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Journal of Progressive Human Services

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White Privilege and Clinical Social Work Practice: Reflections and Recommendations

Ashley Davis & Sabrina Gentlewarrior

To cite this article: Ashley Davis & Sabrina Gentlewarrior (2015) White Privilege and Clinical Social Work Practice: Reflections and Recommendations, Journal of Progressive Human Services, 26:3, 191-208, DOI: 10.1080/10428232.2015.1063361

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10428232.2015.1063361

Accepted author version posted online: 13 Jul 2015. Published online: 12 Sep 2015.

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Journal of Progressive Human Services, 26:191–208, 2015 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1042-8232 print/1540-7616 online DOI: 10.1080/10428232.2015.1063361

ARTICLES

White Privilege and Clinical Social Work Practice: Reflections and Recommendations

ASHLEY DAVIS Social Work Department, Wheelock College, Boston, Massachusetts, USA

SABRINA GENTLEWARRIOR Division of Student Success and Diversity, Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater,

Massachusetts, USA

This exploratory study examined how seasoned White social work- ers grappled with the presence and effects of White privilege on their clinical practice. Data were collected in focus groups; findings were surfaced through thematic analysis. Five themes emerged: the role of engaging in continuous self-awareness in clinical practice; the complexity of using intersectionality to inform our work; the necessity of addressing White privilege in clinical conversations; the importance of creating strategies for use of power; and the pro- cess of engaging in life-long growth. These workers demonstrated awareness of, and accountability for, White privilege. Implications for progressive social work practice are discussed.

KEYWORDS clinical practice, progressive social work, racism, White privilege

Racial inequality is profound and pervasive. Disparities exist between white people and people of color in nearly all areas of social life, including access to high-quality education, housing, and health care, among many other indi- cators (Bonilla-Silva, 2010; National Urban League, 2013). In studies that control for socioeconomic status, race stands alone as a factor that directly and indirectly relates to inequities (Brach & Fraserirector, 2000). White

Address correspondence to Ashley Davis, Wheelock College, 200 The Riverway, Boston, MA 02215, USA. E-mail: [email protected]

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people are systematically advantaged by the same structures that discriminate against people of color (Bailey, 1998; Frankenberg, 1993).

Lee and Bhuyan (2013) note that social work literature connects to two major themes about Whiteness: how it produces unearned racial privilege for Whites (McIntosh, 1988) and remains invisible as a sociocultural per- spective (Helms, 1995). These aspects of Whiteness have “emanated from history and resulted from genocide, slavery, exclusion, and segregation” (Pewewardy, 2007, p. xiv). White people are socialized to remain oblivi- ous to their unearned advantages and skewed worldview; this silence and denial obfuscate a true path to equality and justice (Harro, 2000).

With the vast majority of licensed social workers—86%—identifying as White (Whitaker, Weismiller, & Clark, 2006), it is crucial to understand the impact of White privilege on clinical practice. When members of privileged groups are cognizant of their privilege and critically appraise their own posi- tion, they can use that privileged position to help end the oppressive status quo (Pease, 2006). For White people, a progressive standpoint involves an ability to critique how our dominant and privileged position contributes to inequality, to develop an ethical and moral commitment to addressing racism, and to engage in a range of personal and professional practices that focus on the creation of racial justice (May, 1998). Counter to the charac- terization of social work as a “handmaiden of the status quo” (Abramovitz, 1998, p. 512), White social workers can reject this role and mobilize as an organized political force for racial justice.

Progressive social work is premised on a critical examination of multiple and intersecting power dynamics that result from and reinforce systems of oppression based on aspects of identity (e.g., race, gender, social class, etc.) (Bricker-Jenkins & Joseph, 2008; Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1991; Mattsson, 2014; Murdach, 2010; Pease, 2006). The purpose of this study is to explore White privilege in social work practice from the perspectives of seasoned White social workers. They grappled with the presence and effects of White privilege in their practice, including their own biases and assumptions, and offered insights into the social structures and power relations that constrain or support their commitment to antiracism work.

WHITE PRIVILEGE AND SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION

Social work literature about White privilege often focuses on strategies intended to help students develop knowledge and awareness about racism and White privilege (Abrams & Gibson, 2007; Bender, Negi, & Fowler, 2010; Van Soest & Garcia, 2008). Yet social work programs have been critiqued for attempting to remain apolitical (Abramovitz, 1993) or upholding the sta- tus quo, rather than preparing students to effect change (Reisch & Andrews, 2002; Stoesz, Karger, & Carrillo, 2011). For example, Saleh, Anngela-Cole,

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and Boateng’s (2011) study measured changes in MSW and BSW students’ attitudes, behaviors, and knowledge about diversity issues. These predom- inately White students had limited exposure to diversity while growing up and were taught from a curriculum that promoted an understanding of White privilege and its effects on the delivery of social work services. The findings indicated that although students’ attitudes changed, their behavior did not. This outcome was considered a positive initial step. From a progressive perspective, social workers must move beyond analysis and learn to effect social change (Bricker-Jenkins & Joseph, 2008).

WHITE PRIVILEGE AND CLINICAL PRACTICE

Upon entering traditional workplaces, many social workers find it chal- lenging to transfer their new knowledge to the field (Mizrahi & Dodd, 2013; Petrovich & Lowe, 2005; Poole, 2010). Subsequent to their educational exposure to the theory and practice of antiracism and White allyship, it is imperative for White social workers to continue to interrogate themselves and their praxis in these areas (Fook, 2012) and to examine the ways in which White privilege can be either reinforced or disrupted by our clinical practice (Todd, 2011). By doing so, we are less likely to rely on racial stereo- types and impose our own ethnocentric values on clients and are more likely to recognize and address power imbalances, view the problems of clients of color from a systemic perspective, seek more personal knowledge from our clients, as well as consider the impact of White privilege on the mental health of our White clients (Hays, Chang, & Havice, 2008; Neville, Worthington, & Spanierman, 2001).

There is a dearth of empirical studies about how White privilege mani- fests, and can be mitigated, in social work practice. One such study by Lee and Bhuyan (2013) involved the analysis of audiotapes from individual psy- chotherapy sessions between White female workers and immigrant clients of color. The transcriptions of five worker-client dyads revealed how the workers maintain Whiteness as an unmarked norm and, as a result, prompt their clients to “respond to, negotiate with, or resist Whiteness” (p. 98). The study illustrated how, through micro-interactions, clinical encounters provide a “negotiated space” (p. 124) in which both workers and clients are influenced by the dominant ideologies that contribute to inequality and oppression.

The present study, situated within a larger exploration of culturally com- petent social work practice, describes how a group of seasoned White social workers grappled with the presence and effects of White privilege in their practice. They spoke candidly and courageously about a topic that is rarely discussed in the literature. They shared their current strategies and identi- fied additional tools that would help them practice more effectively. Their

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practice wisdom has been distilled to offer ideas and encouragement to other White social workers who need to be prepared to meet their clients’ needs and strive to practice from a place of personal integrity.

METHODS

Participants

Eleven social workers participated in this study. Eligibility requirements included self-identifying as White, having completed 10 or more years of post-MSW clinical work, and having formulated ways of thinking about and practicing cultural competence. Potential participants were recruited through a variety of methods: an advertisement in the Massachusetts NASW Focus newsletter, an invitation circulated by colleagues, and a flyer sent to field supervisors of MSW students throughout greater Boston.

The participants included 10 women and 1 man, 9 heterosexuals and 2 lesbians. Their ages ranged from 36 to 66, with a median age of 56. Ten participants described their social class as middle class; one stated that she was upper-middle class. Participants labelled their ethnicities as European, Western and Eastern European, Albanian, Irish/lapsed Catholic, Jewish, New York Jew, WASP, and lapsed WASP. One participant identi- fied as English, Irish, Cherokee, French, and Flemish; although part Native American, she explained that she identifies as White due to the White priv- ilege she receives on a daily basis. Participants’ clinical experience ranged from 10 to 41 years, with a median of 24 years. They worked in a variety of settings, including a college counselling center, a community health center, a homeless outreach center, public and private hospitals, schools, and private practices. All participants had supervised social work students or staff mem- bers, and five had taught courses in higher education. Participants’ identities are protected with pseudonyms throughout this article.

Procedure

Data were collected during three separate 90-minute focus groups facilitated by the first author. A semistructured interview schedule was used. The stated purpose of the study was to explore cultural competence in clinical social work practice and, thus, the questions explored how the workers practice in a culturally competent manner and inquire about factors that support or impede culturally competent practice. See the Appendix for the main questions and probes. The focus groups were audiotaped and transcribed.

In conducting the research from a critical perspective, the researchers were mindful of the power dynamics involved. The main interview questions were shared with participants ahead of time in order to be transparent and encourage more thoughtful responses. In a letter to the participants before

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the focus groups took place, the first author shared brief examples from her own clinical work of times when she did—and regretfully did not— practice in a culturally competent manner. The examples were intended to model self-disclosure about race and racism, foster trusting relationships with participants, and humanize the research process (Henn, Weinstein, & Foard, 2009). After the focus groups, participants were offered the opportunity to review the transcripts in order to ensure that their voices were represented authentically.

Data Analysis

The transcripts were analyzed using the steps of thematic analysis. This method organizes and describes data in rich detail by identifying and report- ing patterns, with the aim of using themes to interpret aspects of the research topic (Boyatzis, 1998; Braun & Clarke, 2006). Although cultural competence was the stated topic of the focus groups, this article focuses on White priv- ilege, which was discussed frequently in all groups. Using an inductive method of analysis, we read the transcripts via immersion to gain familiarity with the data and observe how White privilege was discussed, both explic- itly and implicitly. From the observations, we created initial lists of codes. When codes were related to one another, they were group together into thematic categories. The themes became a codebook that was used to comb through the transcripts systematically. Each theme needed to be represented in the transcripts across all focus groups; themes with insufficient support were eliminated or combined. The themes were created from observations in the data, but they often were rephrased to reflect an understanding about White privilege from the literature. Both researchers engaged in the coding process separately by noting the corresponding lines in the transcripts for each instance. In conversation with each other, we reviewed our similar and divergent coding decisions, and with critical reflection about the process, we interrogated our decisions until reaching consensus. Finally, we returned to the data and used the participants’ words to illustrate the exemplars.

In addition to focusing on the data, we engaged in reflexive practices to enhance the integrity of qualitative inquiry (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011; Valandra, 2012). We acknowledged the myriad lenses through which we viewed our data, including our professional values, clinical experiences, and social locations (Collins, 2000; Fook, 2012). As two seasoned White social workers, we occupy a place similar to that of the participants. Like most of the participants, some of our social locations are marginalized, such as our identification as lesbians. We diverge in some ways, too. The first author practiced in hospital systems for 10 years, specializing in the treatment of couples and families from diverse backgrounds; currently, she is an assis- tant professor of social work at a small private college. The data presented here come from her doctoral dissertation. The second author had in-depth

196 A. Davis and S. Gentlewarrior

awareness of the study when she analyzed the data, having served on the dissertation committee; she has been a licensed clinical social worker for more than 25 years and currently serves as vice president of a division focused on student success and diversity, with an emphasis on eliminat- ing opportunity/achievement gaps at a public university. In an effort to increase reflexivity and decrease unconscious bias, we engaged in in-depth discussions regarding the reasoning that led to our coding decisions, empha- sizing the ways in which the intersectionality of our social identities could be influencing our coding decisions (Sands, Bourjolly, & Roer-Strier, 2007).

FINDINGS

Participants discussed issues of White privilege on myriad levels: individual, interpersonal, organizational, and societal. Five descriptive themes emerged from the data and are illustrated with exemplars from the data.

The Role of Engaging in Continuous Self-Awareness in Clinical Practice

Participants described self-awareness about racism and White privilege as being key to effective clinical work. Tracy summarizes this theme:

I’m just blown away after 41 years of practice at how much the whole concept of White privilege informs everything. And so to understand myself and my use of self, understanding not only where I see myself but where other people place me in the engagement process.

Paula developed greater awareness by seeing how others viewed her, including her Whiteness:

One time I was walking in the high school, and I was lost. There was a group of African American students who were walking ahead of me. I called out and said, “Excuse me.” I was just going to ask them, “Please help me. Where am I, and where do I go?” They startled and turned around. These kids thought immediately they were in trouble, and somebody was calling them out for something.

Fran came to recognize and challenge the way she was socialized to be White:

I’m a recovering WASP, or a reformed WASP. Apple pie is my ethnic food. When I say recovering, I think that, I hope I don’t see the world as being essentially White, Anglo-Saxon, . . . which was certainly my mother’s view of the world.

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Respondents were aware of the obstacles they face in having this aware- ness. Bridget described how the absence of people of color in her daily life prior to entering graduate school decreased her awareness about and sen- sitivity to issues of racial justice: “First time I really knew African American people as equals, as colleagues, was college. So that was late to realize.” Maryann echoed a similar experience as she relayed witnessing racial injus- tice directed at an African American colleague who was followed by security guards while they were shopping together:

I looked around, and sure enough. . . . That would never happen to me in a store. I’m like, wow, this is amazing. I mean, witnessing that was really just an eye-opening experience for me. I had book learning from racism, but to actually. . . . I was like, “They have no idea you’re a doctor, right?” She’s like, “Yeah, like that matters.”

Participants stressed the importance of owning their racial background and its privileged status, and considering its impact on their relationships with clients. In a college counselling center, Maryann treats students who are from China: “I always have to be aware that this is how this student might be seeing me and have to check in with that, that kind of being casual or American in a lot of ways can be really off-putting.” Deanna concurred that workers need to be aware of the range of things they bring to the relationship: “We bring a lot of positive things or knowledge or skills but also our own internal lens of seeing things, our own history or upbringing or biases. Both are in the room with us and our clients.”

The Complexity of Using Intersectionality to Inform Our Work

One of the aspects of self-awareness that participants discussed was the ways in which their Whiteness intersected with their other social locations and helped them understand their White privilege. Rebecca identified the pieces of her identity that she brings to practice:

I bring my Jewishness, my Whiteness, my age as a middle-aged woman. My class confusion because I’m middle class but was raised in an intel- lectual class. I bring my experience as a parent. My rejection of religion, lack of religious values. And yet, my Jewish culture. I bring a frequent confusion or questioning of what do I do with all of that. The room sometimes feels really crowded.

Bridget explained that her White privilege made it difficult to empathize with clients who are living a different reality:

If you as somebody who’s trying to enter into their reality in some way, enough to be helpful, if you [need to] understand those dynamics—what

198 A. Davis and S. Gentlewarrior

it’s like to be a mom in an inner-city neighborhood these days and be afraid that your kids are going to get picked up by the police because they’re teenage Black men. It’s very important to understand the larger context, the racism of the society to do that.

At times participants struggled to make sense of the intersection between their Whiteness and their other social locations, particularly when they had been socialized to believe the myth of meritocracy. Maryann described a Sunday dinner when she was in high school:

My grandfather’s there with his brogue so thick you could cut it, and my uncle Lou with his Portuguese accent, really, really thick, too, talking about how all these foreigners are coming to work at the [factory]. . . .

It always, like it stuck in my mind, because I didn’t really know how to make sense of it. My family had the idea that was instilled in me that everyone in this country has the same opportunities. . . . It wasn’t until after I finished college that I realized that that wasn’t true, that because I was White, even though I came from a blue-collar family and worked my way through a state school as a waitress for four years that I actually had advantages and privileges that other people didn’t have, and that was really eye-opening to me.

Maryann’s cognitive dissonance led to increased awareness about her White privilege, even though she and her family struggled financially.

Michelle stated that marginalized identities helped her empathize with other people’s experiences of oppression:

I know oppression firsthand as a female, as a Jew, as a child of a Holocaust survivor, so my sense of self has always been different. It’s allowed me to identify with people not in the majority in a way that may have impacted my ability to work with folks different than myself. Because I don’t think of myself as a White female, but I know I am.

Bridget described the importance of addressing racism, even if other forms of oppression that are important to her are not addressed: “It’s not that I think that in order for me to deal with my racism, people have to be dealing with homophobia. I don’t think that. It’s important for me to deal with my racism anyway.”

The Necessity of Addressing White Privilege in Clinical Conversations

Participants were familiar with the term White privilege, but noted that their clients might not be. Bridget explained that clients are unlikely to “articulate something like White privilege. They live it but they may not have a discourse about that.” Robert echoed this stating that clients “don’t bring it up, and

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everybody skirts around it. You have to try to bring that awareness and that courage to have the discussion where it’s appropriate.” Maryann shared an example from her work with a White client who was a victim of a violent crime:

The police said that the only reason she and the people that she was with are alive is because they were White college students. Other people died because they weren’t White, and she was having that realization. I said to her, “What’s it like to have to think about race?” It was just a privilege to be able to do that with her, and to say, “We’re White people. How often do we have to think about race? We don’t.”

Participants also helped their clients of color process the effects of White privilege in their lives. Tracy described working with a Native American client whose skin was significantly lighter than that of the rest of her family; the client could pass for White. As they explored cut-offs in the client’s family, the devastating effects of White privilege became apparent: “What we finally got to was that she was set up within her family to be the pride of the family because she was White. And they left the reservation because of that.” The participant helped her client grieve the sacrifices her family made for her and realize the immense psychological and cultural cost for each family member that racism and White privilege had imposed.

Although essential to the work, participants were clear that address- ing White privilege is not always easy to do. Allison described the following:

I struggle most with the Caucasian families. They seemed at times to feel like they could be bigots out loud and, then the relationship seems like it’s based on, “It’s just not cool to say that. It’s not cool to say that. It’s not cool to say that.” . . . What am I doing or not doing that they feel they have permission to be a bigot in front of me? . . . How do I set limits with them and still engage with them when they’re insulting me, they’re insulting who I am, and where do I draw the line?

The Importance of Creating Strategies for Use of Power

Participants devised strategies to handle the power conferred on them by their professional roles, agency positions, and social locations, particularly their Whiteness. Robert emphasized the sociopolitical context:

“Race in this country has got a long history. Understanding the history and how it impacts all of us, even despite our desires to help, is not always easy.”

Within the workplace, Fran influenced other professionals: “They knew not to use some sort of racial joke around me. In fact, at my farewell party when they took me out to dinner, somebody started and then said, ‘Uh, no, that isn’t a good one to tell here.’”

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Rebecca wanted to acknowledge the power differences between staff and families at an urban school:

Nobody was really talking about issues of race and the race differentials with the White staff and the families of color. I said, “Maybe it’s really important to be transparent, to talk about some of the differences, to lay it out on the table.” The [African American] headmaster looked at me and basically said, “Why would you do that? That’s just going to make them really embarrassed and uncomfortable.” So, here I am taking all of this intellectual knowledge— . . . I’m trying to apply it in a real-life situation, and basically I was told, “What are you, nuts? That’s ridicu- lous!” Everything that I learned just can’t be a blanket application. Every situation is different. People are individuals.

She struggled with the difference between her preference for direct communication and the headmaster’s belief about the best course of action.

Participants spoke about using their positional power to facilitate change. Bridget and a colleague of color collaborated to “hire a diverse team” that would be reflective of the community they served:

It’s so hard sometimes when professionals of color have come up through the system without some of the advantages that those of us who are White have had, and end up with some skills that aren’t mainstream. . . .

My friend and I who were running the team would get pressure from all the clinicians [of color] who said we need to change the way we’re doing this, we need to be more culturally competent, we need to go out into the community, we need to consult the natural healers. And I’m getting pressure from the [White] managers of the agency who are going, “You got to calm this down, we’re going to get sued.” We figured out how to steer a route through those complicated kinds of things. I think the kids and families ended up better served. It didn’t last.

Participants lamented the tendency in large agencies to revert back to the status quo, including who is hired, how decisions are made, and what is in the community’s best interests.

The Process of Engaging in Lifelong Growth

Participants understood that this work is complex and acknowledged that they often made errors. Fran described her process of dealing with challeng- ing situations: “I’m always trying to figure out, ‘OK, what is the way you get at this?’ It’s always a puzzle. As long as I know I’m still doing that then I figure I’m as good as it’s going to get.”

Key to the clinical process, and indicative of their willingness to continue to grow, participants spoke of the importance of acknowledging their mis- takes when aware of them. Fran was working with an African American family, and the eldest child showed her a class picture, which included all

White Privilege and Clinical Social Work Practice 201

African American children and two professionals, one Black and one White. In commenting on the photo, Fran referred to the White woman as the teacher and later felt remorse:

I went home and went, “Oh, my God. I can’t believe I did that.” So the next time I came back and said, “You know, I did something that I’m really sort of embarrassed about.” So I told her, and she sort of looked at me and said, very softly, “That’s OK. Lots of people do that.” I said, “That doesn’t make it right.”

Participants stated that antiracism courses and readings helped them grow in their work, but most described the importance of investing in honest professional relationships. Faye stated, “I just don’t think a one-day course is really going to do much for you. I found the most assistance from colleagues, from supervision, from talking about cases from my own practice. That’s how I feel like I’ve learned.”

Participants appreciated how far they had come in their growth. Maryann noted:

I went through a period of feeling pretty guilty for having White privilege, which wasn’t a very comfortable thing, and also along with the guilt, an attitude like, “Hey, why should I feel guilty? Really, if you look at it, I’m not that privileged! I’m working as a waitress to put myself through graduate school!”

Rebecca explained that her strategies for engagement have shifted with time:

It’s certainly changed for me over time as well, in a way where I would have been militant 15 years ago, and angry, and confrontational. I’m more willing to enter into conversations about difference and sometimes seek them out, sometimes want those conversations to happen, and more able to listen.

Paula concurred that it is important to begin the work in one’s own circles: “Helping one person would help make some changes in the world. There will be that ripple effect because, goodness knows, we need a lot of change in the world.”

LIMITATIONS

Before considering the contributions of this study to social work practice, it is important to consider its limitations. As a qualitative study with a small sample, the results reported here cannot be generalized to all seasoned

202 A. Davis and S. Gentlewarrior

White social workers in clinical practice. Rather, it offers readers a beginning exploration of a topic that may serve as a springboard for further exploration by researchers, as well as by individual White social workers about their own clinical practice.

DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE

In an editorial in Social Work, Schorr (1971) identified privilege as the “main enemy.” He conceptualized racism as resulting from, and serving to maintain, the privilege of few. Schorr called on true antiracists to be “fully engaged in the redistribution of income and status in the United States” (p. 120). Over 40 years later, the participants in this study demonstrated their awareness of White privilege and its far-reaching effects on their lives and their clinical practice.

Even as experienced clinicians, participants shared not only about the times they addressed White privilege in their practices with confidence and skill, but also about their times of uncertainty, fear, and confusion. Their can- dor underscores the assertion in the literature that addressing White privilege is a life-long process for White social workers (Pewewardy, 2007; Vodde, 2000). They shared stories about directing conversations to the topics of race, racism, and White privilege and noted that others may skirt around it or that White people do not have to think about race very often. Participants modelled for clients and colleagues alike how to engage in such conversa- tions. By communicating openly about White privilege, social workers can reject the denial that perpetuates injustice (Bailey, 1998; Harro, 2000), and can “effectively address bias and move toward equity” (Blitz & Kohl, 2012, p. 482).

White people occupy “a status that calls for serious consideration of the responsibilities a justice-seeking person has—to work against systems of unfair privilege and to bring about parity in all realms of social life” (Hoyt, 2012, p. 233–234). Blitz and Kohl (2012) note that the antiracism literature calls on White people to work for change, but often fails to offer clear direction for action. Participants grappled with what that responsibility entails and how it can be carried out. Within the progressive tradition, it is a crucial step in addressing injustice: “It is not enough to see; one must do” (Bricker-Jenkins & Joseph, 2008, p. 434).

White social workers have choices about what they do with their priv- ilege (Frankenberg, 1993; Helms, 1995). In their reflections across practice settings, participants highlighted some options on individual, interpersonal, and agency levels. On an individual level, they cultivated self-awareness, challenged their socialization, and were in touch with their marginalized identities. By maintaining an intersectional awareness of privilege and oppression, workers can “visualize oppression and inequality that relates

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to the social worker herself, her professional role and private life, and not just to the client’s vulnerability and exclusion” (Mattsson, 2014, p. 9). This critical reflection helps workers to develop a more nuanced and complex understanding of their positionality, which shifts, depending on the context and relational dynamics (Samuels & Ross-Sheriff, 2008). Curry-Stevens (2007) found that, when privileged learners recognize their marginalized identities, they are more likely to accept their privilege and have empathy for others who are oppressed.

Interpersonally, participants identified their White privilege in relation- ships, valued relationships with people of color, listened to the experiences of people of color, dialogued across difference, and confronted prejudicial comments. Some of these strategies involve remaining in the center of power and using it in socially just ways, such as helping other White people become cognizant of their “White talk” or the ways that Whites “talk ourselves out of” responsibility for racism and privilege (McIntyre, 1997, p. 45). Other strate- gies involve having the privilege to move to the margins of social power (Ayvazian & Tatum, 1994), choosing not to view Whiteness as the norm and honoring the expertise of people of color.

Within their agencies, participants advocated for hiring diverse teams and struggled to engage in anti-oppressive practice while holding adminis- trative roles. These findings resonate with Gosine and Pon’s (2011) study: their White participants and those of color reported “a perceived lack of promotion and advancement opportunities, a lack of respect, silencing, micro-aggressions, and workplace practices and policies that constrained individual practices” (p. 154) for frontline “racialized” workers. Such racism was systematically woven into workplace cultures characterized by White, middle-class normativity. White people committed to antiracism may be par- ticularly well positioned to notice and question the structures and systems that create or reinforce inequality (Fook, 2012). Such questioning is aligned with progressive social work that advocates for a “critical examination of the power dynamics [that is] infused into all social welfare and social work endeavors” (Bricker-Jenkins & Joseph, 2008, p. 434).

Participants also indicated that they needed more tools to unpack issues of White privilege. Even seasoned social workers who self-identify as hav- ing strengths in culturally competent practice recognized the need for more knowledge and skills. Several participants were open about the times when they fell short. Spencer (2008) describes the humility needed by people with privilege to be “willing to make mistakes, learn, and try again” (p. 101). The participants normalized the experience of being uncertain and making mis- takes and showed that such moments prompt accountability and continual learning.

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CONCLUSION

This article shares the reflections of seasoned White social workers who are committed to culturally competent practice and know that addressing their White privilege is a piece of that work. Their stories provide poignant and powerful reminders of the everydayness of White privilege. Vodde (2000) explains, “Privilege is not so much manifested in overarching conceptual schemes but in our daily activities and automatic strategies that maintain our positions of authority” (p. 154). Once aware of the presence and effects of White privilege, White people can ask themselves, “Having described it, what will I do to lessen or end it?” (McIntosh, 1988, pp. 2–3). The pro- gressive tradition urges a “passionate drive for equality and social justice” (Murdach, 2010, p. 87). White social workers have the opportunity—and the responsibility—to move beyond their privileged positions and work for justice.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The authors are grateful to the participants whose stories are told here. We would also like to thank Michael Melendez, PhD, Jessica Henderson Daniel, PhD, and Barbara Bond, EdD, for their wise suggestions on earlier drafts, and the faculty of the Simmons College Graduate School of Social Work for the support and mentoring. This research derived from a dissertation completed by Ashley Davis at Simmons College Graduate School of Social Work.

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APPENDIX: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

The data in this article derive from the following main questions (“M”) and probes (“P”).

Application of Cultural Competences

M: Share a story about cultural competence in your clinical practice. P: How your ability to practice in a culturally competent manner changed

over time? M: Tell me about a time when you wished you had practiced in a more

culturally competent manner. P: What changes (if any) have you made in your clinical practice as a result

of this?

Clinicians’ Social Locations

M: What do you bring to an encounter with a client who is different from you?

P: How do your social identities (e.g., race, ethnicity, gender, social class, sexual orientation, ability status, religion, etc.) have an impact on your practice with diverse clients?

P: If race or ethnicity has not been mentioned: In particular, how does your racial or ethnic background influence your practice?

P: What is it like for you to work with a client whose background is similar to your own?

208 A. Davis and S. Gentlewarrior

Resources and Professional Development

M: Since graduate school, how have you continued to develop cultural competence?

P: Have you sought out professional development opportunities for diversity issues (e.g., conferences, in-service training, supervision, etc.)? If so, tell me about your experiences.

P: What supports your ability to practice in a culturally competent manner? P: What impedes your ability to practice in a culturally competent manner?