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8 Community Food Security “ For Us, By Us ” The Nation of Islam and the Pan African Orthodox Christian Church

Priscilla McCutcheon

If Black people could secure suffi cient power to maintain a balance it might be possible for Black people and white people to live together as two separate peoples in one country. Black people must remain separate using the separateness that already exists as a basis for political power, for economic power, and for the transmission of cultural values. . . . The only hope for peace in America depends upon the possibility of building this kind of Black power. . . . A Black Nation within a nation must come into being if we are to survive. For the Black man everything must be judged in terms of Black liberation. There is but one authority and that is the Black experience. ( Cleage 1972 , xxxvii)

This excerpt is from Black Christian Nationalism written by Albert Cleage. In it he describes his beliefs and methods on how blacks should empower themselves in what he deems to be a white supremacist society. This book also provides an ideal starting point for exploring how two Black Nationalist religious organizations are using food not only as a means to address hunger, but also as a tool of empowerment among blacks. In 1999, the Pan African Orthodox Christian Church (PAOCC) completed the purchase of over 1,500 acres of farmland on the border of Georgia and South Carolina to build a self-sustaining community called Beulah Land Farms. Their land acquisition has now grown to over 4,000 acres. Albert Cleage (1972) , the founder of the PAOCC, envi- sioned a place where members of the church would come together, but also a place where inner-city youth would be exposed to nature and farmland.

The Nation of Islam (NOI) purchased over 1,556 acres of rural South Georgia farmland in 1994, naming it Muhammad Farms. Its expressed purpose is to feed the forty million black people in America ( Muhammad 2005 ). The NOI was founded by Master Fard Muhammad and led for decades by Elijah Muhammad. Its most notable leader, Malcolm X, strongly believed in black landownership and its importance in achieving self-suffi ciency. While both organizations ’ work around food and health

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is heavily infl uenced by their self-proclamation as Black Nationalist religious organizations, the NOI and the PAOCC defi ne Black National- ism in two distinct ways. Food is not simply used to address hunger, but also to build community among blacks. Food is a part of a larger ideol- ogy of Black Nationalism, in which self-reliance and the individual achievements of blacks are linked to the “ black community ” at large.

Black Nationalism is one of the six political ideologies that Michael Dawson (2001) describes in his seminal work Black Visions . Dawson argues that “ popular support for black nationalism continues to be based on the time-tested skepticism in black communities that, when it comes to race, America will live up to its liberal values ” ( Ibid. , 86). Black Nationalism is the belief that race and racial discrimination are at the center of the black experience in America and must be addressed by blacks if this group is to ever achieve any tangible progress. Elijah Muhammad, one of the key founders and leaders of the NOI, fervently preached the need for blacks to look beyond the dream of integrating into a white society that devalued every aspect of black life. Instead, he asserted that blacks should develop their own racial identity, and effec- tively form a psychological and geographically separate nation from whites to promote the true liberation of blacks ( Muhammad 1997a ). Historically, the PAOCC does not defi ne black liberation as a geographic separation from whites. Instead psychological separation is key so that blacks can develop their own institutions that serve their identities and interests ( Cleage 1972 ). When blacks secure a suffi cient amount of equal- ity and power, Cleage argues that only then will it be possible for blacks and whites to live together in the United States but still utilize separate institutions. The recent philosophy of the PAOCC builds on the organi- zation ’ s historical belief of blackness as a unifying factor. The PAOCC asserts that blackness alone should not be the sole organizing factor, but issues including class must also be considered. Blackness then, is com- plicated and cannot be portrayed as simply white vs. black or us vs. them. Both the NOI and the PAOCC are using their work around food and agriculture to promote some aspects of Black Nationalism achiev- able through self-suffi ciency.

The purpose of this chapter is to delve into the relationship between food and racial identity and religion through the lens of these two Black Nationalist religions. I intend to explore this concept of just sustainabil- ity by investigating the ways that race and racial identity are at the heart of the ideological justifi cation and actions of both the NOI and the PAOCC ’ s work around food and health. More important are the ways

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in which self-suffi ciency and community contribute to just sustainability not only in both religious organizations but also among blacks as a col- lective. This chapter refl ects archival and textual research for the NOI. I also engaged in archival and textual research for the PAOCC, but had the added opportunity to do participant observation at Beulah Land Farms. While my access to both organizations differs, the amount of textual information on each is extensive.

To begin, in the fi rst section, I give a brief history of these organiza- tions and their food programs ending with exploring why these two cases might offer unique insights into questions of race in alternative food movements. Second, I bring to light the insistence on self-reliance, bor- rowing the name FUBU to illuminate the For Us, By Us principle that guides these Black Nationalist religions ’ work around food and health. Third, I unpack the word community , keying in on how both groups defi ne this term racially, socially, and spatially and noting both similari- ties and differences. I conclude by offering some recommendations on how the broader community ’ s food movement might utilize these two examples in the quest to understand the linkage between race and food provisioning practices, which can only aid in efforts to diversify all levels of the movement.

Organizational Histories

Nation of Islam The story about the founding of the NOI centers on “ the prophet ” who appeared on the streets of Detroit in 1930. Fard Muhammad traveled from house to house initially using the Bible to teach blacks because this, to him, was the only religion that they knew. Food and health were central to the NOI ’ s teachings from its inception. NOI members preached that blacks should not eat unhealthy food, equating such food to poison.

The NOI was founded during the Great Depression when racial bar- riers prevented progress, and some blacks felt that the black Christian church was not forceful enough in its stand against racial inequality. Elijah Muhammad was one of the fi rst followers of Master Muhammad. He preached fervently about what blacks could do to gain freedom on this Earth. Malcolm X is perhaps the best-known member of the NOI. He was a vocal minister who furthered the message of the NOI preaching to masses of blacks both inside and outside of the NOI about self- suffi ciency, the evilness of whites, and the importance of a geographically

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separate nation. Though Malcolm X eventually broke away from the NOI and changed his views on race drastically in his later years, the NOI and its teachings are often still associated with views he espoused earlier in its history ( Lincoln 1994 ).

The NOI, commonly characterized as a Black Nationalist organiza- tion ( Harris-Lacewell 2004 ; Squires 2002 ; West 1999 ; Dawson 1994 ), contends that the only path to black liberation is in forming an autono- mous nation separate from whites ( Marable 1998 ). The NOI rejects Christianity as a direct manifestation of white racism, which is appealing to many members. Even so, some of the NOI ’ s teachings resemble those of some black churches and other groups that share its strict ethical and moral guidelines. The NOI has had a profound infl uence on the religious experience of blacks both inside and outside of this religious sect ( Curtis 2006 ; Dawson 2001 ; Muhammad 1997a ).

The NOI ’ s teachings have received criticisms from blacks and non- blacks alike. During the 1950s and 1960s, some prominent black leaders denounced the NOI as hateful and divisive, and some black intellectuals ignored this group altogether in their discussion of black religious life. Despite this, the NOI has retained relationships with some black Christian ministers, politicians, and businessmen. Among blacks, the relationship with the NOI is a complicated one. Many acknowledge and often share the NOI ’ s frustrations, but differ on their methods for achieving equality. The NOI ’ s insistence on black unity to achieve progress appeals to some blacks both inside of and outside of the religious organization ( Lincoln 1994 ).

Lincoln (1994) argues that most average whites know little about the NOI. “ Those who learn of the movement tend to consider it an extreme and dangerous social organization ” (172). Some even compare the NOI to the Ku Klux Klan. For the most part, the NOI is more concerned with its perception among blacks and expanding its membership to one day include all blacks. Any objection by whites to its teachings is seen as a natural extension of a white supremacist society.

Food plays a prominent role in the NOI ’ s teachings. In the excerpt that follows from How to Eat, How to Live , Elijah Muhammad empha- sizes the importance of food in maintaining physical, mental, and spiri- tual health among blacks. He preaches: “ Many years [can] be added to our lives if we only knew how to protect our lives from their enemies . . . food keeps us here; it is essential that we eat food which gives and maintains life . . . we must protect our lives as well as possible from the destruction of food. If we eat the proper food, and eat at the proper time, the food will keep us living a long, long time ” ( Muhammad 1997b , 1).

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The NOI ’ s rhetoric articulates a clear connection between black lib- eration and the production and consumption of food. The NOI ’ s reli- gious and racial goals infl uenced its decision to produce and distribute food as a means to increase black autonomy. Elijah Muhammad speaks at length about the appropriate food intake needed to completely eman- cipate blacks from racial oppression. He admonishes black Christians for continuing to consume pork, alcohol, and tobacco, connecting their consumption to mental bondage, and argues that they are tools used to oppress the black community ( Muhammad 1997b ; Rouse and Hoskins 2004 ). According to scholars studying the NOI, proper consumption signifi es purity and a commitment to the teachings of Allah ( Curtis 2006 ; Rouse and Hoskins 2004 ; Witt 1999 ).

The current work and rhetoric of the NOI on food and health suggests a commitment to the principles of the organic food movement. The NOI believes that food should ideally be chemically free. Though the NOI is not currently farming organically, its Web site includes information about the dangers of pesticides, insecticides, genetically modifi ed seeds and food, and the general danger of large agribusiness. The NOI ’ s min- ister of agriculture, Dr. Ridgely Abdul Mu ’ min (Muhammad), states that monetary limitations and the lack of labor prohibit the NOI from growing solely organic produce ( “ Background of Farm ” n.d. ).

The NOI ’ s goal of promoting black liberation is seen broadly in its priority of landownership to increase food production and autonomy among blacks ( Malcolm X 1965 ). Perhaps the most widespread effort of the NOI to promote self-reliance among blacks is the purchase of Muhammad Farms in Bronwood, Georgia to grow a variet of fruits and vegetables. Further investigation into the publicly available archives of Muhammad Farms reveals that its leaders ’ goals are to “ develop a sustainable agriculture system that would provide at least one meal per day . . . [for] 40 million black people ” ( Muhammad 2005 , 1). This land would not only be used to feed people, but also to eventually develop a separate nation for blacks. The NOI contends that much of the land in southern states was cultivated by black slaves and rightfully belongs to them. Though the majority of the NOI ’ s membership is located in major cities including Chicago, Detroit, and Atlanta, the NOI purchased land that is generally outside of its reach to further members ’ efforts around food, health, and black autonomy. Food grown on this land is distributed mainly to NOI mosques in major cities and also to some black community members outside of the NOI located near mosques in these cities.

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Pan African Orthodox Christian Church The Pan African Orthodox Christian Church is a lesser-known organiza- tion founded in Detroit. Reverend Albert Cleage founded Central Con- gregational Church in 1956 while he was diligently working for racial equality in the city. Throughout the 1960s, Cleage ’ s religious ideology became increasingly Afrocentric, and he renamed the church the Shrine of the Black Madonna. He went on to form congregations in Atlanta and Houston (Shrine of the Black Madonna 1). Cleage is most known for developing black liberation theology as a Black Nationalistic tradi- tion throughout Christianity. He argued that black people, particularly black ministers, were ordained to teach liberation theology and that the black experience should be central to the teachings of all black churches ( Cleage 1972 ).

Central to Cleage ’ s (1972) teachings are ideas of black nationhood as a way for blacks to cope with their marginalized position and exclusion from a white society. Cleage and the church support the notion that God believes in the freedom of black people, and Jesus is also called the black Messiah. The churches are named The Shrine of the Black Madonna to further emphasize that Jesus is black and to empower black women. Albert Cleage, the founder of the PAOCC, created Black Christian Nationalism. Among the many positions of Black Christian Nationalism is a rejection of the individualism that, in Cleage ’ s opinion, permeates white society. According to an article written by the Holy Patriarch, Jaramogi Menelik Kimathi, communalism, when used in accordance to God ’ s will, is key to helping the greatest number of people possible ( Kimathi n.d. ). Individualism is not useful to blacks and contradicts the communal nature of African religion, the black church in the United States, and the black nation more broadly. Authentic black liberation requires that black people recognize that race is the overarching way that they are defi ned in this country and take ownership of this defi nition. Their oppression is group oppression that cannot be overcome by the individual success of blacks or individual acts of kindness by whites. Cleage says:

White people are in one group and Black people are in another, and the interests of the two groups are in basic confl ict. You may be Black and confused and not realize that you are a part of a group, but if you are Black you are in the Black group. Everyone knows that but you. The whole white group . . . all work together to keep us powerless and they have no choice . . . White people have little value for black people other than the wealth that they can extract from us. ( Cleage 1972 , 84)

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An important aspect of Cleage ’ s explanation of Black Nationalism as a necessity is his discussion of power and group recognition. Despite the fact that some individual blacks may view themselves as better off eco- nomically or socially than other blacks, Cleage argues that all are in the struggle together. Equally important is Cleage ’ s description of power and Black Christian Nationalism. Cleage does not argue that whites are inherently evil. He instead argues that the actions of the white power structure derive from power itself. Black people and white people are not different in nature, but rather the differences come from experience and environment. He argues that “ white people have been ruthless in their use of power. Under the same circumstances the Black man will act the same way ” ( Cleage 1972 , 102). He goes on to say that unless black people separately defi ne a value system based on community, perceived equality will only bring forth similar individualized actions.

The PAOCC has recently expanded their philosophy. Kimathi notes that “ blackness alone is no longer a suffi cient basis for unity ” ( Kimathi n.d., 9) because we live in a world where class confl ict and racism — to offer one example — cannot be divorced from one another. Blackness is still key, but it is complex, and a host of other complexities must be recognized.

It is useful here to quote Kimathi ’ s article in more detail. He says, “ Our struggle is not simply for Black power but also for righteousness, justice, communalism, and goodness-power that is used in compatibility with the will of GOD. We seek always to do the greatest good for the greatest number of people. . . . This is the evolution of Black theology. ” It is important that this evolution of theology does not signal a departure from the needs of black people, but rather, that these needs are under- stood within a global context that is interconnected with other important issues.

Beulah Land Farms has now grown to an approximately 4,000-acre lakefront site in Calhoun Falls, South Carolina, on the Georgia/South Carolina border. Its purpose is to promote communal living and self- suffi ciency among blacks ( New Georgia Encyclopedia 2006 ). It is a physical setting in which residents are removed from the stimuli of their normal environment to allow a spiritual and physical transformation to occur ( Kimathi n.d. ). The original tract of land was purchased by Albert Cleage and is now a productive farm. Members of the PAOCC describe it as a “ multi-faceted agricultural complex ” ( PAOCC 2009 , 1). On this land, members grow vegetables and fruit but also raise poultry and cattle, and use aquaculture. This land is also a retreat for members of the

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PAOCC ( Ibid. , 1). The name Beulah itself is taken from the Book of Isaiah in the Holy Bible; it means to be married to the land. Biblically, Beulah is seen as an environment that stimulates a spiritual transforma- tion and awakening ( PAOCC 2009 ).

Why the NOI and PAOCC

Both the NOI ’ s Muhammad Farms and the PAOCC ’ s Beulah Land Farms are attempts, in distinct ideological and action-based ways, by Black Nationalist religious organizations to develop an idea of black nation- hood based on community.

Though the NOI has received a considerable amount of attention in the media, both it and the PAOCC have received limited scholarly atten- tion. Even less recognition has been paid to their work around food and health. Dorris Witt (1999) discusses the NOI ’ s focus on the dietary and spiritual harms that come from eating foods deemed impure. Witt focuses specifi cally on the connections that the NOI makes between food and agriculture and black male masculinity. Rouse and Hoskins (2004) describe the dietary guidelines that NOI members follow, including how improper dietary intake is attributed to poor health but also to “ nega- tively valued modes of behavior ” ( Ibid. , 237). Scholars have also inves- tigated black settlements in the United States, including freedom farms after slavery and during the Civil Rights movement ( Lee 1999 ). However, there are no works to date that specifi cally focus on both the NOI ’ s and the PAOCC ’ s actions around food and how they contribute to the forma- tion of a community and race-based identity designed to infl uence not only their members but also blacks outside of these distinct religions and denominations.

Because of each group ’ s existence as a Black Nationalist organization, it is unlikely that either the NOI or the PAOCC ’ s work will ever gain widespread attention or appeal among the dominant food movements. This is not simply because some portions of Black Nationalism may be offensive to some, but also because, while in different ways, both the NOI and the PAOCC seem to desire to be somewhat on the outside of these movements. In very distinct ways, they aim to build self-suffi ciency and a reliable food source for blacks in the United States. Furthermore, both groups aim to expand this self-suffi ciency and ownership to even more institutions. The PAOCC is using its farm to grow cattle, but members also have the vision of one day producing an environmentally sustainable electricity source and already have their own water source.

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While both the NOI and the PAOCC are on the outskirts of the com- munity food movement, many of their beliefs about the dangers of pesticide and genetically modifi ed food are strikingly similar to the beliefs of the community food movement. I would argue that their reasoning is slightly different, often echoing race-based and black liberation-themed theology. The goal of both religions is to achieve a vision of community improvement and autonomy among blacks. Race and community are at the heart of both organizations ’ food work. Increasingly, antiracist prac- tices and white privilege are becoming the focus of scholarly work on community food.

Both the NOI and the PAOCC are Black Nationalist religious orga- nizations, which adds an interesting perspective to addressing whiteness and white privilege in the community food movement. Most groups in the community food movement assert that they are “ colorblind ” and do not view race as relevant to their work ( Guthman 2008 ). Slocum (2006) fi nds that some of these groups are uncomfortable addressing white privilege, feeling that racism will always be a constant in society. Both the NOI and the PAOCC, to varying degrees, have been formed around race as one of their key group identifi ers. These organizations obviously differ from many of the organizations that Slocum describes in her work, and not only address race directly, but also use it as a key organizing principle. In the PAOCC ’ s case, blackness is not enough. Included in blackness is a concern for blacks across the world and for problems that affect a variety of different groups. I would argue that neither of these organizations see themselves as a part of a largely white community food movement or white society as a whole. And to be certain, the goal of neither organization is to be a part of a movement or society that they largely see as unjust and without true opportunities for blacks to succeed. Their intent is for food production to be a part of a broader goal of building community. Regardless, I argue that because the NOI and PAOCC do not want to assimilate into a broader and whiter movement, they can be useful for understanding the importance of racial identity in the community food movement.

When thinking about race and community food, the important ques- tion seems less how these two organizations should strive to become a part of the community food movement, but rather how the community food movement can transform itself and a broader society that thus far has not been inclusive. It would be easy to come to the conclusion that since these groups “ peacefully ” lie on the outskirts, there is no point in even investigating them alongside other groups within the movement. I

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argue that scholars should instead delve into both groups and the com- munities that they create to get a sense of what inclusion means to these two Black Nationalist organizations. This may in turn provide sugges- tions on how the broader community food movement can become more inclusive. These groups are not simply looking to provide sustainable food, but also a communal religious experience for blacks that is just and empowering. Both the NOI and the PAOCC in distinct ways are getting at deeper questions of race and racial identity in their community food work. Those looking to diversify the movement and bring marginal- ized groups in might use these two cases as examples that growing and distributing food is not enough. Social justice must be at the heart of community food work because the relations occurring in it are a micro- cosm of the relations occurring in society. It is in this tenor that I proceed to the next section on self-reliance. Specifi cally, I describe how this prin- ciple is evident in both the NOI ’ s and the PAOCC ’ s work around food and health.

The FUBU Principle

In 1992, fi ve black men started FUBU (For Us, By Us), a shoe company geared toward inner-city youth but more important, one that is operated and was conceived of in the inner city ( Nash 2010 ). The founders felt that inner-city American communities and cultures were being exploited and commodifi ed by popular shoe companies without having a sense of ownership. They were concerned with the psychological benefi ts that a sense of ownership has within the concept of “ the black community. ” While community food security could not be further away from the initial conceptualization of a hip hop sneaker company, the emphasis on self-reliance is central to conceptualizing both the NOI and the PAOCC ’ s work around food and health.

Self-reliance is a key tenet of Black Nationalism. Put simply, its defi ni- tion is ownership and control for blacks over economic, political, and social institutions within the black community. It is the need for blacks to look to themselves for their means of survival. Crucial to the concept of self-reliance is that it is not individualistic, but rather “ self ” is seen as a community made up of blacks ( Dawson 2001 ). Melissa Harris- Lacewell brilliantly sums up the concept of self-reliance when she defi nes it as the belief that while many sectors of society may by law be inte- grated, no one is going to look out for the best interest of blacks but blacks themselves ( Harris-Lacewell 2004 ).

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Following slavery and as a result of segregation, many blacks devel- oped their own institutions that included farms started by groups such as the NOI, black-led religious denominations, and black social organi- zations. ( Dawson 2001 ). At the core of this emphasis on self-reliance is land, which Black Nationalist discourses relate directly to power. Dawson states that “ many black nationalists of the modern era continue to promote Garvey ’ s view that black liberation could only come with the reclaiming of the land and the creation of the revolutionary Afrikan state ” ( Ibid. , 94). This concept of a black nation adds yet another layer to both organizations ’ work around food and health. The NOI believes that this black nation should be a geographically separate nation within the United States; the PAOCC argues that this separation is a mental separation that does not necessitate physical boundaries.

Preaching Self-reliance through the NOI ’ s Muhammad Farms

Self-reliance is at the core of the NOI ’ s teachings around food and health. The defi nition of self-reliance comes from the core belief that “ any ideo- logical perspectives are considered to be the tools of white oppression ” ( Dawson 2001 , 88). Many Black Nationalist organizations believe that because of this, actions must be for blacks and by blacks. The NOI argues that blacks must take care to consume an appropriate diet, but more important, one that is grown by blacks that have the best interest of their own people in mind. In How to Eat, How to Live, Elijah Muhammad admonishes black Christians for continuing to consume poisonous foods ( Muhammad 1997b ). NOI doctrine and leaders argue that self-reliance fi rst begins by purifying “ one ’ s own body and control- ling the food that enters it. ” They contrast this self-reliance with the “ slave diet ” ( Curtis 2006 , 102) in which blacks could not control what they put into their body. Self-reliance then begins with limiting food intake and eliminating the consumption of poisonous food.

The NOI ’ s understanding of self-reliance based on food also includes the establishment of grocery stores and restaurants in inner-city neigh- borhoods. One example is Salaam Restaurant in Chicago, which did not use white fl our and served mainly fi sh. Jesse Jackson even used this establishment for weekly meetings of his “ Operation Breadbasket. ” Some would argue that by doing this Jackson was making a regular statement that his organization ’ s goal of feeding people was consistent with the NOI ’ s focus on developing self-reliance and community building through food.

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Perhaps the most widespread effort of the NOI to promote self- reliance among blacks is the purchase of farmland in Bronwood, Georgia. As a part of its 3-Year Economic Savings Program, the NOI purchased 1,556 acres of land to grow a variety of organic fruits and vegetables and to eventually provide adequate housing for blacks. Again, the goal of the NOI is to ensure that all 40 million black Americans are able to have one healthy meal a day ( “ 3-Year Economic Savings Program ” 2005 ). Dr. Ridgley Abdul Mu ’ min (Muhammad), the minister of agri- culture for the NOI, argues that this will increase community autonomy among blacks. Knowledge plus land plus capital equals power ( Muham- mad 2005 ). He argues that at one point blacks were beginning to create a nation within a nation, citing black landownership in the forty-fi ve years following slavery.

The NOI ’ s insistence on landownership is consistent with many Black Nationalists. While Black Nationalists often debate over the location, many agree that it should be in the Black Belt of the South ( Dawson 2001 ), known as the homeland for blacks in the United States. This is partially why the NOI acquired land in southern Georgia; it is a step toward eventually building this black nation. The NOI argues that since slaves labored on this land, it is rightfully theirs. They also cite black labor through sharecropping and free blacks ’ farm ownership in the south in the years following slavery. Due to the USDA ’ s unfair lending practices, much of this land has been lost ( Grant 2001 ).

Self-reliance and Beulah Land Farms

Albert Cleage, the founder of the Pan African Orthodox Christian Church, argues for black separation as one of the only avenues for blacks to achieve self-reliance. He acknowledges that this separatism has been forced upon blacks living in a segregated and unjust society. Blacks must however use the separation that already exists and take ownership of it. The promises of integration have not been fulfi lled and only require blacks to reject their blackness and adopt all aspects of a white society ( Cleage 1972 ). Self-reliance is one of the major themes of Black Christian Nationalism. Cleage preaches that in “ desperation, we turn away from the white world and to that Black Nation for strength ” (62). The ulti- mate goal of the PAOCC ’ s Black Christian Nationalism is Pan African- ism, but more specifi cally liberation. To do this, black “ counter institutions must be built as a basis for black unity and power ” ( Ibid. ,

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206). Such institutions enable the achievement of tangible liberation through mental and spiritual transformation.

Beulah Land Farms is a step in this spiritual transformation. The purpose of Beulah Land Farms is to build self-suffi ciency and provide this spiritual transformation here on earth. Members of the PAOCC take a holistic approach to agricultural production, not only growing fruits and vegetables but also raising poultry and cattle. An interesting produc- tion method of the PAOCC is the use of aquaculture ( PAOCC 2009 , 1). Keeping in line with the spiritual aspects, Beulah Land Farms is seen as an environment that stimulates a spiritual transformation and awaken- ing. Similar to the NOI, the PAOCC is using land to increase self-reliance among its members and eventually spread this message to all blacks. Self-reliance through a community of blacks is what members of Beulah Land Christian Center are attempting to achieve.

While Beulah Land Farms is a separate physical retreat for members of the PAOCC, the ideological beliefs of the PAOCC is Black Christian Nationalism, which does not insist on the need for a true physical separation of whites from blacks. Cleage argues that if one simply identifi es with the promised land geographically, one is missing its true purpose. Instead, Beulah Land Farms is less about a geographic space, and more about a community of people that share common values and a common way of life ( Cleage 1972 ). Therefore the fi rst step to achieving this promised land is for blacks to ascribe to a communal way of life.

“ Community ” in the Nation of Islam and the Pan African Orthodox Christian Church

When describing how he believed blacks should develop a new con- sciousness, Stokely Carmichael says that “ this consciousness might be called as sense of peoplehood, pride, rather than shame, in blackness, and an attitude of brotherly, communal responsibility among all black people for one another ” ( Carmichael and Hamilton 1967 , vii). Though Carmichael had no offi cial affi liation with either organization, his emphasis on community responsibility and collectivity is prevalent in the religious doctrine of both the NOI and the PAOCC. More important, both groups ’ take on communal values and responsibility are mirrored in their work around food and health. Who is involved in the community and what goals this community must have infl uence their actions. From

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the outset, it is clear that both groups have an expressed purpose of developing communal values among black people.

Minister Louis Farrakhan wrote in the most recent Final Call News that “ we must accept our responsibility to build our community ” ( Far- rakhan 2009 , 1). This message of communal responsibility is a part of the NOI ’ s insistence on acquiring land for food production to eventually build a separate nation for blacks. Part of the NOI ’ s mission on Muham- mad Farms is to expose all black people to healthy food. The NOI regularly attends conferences including the Federation of Southern Coop- eratives, comprised of black farmers from throughout the southern region. According to one representative of Muhammad Farms, their message is not about conversion, but rather convincing blacks that healthy eating is essential to self-improvement ( Muhammad 2005 ).

While much of the NOI ’ s early rhetoric focused on condemning blacks who practiced Christianity and consumed alcohol and pork, later mes- sages attempted to reach blacks where they are. This is not to suggest that the NOI is abandoning its belief that Islam is the true and only religion of black people, but rather members argue that they must reach blacks in black Christian churches along with the nonreligious. Food is an interesting avenue to build a more inclusive community of blacks who might one day become members of the NOI. Like many Black National- ist teachings, there is a focus on we and us in describing the problems that black people still face. When the NOI speaks about using Muham- mad Farms for the purpose of nation building, they are speaking of a black nation that will support the “ masses of our people ” ( Muhammad 2005 , 1). They even go on to describe blacks in urban centers including Atlanta and Cincinnati who are using their collective efforts to provide better communities for future generation of blacks. The NOI minister of agriculture ends this message by preaching that “ now we must take the lessons from our past and use the courage from the faith in God and buy land, develop our skills, save and invest our money to build a glori- ous future for ourselves and our children ” ( Ibid. ).

Community is also at the forefront of the PAOCC ’ s race-based and religious messages around food. The mission of Beulah Land Farms is to “ build a community for all people that is a microcosm of the Kingdom of God ” ( PAOCC 2009 , 1). Beulah Land Farms was only recently com- pleted, though the land has under the PAOCC ’ s ownership for years. The farm includes a Christian Worship Center and camp for inner-city youth. On the Web site, they are insistent on Beulah Land Farms being a place where all are welcome. Furthermore, they work with federal agencies

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including the United States Department of Agriculture to secure training and funds to continue their work around agriculture and aquaculture ( Maxwell n.d. ).

The PAOCC is a lesser-known Black Nationalist religion. From reading the sermons and writings of their founder and fi rst Holy Patri- arch Albert Cleage, it is obvious that black pride and empowerment are at the center of this Christian community experience. Cleage, who passed away in 2000, argued that all black churches and ministers must recog- nize that black liberation is the true teaching of Jesus and should be taught in all black churches. He says that “ the white man ’ s declaration of the black inferiority has served to provide for Black people a unique experience ” ( Cleage 1972 , xxxi). Cleage goes on to preach that this unique experience calls for blacks to develop their own set of values that are not based on individuals, but are rather community values that black people develop collectively. This is what is being done at Beulah Land Farms through a holistic approach geared toward having a transforma- tive and communal spiritual experience for blacks on earth ( PAOCC 2009 ).

I witnessed Beulah Land Farms as described earlier by participating in farm activities. All of the PAOCC workers live on the land. Communal activities include eating together at sunset and worshiping together. Indi- vidual growth is also crucial at Beulah. Members often use their time on the farm to refl ect on their spirituality. In a publication written by the PAOCC, members described their experiences at Beulah Land Farms ( Djenaba n.d. ). One member (Anonymous) says that “ Beulah Land is a red clay soil, fresh vegetables all the time, dusty pink sunrises, and having everyone show up for all assignments and meetings. It is also driving more than ten miles to the ‘ neighborhood grocery ’ store, not to mention the new-born calves almost daily and the sweet well water to drink. Above all it is the deep refreshing sleep at night. ” To this member, the land and the work are peaceful and somewhat removed from society.

Exploring aspects of community is a key focus of much scholarly work about blacks. Many scholars explore community through the concept of the black counterpublic. The Black Public Sphere Collective is a group of scholars who met and wrote a book about the experience of blacks within what they call the black public sphere of the black counterpublic. They describe the black counterpublic as “ a sphere of critical practice and visionary politics, in which intellectuals can join with the energies of the street, the school, the church, and the city to constitute a challenge to the exclusionary violence of much public space

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in the United States ” ( Harris-Lacewell 2004 , 5). There is this recogni- tion that blackness is a political category that was formed based on exclusion from mainstream white society. Institutions were developed in response to this exclusion, and these institutions remain relevant today. Both the NOI and the PAOCC were formed partially in response to this exclusion, but also out of a desire to build institutions that would serve the needs of blacks and help develop a separate and community-based belief system. Their work around food and health refl ects the desire to build this community on earth. This community is not simply reaction- ary, but is a community that must be built based on the specifi c needs and desires of blacks. There is agency among blacks in this formation of community through food. The NOI has been actively working to create a geographically separate nation from whites, while the PAOCC believes that nation building is key, but does not entail geographic separation. It is instead psychological in an attempt to develop and maintain black communal values. Reed (1999) takes on what he calls a “ communitar- ian mythology, ” saying that it causes leaders to make generic appeals to race and is not important to blacks achieving economic, political, and social progress. Reed states that blacks must go beyond an empty racial identity and look at the processes that reify racial inequalities. This idea of community or nation building by the NOI and the PAOCC seems to be an effort to do just that. Their beliefs are not based on empty rheto- ric but rather a strong belief that community building is necessary for blacks to survive in a white society. The NOI and the PAOCC are actu- ally building the values and common interests that Reed suggests blacks do through their work around food.

Community in the Community Food Movement

In “ Reweaving the Food Security Safety Net, ” Patricia Allen delves into the concept of community. She discusses this idea of “ mythical commu- nity interests ” that tend to dominate community food movements, which often ignore cultural differences and assume cooperation between differ- ent groups ( Allen 1999 , 121). The community food movement ’ s sense of community elevates shared geographic boundaries. An insistence on community is complicated. Similar to Allen, I argue that a community is not simply geographic. Furthermore, the NOI and the PAOCC are examples of two groups that insist (in similar and different ways) that the cultural values of blacks should be central to these organizations ’ agricultural work. They are using a specifi c geographic space but appeal-

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ing to a nationwide constituency of blacks far outside of the geographic boundaries of their respective farms.

Both the NOI and the PAOCC are attempting to build community based on the common identifi er of race and racial identity. Both groups recognize that blacks are not a homogenous group but still see race as a common and important connector. Albert Cleage (1972) preaches that being an individual is a choice that does not exist for black people. This is what both the NOI and the PAOCC are attempting to do through these food programs. Their methods are slightly different, but they revolve around this notion of building a community based around food that not only acknowledges blackness but also uses it as a source of empowerment.

According to both organizations, justice and sustainability can only be achieved through building a self-sustaining community. Key to this community is its members ’ work around food and agriculture. The NOI argues on the one hand that this can only be done if blacks form a sepa- rate geographic nation through Muhammad Farms, because no black institution can truly sustain itself when geographically integrated into a white supremacist society. The PAOCC, on the other hand, wants to use the farm to build a just and sustainable community in which members provide for themselves their own sources of water, food, energy, and peace. The food from this farm must be able to sustain black people if there are food shortages. Both groups are reconceptualizing just sustain- ability through their focus on racial identity in their food programs.

Conclusion

The Nation of Islam and the Pan African Orthodox Christian Church are two groups using food not only as a source of nourishment, but also as a means to defi ne and uplift the black community. They have estab- lished farms in rural areas of South Carolina and Georgia with the intention of growing healthy food for their communities. Volunteers on the NOI ’ s Muhammad Farms are largely NOI members who work to provide food for blacks in major cities throughout the nation. Those who work on the PAOCC ’ s Beulah Land Farms are also largely members of this religious body who are working to address hunger worldwide and build community.

While both organizations have different religious ideologies, what ties them together is the thread of Black Nationalism and empowerment. The NOI argues that for blacks to truly achieve this power, they must form

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a separate geographic nation comprised only of black people in what is known as the Black Belt of the South ( Muhammad 2005 ). The PAOCC, on the other hand, aim for peace on earth for blacks at Beulah Land Farms, and do not specifi cally advocate a geographic separation ( New Georgia Encyclopedia 2006 ). Both groups are working to achieve self- reliance and feel that blacks must work as a community for this to truly be accomplished. Self-reliance is the belief that individual blacks must rely on each other to achieve true progress. The NOI and the PAOCC aim to do this through their food programs.

The food programs of the NOI and the PAOCC offer insight into the intersection of race, religion, and food. This is an important intersection that helps to illuminate the social justice components of these food pro- grams. Future investigation is needed to determine how these food pro- grams fi t into the community food security movement as a whole. I am currently conducting interviews with individual members and engaging in participant observation at Beulah Land Farms. I hope to do the same at Muhammad Farms. The PAOCC and the NOI tell us a great deal, not only about the activities of two black religious food programs, but also how black people in these programs are addressing race and building on racial identity through food. There are undoubtedly other, similar food programs that exist that might contain differences, but also the threads of similarities. For now, these two programs offer a starting point to investigate this nuanced intersection of race, religion, and food.

Acknowledgments

This material is based in part on work supported by the National Science Foundation under award number 0902925 and also the Association of American Geographers through a Dissertation Research Grant. I would like to acknowledge participants at the 2008 Race and Food Conference at the University of California Santa Cruz, the 2009 Association of American Geographers Annual Meeting, and numerous professors at the University of Georgia for their willingness to talk these ideas through with me. Last, I would like to thank my family for their continuous support.

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