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Journal of Language, Identity & Education

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Language Investment during University Adjustment: The Divergent Path of Two International Chinese Freshmen

Dustin Crowther

To cite this article: Dustin Crowther (2020) Language Investment during University Adjustment: The Divergent Path of Two International Chinese Freshmen, Journal of Language, Identity & Education, 19:4, 275-289, DOI: 10.1080/15348458.2019.1672075

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15348458.2019.1672075

Published online: 24 Oct 2019.

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Language Investment during University Adjustment: The Divergent Path of Two International Chinese Freshmen Dustin Crowther

University of Hawai'i at Mānoa

ABSTRACT International students encounter academic and social adjustments different than those of their domestic peers. Of particular concern is language proficiency, specifically students’ investment in continual language devel- opment throughout university study. In the current article, I present a comparative case study of two Chinese freshmen (Jenn, Angela) complet- ing university study in the United States. Each participant completed seven individual, 60-minute interviews over the course of their first year of study. Through an analysis of narrative approach, I establish a complex interaction between Jenn’s and Angela’s past (U.S. high school study abroad) and current (university) academic and cultural experiences and future expecta- tions (professional goals). Jenn’s perception of high school belonging led to high integration into the university community. Angela’s perception of rejection by her American peers strengthened her connection to the local Chinese community. This contrast in communal acceptance fostered oppos- ing levels of language investment, with only Jenn intent on pursuing further opportunities in the target community.

KEYWORDS Analysis of narratives; investment; language acquisition; study abroad

Introduction

The global importance English holds as a lingua franca can be seen in its heavy usage within academic contexts. A key result of this usage is an increased level of transnationalism, with students from various cultural, ideological, linguistic, and geopolitical backgrounds crossing from one space into another (Duff, 2015). Nowhere is this more evident than in the increase of international students attending United States (U.S.) universities. From 2013–14 to 2014–15, the international student population increased 10% for a total of 974,926 students (Institute of International Education, 2015). For such students, second language (L2) English serves as a tool that impacts identity, overall academic achievement, and social accomplishments (Liu, 2013). While continued L2 development is integral to academic success throughout post-secondary studies (Andrade, Evans, & Hartshorn, 2016), L2 proficiency has also been linked to both academic and social acculturation (Andrade, 2006; Young, Sercombe, Sachdev, Naeb, & Schartner, 2013). Drawing upon Norton’s (2013) construct of investment, I present a comparison case study of two international Chinese freshmen as they navigate their initial year of university study in the United States. A comparative analysis of their experiences within multiple English-medium communities (high school, university) reveals how perceived acceptance and rejection from target community members directly impacts the relationship between their various forms of capital and, subsequently, their investment in continued L2 development during post-secondary study abroad. Considering the increased international population within English- medium universities, a significant portion of which comes from China (e.g., Li & Zhu, 2013; Liu, 2013), understanding more fully the link between L2 proficiency/development and academic and social adjust- ment may enable valuable guidance for providing necessary acculturation support.

CONTACT Dustin Crowther [email protected] Department of Second Language Studies, University of Hawai'i at Mānoa, Honolulu, HI 96822. © 2019 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 2020, VOL. 19, NO. 4, 275–289 https://doi.org/10.1080/15348458.2019.1672075

Background and motivation

Making the adjustment from high school to university study is an important step in an individual’s life. For international students, this adjustment involves additional challenges that affect their educational experiences (Andrade, 2006; Vandrick, 2015). A particular concern is the target language proficiency each international student possesses. For L2 English-speaking students attending uni- versity in countries such as Australia, Canada, and the United States, language proficiency has been linked to both academic and social adjustment concerns (Andrade, 2006; Young et al., 2013).

Academic and social adjustments during university study

Although international students’ successful academic and social adjustmentsare a result of complex social and linguistic practices, a simplified link between language proficiency and academic success still defines the university entry process. This perceived link between language proficiency and academic success is clearly seen in the value English-medium universities place on standardized proficiency exams (e.g., IELTS, TOEFL). Such assessment tools are used to determine if international applicants possess the English proficiency necessary to pursue academic work in a meaningful manner (Chalhoub-Deville & Deville, 2006). However, despite explicitly implying an inequality compared to domestic students in regards to pursuing English-medium study, whether such proficiency exams truly differentiate L2 speakers of English’s academic success from that of their domestic peers remains an unsubstantiated claim (e.g., Deygers, Van Den Branden, & Peters, 2017). Of additional concern is that the accuracy of such tests as a sole predictor of academic success has been questioned (e.g., Cho & Bridgeman, 2012). Ockey, Koyama, Setoguchi, and Sun (2015) considered TOEFL iBT speaking scores as indicators of international students’ ability to communicate in academic English communities. Ockey et al. describe how while holistic speaking scores (as captured in monologic performance) were highly correlated with pronuncia- tion, fluency, vocabulary, and grammar analyses, they were less associated with rubric-based scores of interactional competence, descriptive skill, and presentation ability during paired interaction. These latter skills are of interest, as international students often suffer from speaking block (Liu, 2013), where they have difficulty dealing with interactive tasks. While partially cultural, a lack of English proficiency, whether self- or other-perceived, can lead to poor performance in both interactive and presentational contexts, both of which greatly impact academic performance (Liu, 2013). While standardized proficiency tests may, to an extent, help predict academic success, they appear limited as a sole predictor.

Language proficiency has also been linked to how effectively international students adjust to new social communities around them. Yeh and Inose (2003) linked self-reported English fluency to levels of acculturative distress, where those more comfortable communicating in English demonstrated lower levels of distress. Lehto, Cai, Fu, and Chen (2014) found that international and domestic students appeared to live life in parallel, with Chinese students forming strong bonds with their fellow Chinese, removing themselves from the university social life. One reason listed for this distance was an inability to navigate language and cultural barriers. While some of these integrative difficulties have been linked to a sense of perceived discrimination by the host culture (e.g., Ramos, Cassidy, Reicher, & Haslam, 2016), others have found that strong ethnic communities serve as a buffer for students who are unable to assimilate into the local culture, often due to an inability to effectively communicate with their domestic peers (Al-Sharideh & Goe, 1998).

Language investment during university study

With language proficiency strongly intertwined with both academic and social adjustment, it follows that university study abroad would necessitate a strong investment in international students’ continued language learning. Norton (2013) describes how learners acquire a wider range of both symbolic and, subsequently, material resources by investing in the target language (i.e., capital, Bourdieu, 1991). For Norton, investment moves beyond simply how motivated a learner is in

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learning their target language, and focuses on the relationship between the learner and language practices of the community within which they intend to exist. However, those with access to greater capital are more likely to gain access to the desired target community. Bourdieu (1991) lists three primary sources of capital: cultural, social, and economic. Cultural capital relates to the value assigned to one’s social standing and education, social capital to one’s social network and the benefits that it provides, and economic capital to one’s financial worth. A fourth, linguistic capital, has since been proposed, and represents the ability to negotiate what is considered the legitimate language of a community (Grenfell, 2012). Through study abroad, learners may provide themselves with an opportunity to increase their capital, potentially easing the academic and social adjustments necessary for university academic success. However, differences in L2 proficiency and cultural familiarity upon arrival may also serve to establish power differentials between international students and their domestic peers, which in turn limits opportunities to gain access to the capital necessary for desired community integration.

For international students, two primary communities of interest include the classroom and the social realm that surrounds it. While studies have considered either the academic (e.g., Liu, 2013) or the social (e.g., Lehto et al., 2014; Yeh & Inose, 2003), there remains an open question as to the collective value that the two play in the overall level of investment international students place in continued language development. Norton (2013) argues that “an investment in the target language is an investment in a learner’s own identity, an identity which is constantly changing across time and space” (p. 50–51). Considering the academic and social adjustments that international students must make upon arriving at a foreign university, it seems necessary to consider how academic and social identities evolve upon arrival, and subsequently, how this impacts the level of investment they place in continued language development, a process integral to academic success (Andrade et al., 2016).

Identify formation across time and space

One way in which international students claim an identity is through agency, or “the socioculturally mediated capacity to act” (Ahearn, 2010, p. 28). Specifically, through agency, “learners create their own world of learning, and what motivates them to put time and effort into their learning” (Flowerdew & Miller, 2008, p. 204). Dufva and Aro (2014) stress the importance of linking agency to changes across time and space:

We should be looking at [agency’s] fluidity in time and space rather than seeing it as a steady state or a finished product. ... In how persons see themselves and in how they author their past histories, there are semi- permanent and repeated elements, but on the other hand, new relationships and novel situations constantly challenge their stories and, at the same time, create opportunities for change. (p. 38)

Key here is the importance ascribed to the fluidity of both time and space in how agency is authored. Previous studies targeting the experiences of international students tend to generalize findings across participants (e.g., Lehto et al., 2014; Liu, 2013). However, as Wortham (2008) notes, an accurate understanding of how students narrate their university experiences is not possible without considering how experiences across time and space informs their narrative. Since no two individuals’ experiences are going to align (Waller, Wethers, & De Costa, 2016), the current study investigates how two female international Chinese freshmen construct their academic and social identities. Of particular interest is the interaction between these two’s U.S. study abroad in both high school and university environments, how this interaction informs their perceived professional future, and, subsequently, their level of investment in continued English language development.

The current study

The current paper is guided by three research questions, drawing from narratives of past high school and present university academic and cultural experiences: (a) What level of investment in continued language

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development do a pair of international Chinese freshmen describe during their initial year of university study?; (b) How does this investment differ from pre-university study and fluctuate throughout their initial year of university study?; and (c) How do differences in high school and university experiences relate to potential differences in the level of language investment between focal participants?

Below, after briefly introducing both participants and the research context, I provide an overview of the data collection and analysis procedures employed. I then present the participants’ stories in three comparison-based sections: pre-university arrival, university arrival, and post-university aspirations. These findings are then considered in light of each participants’ potential continued investment in language development during their university studies, and how differences between them may be addressed through academic preparatory courses.

Methodology

Participants

In total, three students agreed to participate, two from mainland China (Jenn and Angela), and one from Malaysia (Maria). All names used are pseudonyms. At the time of interview, both Chinese participants (age 18) had just completed their age 16–18 years studying abroad at a U.S. high school. Their L1 was Chinese Mandarin and their L2 was English, with neither speaking a third language. Both intended to major in business. The third participant, Maria, differed greatly in her journey to U.S. study abroad, as she began as a sophomore with no previous study abroad experience. While including Maria would allow for additional nuanced considerations, I have chosen to focus here on my two Chinese participants. First, Chinese students make up more than half of the international student body at the university of interest (62%), a not uncommon phenomenon across English- medium universities (e.g., Li & Zhu, 2013). Second, despite initial similarities, Jenn’s and Angela’s pre-university experiences with the target language community led to stark differences in how they constructed their university lives, and, subsequently, their investment in continued language devel- opment during university study. Maria did not possess such experiences. Table 1 provides biogra- phical background for the two participants.

I recruited participants through English for academic purposes (EAP) class visits. I informed classes I was interested in hearing about their language learning experience and transition to studying at an English-medium university. Additionally, as compensation, I offered an hour of one-on-one tutoring for each interview completed. I presented myself as an experienced English-language teacher, who had taught in both North America (Canada) and abroad (Japan). To promote convivial relationships, I made students aware that, as a Canadian, I too was an international student.

Setting

The university was located in the American Midwest, and data was collected during the 2015-16 academic school year. While international students made up approximately 15% of the university’s total student population (representing 131 countries), 62% of this international community enrolled

Table 1. Biographical information for Jenn and Angela.

Jenn Angela

Age 18 18 Hometown Beijing Changzhou Times in United States (age range)

2 years (16–18), Vancouver, Washington

1.5 years (16–18), Watertown, New York

L1/L2 Chinese/English Chinese/English Intended Major Marketing (School of Business) Human Resource Management (School of

Business) University Job Dining Hall (part-time) None

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during fall 2015 was from mainland China (Office for International Students and Scholar, 2015). Non-L1 English international students who do not achieve the required TOEFL score (< 80) to pursue full time academic study are required to take the university’s English-language proficiency exam. This exam subsequently classifies students in one of three ways: full-time intensive English (IEP), full-time EAP, and part-time EAP. All focal participants were part-time EAP, meaning that between their EAP and academic coursework, they were capped at 12 course credits during the semester, although their EAP study was credit bearing. To move from part-time EAP to full-time academic study, students are required to achieve a minimum of a 2.0 GPA (out of 4.0) in each EAP course taken. Upon achieving this requirement, students are considered to be at the minimal proficiency level to pursue full-time academic studies.

Data collection and analysis

I collected primary data through seven 60-minute one-on-one interviews conducted throughout participants’ freshman year. To address how the lived experiences of the focal participants informed their current investment in continued language development, I employed narrative inquiry which targeted participants’ oral accounts of their English language learning and usage experiences. The term “usage” here refers to instances in which either focal participant uses English in a meaningful context, such as interacting with fellow students or their professors/instructors. Narrative inquiry is a useful tool to take into account the distinct individualization of participants, as they reflect upon their lived experiences in a highly personal manner (Flowerdew & Miller, 2008; Polkinghorne, 1995). Specifically, I used an analysis of narratives approach in which I thematically analyzed stories produced by participants in response to interview prompts, an approach frequent in applied linguistics research (Benson, 2014). Due to the prompt-response nature of the interviews, I considered the narratives from a dialogic perspective (see Wortham, 2001), in which the participant and I co-constructed meaning, referred to as narrative knowledging (Barkhuizen, 2013). The use of multiple prompts was necessary to ensure that participants provided a range of responses regarding their language learning and usage experiences, which allowed for a greater understanding of not only what is said in the here-and-now of each individual interview, but how what is said is informed by participants’ lived experiences (Wortham, 2008). Although I designed interview questions to elicit narratives on participants’ language learning and usage experiences, I would not interrupt if the interview were to organically proceed in an unexpected direction.

In line with the wider ethical turn in applied linguistics, and recognizing the importance of researcher reflexivity (De Costa, 2016), I acknowledge my own role in the dialogic construction of participants’ narratives. As an experienced English as a second and foreign language instructor, I embarked on this project with the goal of identifying how effectively language preparatory courses served international students’ academic needs. As it became clear during the initial interviews that these preparatory courses were less impactful than other aspects of my participants’ lives, I made the choice to allow my overall area of inquiry to expand, and eventually target the role of investment in ongoing language development during university study. To ensure my own desires did not reach beyond the narratives provided, I consulted participants to gain their insight on the themes and interpretations discussed below (Saldaña, 2016). By conducting this member check, it ensured that, at least to some extent, I limited my interpretive biases.

To gather a better understanding of the focal participants’ English-learning and general academic experiences, I conducted three 20-minute, one-on-one interviews with their EAP instructors. Instructors provided background on their own teaching experience, courses taught, and participants’ class progression. Additionally, as both participants planned to attend the university’s School of Business (SB), I conducted two 60-minute interviews with SB administrators, who provided back- ground on the admissions process and program expectations, as well as previous experiences working with international students.

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To facilitate data analysis, I performed a secondary listen through and transcription of each interview before conducting subsequent interviews, allowing for a high level of data familiarity to inform ongoing data collection (Saldaña, 2016). As is common within an analysis of narrative approach, each interview was thematically coded, with the intent of identifying themes that best exemplified both similarities and differences across the focal participants (Benson, 2014). While a number of themes were prevalent across the experiences narrated by the participants, I have chosen to emphasize the similarities and differences between participants’ high school and university lives. Specifically, I discuss how these experiences can create both unity and discord between international students’ experiences, and in doing so, brings into question the level of investment placed in ongoing language development while attending a U.S. university. For all transcriptions presented below, I have removed all filler (e.g., uh, um) and utilized ellipses (…) to represent removed portions of text. I have made no other modifications, though I have embedded some elaboration within squared parentheses when necessary.

Findings

The following analysis draws from Jenn’s and Angela’s descriptions of their high school and university experiences, with support provided by the educational and cultural observations of university instructors and officials. By comparing and contrasting their experiences at each of three temporal levels, past (high school), present (university), and future, I highlight the divergent paths of investment Jenn and Angela place in their ongoing English development.

Pre-university arrival: Life in an American high school

Jenn In total, Jenn spent two years at an American public high school in Vancouver, Washington. Jenn’s initial decision to attend high school in the United States was greatly influenced by her parents, who wanted her to “try this experience [exchange student program], they wanted me to try because at least I have a chance to come” (Interview #2). Jenn was initially hesitant, stating “I really don’t want to leave home and you know and go to like another whole different world … I don’t know anything here” (Interview #2). Jenn relayed a strong awareness she had prior to leaving China of the cultural difficulties she would face. Interestingly, when discussing her reasons and preparation for attending university in the United States, language proficiency was never raised as a concern.

Upon arrival in the United States, Jenn became well aware of her language limitations. While she highlighted issues in fluency and listening comprehension, she also referenced that the English she was exposed to was “different than the teacher taught me in China” (Interview #1). Yet, despite this limitation, Jenn indicated her peers were warm and welcoming, helping in both her linguistic and cultural adjustment.

I have no idea about everything at the beginning when I came so I became interested in everything and so sometimes I probably use the wrong word or sometimes I probably just don’t know how to say it but all my classmates and friends are really friendly and they will tell me and after half year I’m fine with it (Interview #5)

To further help with her adjustment, Jenn’s host family encouraged her to engage in school activities. Accordingly, she joined cross-country in her first semester, and basketball in her second. The team atmosphere of the latter allowed her to establish a close friendship with two local students, whom she would practice and train with every day. Most importantly, Jenn stressed how much she felt she belonged within the school environment, where she “almost join every activity … that school do or go to the football game or just go to a friend’s home for a party” (Interview #2). As described by Jenn, the ability to integrate into the target community greatly benefited her language development, which she felt “gets better and improve like really fast in the first two month” (Interview #6).

Despite initial hesitations, Jenn’s willingness to integrate into the target community, along with the community’s willingness to accept her, provided her the opportunity to develop her linguistic

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and cultural knowledge (i.e., capital). Despite self-perceived language limitations, Jenn reported no instances of social inequality with her peers, which allowed her to continually build a strong social network, strengthening her social standing (social capital). In turn, this social capital enabled her to continue to improve her English (linguistic capital). This led Jenn, who intended to return to China after one year, to choose to stay a second, and eventually pursue university study in the United States. Considering the link she made between her community involvement and her improved language proficiency, it would seem safe to state that Jenn had developed a high investment in developing her English language skill.

Angela In comparison to Jenn, Angela presented a far longer history with the English language, in which she had had a roller coaster-like relationship.

If we want to go to high school we need to pass a test and the test include English. So everyone is working so hard on English I learn that when I was in primary school … so my English so good at that time among my classmates and it feels so good to learn English … the summer between grade ten eleven 2013 I start to take TOEFL class and actually at that time I feel English is boring … I don’t want to learn English, I don’t want to go to class … but after I come (to the U.S.) the first semester was stressful, but also interesting … I was really happy to learn English at this time … but the second semester I start to prepare for the TOEFL test and SAT … it feel stressful and I don’t want to learn again. (Interview #1)

Angela described an ebb and flow in regards to her motivation, with periods of low motivation tied to institutional requirements (i.e., the need to prepare for standardized exams). However, a lack of motivation does not necessarily indicate a lack of investment (Norton, 2013), and as Angela described, her journey to the United States did offer an initial enjoyment boost in her language learning. While she originally had planned to attend only university abroad, the decision to attend a U.S. high school was made by her, her parents, and her TOEFL instructor in China:

In China I was really good student and my father think if I come out I will have higher opportunities to go to a better college … I just feel go to America may be cool … I thought my English was really good at the time … I took the English class and the teacher recommend I come earlier so I can familiar with American situation and have better English (Interview #1)

In essence, Angela’s TOEFL instructor promoted study abroad as a means to develop cultural familiarity and linguistic ability to benefit her when she advanced to university study in the United States.

Different from Jenn’s initial reservations, Angela was excited to attend high school in the United States. Aside from her eagerness to visit New York City, Angela had a previous positive experience studying abroad in Japan, where she was impressed by the friendliness of not only her Japanese peers, but also her fellow foreigners (especially American). This positive experience served to raise her initial investment, as she imagined the United States would provide her with similar experiences (Kanno & Norton, 2003). While the opportunity to engage within the target community served as an initial boost for Jenn’s language investment, Angela faced a high level of resistance, personal and from others. She was initially disappointed in Watertown, an emotion formed from a combination of the town not being New York City and the winter weather (−20° Celsius). More significantly, she perceived the school community as rejecting her, stating that “American student doesn’t like us I mean in class they will act so rude to Chinese … I feel the Chinese I learn in China is not working in America … The English” (Interview #1). Here, Angela makes a direct link between her perceived rejection by her American peers and the fact that her English was not appropriate, indicating a lack of linguistic capital. Yet, it was not simply her linguistic ability that was devalued.

One time in math class and the teacher ask the question and the Americans give an answer and I give an answer I was only Chinese there and my answer was right but they were wrong so teacher said oh Angela got it and the the American said oh now we need a yellow girl to tell us what’s the answer that was terr- I want to say bad words at the time (Interview #1)

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Here, despite performing admirably academically, as acknowledged by her teacher, Angela perceived herself as devalued by her American peer, essentially labeled as a non-American outsider in the classroom, which severely limited her social standing (cultural capital).

Angela’s goals for her study abroad were to become “familiar with American situation and have better English.” As her 1.5 years went on her overall perception improved, as “everyone is familiar with everyone so they treat us better … they notice I not that bad” (Interview #1), though her depth of conversation never improved (“We don’t really talk a lot with Americans but we also talk like when we meet we will say hi and sometimes talk a little bit” (Interview #6)). If Angela’s goal was to improve her English and better familiarize herself with American culture before pursuing U.S. university study, it is hard to see how the community in which she found herself in allowed her to accomplish these goals. The devaluing of Angela’s English ability and social standing within her target community placed her as unequal to her American peers, which likely depleted her investment in continued development of her English ability.

University arrival: Balancing academic and social communities

Jenn Jenn arrived at the university two weeks prior to starting classes, and was required to take two EAP courses her first semester: writing and listening/speaking. Her EAP instructors found Jenn to be hard-working, motivated, and in possession of the study skills necessary to be successful. Her primary limitation, supporting her provisional status, was her language skill. When discussing her English proficiency, Jenn describes an interesting contrast between herself and her Chinese peers (without study abroad).

Those who went to high school in China have better writing skills than me and they actually have higher like they know more vocabularies know words more words than me yeah cause they the high school in China like the English class are really hard so I guess they have better English level I mean English skill than me except the speaking. ... And speaking doesn’t affect the academic course success that much it’s more a comu—it’s more like a communicate skill (Interview #7)

Though referencing the importance of English proficiency in achieving academic success, Jenn downplays the communicative skills that she developed during high school. Interestingly, the academic difficulties that Jenn consistently raised throughout the year were “new vocabulary about science, so it’s not the vocabulary we were using in the normal life” (Interview #3). This was a challenge that Jenn indicated all university students faced. Though initially accepting of her placement in EAP (“It’s not a bad thing to take the English course” (Interview #1)), by the end of the year Jenn was less positive (“I feel like almost every class I took during this year was worth it well ESL I don’t want to take it but I have no choice” (Interview #7)). At one point Jenn implied these courses did more to contribute to her GPA than they did her English proficiency, as she received a 4.0 in both. Of particular concern was that taking EAP courses slowed her academic progression. Jenn intended to graduate within four years, but her ability to apply to her intended business program was delayed by at least a semester due to the pair of EAP courses she took. This delay is not an uncommon occurrence, as was highlighted by a SB administrative official.

They [international students] think that they’re buying into a 4-year program and I think we need to be honest with students that start at that level because they’re not on a 4-year program for most students unless they plan to take summer classes so they’re not on a traditional program unless they decide to utilize their summers differently (SB Administrative Interview)

The balance between EAP and progress here is interesting, as further discussed from the perspective of another SB administrator, who pointed out that international students may perceive EAP courses as delaying their progress, though without these courses they may lack the English needed to succeed.

By the end of her first year, Jenn’s investment in developing her academic English was minimal. However, echoing her high school integration, she again became an active community member. Despite the significant Chinese presence on campus, Jenn referenced her ability to maneuver between this community and the larger American one that engulfed it.

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I think in dorm I’m 90% Chinese cause everyone live in dorm in my room are Chinese … other times I’m 80% American American 80% American cause other than that others not really relate to Chinese so I might know couple people in those other times that are Chinese I talk with them in Chinese but other than that I use English all the time and talk with Americans (Interview #3)

Jenn’s socialization into the university community involved playing basketball, working in the dining hall, and volunteering for a linguistics research project, all of which required contact with native-English speakers. For Jenn, it appears the confidence she gained from successful social integra- tion during high school (cultural capital) made it easy for her to adjust and integrate into this new social space, especially in comparison to her Chinese peers. As Jenn put it, “I am already used to life here … my life probably is more like American” (Interview #2). Jenn would specifically reference her familiarity with American social media, and a preference for American movies and television. While Jenn’s negative view of her EAP courses would indicate a wavering level of investment in developing her academic English, that she is so active within the larger English-speaking community would signal the likelihood of continued development of her oral interactive ability.

Angela As may be expected based on her more negative high school experience, Angela’s first year of university study developed quite differently. First, she immediately faced rejection similar to that from high school.

We start to make a group and I ask the American beside me I say “hey can I join your group” and she said sorry we already get four people. I thought that’s ok and then she turned back to another American and said “hey can you join our group we only have three people” … maybe my English wasn’t good or maybe they are not interesting in me … but some point I think she don’t like foreigners I guess (Interview #1)

Angela makes references to both her limited English proficiency (linguistic capital), along with a general lack of interest of American students in interacting with foreigners (social and cultural capital). That Angela makes a link between her English proficiency and how her American peers view her is not an uncommon occurrence. For example, when asked about her feelings regarding completing her EAP courses, she responded by saying “I will be normal” (Interview #1). For Angela, despite being relatively successful in her non-EAP coursework (GPA above 3.0 [out of 4.0]), she still perceived the need to attend EAP as a negative divide between her and her American peers. This perception of difference, linguistically and culturally, greatly impacted how Angela seemed to interact with the university community. Such negative perceptions have previously been strongly linked to decreases in language investment (Harklau, 2000).

Angela’s social life was filled primarily by a close circle of three or four Chinese friends. She self- admittedly was not the type of person to make contact with others, usually waiting for others to come to her. Part of this was due to a focus on her schoolwork, part of it seemingly her hesitation to make contact with non-Chinese students.

I don’t think I will hang out with them just me and a bunch of Americans because I feel that is dangerous because I hear a lot about American drink and use drug. ... And I don’t know when but there are lot there’s a lot news about how Chi—how American treat Chinese in Chinese news (Interview #6)

Here, Angela’s hesitation to interact with Americans appears to stem from temporal (pre-study abroad) and spatial (Chinese news) influences prior to study abroad arrival. Though her hesitations are not a direct consequence of her high school and university experiences, there should be little doubt that the rejection she faced did little to assuage her negative perceptions. As a result, Angela remained strongly integrated with the Chinese community, making a startling statement.

I want to say like even if I don’t know any English I can still survive here and get a high score here. ... There are like Chinese doing tutor we pay them and they can tutor us [in all subjects] and Chinese community here is really how to say it’s really well organized we can get anything from it (Interview #3)

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If English is not seen as necessary for success and survival, then the question must be asked as to why Angela would invest in continued language development when she can turn to her Chinese community for the sense of belonging not provided by the target language community. Relatedly, due to a lack of usage, Angela perceived her proficiency to have gone down since high school. Her lack of an English-medium social network (social capital) made it impossible for Angela to develop her linguistic capital, which she required to develop the cultural capital she desired (in terms of both education and social standing). Ortaçtepe (2013) referred to his cyclical relationship as “free falling.”

Post-university aspiration: An eye to the future

Jenn By the end of her first year of university study, Jenn presented a clear vision of her post-graduation plans. While her ultimate destination was a return to China, there were two significant steps before this would occur. Jenn was determined to (a) gain a couple years of work experience, and (b) attend graduate school, both in the United States. Both endeavors would serve to increase Jenn’s cultural, social, and linguistic capital, providing her with not only additional education, but opportunities to expand her social network and improve her language proficiency. When asked about these two goals, Jenn prioritized gaining work experience, linking it directly to professional survival in China where, “we have really high pressures in the working because there’s so many people waiting for your position and want to compete with you so you have to do your best otherwise you get fired” (Interview #7). Based on how she links U.S. work experience as a means to bypass initial Chinese professional competitiveness, it may be perceived that possessing additional academic credentials may further initial professional perception back home. Such reasoning was put forth by an SB administrator with extensive experience working with the university’s international population.

I talk to students who say “well I’m pursuing this degree in the business school and I want to get this minor,” ok so tell me how you hope to have that minor impact your future employment. “Well I just need the minor.” So are you looking at it just to say you have another credential? “Yes cause credentials are important back in my country” (SB Administrative Interview)

Jenn’s reasons for pursuing graduate study and work experience in the United States, in the process accruing additional cultural, social, and linguistic capital, may be interpreted as means in which she can increase a fourth form of capital, economic, as her academic pursuits appear to serve a long-term purpose of increased economic worth. Such pursuits, especially graduate study, entail the need for advanced English proficiency (Berman & Cheng, 2010). As such, it raises the necessity for Jenn to continue to improve her English proficiency throughout her undergraduate study. Interestingly, Jenn was hopeful this graduate study would occur in Washington, once again indicat- ing the positive impact her high school experience had on her personal development.

Angela Much like Jenn, Angela planned to gain work experience in the United States.

I will work here maybe I will work here for one hou- one year. ... And then go back to China. ... Oh that’s that’s really big difference cause as a just graduate student for here I can earn like my major we can earn about $40,000 per year but in China is just like $1000 a year I mean $10000 a year it’s a lot less. ... If I have a work experience in America it will much easier for me to get a work in China like a higher wage job (Interview #7)

Angela sees her future as being set at home in China. Unlike Jenn, Angela plans to spend limited time in the United States post-graduation (one year). Her reason for staying is strictly professional (and financial), as she is solely invested in developing cultural capital (i.e., education) abroad that will benefit her economic capital upon returning home (Chang, 2011). Of potential concern for Angela, as raised by an SB administrator, is whether Angela will be able to gain this desired capital.

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I know a company that was excited about hiring one of our students, offered the student a full-time job but said we need to guarantee that you’re gonna be here three years for us to do this and go through this process … the student was not willing to give it the student wanted an experience so they could … take that experience and go back home. (SB Administrative Interview)

Despite three years remaining in her studies, Angela’s desire to return to China may now limit her ability to attain the cultural capital in the United States that she describes as benefiting her future economic capital in China. This, of course, brings into question the necessity of the potential 5.5 years of high school and university study abroad she has chosen to engage in. Linguistically, whereas Jenn may be in need of continued language development, Angela, who has already stated that she can survive socially and succeed academically without advanced English proficiency, would appear to lack the necessary motivation to develop her English skills further. Though it would be unfair to place this potential lack of continued investment solely on a perceived unwelcoming target community, Angela interestingly references a desire to pursue graduate studies in Japan, the location of her pre-American study abroad, an experience in which she referenced the friendliness of those she encountered.

Discussion

Through an analysis of narrative approach, using the reported experiences of two international Chinese freshmen at a U.S. university, I considered potential changes in and trajectory of continued language learning investment over the course of a single school year. Though it has been put forth that language proficiency plays a substantial role in allowing international students to overcome both academic and cultural adjustments upon arrival in the L2 language community (e.g., Andrade, 2006; Young et al., 2013), the level of investment in continuing language development between my two focal participants appears to be at polar opposite levels. Of particular interest is the strength of influence their high school study abroad experiences had on their willingness to engage with the university community.

Their high school study abroad presented an interesting conflict in regards to their accumulation of capital (Bourdieu, 1991). Despite pursuing high school study abroad as a means of developing cultural and linguistic capital (as Angela put it “I can familiar with American situation and have better English”), both Jenn and Angela simultaneously entered into an environment in which they possessed limited cultural (social standing), social (social network) or linguistic (English) capital. Therefore, their ability to gain the capital perceived as necessary for future post-secondary success (cultural, linguistic) was potentially reliant on their ability to gain access to the target language community to which this capital would be used (social capital). In essence, in order to speak, they needed someone willing to listen (Bourdieu, 1991). While Angela demonstrates an initial eagerness to engage with this challenge (“I just feel go to America may be cool”), Jenn indicated far greater hesitations (“I really don’t want to leave home … and go to like another whole different world”). Despite this difference in initial investment, the two would find themselves traveling down paths quite opposite to their expectations. Table 2 provides a comparative review. Upon arrival at the university, both Jenn and Angela were academically high achievers (GPAs > 3.0/4.0). Despite attending high school on opposite coasts, both appear to have gained the skills necessary to adjust to academic challenges in the United States, which indicates their high school study abroad to some extent served as a beneficial approach to help prepare them for the academic side of university. However, the effectiveness of high school study abroad in preparing for the social challenges appears to be situational, with Jenn and Angela exposed to vastly different experiences (Waller et al., 2016). Jenn and Angela do not receive equal preparation for the “American situation.” Though Jenn began hesitant about engaging with a new culture, the openness of the high school community around her led to a high level of access and, as Jenn observed, an increase in her English proficiency. This host receptivity appeared to allow Jenn to quickly develop a network of friends (social capital), which in turn led to increased linguistic and cultural capital (in the form of English proficiency and social standing). Angela, who described the overt racism and blatant rejection she perceived from her high

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school peers would appear to have been provided with far less opportunity to accumulate the same linguistic and cultural capital attained by Jenn. Comparatively, Jenn’s community appeared to legitimize her as an English user, whereas Angela’s did not (see Menard-Warwick, 2005, for a review of the relationship between L2 acquisition and Bourdieu notion of capital, amongst other considerations).

Norton (2013) proposed that L2 learners are “constantly organizing and reorganizing a sense of who they are and how they relate to the social world” (p. 50) through the use of language. Jenn, who was provided greater initial access into the target community, established an identity upon university arrival that is not solely reliant on her Chinese background, but one that allowed her to both comfortably immerse within the target community, while maintaining ties with her Chinese peers. Most importantly, her experiences led her to establishing long term goals that necessitate further English language development. She would appear to have developed a strong transnational identity (Duff, 2015). In contrast, Angela’s lack of initial access, coupled with her sense of rejection, limited her ability to develop such an identity upon arrival to the university community. Perceiving a lack of interest from her domestic peers, Angela turned to the familiarity and comfort of the local Chinese community (Al-Sharideh & Goe, 1998). As such, she is provided little opportunity to interact using the target language, limiting the opportunity for language usage to contribute to a reorganization of self. Following this contrast in experience, it is not surprising that Jenn perceived an improvement in her English ability, while Angela saw hers as regressing.

As raised by Norton (2013), investment in the target language is an investment in one’s identity. Yet, this identity is not fixed, but malleable across time and space. Though it would seem that Jenn has demonstrated increased and Angela decreased investment in their continued language development, it should be recognized that the perceived importance of linguistic capital (in this study English) for academic success is based on only a year of post-secondary study. While both projected relatively clear futures at the time of this study, they will without doubt come into contact with events that may serve to shape, reshape, or replace these expectations. At the completion of our final interview, Jenn and Angela were in the process of finalizing their applications to the business school. The result of this application (acceptance, rejection) will no doubt lead to further reconceptualization of identity, and subsequently influence the level of investment placed in their continued language development at the university.

Implications

Universities continue to rely on standardized language proficiency tests to determine international students’ academic preparedness (Chalhoub-Deville & Deville, 2006), though Jenn and Angela

Table 2. A comparative review of Jenn and Angela’s study abroad trajectories.

Key Similarities

● Both Chinese ● Prior study abroad in the United States (Jenn: 2 years; Angela: 1.5 years) ● 18-year-old freshmen (business majors) ● High school experiences significantly impacted their university integration

Key Differences

Jenn Angela

● Positive high school experience; feelings of friendliness and belonging

● Negative high school experience; perception Americans are not interested in Chinese

● Ability to transition between Chinese and American university communities

● Maintains primarily Chinese relations at university

● Plans to pursue graduate studies, 2–3 years of work experience in United States, then return to China

● Intends to gain 1 year of work experience, then return to China; may pursue graduate study in Japan

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provide further evidence questioning the range of such tests for implications in daily usage (e.g., Cho & Bridgeman, 2012). Despite both being required to take mandatory EAP courses, neither referenced proficiency as a concern for their immediate academic success. In fact, Angela claimed she could be successful academically without even knowing English, a belief which allowed her to comfortably fall back within the significant and familiar Chinese community on campus. However, this dismissal of the importance of English proficiency in academic success should be seen as concerning, as Andrade et al. (2016) have put forth the need for international students to continue to develop their language proficiency throughout their studies if they wish to achieve academic success.

Neither Jenn nor Angela perceived the potential advantages of their initial EAP placement, which targeted skills they labelled either not directly relevant during 1st year studies (writing) or as not linked to academic success (speaking/listening). Jenn even goes out of her way to describe her EAP courses as the only ones not worth taking during her freshman year. However, it is possible that the benefits of these preparatory courses may not be realized until later in their university studies, and it may be prudent for EAP instructors to not only target specific linguistic skills, but also show international students how these skills will be utilized throughout their study. Recognition of potential applicability, even if a year or two in the future, may allow for greater investment in the present in developing such linguistic skills.

Of greater importance, though, is how EAP coursework may be able to address the communal rejection that Angela has perceived, and which has subsequently limited her ongoing language investment. Though the effectiveness of preparatory courses has received limited scholarly focus, Gillette (2015) highlighted how most IEP and EAP programs target the linguistic skills that are thought to be necessary for academic success, with little focus on cultural immersion and interac- tional practice. Through Angela’s narratives, we see it was the latter that proved the most difficult in adjusting to university life. For Angela, it may be that a course designed to specifically develop skills to allow for target community integration may have served as more beneficial long-term than did focusing on her academic writing ability. Ideally, such a course would provide Angela with the positive interactions that eluded her through high school, creating a perception of acceptance, rather than rejection (Lacina, 2002). Though it must be noted that such a course would not eliminate the potential for social and cultural discrimination, it may at least allow a learner such as Angela the opportunity to see that positive experiences do exist. When we consider the positive integration demonstrated by Jenn within the same university community, we can recognize the potential that exists for Angela as well, if helped along.

Limitations and future directions

In the above analysis, I have drawn upon the narratives provided by only two participants, Jenn and Angela. As previously highlighted, no two individuals’ experiences are going to align (Waller et al., 2016), so the interpretations provided must be seen in this light. While the comparison case study approach taken allows for a focused comparison of the similarities and differences between the two focal participants, it is not possible to make concrete claims that such experiences are generalizable across participants with varying experiences both within and without the same target community. What the current analysis can provide is a potential continuum of sorts, with a recognition of how positive versus negative initial cultural integration experiences may inform subsequent study abroad.

Additionally, the current study takes an analysis of narratives approach. While common to applied linguistics research, this is only one way in which participant narratives may be considered, with more recent innovations stressing discourse analytical approaches and researchers’ narrative reports of non-narrative data (i.e., narrative analysis; see Benson, 2014). Stemming from the usage of an analysis of narratives approach, the current study relies almost solely on interview data, which while informative, limits my ability to interpret the entire context. To gain a fuller understanding of how continued language investment may stem from academic and social adjustment, and subse- quently inform academic success, a more longitudinal approach (freshman through graduation,

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possibly) that relies on additional data sources such as classroom observation, course assignments, course performance, and interviews with those within participants’ social networks is suggested. Whereas the current data only allows for an analysis of how Jenn and Angela perceived specific events in their lives, the inclusion of observational data would enable a comparison between a participant’s perception of a given event and the actual realization of the event itself. Employing a framework such as Wortham and Reyes (2015) discourse analysis beyond the speech event would further our understanding of how specific themes may become enregistered across specific events, and, subsequently, why focal participants may develop the perceptions they do. In addition, moving beyond participant narratives would likely highlight additional factors impacting university integra- tion as well. Though the current study identifies potential concerns, it relies only on participant narratives based within a single year of university study. Thus the long-term impact is only hypothetical. It remains to be seen whether the concerns raised here manifest in reality.

About the author

Dustin Crowther is an assistant professor in the Department of Second Language Studies at the University of Hawai'i at Mānoa. He holds a PhD in Second Language Studies from Michigan State University. His research interests include second language speaking and listening, the promotion of mutual intelligibility in multilinguistic/multicultural contact, and Global Englishes.

ORCID

Dustin Crowther http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4399-0169

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