Theories Evaluations

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CHAPTER 7

SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION, ANOMIE, AND STRAIN THEORIES

Introduction

Social disorganization and anomie (also referred to as strain) theo ries have evolved from different theoretical and research tradi

tions. They are included in the same chapter, however, because they have a common theme. Both propose that social order, stability, and integration are conducive to conformity, while disorder and mal- integration are conducive to crime and deviance. A social system (a society, community, or subsystem within a society) is described as so cially organized and integrated if there is an internal consensus on its norms and values, a strong cohesion exists among its members, and social interaction proceeds in an orderly way. Conversely, the system is described as disorganized or anomic if there is a disruption in its social cohesion or integration, a breakdown in social control, or malalignment among its elements.

Both theories propose that the less there exists solidarity, cohesion, or integration within a group, community, or society, the higher wil l be the rate of crime and deviance. Each attempts to explain high rates of crime and delinquency in disadvantaged lower-class and ethnic groups. At one time or another, both theories have focused specifically on de linquent or criminal gangs and subcultures.

Social Disorganization and the Urban Ecology of Crime and Delinquency Social disorganization theory was first developed in the studies of

urban crime and delinquency by sociologists at the University of Chi-

115

CHAPTER 7

SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION, ANOMIE,AND STRAIN THEORIES

Introduction

Social disorganization and anomie (also referred to as strain) theo ries have evolved from different theoretical and research tradi

tions. They are included in the same chapter, however, because they have a common theme. Both propose that social order, stability, and integration are conducive to conformity, while disorder and mal integration are conducive to crime and deviance. A social system (a society, community, or subsystem within a society) is described as so cially organized and integrated if there is an internal consensus on its norms and values, a strong cohesion exists among its members, and social interaction proceeds in an orderly way. Conversely, the system is described as disorganized or anomic if there is a disruption in its social cohesion or integration, a breakdown in social control, or malalignment among its elements.

Both theories propose that the less there exists solidarity, cohesion, or integration within a group, community, or society, the higher will be the rate of crime and deviance. Each attempts to explain high rates of crime and delinquency in disadvantaged lower-class and ethnic groups. At one time or another, both theories have focused specifically on de linquent or criminal gangs and subcultures.

Social Disorganization and the Urban Ecology of Crime and Delinquency Social disorganization theory was first developed in the studies of

urban crime and delinquency by sociologists at the University of Chi-

115

Akers, Ronald L.. Criminological Theories : Introduction and Evaluation, Taylor & Francis Group, 1999. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usf/detail.action?docID=1273212. Created from usf on 2023-03-03 03:16:18.

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116 Criminological Theories: Introduction and Evaluation

cago and the Institute for Juvenile Research in Chicago in the 1920s and 1930s (Shaw and McKay, 1942; 1969). Since then, the theory has most often been applied to urban crime and deviance, though the con cept of social disorganization has also been applied to the conditions of a family, a whole society, or some segment of society (Rose, 1954). The Chicago studies plotted out the residential location of those youths who had been referred to juvenile court from different areas of the city. These studies showed that the distribution of delinquents around the city fits a systematic pattern. The rates of delinquency in the lower-class neighborhoods were highest near the inner city and decreased out wardly toward the more affluent areas. The inner city neighborhoods maintained high rates of delinquency over decades, even though the racial and ethnic makeup of the population in those areas underwent substantial change. The same pattern of declining rates of delinquency as the distance from the inner city neighborhood increased was found within each racial or ethnic group (Shaw and McKay, 1942; 1969).

These findings were explained by reference to a theory of urban ecology which viewed the city as analogous to the natural ecological communities of plants and animals (Park et al., 1928). The residential, commercial, and industrial pattern of urban settlement was described as developing an ecological pattern of concentric zones that spread from the center toward the outermost edge of the city. Directly adjacent to the city's commercial and business core of the city was a "zone in transition," which was changing from residential to commercial. It was in this area that the highest rates of delinquency were found.

This transition zone was characterized by physical decay, poor hous ing, incomplete and broken families, high rates of illegitimate births, and an unstable, heterogeneous population. The residents were at the bottom end of the socio-economic scale with low income, education, and occupations. In addition to high rates of delinquency, this area had high official rates of adult crime, drug addiction, alcoholism, prostitu tion, and mental illness. Al l these forms of deviance and lawlessness were interpreted as the outcome of social disorganization within this urban area. The Chicago sociologists emphasized that residents in this area were not biologically or psychologically abnormal. Rather, their crime and deviance were simply the normal responses of normal people to abnormal social conditions. Under these conditions, criminal and delinquent traditions developed and were culturally transmitted from one generation to the next. Industrialization, urbanization, and other social changes in modern society were seen by the Chicago sociologists as causing social disorganization by undermining the social control of traditional social order and values.

These sociologists were also concerned with the implications of their theory and research for delinquency prevention. They developed the

116 Criminological Theories: Introduction and Evaluation

This transition zone was characterized by physical decay, poor hous ing, incomplete and broken families, high rates of illegitimate births, and an unstable, heterogeneous population. The residents were at the bottom end of the socio-economic scale with low income, education, and occupations. In addition to high rates of delinquency, this area had high official rates of adult crime, drug addiction, alcoholism, prostitu tion, and mental illness. All these forms of deviance and lawlessness were interpreted as the outcome of social disorganization within this urban area. The Chicago sociologists emphasized that residents in this area were not biologically or psychologically abnormal. Rather, their crime and deviance were simply the normal responses of normal people to abnormal social conditions. Under these conditions, criminal and delinquent traditions developed and were culturally transmitted from one generation to the next. Industrialization, urbanization, and other social changes in modem society were seen by the Chicago sociologists as causing social disorganization by undermining the social control of traditional social order and values.

These sociologists were also concerned with the implications of their theory and research for delinquency prevention. They developed the

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117 Social Disorganization, Anomie, and Strain Theories

Chicago Area Projects in several of the lower-class, high-delinquency neighborhoods. These efforts were met with mixed success, though delinquency rates were in fact reduced in some neighborhoods. The objective of the Chicago Area Projects was to counter disorganization with social organization and informal social control geared toward conventional values and activities. Neighborhood organization was fos tered by the development of local groups and clubs run by law-abiding adults in the community. Delinquent gangs were identified and social workers were assigned to make contact with them and try to involve them in alternatives to delinquent behavior. Recreational and athletic teams and other non-delinquent activities were organized for the youths in the area (see Lundman, 1993).

Research on Social Disorganization Since the pioneering studies of Shaw and McKay, a great deal of

research has been done on the ecology of urban crime and delinquency. Studies and research data on urban crime remain an important part of criminological research. While some studies have been patterned closely after the social disorganization approach of the early Chicago studies, others only indirectly relate to it. 1

It is difficult to judge the extent to which the original Chicago re search and subsequent research has verified social disorganization as an explanation of crime. A trend in the migration of both white and black middle-class residents, as well as industry and business, out of the large cities into suburban communities has resulted in even more deprivation, decay, and other conditions of social disorganization within the urban centers. This trend has left a population of the "truly disadvantaged" (Wilson, 1987) or an "under class" with high rates of unemployment, welfare support, illegitimate births, single-parent fami lies, drug use and abuse, and violence. Research continues to find that arrests, convictions, incarcerations and other measures of official rates of crime and delinquency are alarmingly high among the residents in these neighborhoods.

To what degree the relationship between inner-city residence and crime is the result of social disorganization remains uncertain. Often the research does not carefully measure social disorganization. The very fact that crime and deviance are high within an area is itself some times used, tautologically, as an empirical indicator that the area is socially disorganized (see Bursik's 1988 review of this issue). Further more, even in those areas characterized as the most disorganized, only a minority of youths and even smaller minority of adults are involved in crime. There is also the question of how much concentration of official crime rates in these areas results from higher rates of criminal

Social Disorganization, Anomie, and Strain Theories 117

Research on Social Disotganization Since the pioneering studies of Shaw and McKay, a great deal of

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118 Criminological Theories: Introduction and Evaluation

behavior among its residents or from race and class disparities in police practices (Warner and Pierce, 1993).

Moreover, exactly what physical, economic, population, or family conditions constitute social disorganization? Is it true that physical, economic, and population characteristics are objective indicators of disorganization, or does the term simply reflect a value judgment about lower-class lifestyle and living conditions? By the 1940s, the term "dif ferential social organization" (Sutherland, 1947) had been introduced to emphasize that these urban neighborhoods may not be so much disorganized as simply organized around different values and concerns. Edwin Sutherland's (1947) education and part of his academic career was at the University of Chicago, and he acknowledged the influence of the Chicago sociologists (Sutherland, 1973). His theory of "differen tial association" complements differential social organization by ex plaining crime as behavior learned through an exposure to different conforming and criminal patterns (see Chapter 4 on social learning theory).

In recent years, social disorganization has received renewed theo retical attention through the work of Robert Bursik, Robert Sampson, and others who have re-analyzed the theory, related it to current theo ries, and addressed some of the criticisms of this theory (Sampson, 1995). Bursik (1988) points out that Shaw and McKay were not trying to propose that urban ecology, economic conditions of urban neighbor hoods, and rapid social changes are the direct causes of crime and delinquency. Rather, he argues, they were proposing that social disor ganization undermines or hinders informal social controls within the community and neighborhood, thus allowing high rates of crime to occur. Therefore, the absence or breakdown of social control is a key component behind the concept of social disorganization which, Bursik contends, ties it to modern social control theory (see Chapter 5). Bursik also links the assumptions of the ecological distribution of crime op portunities in routine activities theory to the social disorganization approach.

Sampson and Groves (1989) have pointed to the same problem iden tified by Bursik: social disorganization theory does not propose that such factors as social class and the racial composition of a community are direct causes of crime and delinquency. Yet, these are the variables that have been used to measure social disorganization. Research has not directly measured the components of social disorganization itself. Therefore, Sampson and Groves (1989:775) concluded that, "while past researchers have examined Shaw and McKay's prediction concerning community change and extra-local influence on delinquency, no one has directly tested their theory of social disorganization."

118 Criminological Theories: Introduction and Evaluation

behavior among its residents or from race and class disparities in police practices (Warner and Pierce, 1993).

In recent years, social disorganization has received renewed theo retical attention through the work of Robert Bursik, Robert Sampson, and others who have re-analyzed the theory, related it to current theo ries, and addressed some of the criticisms of this theory (Sampson, 1995). Bursik (1988) points out that Shaw and McKay were not trying to propose that urban ecology, economic conditions of urban neighbor hoods, and rapid social changes are the direct causes of crime and delinquency. Rather, he argues, they were proposing that social disor ganization undermines or hinders informal social controls within the community and neighborhood, thus allowing high rates of crime to occur. Therefore, the absence or breakdown of social control is a key component behind the concept of social disorganization which, Bursik contends, ties it to modem social control theory (see Chapter 5). Bursik also links the assumptions of the ecological distribution of crime op portunities in routine activities theory to the social disorganization approach.

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119 Social Disorganization, Anomie, and Strain Theories

Sampson and Groves (1989) proffered an empirical model of social disorganization that remedied this problem. Their model contains the usual measures of "external" factors affecting social disorganization, such as social class, residential mobility, and family disruption, but then goes beyond these variables to include the measures of three key components of the concept of social disorganization: community su pervision of teenage gangs, informal friendship networks, and partici pation in formal organizations. Their data from British communities supported this model. They found that most of the external factors were related to social disorganization, as predicted. The links in the model were completed by showing that the measures of social disorganization were good predictors of rates of crime victimization. Though not very adequately, the model also explained the rates of criminal offenses.

More recent research has not followed the Sampson and Grove model of measuring social disorganization directly. Social disorganization continues to be measured indirectly by social conditions in different areas of the city. Warner and Pierce (1993), for instance, report strong relationships between rates of telephone calls to police (by victims of assaults, robbery, and burglary) and neighborhood poverty, racial het erogeneity, residential instability, family disruption, and high density of housing units as measures of social disorganization. Gottfredson and associates (1991) tested social disorganization theory by correlat ing census-block level data on disrupted families, poverty, unemploy ment, income, and education with individual-level self-reports of delinquent behavior of interpersonal aggression, theft and vandalism, and drug use. The independent variables accounted for individuals' delinquency, but the relationships were not strong and varied by type of delinquency and gender. Moreover, the adolescents' social bonds and peer associations mediated the effects of social disorganization on de linquency.

Anomie/Strain Theory

Merton's Anomie Theory Anomie theory provides an explanation of the concentration of crime

not only in the lower-class urban areas but also in lower- class and minority groups in general, as well as the overall high crime rate in American society. This theory leans heavily on the work of Emile Durk- heim, one of the founders of sociology. Durkheim (1951 [1897]) used the term anomie to refer to a state of normlessness or lack of social regulation in modern society as one condition that promotes higher rates of suicide. Robert Merton (1938; 1957) applied this Durkheimian approach to the condition of modern industrial societies, especially in the United States. To Merton, an integrated society maintains a balance

Social Disorganization, Anomie, and Strain Theories 119

Anomie/Strain Theory

Merton's Anomie Theory Anomie theory provides an explanation of the concentration of crime

not only in the lower-class urban areas but also in lower- class and minority groups in general, as well as the overall high crime rate in American society. This theory leans heavily on the work of Emile Durk heim, one of the founders of sociology. Durkheim (1951 [1897]) used the term anomie to refer to a state of normlessness or lack of social regulation in modem society as one condition that promotes higher rates of suicide. Robert Merton (1938; 1957) applied this Durkheimian approach to the condition of modem industrial societies, especially in the United States. To Merton, an integrated society maintains a balance

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between social structure (approved social means) and culture (ap proved goals). Anomie is the form that societal malintegration takes when there is a dissociation between valued cultural ends and legiti mate societal means to those ends.

Merton argued that American society evinces this means-ends dis- juncture in two basic ways. First, the strong cultural emphasis on suc cess goals in America is not matched by an equally strong emphasis on socially approved means. Everyone is socialized to aspire toward high achievement and success. Competitiveness and success is glorified by public authorities, taught in the schools, glamorized in the media, and encouraged by the values that are passed along from generation to generation. Worth is judged by material and monetary success. The American dream means that anyone can make it big.

Of course, this success is supposed to be achieved by an honest effort in legitimate educational, occupational, and economic endeavors. However, Merton perceived American values to be more concerned with acquiring success, getting ahead, and getting the money at any cost, than with the right and proper way to do so. While other industrial societies may have the same problem, American society is especially prone to stress achievement of the ends over utilization of approved means. Americans, then, are more likely than members of more inte grated societies to do whatever it takes to achieve success, even if it means breaking the law. Hence, we have higher crimes rates than other societies.

Second, there is a discrepancy between means and ends perpetuated by the class system in American and, to a lesser degree, other industri alized societies. The success ethic permeates all levels of the class struc ture and is embodied in the educational system to which persons of all social classes are exposed. The American dream promotes the ideal that equal opportunity for success is available to all. In reality, however, disadvantaged minority groups and the lower class do not have equal access to such legitimate opportunities. They are socialized to hold high aspirations, yet they are relatively blocked off from the conventional educational and occupational opportunities needed to realize those ambitions. This anomic condition produces strain or pressure on these groups to take advantage of whatever effective means to income and success they can find, even if these means are illegitimate or illegal.

Merton (1938) identified five "modes of adaptation" to strain. The first, "conformity," is the most common response: one simply accepts the state of affairs and continues to strive for success within the re stricted conventional means available. The second type of adaptation, "innovation," is the most common deviant response: one maintains commitment to success goals but takes advantage of illegitimate means to attain them. Most crime and delinquency, especially income-produc-

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Merton argued that American society evinces this means-ends dis juncture in two basic ways. First, the strong cultural emphasis on suc cess goals in America is not matched by an equally strong emphasis on socially approved means. Everyone is socialized to aspire toward high achievement and success. Competitiveness and success is glorified by public authorities, taught in the schools, glamorized in the media, and encouraged by the values that are passed along from generation to generation. Worth is judged by material and monetary success. The American dream means that anyone can make it big.

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Social Disorganization, Anomie, and Strain Theories 121

ing offenses, would fit into this adaptive mode. Another deviant mode, "rebellion," rejects the system altogether, both means and ends, and replaces it with a new one, such as a violent overthrow of the system. Yet another, "retreatism," refers to an escapist response: one becomes a societal dropout, giving up on both the goals and the effort to achieve them. Merton placed alcoholics, drug addicts, vagrants, and the se verely mentally ill in this mode. Finally, there is "ritualism," in which one gives up the struggle to get ahead and concentrates on retaining what little has been gained, by adhering rigidly and zealously to the norms.

Innovation is the most frequently adapted non-conformist mode among members of the lower class. The high rate of crime in the lower class, therefore, is explained by its location in a society which subjects it to high levels of anomie-induced strain. This strain is produced by the disjuncture between society's dream of equality and success for all and the actual inequality in the distribution of opportunities to realize that dream. This inequity is most severe for members of the lower class, the disadvantaged, and minority groups. Relatively deprived of legiti mate means, while still imbued with the American dream, they respond by resorting to illegitimate means.

Cohen: Status Deprivation and the Delinquent Subculture Albert K. Cohen (1955) followed Merton by emphasizing the struc

tural sources of strain that leads to deviant adaptations by the lower class. But Cohen applied it specifically to the delinquent subculture found among lower-class adolescent males. He recognized that the de linquent subculture has an effect on and plays a role in influencing individual lower-class boys to become involved in delinquent behavior. But he denied any interest in the explanation of variations in individual behavior. Instead, he wanted to explain, not why the delinquent sub culture was maintained over a period of time, but why it existed in the first place.

Cohen's version of anomie theory is in basic agreement with Merton's theory, because both perceive blocked goals as producing deviance-in ducing strain. However, rather than the inability to gain material suc cess, in Cohen's view, it is the inability to gain status and acceptance in conventional society that produces the strain. Status in conventional society is achieved by meeting society's standards of dress, behavior, scholastic abilities, and so on. The most pervasive of these standards, according to Cohen, are those of the middle class. Adolescents are most likely to be confronted by the middle-class criteria of respectability and acceptance in the public schools. Middle-class expectations are im posed by teachers and administrators on students from all class back grounds. Such standards as good manners, appropriate demeanor,

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non-aggressive attitudes and behavior, attention to grades, studying, and active participation in school activities are among the ways that students gain status and approval.

Middle-class adolescents, supported by middle-class parents, are best able to meet these standards. They achieve recognition and gain status by measuring up to these standards, not only in the eyes of adults but to a large extent in the eyes of their peers. However, lower-class youths, especially boys, cannot always meet these standards. They do not have the verbal and social skills to measure up to the yardstick of middle-class values. As a result, their "status deprivation" produces "status frustration."

According to Cohen, the delinquent subculture is a "reaction forma tion" to this frustration. The criteria for acceptability found in this subculture can be met by lower-class boys, who gain status in delin quent gangs by adhering to "malicious" and "negativistic" values in opposition to conventional standards. If non-aggression is acceptable in the middle class, then a reputation for aggressive toughness is the way to gain status in the delinquent subculture. If polite classroom behavior and making good grades will gain greater standing in the eyes of the teachers, then classroom disruption and disdain for academic achievement wil l gain greater standing in the delinquent subculture.

Cohen argued that Merton's image of deviants turning to illegitimate means because of the deprivation of legitimate means is too rational istic to apply to the "non-utilitarian" delinquent subculture. For exam ple, most of the property offenses committed by delinquent youths are really not intended to produce income or gain material success by illegal means. Rather, they are non-utilitarian responses to status frustration that also meet with the approval of delinquent peers.

Cloward and Ohlin: Differential Opportunity and Delinquent Subcultures

Shortly after Cohen's theory was published, Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin (Cloward 1961; 1959) proposed a "differential opportunity" theory of delinquency. Their theory drew from the anomie theory of Merton and Cohen's subcultural theory on the one hand, and from Shaw and McKay's social disorganization and Sutherland's differential asso ciation theories on the other. Although the general propositions of their theory have subsequently been applied to a whole range of delinquent and criminal behavior, Cloward and Ohlin developed it specifically to account for types of, and participation in, delinquent subcultures.

In Cloward and Ohlin's view, Merton's anomie theory incorrectly assumed that lower-class persons, who are denied access to legitimate opportunities, automatically have access to illegitimate opportunities. They interpreted Sutherland, as well as Shaw and McKay, as focusing

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non-aggressive attitudes and behavior, attention to grades, studying, and active participation in school activities are among the ways that students gain status and approval.

According to Cohen, the delinquent subculture is a "reaction forma tion" to this frustration. The criteria for acceptability found in this subculture can be met by lower-class boys, who gain status in delin quent gangs by adhering to "malicious" and "negativistic" values in opposition to conventional standards. If non-aggression is acceptable in the middle class, then a reputation for aggressive toughness is the way to gain status in the delinquent subculture. If polite classroom behavior and making good grades will gain greater standing in the eyes of the teachers, then classroom disruption and disdain for academic achievement will gain greater standing in the delinquent subculture.

Cloward and Ohlin: Differential Opportunity and Delinquent Subcultures

Shortly after Cohen's theory was published, Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin (Cloward 1961; 1959) proposed a "differential opportunity" theory of delinquency. Their theory drew from the anomie theory of Merton and Cohen's subcultural theory on the one hand, and from Shaw and McKay's social disorganization and Sutherland's differential asso ciation theories on the other. Although the general propositions oftheir theory have subsequently been applied to a whole range of delinquent and criminal behavior, Cloward and Ohlin developed it specifically to account for types of, and participation in, delinquent subcultures.

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on the cultural transmission of delinquent values in lower-class urban areas and implicitly demonstrating the importance of the availability of illegitimate opportunities. Their theory combines anomie, differen tial association, and social disorganization by proposing that deviant adaptations are explained by location in both the legitimate and ille gitimate opportunity structures.

Motivation and the aspiration to succeed by themselves do not ac count for either conforming or deviant behavior, argue Cloward and Ohlin. The individual must be in deviant or conforming "learning en vironments" which allow one to learn and perform the requisite skills and abilities. Just because legitimate opportunities are blocked does not necessarily mean that illegitimate opportunities are freely available. Some illegitimate roles may be available, while others may not be at all. Just as there is unequal access to role models and opportunities to fulfill conforming roles, there is unequal access to illegitimate roles and opportunities.

Among adolescent boys, it is clear that deprivation of legitimate means produces a strain toward delinquent activities, but what kind of delinquent patterns they will become involved in depends on what illegitimate opportunities are available to them in their community. Boys from racial and ethnic minorities, especially those in the lower- class neighborhoods of large urban centers, are most likely to be de prived of legitimate educational and occupational opportunities. Therefore, high rates of delinquency are to be expected among them. But the kind of subculture or gang delinquency they adopt depends on the nature of the illegitimate opportunities available to them. These opportunities are determined by the social organization of the neigh borhoods or the areas of the city where they are raised.

While Cohen posited a single delinquent subculture, Cloward and Ohlin saw several subcultures. Though they recognized that delinquent gangs carry on a variety of illegal activities, they argued that these gangs develop more or less specialized delinquent subcultures, depending on the illegitimate opportunities in their neighborhoods.

The first major type of specialized delinquent subculture, "criminal," is characterized by youth gangs organized primarily to commit income- producing offenses, such as theft, extortion, and fraud. Theirs is a more or less utilitarian choice of illegal means that corresponds with Merton s innovation adaptation. Such gangs are found in lower-class ethnic neighborhoods organized around stable adult criminal patterns and values. Organized and successful criminals reside or operate openly in these neighborhoods, providing criminal role models and opportunities as alternatives to legitimate ones.

The second major type of delinquent subculture, "conflict," is ex pressed in fighting gangs. Status or "rep" in these groups is gained by

Social Disorganization, Anomie, and Strain Theories 123

Among adolescent boys, it is clear that deprivation of legitimate means produces a strain toward delinquent activities, but what kind of delinquent patterns they will become involved in depends on what illegitimate opportunities are available to them in their community. Boys from racial and ethnic minorities, especially those in the lower class neighborhoods of large urban centers, are most likely to be de prived of legitimate educational and occupational opportunities. Therefore, high rates of delinquency are to be expected among them. But the kind of subculture or gang delinquency they adopt depends on the nature of the illegitimate opportunities available to them. These opportunities are determined by the social organization of the neigh borhoods or the areas of the city where they are raised.

The first major type of specialized delinquent subculture, "criminal," is characterized by youth gangs organized primarily to commit income producing offenses, such as theft, extortion, and fraud. Theirs is a more or less utilitarian choice of illegal means that corresponds with Merton's innovation adaptation. Such gangs are found in lower-class ethnic neighborhoods organized around stable adult criminal patterns and values. Organized and successful criminals reside or operate openly in these neighborhoods, providing criminal role models and opportunities as alternatives to legitimate ones.

The second major type of delinquent subculture, "conflict," is ex pressed in fighting gangs. Status or "rep" in these groups is gained by

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being tough, violent, and able to fight. They are found in the socially disorganized lower-class neighborhoods with very few illegal opportu nities to replace the legal opportunities that are denied them. There are few successful or emulated adult role models, either conventional or deviant. Youths become alienated from the adult world and view most of the adults they encounter as "weak." They are unable to develop the skills, either legitimate or illegal, to achieve economic success and see no way to gain conventional or criminal status. In frustration they turn to gangs in which the only status to be gained is by fearlessness and violence.

The third major type of delinquent subculture, "retreatist," is pri marily focused on the consumption of drugs and alcohol. Retreatist gang members have given up on both goals and means, whether con ventional or illegal. Cloward and Ohlin did not specify the type of neigh borhood in which retreatist gangs are found, but they described their members as "double failures." Double failures not only perform poorly in school and have little or no occupational prospects, they are neither good crooks nor good fighters. They escape into a different world in which the only goal is the "kick" and being "cool." While most sustain themselves by one type or another of a non-violent "hustle," status and admiration can only be gained within the gang by getting high and maintaining a drug habit.

Miller: Focal Concerns of Lower-Class Culture Walter B. Miller (1958), following Cohen and Cloward and Ohlin,

concentrated on the delinquency of lower-class male gangs (or, in Miller's terms, "street corner groups") in economically deprived neigh borhoods. He also agreed with strain theorists that the commission of delinquent behavior is motivated by the attempt to gain desired ends. But rather than positing a distinct delinquent subculture(s) adapted to the availability of legitimate or illegitimate opportunities, Miller pro posed that delinquent behavior is a youthful adaptation to a distinct lower-class culture. Delinquency is one way of achieving or gaining acceptance according to the expectations of this lower-class culture. Lower-class youth learn and act according to the central values or "focal concerns" of lower-class adults, but the delinquent adolescents express and carry out these values in an exaggerated way. These are trouble (revolving around getting away with law violations), toughness (show ing physical power and fearlessness), smartness (ability to con or dupe others), excitement (seeking thrills, risk-taking, danger), fatalism (being lucky or unlucky), and autonomy (freedom from authority, inde pendence). By demonstrating toughness, smartness, autonomy, and the other characteristics implied in the focal concerns, lower-class males achieve status and belonging in the street corner groups. These qualities

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being tough, violent, and able to fight. They are found in the socially disorganized lower-class neighborhoods with very few illegal opportu nities to replace the legal opportunities that are denied them. There are few successful or emulated adult role models, either conventional or deviant. Youths become alienated from the adult world and view most of the adults they encounter as "weak." They are unable to develop the skills, either legitimate or illegal, to achieve economic success and see no way to gain conventional or criminal status. In frustration they tum to gangs in which the only status to be gained is by fearlessness and violence.

Miller: Focal Concerns of Lower-Class Culture Walter B. Miller (1958), following Cohen and Cloward and Ohlin,

concentrated on the delinquency of lower-class male gangs (or, in Miller's terms, "street comer groups") in economically deprived neigh borhoods. He also agreed with strain theorists that the commission of delinquent behavior is motivated by the attempt to gain desired ends. But rather than positing a distinct delinquent subculture(s) adapted to the availability of legitimate or illegitimate opportunities, Miller pro posed that delinquent behavior is a youthful adaptation to a distinct lower-class culture. Delinquency is one way of achieving or gaining acceptance according to the expectations of this lower-class culture. Lower-class youth learn and act according to the central values or "focal concerns" oflower-class adults, but the delinquent adolescents express and carry out these values in an exaggerated way. These are trouble (revolving around getting away with law violations), toughness (show ing physical power and fearlessness), smartness (ability to con or dupe others), excitement (seeking thrills, risk-taking, danger), fatalism (being lucky or unlucky), and autonomy (freedom from authority, inde pendence). By demonstrating toughness, smartness, autonomy, and the other characteristics implied in the focal concerns, lower-class males achieve status and belonging in the street comer groups. These qualities

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can be demonstrated and the valued ends achieved by fighting and other forms of illegal and deviant behavior.2

Research on Anomie/Strain Theory

Is Crime and Delinquency Concentrated in the Lower Class and Minority Groups?

Anomie theory provides some clear policy implications. If blocked legitimate opportunities motivate persons to achieve through criminal activity, then that activity can be countered by the provision of greater access to legitimate opportunities through educational and job-training programs. If delinquent gangs form in the city because of unequal opportunity and the availability of delinquent subcultures and illegal opportunities, then the objective should be to work directly with these gangs to offer alternatives to their subculture and provide law-abiding models and opportunities.

For instance, Cloward and Ohlin's theory became the specific theo retical framework for the New York community-based delinquency pre vention program known as "Mobilization for Youth" in the 1960s. This project was designed to organize the local lower-class community and enhance the ability of youths to gain legitimate success through job opportunity, education, and skill training. Youth gang workers at tempted to lead gangs away from delinquent values and activities and redirect their energies into sports and positive activities. Mobilization for Youth, unfortunately undermined by political opposition, was never completed. Neither that nor similar programs that followed were able to achieve their ambitious goal of changing the social structure of com munities and thereby preventing crime and delinquency. Nevertheless, equal-opportunity and job-training programs for school dropouts and lower-class youths, and community delinquency prevention programs, s t i l l continue to this day (Siegel and Senna, 1991; Bynum and Thompson, 1992).

In both theory and practice, anomie theory emphasizes the predomi nance of crime and delinquency among the lower-class and minority populations, the most deprived of legitimate opportunities. Al l varieties of this theory discussed so far have predicted an inverse relationship between social class and law-breaking, and by extension of the assump tions and logic of anomie, one is also led to expect higher rates of crime and delinquency in disadvantaged minority groups.

As we have already seen, early urban research based on official sta tistics found a disproportionate amount of crime and delinquency in the lower-class and minority groups. Studies of self-reported delinquent behavior that began in the 1950s, however, raised serious questions about the class distribution of delinquency (Nye, 1958; Akers, 1964).

Social Disorganization, Anomie, and Strain Theories 125

can be demonstrated and the valued ends achieved by fighting and other forms of illegal and deviant behavior.2

Research on Anomie/Strain Theory

Is Crime and Delinquency Concentrated in the Lower Class and Minority Groups?

For instance, Cloward and Ohlin's theory became the specific theo retical framework for the New York community-based delinquency pre vention program known as "Mobilization for Youth" in the 1960s. This project was designed to organize the local lower-class community and enhance the ability of youths to gain legitimate success through job opportunity, education, and skill training. Youth gang workers at tempted to lead gangs away from delinquent values and activities and redirect their energies into sports and positive activities. Mobilization for Youth, unfortunately undermined by political opposition, was never completed. Neither that nor similar programs that followed were able to achieve their ambitious goal of changing the social structure of com munities and thereby preventing crime and delinquency. Nevertheless, equal-opportunity and job-training programs for school dropouts and lower-class youths, and community delinquency prevention programs, still continue to this day (Siegel and Senna, 1991; Bynum and Thompson, 1992).

In both theory and practice, anomie theory emphasizes the predomi nance of crime and delinquency among the lower-class and minority populations, the most deprived oflegitimate opportunities. All varieties of this theory discussed so far have predicted an inverse relationship between social class and law-breaking, and by extension of the assump tions and logic of anomie, one is also led to expect higher rates of crime and delinquency in disadvantaged minority groups.

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By the 1970s, nearly all of the self-reported delinquency studies, as well as the few self-report studies of adult crime, found little differences in the levels of delinquent behavior by socio-economic status (SES) (Tittle and Villemez, 1977). Studies using official measures of crime and de linquency continued to find more offenders in the lower class than in the middle and upper classes, but even in these studies the correlations were not high (Tittle et al., 1978). The effects of class and race were stronger in longitudinal studies of official arrest histories from delin quency to adult crime (Wolfgang et al., 1972; Wolfgang et al., 1987).

Some researchers have argued that, if self-report studies would util ize more effective measures of illegal behavior, then they too would find crime and delinquency to be related to both social class and race (Hin- delang et al., 1979). They contend that self-report studies only measure the more trivial offenses and do not include high-frequency offenders, whereas official measures pick up the more serious, frequent, and chronic offenders. Their conclusion, then, is that there may be little difference by class and race in low-frequency, minor offenses, but there are considerable class and race differences in the most frequent and serious offenses.

This suggests that, if self-report studies would only do a better job of measuring more frequent and serious offenses, then they too would find that delinquency is strongly related to race and class. Some self- report studies that include high-frequency and serious offenses have found them most likely to occur in the lower class, as is found in studies using official measures (Hindelangetal., 1980; Elliott and Ageton, 1980; Thornberry and Farnworth, 1982). Up to now, however, "overall . . . recent analyses concerning the strength of an SES/delinquency rela tionship, as revealed by officially recorded measures relative to self-re port measures, show mixed results" (Tittle and Meier, 1990).

Other researchers have concluded that, while there is no relationship between class and delinquency or crime in general, there is a relation ship under some conditions. Some argue that a correlation exists when social class is dichotomized and the most disadvantaged underclass is compared with every other class level. Others maintain that the rela tionship is stronger among blacks than whites and among males than females. It has also been suggested that the relationship will hold true for urban centers but not for suburban communities, and for lower- class youths in middle- or upper-class communities but not for those in predominantly lower-class neighborhoods. However, research evi dence does not clearly support a class/crime relationship under these conditions.

It is possible that the relationship between class-related access to legitimate opportunities and the official crime rate is different for blacks and whites. Lafree et al. (1992), for example, found that the

126 Criminological Theories: Introduction and Evaluation

Some researchers have argued that, if self-report studies would util ize more effective measures of illegal behavior, then they too would find crime and delinquency to be related to both social class and race (Hin delang et al., 1979). They contend that self-report studies only measure the more trivial offenses and do not include high-frequency offenders, whereas official measures pick up the more serious, frequent, and chronic offenders. Their conclusion, then, is that there may be little difference by class and race in low-frequency, minor offenses, but there are considerable class and race differences in the most frequent and serious offenses.

This suggests that, if self-report studies would only do a better job of measuring more frequent and serious offenses, then they too would find that delinquency is strongly related to race and class. Some self report studies that include high-frequency and serious offenses have found them most likely to occur in the lower class, as is found in studies using official measures (Hindelang et al., 1980; Elliott and Ageton, 1980; Thornberry and Farnworth, 1982). Up to now, however, "overall ... recent analyses concerning the strength of an SES/delinquency rela tionship, as revealed by officially recorded measures relative to self-re port measures, show mixed results" (Tittle and Meier, 1990).

Other researchers have concluded that, while there is no relationship between class and delinquency or crime in general, there is a relation ship under some conditions. Some argue that a correlation exists when social class is dichotomized and the most disadvantaged underclass is compared with every other class level. Others maintain that the rela tionship is stronger among blacks than whites and among males than females. It has also been suggested that the relationship will hold true for urban centers but not for suburban communities, and for lower class youths in middle- or upper-class communities but not for those in predominantly lower-class neighborhoods. However, research evi dence does not clearly support a class/crime relationship under these conditions.

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burglary, homicide, and robbery arrest rates in the United States since 1957 were related in the expected direction to indicators of economic well-being among white males but not among black males. The unem ployed are expected to experience the greatest strain of blocked oppor tunities and are more likely to commit crime than the gainfully employed. There is mixed support for this hypothesis. It is also proposed that offenders who are apprehended and imprisoned are more likely to come from the ranks of the unemployed (Chiricos, 1991). However, there is little evidence that unemployment motivates people to commit criminal acts. Moreover, crime is as likely to affect unemployment as vice versa (Thornberry and Christenson, 1984; Cantor and Land, 1985).

Self-report studies find class and race variations in criminal and delinquent behavior, but they are not as great as the class and race differences in officially arrested, convicted, and/or imprisoned popula tions. This may result in part from disparities in criminal justice deci sions. But it may also result from a tendency for relatively small numbers of serious, chronic offenders who commit a large number of offenses, and who are the most likely to be caught up in the criminal justice system, to come from lower-class and minority groups. (See Chapter 8.)

Other Social Structural Correlates of Crime Correlating crime with social class as a test of anomie conforms to

Messner's (1988) argument that Merton's anomie theory is a theory of social organization, not a theory of individuals' criminal motivations. Therefore, the proper test of the empirical validity of anomie theory is to determine the social structural correlates of rates of crime. Bernard (1987) also contends that anomie theory is a structural theory that makes no direct predictions about individual criminal behavior, and anomie theory cannot be verified or falsified by individual-level tests (see also Burton and Cullen, 1992; Bernard and Snipes, 1995). There have been a number of macro-level studies testing the effects on city, region, and state crime rates of such structural factors such as class, poverty, inequality, unemployment, family instability, and racial het erogeneity. Although there are inconsistent findings in these studies, some have found fairly strong effects of these structural variables on both property and violent crime rates. (For a review of these studies and a report of new research on structural correlates of crime that resolves some of the earlier inconsistencies, see Land et al., 1990).

Much of this research is not presented as a test of anomie theory, and none of it provides a direct measure of anomie as malintegration of cultural goals and societal means. In this sense, no structural version of anomie has yet received substantial empirical support. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to infer anomie from conditions of inequality (and

Social Disorganization, Anomie, and Strain Theories 127

Other Social Structural Correlates of Crime Correlating crime with social class as a test of anomie conforms to

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perhaps other structural variables). Thus, the findings on structural correlates of crime can be viewed as consistent with anomie theory. They are also consistent with social disorganization theory, because the variables included in the research are very similar to those measured at the local community or neighborhood level in research on social disorganization theory.

Steven Messner and Richard Rosenfeld (1994) propose that the im pact of anomie fostered by economic inequality is conditional on the strength or weakness of non-economic social institutions that provide normative restraints against achieving material success by deviant means. The ability of the family, school, religion, law, and the political system to control the use of deviant means and support the utilization of legitimate means may be undermined by malintegration of cultural ends and social means. Therefore, the rate of crimes that offer monetary rewards, such as property offenses, may not be affected by expansion or contraction of economic opportunity without concomitant changes in other social institutions. Chamlin and Cochran (1995:415) provide partial support for this hypothesis that "the effect of economic condi tions on instrumental crime rates will depend on the vitality of non- economic institutions." They found that the effect of poverty (as an indicator of economic inequality) on state rates of property crime are dependent in part on levels of church membership, divorce rates, and percentage of voters participating in elections (as indicators of strength of noneconomic institutions).

Gangs and Delinquent Subcultures There can be little doubt that gang delinquency continues to be con

centrated in the lower-class, black and Hispanic neighborhoods of Los Angeles, Chicago, Detroit, New York, and other large cities. Yet, there is considerable doubt as to how closely these urban gangs fit the theo retical specifications of Cohen and of Cloward and Ohlin. (See Schrag, 1962.)

Lower-class and non-white gang boys perceive more limited legiti mate and more available illegitimate opportunities than middle-class, non-gang white boys. But whether these perceptions precede or result from gang membership is not clear (Short and Strodtbeck, 1965). More over, neither gang members nor other delinquents sustain a distinct subculture that promotes values and norms directly contrary to con ventional culture. They are more likely to agree in general with con ventional values and to "neutralize" or excuse their behavior that violates those values. Such excuses themselves come from the general culture and are conceptually linked to the concept of definitions in social learning (Sykes and Matza, 1957; Matza and Sykes, 1961). (See Chapter 4.)

128 Criminological Theories: Introduction and Evaluation

Steven Messner and Richard Rosenfeld (1994) propose that the im pact of anomie fostered by economic inequality is conditional on the strength or weakness of non-economic social institutions that provide normative restraints against achieving material success by deviant means. The ability of the family, school, religion, law, and the political system to control the use of deviant means and support the utilization of legitimate means may be undermined by malintegration of cultural ends and social means. Therefore, the rate of crimes that offer monetary rewards, such as property offenses, may not be affected by expansion or contraction of economic opportunity without concomitant changes in other social institutions. Chamlin and Cochran (1995:415) provide partial support for this hypothesis that "the effect of economic condi tions on instrumental crime rates will depend on the vitality of non economic institutions." They found that the effect of poverty (as an indicator of economic inequality) on state rates of property crime are dependent in part on levels of church membership, divorce rates, and percentage of voters participating in elections (as indicators of strength of noneconomic institutions).

Gangs and Delinquent Subcultures There can be little doubt that gang delinquency continues to be con

centrated in the lower-class, black and Hispanic neighborhoods of Los Angeles, Chicago, Det.roit, New York, and other large cities. Yet, there is considerable doubt as to how closely these urban gangs fit the theo retical specifications of Cohen and of Cloward and Ohlin. (See Schrag, 1962.)

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As yet, researchers have been unable to verify Cloward and Ohlin's three major types of delinquent subcultures located in specific kinds of neighborhood opportunity structures. Recent research shows that there is some tendency for offense specialization by delinquent groups (Warr, 1996). However, this specialization does not conform closely to the types of subcultures identified in differential opportunity theory. Delinquent gangs can be very versatile, committing a wide range of violent, criminal, and drug offenses. Though some gangs and gang members are heavily involved in drug trafficking, there do not appear to be any "retreatist" gangs as described by Cloward and Ohlin, organ ized around the need for drugs. Drug use is high among all gangs, but then so is fighting and theft. (See Short and Strodtbeck, 1965; Spergel, 1964; see also Empey, 1967; Huff, 1990.)

School Dropout and Delinquency According to anomie theory, particularly Cohen's version (1955), the

school is an important arena in which lower-class youths are confronted with the failure to live up to the conventional standards for status. It is there that they continually face the realities of their academic and social liabilities. The school experience, therefore, is often filled with failure and a strain toward delinquency. If this is true, then dropping out of school would reduce the strain and the motivation to commit illegal acts. Elliott and Voss (1977) found some support for this hypothesis by comparing officially detected crime (up to age 19) for high school gradu ates with that of youngsters who had dropped out of school. The school dropouts had fairly high rates of delinquency while in school, but they reduced their offenses considerably after dropping out. However, the dropouts still had higher rates than the school graduates. It is also unclear how much of the decline in their delinquency resulted from leaving a stressful school situation and how much stemmed from the tendency for law violations to decline after age 17 among all groups.

Thornberry et al. (1985) found that arrests among school dropouts increased the year after leaving school and remained higher than the arrest rate for high-school graduates through age 25. Controlling for social class and race does not seem to change the findings (Thornberry et al., 1985). A later study with a national sample of adolescents found that dropping out of school sometimes increases delinquent involve ment and sometimes lowers it. The effects of dropping out of school depend on the reasons for doing so and other factors such as race, age, and gender. When these other variables are controlled, most of the relationships between dropping out of school and delinquent behavior become statistically non-significant (Jarjoura, 1993).

Social Disorganization, Anomie, and Strain Theories 129

As yet, researchers have been unable to verify Cloward and Ohlin's three major types of delinquent subcultures located in specific kinds of neighborhood opportunity structures. Recent research shows that there is some tendency for offense specialization by delinquent groups (WaIT, 1996). However, this specialization does not conform closely to the types of subcultures identified in differential opportunity theory. Delinquent gangs can be very versatile, committing a wide range of violent, criminal, and drug offenses. Though some gangs and gang members are heavily involved in drug trafficking, there do not appear to be any "retreatist" gangs as described by Cloward and Ohlin, organ ized around the need for drugs. Drug use is high among all gangs, but then so is fighting and theft. (See Short and Strodtbeck, 1965; Spergel, 1964; see also Empey, 1967; Huff, 1990.)

School Dropout and Delinquency According to anomie theory, particularly Cohen's version (1955), the

Thornberry et al. (1985) found that arrests among school dropouts increased the year after leaving school and remained higher than the arrest rate for high-school graduates through age 25. Controlling for social class and race does not seem to change the findings (Thornberry et aI., 1985). A later study with a national sample of adolescents found that dropping out of school sometimes increases delinquent involve ment and sometimes lowers it. The effects of dropping out of school depend on the reasons for doing so and other factors such as race, age, and gender. When these other variables are controlled, most of the relationships between dropping out of school and delinquent behavior become statistically non-significant (Jarjoura, 1993).

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Perceived Discrepancy Between Aspirations and Expectations The gap between the cultural ends and social means proposed by

anomie theory at the structural level implies that individuals in anomie situations may perceive this discrepancy. At the social psychological level, then, anomie can be directly measured by the difference between an individual's aspirations and expectations. Aspirations refer to what one hopes to achieve in life, economically, educationally or occupation- ally (e.g., how much schooling one would like to complete). Expecta tions refer to what one believes is realistically possible to achieve (e.g., how much education one would expect to get). Anomie theory would hypothesize that the greater the discrepancy between aspirations and expectations, the higher the probability of law violation.

There is not much empirical support for this hypothesis, however. The delinquent behavior of those youths who perceive a great discrep ancy between their educational or occupational aspirations and their expectations do not differ much from the delinquency of those who perceive little or no gap between their aspirations and expectations. A bigger difference in delinquent behavior is found between those who have low aspirations and those who have high aspirations, regardless of the level of their expectations (Hirschi, 1969; Liska, 1971; Elliot et al., 1985; Burton and Cullen, 1992). Strain theory receives less empirical support than either social learning or social bonding when all three theories are directly compared (Akers and Cochran, 1985;McGee, 1992; Benda, 1994; Burton et al., 1994).

Farnworth and Leiber (1989) claim that these studies do not correctly measure anomie because they concentrate on gauging the difference between educational aspirations and expectations and between occu pational aspirations and expectations. They propose that a better indi cator would be the "disjunction between economic goals [the desire to make lots of money] and educational expectations" (Farnworth and Leiber, 1989:265). Their research found that the discrepancy between economic goals and educational expectations was a better predictor of delinquency than economic aspirations alone or the gap between the two. Contrary to their argument, however, the best predictor in the study was educational aspirations alone, without regard to expecta tions.

This suggests that the low level of empirical support for ano- mie/strain theory is not simply a matter of using poor measures of the concepts. This is underscored by research reported in Burton et al. (1994). They used the Farnworth-Lieber measure of the gap between economic aspirations and educational aspirations and included two other measures, perceived blocked opportunities and relative deprivation, in an adult white sample. They found that the gap measure was not related to self-reported crime. The other two measures were weakly related to

130 Criminological Theories: Introduction and Evaluation

Perceived Discrepancy Between Aspirations and Expectations The gap between the cultural ends and social means proposed by

anomie theory at the structural level implies that individuals in anomic situations may perceive this discrepancy. At the social psychological level, then, anomie can be directly measured by the difference between an individual's aspirations and expectations. Aspirations refer to what one hopes to achieve in life, economically, educationally or occupation ally (e.g., how much schooling one would like to complete). Expecta tions refer to what one believes is realistically possible to achieve (e.g., how much education one would expect to get). Anomie theory would hypothesize that the greater the discrepancy between aspirations and expectations, the higher the probability of law violation.

This suggests that the low level of empirical support for ano mie/strain theory is not simply a matter of using poor measures of the concepts. This is underscored by research reported in Burton et al. (1994). They used the Farnworth-Lieber measure of the gap between economic aspirations and educational aspirations and included two other measures, perceived blocked opportunities and relative deprivation, in an adult white sample. They found that the gap measure was not related to self-reported crime. The other two measures were weakly related to

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criminal behavior. However, when variables from social bonding (mari tal status and family attachment), self-control (low impulse control), and social learning (definitions and differential association) theories were added the effects of anomie/strain variables disappear.

While Merton's anomie theory is broad in the sense that it can be applied to a fairly wide range of deviance, it is primarily designed as an explanation of one phenomenon, namely, concentration of crime in the lower class. Its scope is limited principally to ordinary property crime among the lower class or relatively disadvantaged. Later vari ations on the anomie theme, such as Cohen's and Cloward and Ohlin's theories narrow the scope of the theory even further by focusing only on lower-class, male, subcultural delinquency. Therefore, there seem to be limitations of theoretical scope and empirical verification in ano mie/strain theory. Recognition of these limitations has led to reformu lations of anomie theory to render it more general and empirically valid. I have mentioned examples of conceptual and empirical modifications in structural anomie theory. But the major revisions of anomie theory have been in social psychological strain theory.

Agnew's General Strain Theory of Crime and Delinquency The most notable of these is the revision by Robert Agnew (1985;

1992). His approach is primarily to broaden the concept of strain, be yond that produced by the discrepancy between aspirations and expec tations, to encompass several sources of stress or strain. According to Agnew's theory, crime and delinquency are an adaptation to stress, whatever the source of that stress. He identifies three major types of deviance-producing strain: the failure to achieve an individual's goals, the removal of positive or desired stimuli from the individual, and the confrontation of the individual with negative stimuli.

Failure to Achieve Positively Valued Goals Included within this are three subtypes. First is the traditional con

cept of strain as the disjuncture between aspirations and expectations. Agnew expands this slightly to include not only ideal or future goals but more immediate goals. He also includes failure based not only on blocked opportunities but also on individual inadequacies in abilities and skills. Second is the gap between expectations and actual achieve ments, which leads to anger, resentment, and disappointment. The third subtype results from a discrepancy between what one views as a fair or just outcome and the actual outcome. In this subtype, the positive consequences of an activity or relationship are not perceived as com parable to the amount of effort put into it and are viewed as unfair when compared to others' efforts.

Social Disorganization, Anomie, and Strain Theories 131

Agnew's General Strain Theory of Crime and Delinquency The most notable of these is the revision by Robert Agnew (1985;

Failure to Achieve Positively Valued Goals Included within this are three subtypes. First is the traditional con

cept of strain as the disjuncture between aspirations and expectations. Agnew expands this slightly to include not only ideal or future goals but more immediate goals. He also includes failure based not only on blocked opportunities but also on individual inadequacies in abilities and skills. Second is the gap between expectations and actual achieve ments, which leads to anger, resentment, and disappointment. The third subWe results from a discrepancy between what one views as a fair or just outcome and the actual outcome. In this subtype, the positive consequences of an activity or relationship are not perceived as com parable to the amount of effort put into it and are viewed as unfair when compared to others' efforts.

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Removal of Positively Valued Stimuli This source of strain refers primarily to the individual's experience

with the stressful life events that can befall adolescents, such as the loss of something or someone of great worth. The loss of a girlfriend or boyfriend, the death or illness of a friend or family member, suspen sion from school, or changing schools can all produce anomie feelings.

Confrontation With Negative Stimuli This type refers to another set of stressful life events that involve the

individual's confrontation with negative actions by others. An adoles cent may have been exposed to child abuse, victimization, adverse school experiences, and other "noxious stimuli." Since adolescents can not legally escape from family and school, legitimate ways to avoid stress from parents or teachers are blocked. This motivates the indi vidual to react in a deviant way.

Deviant actions may be taken to deal with stress by getting around it, seeking vengeance against the perceived source of the strain, or retreating into drug use. Deviance is most likely to occur when the response to strain is anger Anger results when the system or others, rather than oneself, are blamed for the adverse experiences (see also Bernard, 1990).

As in previous strain theories, Agnew's general strain theory views crime and delinquency as only one of several possible adaptations to strain. Whether a conforming or deviant mode is adopted depends on a number of internal and external constraints on the individual. These constraints, such as peer associations, beliefs, attributions of causes, and self-efficacy, affect the individual's predisposition to select a delin quent response to strain.

Agnew's theory represents a significant advancement beyond tradi tional strain theory. He has given more viability to strain theory, which should better facilitate its purpose to explain crime and delinquency than earlier strain theories. Its focus remains primarily on negative pressures toward deviance which, Agnew claims, clearly distinguishes it from social bonding and social learning theories. Moreover, since the various strains are experienced by individuals in any class or race, there is no need for strain theory to be tied only to class or race differences in delinquent behavior. Since strain is not confined only to the disjunc- tures between means and ends, a number of other measures beyond the discrepancy between aspirations and expectations can now be used. In specifying the types of strain (especially the second and third) and outlining factors that influence each adaptation, Agnew moves strain theory closer to social bonding and social learning theories, thereby incorporating a number of explanatory variables from those theories.

Agnew and White (1992) reported empirical support for general strain theory. They found that a summary measure of various sources

132 Criminological Theories: Introduction and Evaluation

Removal of Positively Valued Stimuli This source of strain refers primarily to the individual's experience

Confrontation With Negative Stimuli This type refers to another set of stressful life events that involve the

Deviant actions may be taken to deal with stress by getting around it, seeking vengeance against the perceived source of the strain, or retreating into drug use. Deviance is most likely to occur when the response to strain is anger. Anger results when the system or others, rather than oneself, are blamed for the adverse experiences (see also Bernard, 1990).

Agnew's theory represents a significant advancement beyond tradi tional strain theory. He has given more viability to strain theory, which should better facilitate its purpose to explain crime and delinquency than earlier strain theories. Its focus remains primarily on negative pressures toward deviance which, Agnew claims, clearly distinguishes it from social bonding and social learning theories. Moreover, since the various strains are experienced by individuals in any class or race, there is no need for strain theory to be tied only to class or race differences in delinquent behavior. Since strain is not confined only to the disjunc tures between means and ends, a number of other measures beyond the discrepancy between aspirations and expectations can now be used. In specifying the types of strain (especially the second and third) and outlining factors that influence each adaptation, Agnew moves strain theory closer to social bonding and social learning theories, thereby incorporating a number of explanatory variables from those theories.

Agnew and White (1992) reported empirical support for general strain theory. They found that a summary measure of various sources

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133 Social Disorganization, Anomie, and Strain Theories

of strain are positively related to delinquency and drug use. The effects of strain are conditioned by, but not wholly dependent on, variables taken from social learning and social control theories. However, they also found in their study that the variable with the strongest effect on delinquency and drug use is the delinquency of peers. Brezina (1996) tested the hypothesis from general strain theory that delinquency is an adaptive response that reduces the "negative affect" (anger, resentment, fear, and despair) generated by stress in the family and school. The hypothesis was supported with cross-sectional data but not with lon gitudinal data. General strain theory should fare better empirically than the more limited strain theories of the past, but additional research is needed before adequate assessment of its empirical validity can be made.

Summary

Anomie/strain and social disorganization theories hypothesize that social order, stability, and integration are conducive to conformity, while disorder and malintegration are conducive to crime and deviance. Anomie is the form that societal malintegration takes when there is a dissociation between valued cultural ends and legitimate societal means to those ends.

The more disorganized or anomie the group, community, or society, the higher the rate of crime and deviance. Merton proposed that anomie characterizes American society in general and is especially high in the lower classes because they are more blocked off from legitimate oppor tunities. High levels of anomie and social disorganization in lower-class and disadvantaged ethnic groups, therefore, are hypothesized to be the cause of the high rates of crime and delinquency in these groups. At the individual level, the strain produced by discrepancies between the educational and occupational goals toward which one aspires and the achievements actually expected are hypothesized to increase the chances that one will engage in criminal or delinquent behavior. Re search provides some support for these hypotheses in regards to class and race, but the relationships are usually not strong. Other structural variables are more strongly related to crime rates. Self-perceived aspi rations/expectations discrepancy seems to be only weakly related to delinquency.

Cohen, and Cloward and Ohlin, modified Merton's theory to apply anomie to lower-class delinquent gangs. Miller theorized that the de linquency of street corner groups expresses the focal concerns of lower- class culture. Research shows clearly that gang delinquency continues to be concentrated in the lower-class and minority neighborhoods of large cities. But research has not verified that urban gangs fit very well

Social Disorganization, Anomie, and Strain Theories 133

Summary

The more disorganized or anomic the group, community, or society, the higher the rate of crime and deviance. Merton proposed that anomie characterizes American society in general and is especially high in the lower classes because they are more blocked off from legitimate oppor tunities. High levels of anomie and social disorganization in lower-class and disadvantaged ethnic groups, therefore, are hypothesized to be the cause of the high rates of crime and delinquency in these groups. At the individual level, the strain produced by discrepancies between the educational and occupational goals toward which one aspires and the achievements actually expected are hypothesized to increase the chances that one will engage in criminal or delinquent behavior. Re search provides some support for these hypotheses in regards to class and race, but the relationships are usually not strong. Other structural variables are more strongly related to crime rates. Self-perceived aspi rations/expectations discrepancy seems to be only weakly related to delinquency.

Cohen, and Cloward and Ohlin, modified Merton's theory to apply anomie to lower-class delinquent gangs. Miller theorized that the de linquency of street comer groups expresses the focal concerns oflower class culture. Research shows clearly that gang delinquency continues to be concentrated in the lower-class and minority neighborhoods of large cities. But research has not verified that urban gangs fit very well

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134 Criminological Theories: Introduction and Evaluation

into the theoretical specifications of Cohen, Cloward and Ohlin, and other subcultural versions of anomie theory.

Messner and Rosenfeld suggest that the crime effect of economic inequality is dependent upon the strength of non-economic institutions. Agnew has proposed a modification of anomie/strain theory, primarily by broadening the concept of strain to encompass several sources of strain, failure to achieve goals, removal of positive or desired stimuli from the individual, and exposure to negative stimuli. Research offers some support for this modified strain theory, but there has not been enough done as yet to assess its empirical validity.

134 Criminological Theories: Introduction and Evaluation

into the theoretical specifications of Cohen, Cloward and Ohlin, and other subcultural versions of anomie theory.

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Notes

1. See the studies in Lander (1954), Shaw and McKay (1969), Voss and Petersen (1971), Wilson (1987), and Simcha-Fagan and Schwartz (1986). For recent reviews of theoretical issues and research on social disorganization that address and offer solutions to some of the prob lems inherent in the earlier theory, see Bursik (1988), Sampson and Groves (1989), and Warner and Pierce (1993). See also the introductory reviews of social disorganization theory and research in Void and Ber nard (1986), Shoemaker (1990), Holman and Quinn (1992), and Curran and Renzetti (1994).

2. Others have used the concept of subculture as a specific explanation of violence. Wolfgang and Ferracuti (1982) relate the violence of lower- class, young, and disproportionately black males to a subculture of violence. Others have attempted to explain the high rates of homicide in the southern region of the United States by referring to a regional subculture of violence. Research casts doubt on the subculture of vio lence thesis of both the regional and class type (Erlanger, 1974; 1976).

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Notes

1. See the studies in Lander (1954), Shaw and McKay (1969), Voss and Petersen (1971), Wilson (1987), and Simcha-Fagan and Schwartz (1986). For recent reviews of theoretical issues and research on social disorganization that address and offer solutions to some of the prob lems inherent in the earlier theory, see Bursik (1988), Sampson and Groves (1989), and Warner and Pierce (1993). See also the introductory reviews of social disorganization theory and research in VoId and Ber nard (1986), Shoemaker (1990), Holman and Quinn (1992), and Curran and Renzetti (1994).

2. Others have used the concept of subculture as a specific explanation of violence. Wolfgang and Ferracuti (1982) relate the violence of lower class, young, and disproportionately black males to a subculture of violence. Others have attempted to explain the high rates of homicide in the southern region of the United States by referring to a regional subculture of violence. Research casts doubt on the subculture of vio lence thesis of both the regional and class type (Erlanger, 1974; 1976).

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