 33 Group fantasy, 67 Graber, Doris, 62–63, 327–328 Grassi, Ernesto, 54 Grassroots lobbying, 236–241 Gray, John, 201 Green, David, 302 Green, Martin, 279 Greenberg, Herbert, 214 Greenfield, Meg, 40 Gronbeck, Bruce, 75, 234, 358 Guilt, as advertising appeal,

281 Gusfield, Joseph, 323 Guthrie, W. C., 33

Hacker, Kenneth, 66 Hackman, Michael, 189, 196,

204, 207 Hamilton, Alexander, 36 Hanson, James, 41 Harding, James, 317 Harris Alienation Index, 300 Harris, Paul, 76 Hart, Gary, 322 Hart, Rod, 5 Hate speech, 71–72 Hauser, Gerard A., 224 Hayakawa, S. I., 56 Heaven’s Gate, 11

Index  437

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 437 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

Heider, Fritz, 138 Hitchens, Christopher, 5, 385 Hoffer, Eric, 122 Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 37 Homogeneity, as desired audi-

ence characteristic, 161 Hoobler, Gregory, 186 hooks, bell, 385 Hovland, Carl, 113, 392 Hucksterism, 4 Humor in advertising, 268,

281, 388 Hyman, Michael, 294

Iconistic phase of advertising, 262

Icons, 51, 368–369 Ideal Management Climate,

Redding’s model of, 212 Identification

persuasion as, 6 political language and, 64 principle of, 164

Identity concealment/ano- nymity, 119–120

Identity issues, 167 Ideology, political, 306 Idolatry phase of advertising,

262 Impression management, 14 Inclusion, human need for,

183 Indoctrination, 16 Induced discrepant behavior,

theory of, 143–144 Inertia, 194 Influence, authority-induced,

116–125 Information dissemination, 62 Information-giving, 20–22 Ingenium, 54 Injunctive vs. descriptive

norms, 168 Inoculation, 64, 136–138 Integrated marketing, 274–276 Interaction management tech-

niques, 185 Interaction, creation of reality

through, 59 Interaction, distance of, 188

Internet ad hominem remarks

posted on, 94 advertising/marketing on,

274–275 algorithms of search engine

placement on, 38 celebrity endorsements on,

258 China’s use of, 31–32 corporate control over, 44 defining scientific and

social innovation through, 75

guidelines for acceptable use of, 349

misrepresentation and out- right lying on, 350

net neutrality, 43 online news coverage, ethi-

cal considerations for, 354

plagiarism/cheating on, 337

political campaigns on, 75–76, 316, 321, 322

political research on, 320 privacy vs. freedom of

expression on, 38, 350–351

Interpersonal persuasion communication in,

182–184 compliance-seeking mes-

sages in, 190–194 conflict in, 194–199 culture and diversity in,

202–204 gender differences in,

199–202 in interviews, 217–219 leadership in, 204–207 nonverbal characteristics

of, 185–189 in organizations, 207–213 power and control in,

189–190 in sales, 213–217 verbal characteristics of,

184–185

Intersubjectivity, 35, 87 Interviews/interviewing

definition of, 217 as dyadic communication,

217 interpersonal persuasion

in, 217–219 persuasive, structure of,

218–219 technological tools for,

217–218 types of, 218

Isolation, as advertising appeal, 281

Issue campaigns, 234–243 corporate advocacy,

241–243 federal, public information

activities, 234, 236 grassroots lobbying in,

236–241 management process, 243

Iyengar, Shanto, 321, 359

Jacobson, Michael, 284, 294 Jakobson, Roman, 57 Jamieson, Kathleen, 328, 353,

361 Janik, Allan, 83, 98 Jargon, 70–71 Jarvis, Sharon, 304 Jefferson, Thomas, 36–37 Jhally, Sut, 261–262, 264 Jingles, 265, 291 Johnson, Craig, 189, 196, 204,

207 Johnson, Dennis, 318 Jones, Barrie, 242 Jones, Jeffrey, 325 Jones, Jim, 11–13 Jones, John, 267, 273 Journalism

bias in, 353 ethical considerations

about, 352–356 negativity of the press, 353 self-censorship in, 44 tabloid, 68, 353

Judgmental claims, 88–89 Jury consultants, 170

438  Index

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 438 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

Kaid, Lynda Lee, 224 Katz, Elihu, 120 Kelley, Robert, 206 Kendall, Shari, 200 Kennedy, John F., 76, 316 Key terms, defining, 389 Key, Wilson Bryan, 276 Khatami, Mohammad, 174 Kilbourne, Jean, 259, 284, 292 Kinder, Donald, 321 Kinsley, Michael, 83 Klein, Joe, 158 Kline, Stephen, 262, 264 Kloss, Robert, 73 Knowledge, intersubjectivity

of, 35 Koresh, David, 11 Kouzes, James, 204–205 Kruckeberg, Dean, 231 Kuypers, Jim, 305

Labeling, 68–69 Landa, Robin, 270 Lange, Dorothea, 369 Langer, Suzanne, 51–52 Language

advertising, 283, 286, 289–290

bureaucratese, 71 classification from a lin-

guistic perspective, 57 connecting symbols to

experience in, 54 connotative, 86 defining/discovering self

through, 60 denotative, 85–86 ethical choices about, 339 functions of, 55–59 governmental, 63 inflated, 71 influence on perceptions of

power, 188, 190 jargon, 70–71 maintaining social order

through, 60 nature of, 51–55 political, 61–73, 302–304 powerful/powerless, 190 reality shaped by, 56

society shaped through, 56–57

structural component of, 55 verbal communication

style, 184 Lanier, Jaron, 28, 38 Latitude of acceptance, 147 Latitude of noncommitment,

147 Latitude of rejection, 148 Lay, Celeste, 307 Lazarsfeld, Paul, 120 Leadership

authoritarian, 206 democratic, 206 exemplary, five practices

of, 204 followership and, 206 Kouzes and Posner’s char-

acteristics of, 205 laissez-faire, 206 leader-member exchange

theory (LMX), 206 political, 312 proactive influence tactics

for gaining compliance, 206

social movements, 248–249 styles of, 205–206 task-oriented vs. interper-

sonal orientation of, 205–206

transformational, 207 use of symbols to persuade,

60 LeBon, Gustave, 125 Lee, Harper, 110 Lees-Marshment, Jennifer, 317 Legitimation, 116, 118 Leiss, William, 262, 264, 273 Lenart, Silvo, 310 Lewin, Kurt, 153 Libel, 39 Lies and the Lying Liars Who

Tell Them (Franken), 353 Likability, impact on persua-

sion in advertising, 268, 273

Lilleker, Darren, 317 Limbaugh, Rush, 325

Limited effects model of polit- ical persuasion, 327–328

Linguistic signs, as symbols, 52 Liska, Jo, 115 Littlejohn, Stephen, 194–195,

199 Logic

analytical arguments and, 84–87

deductive/syllogistic, 85 and emotion, false dual-

ism of, 92 logos, 92, 108

Luntz, Frank, 58, 77 Lutz, William, 70 Lying, intent to mislead, 342 Lynd, Helen, 165 Lynd, Robert, 165

Madison, James, 36–37 Madoff, Bernard, 106–107 Man as the measure of all

things, 34–35 Manipulation

compliance gaining through, 191

in deceptive persuasion, 5 persuasion through, 19

Market research neuromarketing, 266–268 psychographics/VALS

approach to, 268–269 Marketing

direct, audience segmenta- tion through, 276

to generational groups, 291 integrated, 274–276 political, 317–318 through social media,

274–275 Marwell, Gerald, 192 Mauser, Gary, 317 Mayer, David Mazur, Laurie, 284 McCabe, Donald, 335 McCain, John, 316 McDonald’s, “gay-friendly”

ad in France, 8–9 “McDonaldization” of the

world, 317

Index  439

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 439 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

McGinniss, Joe, 317 McKee, Steve, 274 McKinney, Mitchell, 224 McLuhan, Marshall, 256 McNair, Brian, 305 Mead, George Herbert, 158 Meaning(s)

advertising as creator of, 285–286

denotative vs. connotative, 55

negotiating through non- verbal codes, 185–189

negotiating through verbal codes, 184–185

relational nature of, 53 residing in people, not

words, 55 transformative appeal of,

283 Media

as agents of political social- ization, 344

bias, 351 conglomerates, 38 consultants, impact on the

political process, 321 corporate control over, 39,

41–44 event coverage, rules for

promoting, 243 framing/priming in politi-

cal campaigns, 321–322 as “ministry of culture,”

41–42 narrowcasting, 259 new vs. traditional, 74–75 news coverage, ethical con-

cerns about, 352–356 nondiscursive, 367 permeability of, 161 political polarization and

personal media choices, 301–302

as primary source of politi- cal information, 305

self-censorship and, 44 two-step flow to opinion

leaders/to ordinary recipients, 120–121

Media Sexploitation (Key), 276 Men Are from Mars, Women Are

from Venus (Gray), 201 Menand, Louis, 380 Messages

boomerangs, 144–146 compliance seeking,

190–194 constructing/presenting,

333–394 discursive, strategic consid-

erations for, 379–392 nondiscursive, strategic

considerations for, 367–379

nonverbal, 185–189 peripheral/central process-

ing of, 148–149, 151–152

strategizing in political campaigns through, 320–321

unintended audience for, 162

visual imagery in, 370–371 Metaphors, 54 Meyrowitz, Joshua, 161 Microtargeting, 319 Milgram, Stanley, 123–124 Military campaigns, 229 Mind control, 19 Mitchell, Arnold, 268 Mobile advertising, 256–257 Modeling/observational

learning, 132 Monroe, Alan, 152 Moog, Carol, 283 Morality, public, 359–360 Moriarty, Sandra, 378 Mormons, persuasive efforts

of, 2–3 Motivated reasoning/

sequence, 99, 152–153 Motivation research, 266 Mottet, Timothy, 183 Muir, Janette, 72 Mumby, Dennis K., 336 Music, importance in advertis-

ing, 264–266 Myth, advertising as, 277–279

Narrative, in political dis- course, 65

Narrowcasting, 259 Net neutrality, 38, 43 Neuromarketing, 266–268 Newman, Bruce, 317 Newman, Dale, 109 Newman, Robert, 109 News reporting

ethical issues concerning, 352–356

perceptions affected by, 354

persuasive dimensions of, 355

Newsom, Doug, 231 Nimmo, Dan, 324 Noelle-Neumann, Elisabeth,

310 Noise, 374 Non sequitur, 82, 95–96 Noncommitment, latitude of,

147–148 Nondiscursive persuasion,

367–379 choosing the right cultural

palette for, 376, 378 importance of visual imag-

ery in, 368–373 keeping messages themati-

cally simple, 376 setting realistic goals for,

376 storytelling as, 379 synecdoche in, 378

Nonverbal communication behaviors that affect per-

suasion, 186 feminine vs. masculine,

200 interpersonal, 185–189

Norming the problem, 146, 168

Norms audience-specific,

167–170 rational-functional adver-

tising appeals to, 285 Nudge (Thalen & Sunstein),

267

440  Index

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 440 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

O’Keefe, Daniel, 6, 8 Obama, Barack, 76, 166, 301,

305, 312, 316, 318, 322, 385

Obedience to Authority (Mil- gram), 124

Objectivity, probable, 111 Odell, Jack, 341 Ogden, K. C., 52 Old Spice Man, marketing

campaign on Twitter, 274–275, 279

Omnivore’s Dilemma, The (Pol- lan), 13

Openness, in American soci- ety, 32–33, 38–44

Oratory, political, 73 Organizational communication

balance of creativity and constraint in, 208

change emphasized in, 212–213

directional flow of, 209 discrimination and, 210 emergent networks in, 211 external, 208–209 formal/informal, 209 information transfer orien-

tation, 208 on-the-job relationships

and, 209–210 sexual harassment and, 210 strategic control, 208 transactional process of, 208

Organizations attitudes linked with, 167 classical organizational

theory, 210 climate, organizational, 212 contingency plans for crises

in, 231 corporate advocacy/issue

management, 241 corporate culture, 212–213 interpersonal persuasion

in, 207–213 issue campaigns in, 234–243 models of organization-

employee interaction, 210–211

orchestrated grassroots activities of, 241

public relations campaigns of, 230–232

teams/teamwork in, 211–212

Orwell, George, 15 Osteen, Joel, 378 Outcomes, behavioral and

attitude-centered, 382 Oversimplification, 97 Owen, Diana, 75, 354

Packard, Vance, 262, 266 Paisley, William, 229 Pandering, 175–176 Paralanguage, 186 Pathos, 92, 108 Patient Protection and Afford-

able Care Act of 2010, 50

Pattiz, Norman, 40 Pavela, Gary, 337 Peer influence. See Social

learning People’s Temple (Jonestown,

Guyana), 11, 13 Perlmutter, David, 76 Perloff, Richard, 148, 317 Personality types, sales strate-

gies based on, 215–216 Persuasion

advertising as, 256–297 argumentation vs., 98–102 attitude change through

journalism, 13–14 characteristics of, 4 as coactive enterprise, 5 cognitive elements affect-

ing, 130–135 combining values, atti-

tudes, and beliefs for, 134–135

contexts of, 169–331 credibility of advocates, 16 deception and, 19 definition/process of, 4–8 difficulties in accomplish-

ing, 16–18 discursive, 377–390

ethical considerations of, 336–363

face-to-face, 380–394 free choice/voluntary

action involved in, 7 high credibility/high agree-

ment, 172 high credibility/low agree-

ment, 172–173 identification and, 6 impression management

and, 14–15 interpersonal, 181–221 in the jury room, 9–11 language and, 58 low credibility/high agree-

ment, 173–174 low credibility/low agree-

ment, 174–175 manipulative, 19 measured by effects on oth-

ers, 16 nondiscursive, 367–379 origins of, 25–78 outcomes, unpredictability

of, 19–20 persuasive process, 8 political, 299–330 proactive, 19 public/mass, 224–253 reasoning and, 82–102 religious advocacy and,

11–13 as rhetorical tradition, 5 social explanations of,

158–177 strategies for overcoming

resistance to, 194 strengthening existing atti-

tudes through, 7 theories and effects of

influence, 130–155 therapeutic, 19 three-sided model of,

170–171 two-sided, 390 unanticipated effects of,

8–9, 20 Persuasion theories

attribution theory, 138–140

Index  441

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 441 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

boomerang effect, 144–146 cognitive dissonance the-

ory, 140–143 consistency theories,

140–144 elaboration likelihood the-

ory, 148–152 inoculation theory, 64,

136–138 motivated sequence,

152–153 social judgment theory,

146–148 stimulus-response theory,

135–136 theory of good reasons,

91–92 theory of induced discrep-

ant behavior, 143–144 theory of minimal effects,

17 theory of motivated reason-

ing, 153 Peters, John Durham, 158 Peterson, Russell, 326 Petty, Richard, 148–149 Phalen, Patricia, 161 Philosopher kings, 33 Phillips, Kevin, 73 Photo manipulation, ethical

concerns about, 351–352 Pierce, C. S., 51 Pirsig, Robert, 108–109 Placebo effect, 121–122 Planned obsolescence, 292 Plato

on arguments formed in the process of discovery, 91

on civic virtue, 336 on democracy, 33–34 on persuasion, 5 on truth, 34

Polarization, in political lan- guage, 65

Political action committees (PACs), 240–241, 358

Political campaigns acclaiming, attacking, and

defending in, 69

agenda-setting theory of, 233–234, 312

applied research in, 318–320

candidate- vs. citizen-cen- tered, 75

cynicism about reporting of, 352–354

doublespeak in, 69–70 dramatic presentation of, 67 functions of, 234 historic, 300–301 inherent persuasive nature

of, 316 Internet as communica-

tion tool in, 75–76 issue-related, 234–243 labeling in, 68–69 limited effects model of,

232–233 marketing techniques in,

317–318 media framing/priming in,

321–322 microtargeted/narrowcast

messages in, 162 persuasion for reinforce-

ment in, 172 phases of, 232 polarization in, 65 positional and valence

issues in, 317 predictive analytics in, 319 public opinion polls and,

226–227 questions to guide voter

judgment in, 358 rhetoric of, 73–76 social forces influencing,

229 strategy in, 320–321 uses and gratifications

model of, 233 Political ideology, 306 Political language

agenda-setting function of, 62–63

common devices of, 68–73 definition/purpose of,

61–62

expressive function of, 66 functions of, 62–64 information dissemination

function of, 62 interpretation and linkage

function of, 63 mobilizing society through,

63 projection and, 63 reinforcing prevailing

views through, 65–66 strategic uses of, 64–68

Political oratory, 73 Political persuasion, 300–331

administrative, 311–313 audience-centered,

305–306 branding of political candi-

dates, 318 campaign-related,

316–322 changing nature of political

discourse, 73–76 channeling the national

mood, 312–313 in an entertainment con-

text, 324–327 ethical principles of politi-

cal discourse, 356–361 legislative, 313–315 limited effects model,

327–328 mediated, 305 moderating messages for

diverse audiences, 148 polarization of US politics,

300–301 setting, 302–303 short-term orientation,

304–305 significant effects model,

328 through symbolic and sta-

tus issues, 323–324 Political socialization

agents of, 308, 310 levels of interaction,

310–311 outcomes of, 307–308 process of, 307

442  Index

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 442 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

Politics committee hearings, 314–315 influence of political par-

ties, 315 national distrust of, 328–329 television’s impact on, 74

Politics (Aristotle), 302 Pollan, Michael, 13–14 Popkin, Samuel, 326 Posner, Barry, 204–205 Postman, Neil, 355 Power

authority vs., 189 coercive, 189 defining, 189–190 expert, 190 interpersonal persuasion

and, 189–190 legitimate, 190 organizational communi-

cation and, 211 political language and, 62,

66 referent, 190 reward, 190 transformative appeal of,

282–283 Pratkanis, Anthony, 276 Predictive analytics, 319 Premises, in argumentation,

83–84 Preston, Ivan, 289 Priming, 321–322 Privacy, ethical questions

regarding, 293, 350–351 Product boycotts, 293 Product placement, 258–259 Propaganda, 16, 122, 284,

351–352 Protagoras, 34 Proximity of objects to visual

images, 371 Psychographics, 268–269 Public communication

changing nature of, 73–76 characteristics of, 225–226 in democracies, 341 ethical public discourse,

359–361 persuasion and, 224–229

Public opinion events as crucibles for, 228 general disregard for ethi-

cal behavior, 338 importance in public per-

suasion, 228 political language and, 68 political polls and, 226–227,

316 reactionary nature of, 228 weighing the value of,

32–39 Public relations

corporate advocacy/issue management, 241–243

crisis communication in, 231–232

definitions of, 230 types of campaigns in, 231

Public service ads, 372–373

Quirk, Paul, 314

Radio advertising on, 275 political talk and punditry

on, 75, 325 Randazzo, Sal, 277 Raven, Bertram, 189–190 Reactance, 194 Reagan, Ronald, 65, 74,

312–313, 344 Reality, creating through inter-

action, 59 Reardon, Kathleen, 210 Reasoning

argumentative good rea- sons vs. persuasive appeals, 100

defective, common forms of, 93–98

to discover and to defend, 91

finding good reasons for claims, 91–92, 383–384

motivated, 99 practical, 84, 87–88

Reconciliation, 198 Redding, Charles, 212 Reich, Robert, 380

Reichert, Tom, 282 Reinforcement, 64, 172 Rejection, latitude of, 148 Relationships, human need

for, 183 Remnick, David, 380 Rhetoric (Aristotle), 92, 108,

302 Rhetorical tradition, 5 Rhetorical vision, 67 Richards, I. A., 52, 54 Ridicule, 72–73 Rieke, Richard, 83, 98 Riggio, Ronald, 205 Roberts, Ron, 73 Rohe, Lisa, 378 Role models, as source of atti-

tudes and values, 343–344

Rollins, Ed, 316 Romney, Mitt, 174, 301, 316 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano,

311 Rosenberg, Tina, 159 Rosenblatt, Roger, 380 Rosenstiel, Tom, 322 Rothwell, Dan, 55 Rumsfeld, Donald, 119

Sabato, Larry, 301, 352 Sales

ethical issues in, 217 generational differences in,

213 interpersonal communica-

tion in, 213–217 matching strategies/tactics

with customer’s person- ality type, 215–216

multiple approaches to, 214 qualities of good salesper-

sons, 214 seven-stage model of per-

sonal selling, 214–215 techniques to close a sale,

216–217 trust building in, 215

Sapir, Edward Sarnoff, David, 98 Satire, political, 325–326

Index  443

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 443 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

Saussure, Ferdinand de, 52 Scharrer, Erica, 310 Schmitt, David, 192 Schuknecht, Jason, 307 Schultz, William, 183 Schwartz, Tony, 90, 165 Scott, Robert, 390 Search engine placement,

algorithms of, 38 Sedaris, David, 82, 98 Self, as product of interaction

with others, 60 Self-censorship, journalistic, 44 Self-identity from product

usage, 264, 283 Self-persuasion, 3 Selling of the President, The

(McGinniss), 317 Semantic triangle, 52–53 Sexual harassment, 210 Shea, Daniel, 316, 320 Sherif, Muzafer, 146–147 Shills, 121 Shils, Edward, 118 “Shock box” studies, 123–125 Signification, 52, 54 Signs, 51–52 Simons, Herbert, 5, 229 Simplification, in political dis-

course, 65 Situational attributions,

138–139 Sivulka, Juliann, 259 6-percent rule, 18–19 Skepticism, 194 Skover, David, 360 Slanting, 71 Slayden, David, 72 Sleeper effect, 115 Slogans, 67, 96, 212, 259,

268–269, 283, 316–317 Smartphones as political tools,

76 Smell, 186 Smith, Craig, 63, 244, 246 Smith, David, 76 Smokey Bear Wildfire Preven-

tion campaign, 234, 236 Social belief, statements of, 87 Social control, 60

Social institutions, as sources of attitudes and values, 344

Social judgment theory, 146–148

Social learning, 159–160, 192 Social media/social networks

and advertising, 258, 264, 274–275

government censorship of, 32

grassroots lobbying through, 240

marketing, and consumer interactions, 274–275, 279

online marketing privacy issues concerning, 293

political activity on, 76, 162, 301–302, 321

as sources of attitudes and values, 343

unintended audiences of, 9, 162

Social movements, 244–250 definition/characteristics

of, 244–246 history of, 244 leadership of, 248–249 life cycle of, 247–248 persuasive functions of,

246–247 planning an event for news

coverage, 243 resistance to, 249–250

Social norms marketing, 160 Social proof, 159–160, 192 Socialization

labeling and, 68 political, 307–311 process of, 158, 160

Socially constructed truths, 87 Society

ethical communication in, 339–346

mobilizing through politi- cal language, 63

open vs. closed, 30–33, 38–44

as product of interaction with others, 60–61

Sophists, 33–35 Sources

ability of, 111 credibility of. See Credibil-

ity high- and low-credibility,

107 objectivity of, 111–112 willing vs. reluctant, 112

Spatial communication, 185 Speech fluency, 188–189 Speech(es)

amplifying/supporting main points of, 384–386

determining a thesis state- ment for, 382–383

developing main points as good reasons, 382–384

Freedom of. See Freedom of expression

functions of language and, 57–58

knowing the audience for, 380–381

political oratory, 73 preparing the outline for,

389–390 presentation of, 390–391 previewing the scope of,

388 setting realistic goals for,

381–382 when to recognize oppos-

ing views, 392 when to reveal the thesis,

391–392 writing the introduction

for, 386–389 Spiller, Lisa, 318 Spitzberg, Brian, 195 St. Augustine, on honesty in

communication, 342 Status politics, 323–324 Stereotypes, feminine, 199 Stewart, Charles, 217–218,

244, 246 Stimulus-response theory,

135–136 Storytelling, 379 Stuckey, Mary, 313

444  Index

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 444 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

Style, definition of, 58 Subliminal advertising, 19,

276–277 Subliminal Seduction (Key), 276 Subversion, 19, 31 Suggestion, power of, 121–122 Sunstein, Cass, 267 Syllogistic logic, 85 Symbolic interactionism, 59 Symbolic reality, interpreting

physical reality through, 59

Symbols arbitrary nature of, 52 creating social sanctions

with, 60 false symbolism, 273 human creation/manipula-

tion of, 59 in human language, 51–55,

59 importance of context in

the meaning of, 54 nature/characteristics of,

52 in persuasive campaigns,

229 political, 62, 323 power of, 50–51 presentational, in nondis-

cursive messages, 367 signs vs., 51–52

Synecdoche, 378

Tactile communication, 186 Tannen, Deborah, 199–200 Tansey, Richard, 294 Target audiences, 5 Taylor, Paul, 322 Teams/teamwork, organiza-

tional, 211–212 Technology

ethical issues concerning, 349–352

grassroots lobbying with, 239–240

impact on freedom of expression, 38–39

impact on the interviewing process, 217–218

neuromarketing, 267–268 political campaigns’ use of,

75–76, 301–302, 319, 359

viral marketing/advertis- ing, 264

Television audience diversity for, 161 as ideal advertising

medium, 276 impact on political cam-

paigning, 73–74, 317 as a main source of politi-

cal news, 67, 75, 236 media conglomerates’

ownership of, 38–39 news, persuasive messages

in, 354 product placement on, 258

Temporal communication, 186

Thaler, Richard, 267 Thesis

determining your thesis statement, 380–381

locating good reasons to justify, 383–342

when to reveal in discursive messages, 392

Thompson, Dennis, 340 Thomson, Robert, 312, 326 Time Warner World News

Gallery, World Press Freedom exhibit, 29

To Kill a Mockingbird (Lee), 110

Touch, interpersonal, 188 Toulmin, Stephen, 83, 98, 338 Trethewey, Angela, 211 True believers, acquiescence

to authority figures, 122 Trust

as effective sales strategy, 215

interpersonal effectiveness and, 184–187

politics and, 328–329 Truth

distinction between lying and, 342

intersubjective/socially constructed, 87

in persuasion, Plato on, 34 Turk, Judy, 231 Twitchell, James, 259 Twitter, 32, 38, 45, 97, 133,

236, 240, 258, 274, 294, 301

Two-step flow of influence, 120–121

USA Patriot Act, 40

Values civic, reaffirmation of, 339,

341 competing, challenges to

freedom of expression from, 41

creating expectations of behavior through, 60

defining personal charac- ter and personality through, 339

ethics vs., 339 interaction with beliefs and

attitudes, 134 interpreting reality/exercis-

ing social control through, 60

judgments enabled by, 338 sources of influence on,

342–344 Verbal communication, inter-

personal, 184–185 Vico, Giambattista, 54 Visual design

cultural palette for, 377–378 figure and ground in, 370 honoring gestalt values in,

369–373 Visual images

closure in, 372 continuation in, 372 as icons, 368–369 proximity of objects to, 371 representing messages

through, 368–369 similarity of objects in,

370–371

Index  445

Woodward-Denton 7E.book Page 445 Wednesday, December 4, 2013 12:03 PM

Visual noise, 376 Vocabularies as environ-

ments, 56

Wallace, Karl, 92 Walter, Otis, 388 Webster, James, 161 Weiss, Walter, 113 What Liberal Media? (Alter-

man), 353 Whatmough, Joshua, 57 Whedbee, Karen, 339 Whillock, Rita, 72

Whorf, Benjamin Lee, 56 Williams, Alden, 353 Wolfe, Alan, 165 Women, impact of advertising

on, 284–285 Woodruff, Paul, 158 Words

denotative vs. connotative, 85–86

as symbols, 52 variable meanings evoked

through, 55 Writing, writers on, 384–385

YouTube, 38, 76, 161, 236, 240, 256, 274, 284, 301, 312, 321

Yukl, Gary, 206

Zaller, John, 328 Zen and the Art of Motorcycle

Maintenance (Pirsig), 108