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Control and Power in Online Consumer Tribes: The Role of Confessions

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DOI: 10.1108/S0885-2111(2013)0000015021

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CONTROL AND POWER IN ONLINE

CONSUMER TRIBES: THE ROLE OF

CONFESSIONS

Anna Fyrberg-Yngfalk, Bernard Cova,

Stefano Pace and Per Skålén

ABSTRACT

Purpose � Confessions are said to be important for members’ tribal experiences and they are usually ascribed religious meanings in existing research on consumer tribes. This suggests that confessions have a regulative role for tribal life. By employing the Foucauldian notion of pastoral power, the present study explores confession practices and examines how control is manifested.

Methodology � The study is based on a netnographic study and analysis of tribal members’ confessions across three online consumer tribes devoted to opera (Loggionisti, who are opera aficionados of the La Scala theatre in Milan, Italy), sports (football and hockey fans of Djurgården, Sweden), and cars (Alfa Romeo owners).

Findings � We demonstrate how confessions align consumers with the common tribe ethos and how this constitutes members into various subject positions, which are fundamental social processes for reinforcing

Consumer Culture Theory

Research in Consumer Behavior, Volume 15, 325�350 Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited

All rights of reproduction in any form reserved

ISSN: 0885-2111/doi:10.1108/S0885-2111(2013)0000015021

325

the tribe. More specifically, it demonstrates four types of subject positions: the ‘pastor’, ‘regular sheep’, ‘good sheep’ and ‘black sheep’, and how these subject positions regulate the actions of tribe members.

Research implications � The present study theorizes how control is manifested and facilitated in consumer tribes. The study also explicates the confession and its role as a religious regulating practice fundamental for the life of a consumer tribe.

Practical implications � Community managers can recognize the differ- ent subject positions that emerge within a community and help facilitate the interactions among community members.

Originality/value of chapter � Previous studies are silent about how confessions reproduce control in consumer tribes. The present study high- lights confession practices and the constitution of subject positions, which regulate as well as reinforce consumer tribes.

Keywords: Consumer tribe; confession; control; pastoral power; subject position

INTRODUCTION

Consumption increasingly takes place within the context of marketplace subcultures (Arnould & Thompson, 2005) that are generally depicted as consumer tribes (Cova, Kozinets, & Shankar, 2007; Goulding, Shankar, & Canniford, 2013) or brand communities (Arvidsson, 2005; Muñiz & O’Guinn, 2001). Previous research portrays these groupings as similar to religious congregations, arguing that common values and norms shape the actions of their members (Belk & Costa, 1998; Schouten & McAlexander, 1995). Moreover, members are said to borrow heavily from religious termi- nology to depict their tribal experiences (Goulding et al., 2013; Muñiz & Schau, 2005). However, we argue that previous research has not yet fully clarified how religious inspired practices align consumers with the common ethos of consumer tribes and shape actions of their members. Specifically, we argue that there is a paucity of knowledge regarding how the tribal ethos of online tribes controls their members.

In this chapter we study control in consumer tribes by focusing on the confessions being performed by tribal members. Previous studies suggest

326 ANNA FYRBERG-YNGFALK ET AL.

that confession is an essential practice in consumer tribes and that members make confessions in relation to the common and shared ethos of the com- munity (Brown, Kozinets, & Sherry, 2003; Kristensen, Boye, & Askegaard, 2011; Luedicke, Thompson, & Giesler, 2010; Moisio & Beruchashvili, 2010; Muñiz & Schau, 2005). However, existing literature does not explicitly ana- lyse how confessions control members. In order to understand how tribal members are being controlled by the community ethos through confessions, we draw on Foucault’s notion of pastoral power (Foucault, 1977, 1981) to which the confession is the key practice. Foucault argues that members of communities or tribes through confessions enact subject positions shaped by the ethos of the community or tribe, which frame their worldview as well as control their actions. We present a netnographic analysis (Kozinets, 2010) of three different online consumer tribes that shed light on how confession mediates control of tribal members.

This study demonstrates how power and control are manifested in con- sumer tribes through confessional practices and configuration of subject position. Specifically the chapter reports four subject positions � ‘the pas- tor’; ‘the regular sheep’; ‘the good sheep’ and ‘the black sheep’ � and three types of confessional practices � ‘interpretation’, ‘feedback’ and ‘response’. The subject positions demonstrate how tribal members are controlled through communal ethos and how this is facilitated by confession practices. The study also explicates the religious nature of consumer tribes by high- lighting the confession as a key practice for tribal life.

Consumer Tribes, Brand Communities and Confessions

The understanding of tribes within consumer culture takes its inspiration from the work of the French sociologist Michel Maffesoli (O’Reilly, 2012). In his landmark book, The Time of the Tribes (Maffesoli, 1996), he rein- forced the argument that the fundamental building blocks of human life are found in the multiple social groups that we all belong to, knowingly or not, throughout the course of our everyday lives. These societal micro- groups, or tribes as Maffesoli calls them, are central to our everyday experi- ence and to who we are and forms our identity. Within tribes, we develop and maintain strong emotional bonds, and share experiences and common passions. When a tribe forms around one specific activity or person it is a form of consumer tribe (Cova, 1997). In the particular case of a consumer tribe that forms around one specific brand it is a brand community (Muñiz & O’Guinn, 2001). Thus, brand communities appear to be less

327Control and Power in Online Consumer Tribes

fragmented and transient than other consumer tribes that do not locate their socialization around singular brands (Goulding et al., 2013).

Extant research has drawn explicit and implicit parallels between consu- mer tribes and religious congregations (Belk & Costa, 1998; Cova & Cova, 2002; Kozinets, 2001; Kozinets & Handelman, 2004; Muñiz & Schau, 2005; Schouten, McAlexander, & Koenig, 2007). For instance, Schouten and McAlexander (1995, p. 50), in their study of the Harley�Davidson tribal subculture, argue that the ‘world of the HDSC [Harley�Davidson-oriented subculture of consumption] is a sacred domain’ and that ‘the values that make up the biker ethos touch on virtually all aspects of members’ lives, including the social, the political and the spiritual. On a similar note, Muñiz and Schau (2005, p. 746) argue that the brand community they stu- died ‘have been demonstrated to be capable of producing transformative experiences in their consumers and all have traces of magic, religion, or the supernatural’.

Since the link between religious congregations and consumer tribes has been emphasized in the literature, it is not surprising that tribal studies in consumer research report confessions (Brown et al., 2003; Kozinets & Handelman, 2004; Kozinets, 2001; Kristensen et al., 2011; Luedicke et al., 2010; Muñiz & Schau, 2005; Pongsakornrungsilp & Schroeder, 2011; Schouten & McAlexander, 1995). Studies suggest that tribal members con- fess their action in relation to the ethos of the consumer tribe. For instance, Luedicke et al. (2010, p. 1021) report the following confession from a Hummer owner and brand community member which is a response to a critique of Hummer ownership:

I paid my dues. I was in the Army for 6 years and nobody handed me a damn thing.

My parents were poor and I grew up and went to school in the ghetto and I was intelli-

gent enough to get myself out of it. I pursued an education after the Army, became an

LA County Sheriff in the interim, got my degree and started a successful contracting

business. I don’t have shit to prove to anybody. I bought my H2 because I wanted the

damned thing … . Grow up and join us Americans that believe in our freedom, love

our country. (RudeDogg, DodgeTruckWorld, 2005)

As demonstrated, the confession is made in relation to the ethos of the Hummer tribe, which is informed by broader and traditional American values.

Confessions may also make explicit that the confessor is out of touch with the ethos of the community. Cova and Carrère (2002) report of an exchange of posts between ‘citroenists’ on a forum (Citrolist) dedicated to the French carmaker Citroën. The first citroenist in the example expresses his extreme devotion to the brand and the cars produced by the company

328 ANNA FYRBERG-YNGFALK ET AL.

while also confessing he is ‘today driving a Peugeot’. The instantaneous answer of another member of the forum is the following: ‘Member 2: You write that ‘more citroenist than me you die’ and you confess to drive a 205 Peugeot! There is something wrong here! Would you be a believer but not a practising citroenist?’ (Cova & Carrère, 2002, p. 125). Thus, confessions are frequently described in previous consumer tribe and brand community research and it is suggested to have a regulative role. Despite this, confes- sions and their implications for power and control in consumer tribes have not been thoroughly explicated. This is what we intend to do in the present chapter by drawing on Foucault’s notion of pastoral power to which the confession is the key practice.

Pastoral Power, Confessions and Control in Consumer Tribes

Foucault (1977, 1981) articulates an alternative to the traditional under- standing of power as vested with some people or institutions that can exert coercion and negative force over others. Foucault’s (1977, 1981) understanding of power is based on his view of discourse as performative, meaning that it is not merely to describe the world but also to shape it. Based on this stance, he argues that the most important forms of power in modernity are discursive � discourses have power effect by shaping how people perceive the world and then act based on these perceptions. He further argues that the discourses in which power are embedded are forms of knowledge � i.e. medicine, psychiatry, criminology, etc. � and therefore he talks about power/knowledge to emphasize their interrelatedness. Foucault (1977, 1981) suggests that there is a strong relationship between discourse and subjectivity. Central to his argument is that regimes of power/ knowledge provide subject positions to actors controlling their ways of being and acting in the social world. The notion of subject positions should not be conflated with the notion of identity, which has been a major research theme in consumer culture theory and market subculture studies (for instance see Arnould & Thompson, 2005; Fournier & Lee, 2009). In these studies identity is perceived as based on stable constellations of beliefs, values, motives, and experience, which have been internalized into people during the process of socialization and which forms the basis of the roles individuals may step into. Subject positions are not based on internalized beliefs, values, motives, and experience residing in the individual. Subject positions are embedded in discourses such as a tribal ethos and are much less stable than identities, thus people may change between subject positions

329Control and Power in Online Consumer Tribes

according to the discourse that frames a context. How people are being configured into subject positions is also analysed in recent consumer studies. For example, Peñaloza and Barnhart (2011) explore how credit/debt discourses configure American middle-class consuming subject positions. We focus on how tribal members, when they have taken up a specific subject position prescribed by the tribal discourse/ethos, see the world from the vantage point of that position and how they are being controlled by it.

In his work, Foucault (1981) differentiates between two types of power/ knowledge stipulating how people enact subject positions: pastoral power, which is the focus of this chapter, and disciplinary power. The word ‘pastoral’ and its key practice − the confession − is usually associated with Christianity. However, according to Foucault (1977, 1981), confessions frequently occur in non-ecclesiastical communities, such as in consumer tribes as shown above. This diffusion of the confession to non-ecclesiastical domains is supported by previous research. Moisio and Beruchashvili (2010) show that the confession is a key therapeutic practice in the weight watcher support groups. In addition, Skålén (2009a, 2009b) suggests that the confession is an essential regulative practice for frontline employees to become more customer oriented.

Following Foucault’s (1977, 1981) understanding of the confession, we argue that central to the confession is the subject avowing what he or she believes in, and the actions he or she has conducted, which usually demon- strate devotion to certain social values. That is, avowals and confessions are made in relation to a value system, such as the Ten Commandments or a common tribal ethos. If the avowing individual deviates from the ethos, the peers (i.e. pastors or senior tribe members) who attend the confession will give advice regarding what changes he or she has to do in order to be more in line with the value system of the group and to take on the subject positions it offers. Hence, by focusing on pastoral power, we theorize how confessions promote subject positions and manifest control in consumer tribes.

Previous works (e.g. Cova & Cova, 2012; Shankar, Cherrier, & Canniford, 2006; Thompson, 2004) also stress the importance of studying power, arguing that the market constitutes consumers and their consump- tion practices. One stream within this area of research has employed a Foucauldian framework closely associated with pastoral power, namely that of governmentality. This area of research studies how consumers’ inter- actions are controlled in online community environments (Arvidsson, 2006; Bonsu & Darmody, 2008; Zwick & Dholakia, 2004; Zwick, Bonsu, & Darmody, 2008). By adopting a critical perspective, it is argued the ethos of

330 ANNA FYRBERG-YNGFALK ET AL.

communities does not foster emancipation and freedom, but works as gov- ernmental rationalities − i.e. governmentalities − that control members. The research has revolved around a critique of the claim that co-creational tech- niques empower consumers and grants them more freedom in their consumption practices. The argument is that the empowerment of consu- mers is set up in such a way that the firm may harness the creative, social and entrepreneurial output drawn from the action of the ‘free’ consumers. This control through empowerment is enforced through firms designing technologies (i.e. community platforms and relationship marketing tools) and discourses (i.e. codes of conduct and norms), fostering actions benefi- cial to the firm (i.e. word-of-mouth marketing and ideas for innovation). However, consumers themselves are usually not aware that they contribute with value to the company.

According to existing control and power studies, it is crucial to recognize how consumers are being controlled, and to identify what types of market practices reproduce control. Consumer tribe literature, in contrast to power studies that focuses on company�consumer interaction, examines relations and interactions between consumers and emphasizes consumers’ social links and mutual practices (e.g. Goulding et al., 2013). This implies another stronger form of control and self-regulation: consumers belonging to a ‘strong’ tribe are more influenced by the internal group and how to develop social bonds within the group rather than being controlled by outside forces (Cova & Cova, 2002; Cova & White, 2010). However, this mutual form of control is an under-theorized domain of consumer actions, thus members’ performances of religious practices and the implications for con- trol have been scarcely studied.

METHOD

This study focuses on members’ online activities and practices within and across tribes, and we have collected data according to a netnographic method (Kozinets, 2002, 2010) from three different tribes. Kozinets (2010, p. 25) defines netnography as ‘a specialized form of ethnography adapted to the unique computer-mediated contingencies of today’s social world’. Thus, netnography is a well-suited method to study online activity. The netno- graphic approach uncovers consumer impressions, linguistic conventions and symbols, which are derived from spontaneously occurring, communal, cross-consumer interaction that could not be found in focus groups or

331Control and Power in Online Consumer Tribes

consumer interviews (Kozinets, 2002). In addition, we view confessions as discursive practices, thus our main source of data is text and comments posted by members that we have interpreted and analysed according to a discourse analysis (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997).

The online communities that we have explored refer to consumers’ con- sumption and shared passion for opera, sports and cars: (1) La Voce del Loggione (The Voice of the Loggione; see http://lavocedelloggione.word- press.com), a tribe of so-called Loggionisti, who are fans of the La Scala opera house in Milan, (2) the Iron Stoves (Järnkaminerna in Swedish; see Jarnkaminerna.se), a fan group associated with Djurgården, a football and hockey club in Sweden, (3) Alfaowner.com, which is one of the largest online communities devoted to the car brand Alfa Romeo. The reason for exploring different consumer tribes is that we want to find common confes- sion practices within and across different contexts and tribes. This follows the study made by Schau, Muñiz, and Arnould (2009) who argue for the importance of moving away from studying single communities. Thus, by comparing different tribes a broader spectrum of market activity and con- sumption is captured, and by this a greater social and cultural diversity (see Schau et al., 2009). The three tribes have wide sociocultural differences, ranging from fine Italian opera connoisseurs to worldwide Alfa Romeo fans sharing the passion for aesthetics and design to people being dedicated to a Swedish sports organization. Regardless of the kind of tribe, the mem- bers are passionate and are active online with strong engagement within their tribe, which is a crucial criterion for site choice (Kozinets, 2010). Thus, together these three tribes provide us with rich data and variations for analysing and comparing confessions within and across tribes. The tribes belong to our ongoing research of online consumer interactions where we have made long-term observations of their tribal activity. As such, we have an accumulated knowledge of these three tribes, which has

Table 1. Overview of the Tribes Studied.

Tribe Studied

Since

Interest Members Thread/Conversation Downloaded and

Analysed

Loggionisti 2010 Opera 1.500 ‘What is a true Loggionista?’ (5.546 words)

Iron Stoves (IS) 2010 Sports 2.500 ‘Always no matter what?’ (7.975 words)

Alfaowner.com 2008 Car 118.000 ‘Yet another mid-life crisis’, ‘Hi. Am I

mad?!’, ‘What happened to Alfa

drivers acknowledging one another?’

(4.612 words)

332 ANNA FYRBERG-YNGFALK ET AL.

been valuable when analysing and comparing confession practices across the different datasets (Table 1).

DATA ANALYSIS

We have focused on confessions as a social activity and discursive practice, as such; fundamental for this study is to analyse the text posted and produced by members online and how other members within the tribes ‘consume’ the posted text, react to the text and how this controls their actions, such as making self-reflection to explicate the tribal values. Thus, written texts are ‘discursive representations’ that demonstrate the mem- bers’ views of how the social world is constituted (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997). Based on our understanding of pastoral power (Foucault, 1977, 1981) we have analysed the social consequences of members’ activities, such as the enactment of subject positions, which are dependent on and represented by the discursive demonstrations (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997), i.e. members’ posted text. Specifically, we have focused on analys- ing how the confessions informed the confessing individuals and other members’ practices and actions.

The data analysis focused on identifying (1) the ethos of each tribe informing confessions, (2) the confessions made by members and (3) the implications the confessions had for the enactment of subject positions and action control. Our data analysis was ongoing and iterative in a process consistent with emergent design and the constant comparative method (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). In following this design, our emphasis was on creating a reflexive process during which we probed the learning from prior interviews, analyses and theoretical exposure into subsequent data collec- tion, analyses and theorizing. In our analysis, we started by identifying open codes and followed these with axial coding that helped us to identify confessions within and across the tribes and ‘uncover’ the ethos of each tribe. We also carried out selective coding in order to integrate our themes with the pastoral power framework, especially with respect to the subject positions members enacted through confessing and the control fostered by confessions. We identified four subject positions: ‘the pastor’, ‘the regular sheep’, ‘the good sheep’ and ‘the black sheep’. In addition, we identified three control practices: ‘interpretation’, ‘feedback’ and ‘response/outcome’. Based on our findings we present a model regarding control in consumer tribes, discuss the implications of our study in relation to previous research

333Control and Power in Online Consumer Tribes

on power and control within the context of tribes and how confessions pro- duce and reproduce consumer tribes.

The Tribe Ethos

Loggionisti: High-End Opera Connoisseurs La Scala is the world-renowned opera house in Milan, Italy, which opened in 1778. Its most devoted spectators soon came to be known as ‘Loggionisti’. This word derives from the term loggione, which refers to the upper galleries of the opera house that music lovers prefer over balcony seats. Loggionisti are the most knowledgeable, influential, and zealous opera aficionados. At La Scala, the Loggionisti can determine the success or failure of a performance, humiliate famous singers and reduce nervous debutantes to stuttering wrecks. One of their most famous online forums is La Voce del Loggione. The ethos of the tribe is that the members believe they have a certain expertise and, because of this, they view themselves as having the authority to most accurately judge the quality of music perfor- mances. By using a certain language, referring to the appropriate ‘taste’ of opera music, members demonstrate and constantly consume this expertise within the tribe.

Iron Stoves: A United Family The sports organization Djurgården, a football and hockey club, is one of the leading sports organizations in Sweden and is officially supported by the fan tribe Iron Stoves (IS). The tribe was founded in 1998 when a group of dedicated fans decided to organize the various networks of supporters in Djurgården. The online tribe jarnkaminerna.se is the official fan club forum and the management of the fan club governs the site independently of the management of Djurgården. Among members, the IS tribe is called ‘the family’ and both players and members are seen as family members, which perpetuates the idea of unity being fundamental to the tribe. Members are critically engaged and actively involved in creating the collec- tive experience of a family and the family ethos implies that members should dutifully follow communal decisions, without questioning them.

Alfaowner.com: Proud to be Different Alfa Romeo is an Italian carmaker whose most loyal fan is referred to as Alfista (plural: Alfisti). One of the largest online tribes for the Alfisti is Alfaowner.com. Alfaowner.com is a forum for passionate European Alfa

334 ANNA FYRBERG-YNGFALK ET AL.

Romeo car owners, which is governed by its members and is independent of the Alfa Romeo car company. Passion and design are central to the shared ethos of the Alfisti tribe and it involves aesthetic, emotional values and love for the brand, rather than rational or functional values. By this, many Alfisti see themselves as abnormal and different from ‘ordinary’ car lovers.

FINDINGS

The taste for opera, the tribe as the family, or a shared passion for aesthetics; these communal values frame the tribe and its members. In this section we will demonstrate in what ways the tribe ethos is manifested, i.e. how it comes to expression by members’ confession practices.

Loggionisti Tribal Confessions

The following excerpts from the forum La Voce del Loggione are from a thread dedicated to the question ‘What is a true Loggionista?’ The thread began as a discussion about the behaviour of people who sit in the loggione and boo the artists (as had occurred the previous night at the opera). The people who boo from the loggione without sharing the ethos of the Loggionisti are acting as ‘scapegoats’ for the members of the online tribe: they have created another online tribe (Corriere della Grisi), which dis- agrees with the values of the Loggionisti tribe. They have even nicknamed La Voce del Loggione, la Voce del Coglione � The Voice of the Asshole. The following quote illustrates how the Loggionisti framed these people as no true Loggionisti:

Yesterday evening, the legendary pair of professional whistlers from Emilia [an Italian

region] reappeared with their group of friends. For 15 years, they have deliberately

come to La Scala to appropriately or inappropriately boo [performers] while sitting in

gallery seats. In other words, THEY ARE NOT LOGGIONISTI. (…) Frankly the

mayhem during the opera yesterday was disproportionate to the vocal défaillances that

there may have been, and such mayhem cannot be part of the Loggione style. (Pimen)

This comment triggered a discussion about what it implies to be a Loggionista:

But what does ‘Loggionista’ mean? I do not know if I am a Loggionista; I just know

that I come to La Scala and have listened to music since I was 4 years old … (Elena)

335Control and Power in Online Consumer Tribes

A person named Gabriele thereafter made a statement that led the others to recognize him as a ‘true’ Loggionista, or even a historical and prototypical Loggionista; he is a ‘pastor’ who could lead and guide other Loggionisti. His statement combined references to rules and identity to represent the values that a true Loggionista must embrace to claim mem- bership in this tribe:

I am moved by the recognition that Elena has granted me: ‘Historical Loggionista’ is

almost equal to ‘Great Kaymakan’, and so I am very proud. I am obliged to explain

what I mean by true ‘Loggionista’, seeing that someone has been denied that status and

that others, like Elena, do not have a precise idea of this concept. To me, a Loggionista

must have a real passion for music, but without prejudice. He should approve or disap-

prove of the substance of a performance and do so civilly afterwards rather than during

the performance, except in cases of catastrophic wrong notes by overpaid superstars

(see Pavarotti in Don Carlo ‘92). Even some applause and cries of Bravo can create a

disturbance during the performance, let alone whistles and boos. The real Loggionista

should not be a masochist who likes to catch a cold (and arthritis) in the queue when

he can sit in the comfortable numbered seats in the GALLERY (yes, I think this is a

requirement!). However, if he does not get tickets, he must also try to stay in the queue

so he does not miss an opera or a must-see concert. He might even see them again to

deepen his evaluation of the staging or the orchestra or to compare the different choirs.

So anonymous commenter No. 2 is correct in denying the title of Loggionisti to people

who come to La Scala with the idea that one can whistle at any premieres at La Scala.

That said, dissent is a sacred right of the Loggionista, and it does not matter if there

is some chatting in this forum; passion is what counts. If in Italy there are fifty-five

million coaches for the national football team, at La Scala there should be at least fifty

conductors and directors each evening! (Gabriele)

After ‘pastor’ Gabriele explained the true values of a Loggionista, his words sparked a flood of confessions among the other members, the ‘regu- lar sheep’ of the congregation. These individuals confessed their deviations from these values while proclaiming that they were (almost) true Loggionisti:

I am not totally a Loggionista. I have some tickets for the dress rehearsal that can be

used for any seat: orchestra seats, gallery seats, [seats] near the stage … . I am (almost)

a Loggionista because I’m only 1/3 Loggionista. (Giuliano)

The result of this admission is that other members interpreted these confessions, and they too provided feedback and added to the debate by commenting on the behaviour of other members:

Maybe I am not exactly a ‘Loggionista’, but I have been a season ticketholder for more

than thirty years, and I hope for kind hospitality [in this forum] …. Is Giuliano a 1/3

Loggionista, an occasional Loggionista, a full-fledged Loggionista or not at all? I know

a ‘historic’ Loggionista � he is also quite messy � who is a frequent visitor on this blog

336 ANNA FYRBERG-YNGFALK ET AL.

(he is currently away on business) but who is a subscriber in the orchestra stalls: what

do we do? Erasing him [from the list of ideal Loggionisti] would be an immeasurable

loss. (Elena)

On this thread, everyone confessed some degree of deviation from the norms associated with ‘being a Loggionista’ as stipulated by ‘historical Loggionista’ and ‘Pastor’ Gabriele. They also gave and received feedback and waited for the absolution that only Gabriele could deliver.

Okay, a ‘historic Loggionista’ can be forgiven for some péché de vieillesse [sin of

ageing]! On second thought, maybe real Loggionismo is in the DNA. (Gabriele)

Iron Stoves Tribal Confessions

Members of the IS tribe frequently confess how important it is for them to belong to the IS family:

For my whole life, I’ve grown up with a simple code: the family is one of the few things

that will last for life, family stays together, always � no matter what!! (Franz)

This avowal suggests that ‘the family’ is consistent and will last for a life- time. Furthermore, the statement about family as something that ‘stays together’ indicates a strong sense of collectivism. Being a family member, you are obliged to devote your love to the tribe and you need to know how the family ‘works’. It is not appreciated when novice members are trying to gain information about how the family works by asking too many ques- tions or making statements that are not consistent with the family values. Thus, particularly new members are supposed to behave in certain ways, which is illustrated in the following quote:

If you are so interested in the family, go to the matches and find out the answers your-

self […]. It is not something you can sit home in front of the computer and learn. (Sam)

The novice member, Lucas, apologizes for his behaviour, he realizes that he needs to adjust to the family norms, and therefore he is now stressing that he will change his way of acting:

But ok! I’m going to calm down now. I know that I perhaps have written things that I

have thought through and sometimes not even meant. I apologize to those I have upset

[…]. Keep up the good work!!!! (Lucas)

The members are keen to uphold the family as a unit and ‘family values’ are fundamental for the tribal ethos. Furthermore, expressions of solidarity among members, who say that they accept decisions by the ‘family head’,

337Control and Power in Online Consumer Tribes

the IS board, constitute another important mechanism in this family- oriented collectivism. During the spring of 2012, the IS board (the ‘pastors’ of the tribe) urged all members to boycott the upcoming hockey derby in a display of solidarity against the police’s recent overuse of violence. We have studied this particular thread ‘always � no matter what’ and we could see that the majority of the family members accepted this call. Thus, the family members can be seen as followers, or the ‘regular sheep’, following the directions from the ‘pastors’ in their everyday actions, as exemplified in the following quote:

I am not very pleased that we are going to boycott, but as a member of IS it is my duty

to follow their [the IS board’s] directives. Therefore, I will boycott [the derby] and think

that all other members should do the same. (Tinker)

The importance of unity in ‘the family’, which furthermore builds on the idea of leaders and followers, is even more evident when one member con- fessed that he is against the boycott.

There are many who have long called for a collective boycott but with unclear motives.

I have always pointed out the absurdity of their reasons and questioned the benefit of

such a boycott. (Howard)

Not surprisingly, a number of other members, which can be seen as the flock of ‘regular sheep’, argued against Howard’s point and, in doing so, confessed attachment to the family ethos by distancing themselves from him and by showing that she or he intended to act in line with the position of the IS. For example, one supporter expressed the following viewpoint:

Some might not agree with the boycott, but it is a decision YOU have to accept […]. I

agree with them [the message board] and stand behind their decisions. (Franz)

This conversation continued, and approximately 10 members argued against Howard. However, Howard continued to question the ethical foun- dations of the tribe. For instance, he stressed that references to ‘the family’ are excessive:

This talk of a family … I respect your opinion, but you and I have nothing in common.

We just happen to support the same team. This collectivism that the IS board imposes

on everyone who supports the team disgusts me.

Howard is seen as a threat to the family, and he can therefore be seen as the ‘black sheep’ of the tribe. For instance, he proactively argued that members who follow the board’s directions are not true supporters, but quasi-supporters, and was of the opinion that they should not act in accor- dance with the board. He argued that real fans always support their team

338 ANNA FYRBERG-YNGFALK ET AL.

and do not take part in boycotts. Howard’s position caused the other mem- bers to reject him, and another supporter stated the following:

I vomit at the thought of you as part of my great family. That you call people who

spend hundreds, maybe thousands, of hours in a season quasi-supporters is just sick.

Please disappear. (Uno)

Many members agreed that Howard is not a worthy member of the tribe and that he should be condemned. Despite the strong reactions from the others, Howard did not change his way of behaving and eventually the moderator expelled him from the tribe for rejecting the communal ethos. This condemnation of Howard sparked a discussion of what it means to be a true member of the family and what actions this implied. The following excerpts demonstrate that IS have to sacrifice other things in life to prove true membership. For instance, Fred pointed out that ‘sacrifice is what con- stitutes a supporter’. He continued with the following confession:

I have the shield [the tribe logo] tattooed on my chest, I asked my girlfriend to take

care of our daughter when I got home so that I could write this. I almost gave up my

job and worked 20 hours last week as a volunteer for the group. (Fred)

Moreover, attending many matches over the years helps members to cre- ate an attachment to the family and position themselves within it. When supporters start to post on the forum, they tend to describe the time they have sacrificed for the tribe and show their knowledge of the family history. This sacrifice is also used to justify the rejection of members who threaten the family ethos:

Howard, I have attended matches since the 1989 season. At that time, I went with my

father, then with my uncle and cousins, and today I go with my friends […]. During my

years of standing at the arena, I have experienced a lot […]. How can you behave this

way? You call the other members quasi-supporters just because they have a different

opinion than you. You are putting yourself on a pedestal, and you disrespect your

brothers and sisters […]. Until you have apologized to me and to everyone in the

family, I hope I never have to see you here or in the stands. (Fred)

Alfaowner.com Tribal Confessions

Quite often, the confessions from the members of Alfaowner.com are emo- tionally charged and describe Alfa Romeo ownership as a sudden revela- tion that is described in terms of the experience of suddenly falling in love, an unreasonable decision or weakness dictated by passion. Sometimes, an Alfista has conflicted emotions due to technical problems with his or her

339Control and Power in Online Consumer Tribes

vehicle but is eventually converted. These emotional conversions are seen not as failures but as demonstrating an Alfista’s passion. The following posts are two examples:

I kind of bought my Spider on a whim. I got up one Sunday morning and thought, I

want an Alfa and I want open air. Two weeks later I got mine and it really is the best

car I have ever had all things considered. (Alfista A)

Hallo all. Today I picked up a 1996 Spider that I won on eBay somewhat unexpectedly.

I live just outside London, the car was in mid Cornwall. Didn’t exactly pay a lot for it

though, so I was up for a gamble. Just driven home. Major issues … I had to reset the

clock (so that’s not a black LED in the dash next to it!!!) and then it took me forever,

with a torch in the end, to work out where the boot release switch was. Nice! Other

than that, fantastic. I’ve had a succession of Porsche 924 turbo/924S/944 over the past

ten years or so and fancied a change. I wasn’t expecting handling like this. My last Alfa

was a brand new Sud Cloverleaf (yes, I’m ancient) and that taught me all about residual

values, and rust. Never thought I’d be tempted again ;-) Love the Spider. Yes I know

it’s going to play up and all the electrics will melt and the rest, but heck, it has spirit. I

shall be making some tasteful improvements (the interior is less than startling!) and will

attempt to chronicle here. (John)

In addition, many confessions describe passion and design above relia- bility and consistency. Thus, the Alfisti take on abnormal subject positions that sets them aside from normal car owners that make them act in specific and seemingly unusual ways. The following post is one example:

Hi. Am I mad? I’m wondering am I mad even considering buying a 9 year old 147

JTD when I have a 2.4 VW T4 money pit in my drive that’s crying out for more good

money to be thrown at it to resuscitate it? I’m changing work locations so public

transport is not an option anymore, so it’s a 160 km 3 days a week hike to the grind-

stone for me come the start of April, and I’ll be damned if I’m doing that in a T4!!!

My friend who’s an excellent mechanic says don’t be daft and buy a Golf, but you

know the way when you are thinking of changing your car, the only cars you see on

the roads are the ones you are considering? Well, the more I see Golfs, the more I

hate them, so even though my head is telling me Golf, my heart is telling me live a lit-

tle and go for a 147. (Alfista B)

The above confession leads a fellow Alfista to confess the following:

In that case I am also mad, just bought a 9 year old 147. Fell in love with the 147 and

simply couldn’t get it out of my mind. If you can find one for a good price, go for it.

Better take some chances some times than later regret that you never followed your

dreams. (Alfista C)

Thus, Alfista C acts as a pastor, suggesting that an Alfista has to be unusual among ordinary car owners − in this case, Golf owners. This sense of abnormality is the sacrifice an Alfista must make to become a true member. A true Alfista is also distinguished from ordinary Alfa owners by

340 ANNA FYRBERG-YNGFALK ET AL.

a practice referred to as the ‘Alfa wave’, in which a driver flashes his or her lights when another Alfa is approaching on the road. The Alfa wave is an act of recognition of the Alfista spirit, and the Alfisti on Alfaowner.com discuss this practice extensively. Many Alfisti express their disappointment at receiving fewer waves than they did in the past, but confess that they are happy when they receive one:

I’ve only had an Alfa for a few years now, and I read about the wave when I joined the

forum, but never had one, until about 1hr ago, from someone in an almost identical

GT (his was an 06 plate). (Alfista D)

Many Alfisti argue that the Alfa wave is disappearing due to FIAT’s takeover of the Alfa Romeo brand in 1987. They believe that FIAT turned Alfa into an ordinary car bought by ordinary car owners. Some of them confess that they only do the Alfa wave when they see the models they con- sider to be real Alfa cars:

No, [the Alfa wave] it’s long gone � see thread in general Alfa discussion forum. There are too many Alfas driven by ‘normal’ people to be widespread anymore. It’s probably

mainly to do with the major success of the 156 and 147, which was a good thing for

Alfa overall but not for us Alfisti who like to have a rare breed car. I only wave at other

GTAs. Haven’t had an Alfa wave in the UK for ages, got lots on the trip to Milan last

year though. Cheers. (Nigel)

Most 156s are heading into shed territory and are little more than bangers. Of course a

small number of Alfisti love them as true Alfas but the vast majority of owners out

there now would see people like us waving at them as nutters. I owned a 156 TS from

brand new in 99 for 8 years and hardly ever got a wave. I used to give them but gave

up a long time ago because I never got them back. (Alfista E)

Confessions can mark a change in the personal life, from the ‘sinner’ state of not owning an Alfa to the state of being a proud Alfa owner. Some newbies Alfisti introduce themselves presenting their transition to Alfa Romeo under the form of a confession:

Hello everyone.

Just to introduce myself, I bought a lovely 07 Black GT Lusso diesel about 8 weeks ago

from an Alfa dealer (UK, Midlands).

I was looking for something safe, economical and powerful without breaking the bank.

I confess that it was a complete impulse purchase. (Max)

Old-timers remember the state of the ‘sinner’ of the past � when they did not own an Alfa Romeo � to mark their current state of Alfista, as this Alfista does commenting on a previous car (Vectra) of his:

I’ve never even been in a Vectra, but I confess I had a Cavalier 2.5 V6GL as a company

car in 94/5. (Lincs)

341Control and Power in Online Consumer Tribes

The following excerpt contains some elements of the parable of the prodigal son: an Alfista confesses his return to his old Alfa Romeo, which was previously sold by him. His confession is met with a warm welcoming by another Alfista, who also confirms the goodness of being ‘weak’ in front of an Alfa Romeo:

Well, the temptation was just too great and I confess that I am but a weak willed

person.

Yup, I’ve got my old 147 GTA back!!

[…] Since the day I sold her to Joe, I have always regretted it and it’s been a long long

summer without Italian car shows, Alfa meets and track days and now here I was with

the solution to all my woes. No other GTA would have done, it would have had to be

that one and so the deal was done and a few weeks ago I collected MY car back after

just over a year of separation. (V6)

Is it weak willed to be doing the right thing?

Welcome back! (GTA)

The following Alfista introduces himself in the community by confessing that he owns a Rover. However, this confession is followed by the decision to introduce a change in his life and make a transition to the new state of Alfa Romeo owner:

I’ve been invited to introduce myself, so being a polite sort of guy I’ll do so.

Firstly, I confess to owning a Rover, a ‘bubble’ shape 200. Now don’t mock � they are much better cars than many people realise and are by no means as troublesome or

frightening to own as you might think. Bit like Alfas, really …

But now, the time is near, the time to face the final curtain etc etc etc. Yes, I’ve enjoyed

the Rover but it really is time to find a replacement. I’ve been struggling with this for

ages, as I don’t want some soul-less Eurobox. I’ve driven all the obvious stuff and come

away distinctly underwhelmed. I really want something that offers a different driving

experience to my present car, and a car that will put a smile on my face by both driving

it and looking at it. So … I’ve come to the conclusion that a nice 156 would fit the

bill. (Carl)

DISCUSSION: CONFESSIONS, SUBJECT

POSITIONS AND CONTROL

The findings demonstrate confessions in relation to the common ethos in three online consumer tribes. Albeit the ethos of these tribes differ, it is

342 ANNA FYRBERG-YNGFALK ET AL.

possible to distinguish between common subject positions that members take on through confessing (Foucault, 1977, 1981; Peñaloza & Barnhart, 2011). The first of these subject positions is ‘the pastor’, who usually is a senior member, such as the Loggionista Gabriele. ‘The pastor’ has an authoritative position in the tribe and is guiding and leading its members. The ordinary members of the tribe, who follow advice from the pastors, are referred to as ‘the regular sheep’. Tinker in the IS tribe is an illustrative example; he avows that he will follow the decision of the board (‘the pastors’) to boycott the derby despite tempted to go to the game. Based on our findings we furthermore distinguish between ‘the good sheep’ and ‘the black sheep’. The good sheep are members who help other members to act according to the common ethos by serving as good examples. Thus, the good sheep not only do the right thing but also confess in such a way that other members can understand and follow the ethos of the tribe better. The good sheep focuses on expressing how well he or she is acting according to communal values and lectures other members about common rules and norms. Franz (IS tribe) and Alfista D are examples of good sheep. The dif- ference between good sheep and Tinker (a regular sheep) is that the good sheep shows what it really takes to follow the ethos of the respective tribe, while Tinker avows that he is tempted to act against it because he is tempted to attend the game. The black sheep problematizes the tribe values explicitly by acting against or questioning the communal values, and does not follow the advice of the pastors. The black sheep is heavily criticized by other members and may face exclusion from the tribe, as we could see in the case with Howard in the IS tribe. Another example of resistance towards communal values is the ‘scapegoats’ illustrated in the section on Loggionisti tribal confessions. Based on their resistance, expressed by booing during opera performances, these ‘scapegoats’ have created their own tribe, Corriere della Grisi. This is a form of counteraction and resis- tance towards Loggionisti’s more moderate and ‘conservative’ values.

Subject positions frame the worldview of actors and control their actions (Foucault, 1977, 1981; Peñaloza & Barnhart, 2011). Based on our findings we argue that confessing includes three practices with different implications for action control for each of the subject positions: Interpretation, Feedback and Response. Any confession can provide an interpretation of the tribal rules, a feedback to another confession, or define the response sparking from a confession. Interpretation is the practice of providing the authentic explanation of the tribe’s ethos. Feedback is the reaction to confession and response is the discussion of the consequences of confessions.

343Control and Power in Online Consumer Tribes

When the pastors confess, they provide an interpretation: they either interpret other members’ actions in relation to the communal ethos or interpret more general implications of the tribe ethos for members’ actions by reflecting upon their own actions. Pastors do not confess in the true sense of the word, i.e. while their confessions appear to be about them- selves, they use themselves as an ideal prototype implying that they teach others the communal ethos by confessing, rather than regulating themselves to accord with the ethos. Pastors are also active in providing feedback; the feedback they provide to the rest of the tribe can be described as authorized given their high status in the group � it is intended to be followed by other members or to serve as the general rule for action. The response/outcome of the confession is condemning or praising other people’s actions. As said above, Gabriele in the Loggionisti tribe is a good example of a pastor. From his authoritative position, the confession by Gabriele provides gen- eral interpretations about what a Loggionista should do and the outcome of his confession is condemning or praising different types of generalized actions, not individual acts. The IS board serves a similar role in the IS tribe. Fred, a senior member of the IS tribe, on the other hand, confesses in such a way that the finger is pointed towards the black sheep, Howard, suggesting him to embrace the family values and be nicer to the other family members. The subject position of the pastor may be perceived as an empowered position, free from any exogenous control. To some extent this is true, but the enactment of the subject positions of pastor entails the responsibility of guiding and advising members.

The regular sheep does not actively take part in interpreting the commu- nal ethos and does not reflect much on his or her own actions, but accepts the interpretation of the ethos conveyed by pastors and the good sheep. The regular sheep dutifully follows the feedback they receive with regard to his or her actions from pastors and the good sheep, even though she or he is occasionally tempted to act otherwise. The regular sheep are dependent on external support from the rest of the ‘flock’. The response of the confes- sions by regular sheep is the reproduction of the tribe ethos. Alfista A, Alfista B and John in the Alfisti case are good examples of regular sheep. Through their confessions, which de-emphasize any rationality in their love for Alfa Romeo, they show that they are true to the Alfista ethos of being truly passionate about Alfa Romeo. By confessing they reaffirm the ethos of the tribe and they control themselves by sticking to it.

The good sheep are a subject position situated in between the pastor and the regular sheep. The good sheep are ordinary members of the tribe, but they confess in such a way that they serve as good examples to others.

344 ANNA FYRBERG-YNGFALK ET AL.

Table 2. Confession Practices and Subject Positions.

Confession Practices and Control/Response Practices

Subject Position Exemplars Confession Interpretation Feedback Response

The Pastor Gabriele provides a prototype of

Loggionista; Fred (IS tribe)

confesses in such a way that he

blames “the black sheep’

Howard

The self as a

general

example

Interpretations of

others in relation to

tribal values and

general

interpretation of

tribal ethos

Authorized feedback Condemn or

praise other

people’s

actions or

setting up

general action

rules

The sheep Tinker avows that he will follow

the decision of the IS board

(‘the pastors’) to boycott the

derby despite tempted to go to

the game; Alfista A, Alfista B

and John confess their

‘irrationality’

Confessing the

right thing

Accepts others’

interpretations

Accepting feedback

from others

dutifully

Reproduction of

the tribe and its

ethos

The good sheep Franz (IS tribe) and Alfista D

not only do the right thing,

but also confess in such a way

that other members can

understand and follow the

ethos of the tribe better

Serves as

instruction

Explicates the tribal

values through self-

reflexion

‘Semi-authorized’

feedback to others

Demonstrates

how well he/

she nurtures

the communal

values

The black sheep Howard (IS tribe), Loggionisti

‘scapegoats’ who split out and

found a separate tribe

Questions the

ethos

Active interpretations

questioning the

tribe ethos and

others’ actions

Counter-intuitive

feedback

Continues as the

outlier in the

group, expelled

3 4 5

C o n tro

l a n d P o w e r in

O n lin

e C o n su m e r T rib

e s

Even though their first role is not interpretation, they engage in interpreta- tion by self-reflecting during their confession upon their own actions, which explicates the communal values. The feedback they give to others is semi- authorized and the response/outcome demonstrates how well they follow the tribe values and what following these values entails. Alfista C, Julian and Fred (IS) are illustrative examples of good sheep.

Finally, there is the black sheep, who through his or her confessions question the tribal ethos. Thus, the feedback they provide is counterintui- tive within the ethos. The response of confessing is that the black sheep continue as outliers in the tribe or are expelled from it, which is also what happened with Howard in the IS tribe. Table 2 summarizes our discussion.

CONCLUSIONS AND CONTRIBUTIONS

Previous studies highlight confessions as important for members’ tribal experiences; however, they do not elucidate how confession practices con- trol and regulate members’ actions (see, e.g., Kozinets & Handelman, 2004; Kristensen et al., 2011; Moisio & Beruchashvili, 2010; Muñiz & Schau, 2005; Pongsakornrungsilp & Schroeder, 2011; Schouten & McAlexander, 1995). This present study demonstrates how control is manifested within consumer tribes, and our main contribution refers to how tribe members are being configured into various subject positions. By analysing the consti- tution of subject positions our study contributes to how power and control are created and reproduced in consumer tribes, we also contribute more broadly to how market discourse constitutes consumers and how this comes to expression in the lives of consumers (cf. Cova & Cova, 2012; Shankar et al., 2006; Thompson, 2004). More particularly, we identify and describe members’ confession practices and show how they explicate com- munal tribe values and by this reinforce power in consumer tribes.

The notion of subject positions refers to how control and power are recognized; we see them as embedded in knowledge/discourse and situated in relationships between people rather than possessed by a power holder (Foucault, 1977, 1981). As such, we mean that confessions, including inter- pretation, feedback and response, create a relationship between members and a regime of power/knowledge within a community or tribe. This means that in consumer tribes, power or control does not manifest when members claim power for themselves, but in the ways members are configured by the tribe discourse and communal practices (such as confessions) into subject

346 ANNA FYRBERG-YNGFALK ET AL.

positions. We highlight four types of subject positions (pastors, regular sheep, good sheep and black sheep) based on our analysis of communal tribe ethos and members’ practices across three different tribes. These sub- ject positions control how the members act in relation to the common tribe ethos, and this both enables and constrains certain actions within the tribe. Members’ subject positions are, however, not stable or fixed � as we have demonstrated certain practices (see Table 2) enable members to enhance or shift position.

In addition, our study demonstrates how some of the tribe members are acting against the ethos � not everyone agrees on the dominant interpreta- tion of the tribal ethos or on the outcomes following the interpretation. Previous research has also recognized dominant market discourses and that they frame the worldview of consumers, serving as governmentalities. In particular, the focus has been on how the claimed empowering co-creation discourse controls members and how consumers’ ‘freedom’ is being exploited by commercial interests (Arvidsson, 2006; Bonsu & Darmody, 2008; Zwick et al., 2008; Zwick & Dholakia, 2004). By focusing on confes- sions and enactment of subject positions, and by emphasizing pastoral power, we contribute to how this framing of worldview by governmental- ities or tribe ethos takes place.

The present study shows that the confession is a multifaceted collective activity involving interpretation, feedback and response; together these practises facilitate control and lead to configurations of subject positions. That is, by making confessions, interpretations and giving feedback, members produce and reproduce the tribe by explicating and interpreting the key values of the tribe ethos (see Table 2). For example, we describe practises such as self-regulation, instructions, general action rules and praising, and also how members are questioning the tribe ethos. Previous studies have also mentioned similar social activities within communities and tribes, such as ‘interpretation’, ‘salvation’ and ‘response’ (cf. Moisio & Beruchashvili, 2010). Likewise, we see these practices as socially regulative; however, we extend the argument of previous studies by demonstrating how these practices create a relationship to the tribe ethos and how mem- bers are being configured into subject positions. For instance, we show that the pastors and the good sheep are essential positions as they ‘produce’ the tribe by guiding other members on how to perform. The regular sheep and the good sheep reproduce the tribe by acting according to its values. We can also see how the black sheep could be a threat to the tribe, but in our case it seems as they serve as vehicle for reproduction since they are heavily criticized by other tribe members, which leads to a more united tribe.

347Control and Power in Online Consumer Tribes

Previous studies on consumer tribes (e.g. Goulding et al., 2013; Muñiz & Schau, 2005) show that tribal experiences have similarities to religious actions and that consumer tribes can be seen as forms of religious congre- gations. This religious foundation creates associations to power and con- trol, suggesting that tribal life is about fostering members’ actions. Our study confirms that power and control are fundamental for consumer tribes and we highlight the confession as the key practice for reproducing control. Thus, we argue that a power perspective is needed to understand tribal life and how tribal experiences come to expression in consumer lives. Therefore, we suggest that future studies should continue the examination of how control is manifested through confessions by configuration of sub- ject positions. For instance, it would be interesting to study how the black sheep who succeed in getting followers would serve as a ‘reformator’, and by this change the ethos of the tribe or create a new one. It is further noticeable that previous studies contribute knowledge about existing tribes (Cova et al., 2007; Goulding et al., 2013), but fewer insights exist on how new tribes are created and the role played by resistance for the development of a new tribe.

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