racism in the united states

ABSTRACT: In this paper the authors, long-time collaborators, attempt to weave into a single narrative the many strands of the organizational, cultural, political, and historical story that account for the relentless effort by Republicans and the right to repeal and destroy the Affordable Care Act (ACA). We link this persistent battle to (1) the wide- spread race-based hatred of President Obama, (2) the 2009 Republican Party vow to obstruct all Obama legislation, (3) the rise of Donald Trump and his feelings of humili- ation by President Obama, and (4) the emergence of open racism in America. We employ the image of a three-legged stool to understand the emergence and consolidation of this movement. In doing so, we uncover the personal, political, and cultural narra- tive behind relentless and irrational determination to rid the U.S. of Obamacare.

INTRODUCTION

American readers who are middle aged and older will likely rememberthe radio newscaster and commentator, the late Paul Harvey. His nar- rative always followed the same formula. He would give an account of a news story the way it was widely and conventionally understood. He then would present information based on his further research into the subject. And then he would present a usually surprising, vastly different account of the news story. And he would always end with: “ . . . and now you know the rest of the story.” The co-authors of this paper, who have been friends and collaborators

for thirty years and have over 70 years of experience in academic medi- cine, have used this same approach in our exploration of various sub- jects. Our work began with the downsizing of a hospital, continued with deregulation of home loans and the banking industry, and most recently led us to explore the American saga of President Donald Trump. This exploration starts with a conventional understanding of this political, organizational, and cultural phenomenon. We then inquire into this

A Fateful Convergence Animosity Toward Obamacare, Hatred of Obama, the Rise of Donald Trump, and Overt Racism in America

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understanding further and more deeply through psychodynamic and his- torical lenses, permitting us to offer an interpretation and explanation of the phenomenon that differs from the generally understood, socially acceptable, even obligatory, version of the story. That is, to return to Paul Harvey’s newscasts, we would offer “. . . the rest of the story,” or at least a much more thoroughly researched version of the story that includes psycho dynamic depth. Often it is a matter of listening deeply (Stein, 2017a) to hear the story

beneath the surface. For instance, when we listen to a conversation, we pay attention both to what people are saying and what they are not say- ing. Often what they are not saying is a key to what the conversation is ultimately about. Listening deeply is then about connecting the dots and pattern recognition, informed by our thoughts, feelings, and free associa- tions that lie beneath the “obvious.” In this paper, we apply this approach to understanding the connec-

tions between (1) the many attempts to repeal or destroy the Affordable Care Act (aka Obamacare), (2) the long-felt often race-based animosity for President Barack Obama held by many on the political right, (3) the political ascent of Donald Trump, and (4) the upsurge of white male supremacy and open racism in the U.S.

THE LONG CONGRESSIONAL STRUGGLE TO REPEAL THE AFFORDABLE CARE ACT We think that this approach provides insight into the often rancorous, even vicious debate over the effort in various iterations of Trumpcare to repeal Obamacare. The now seven-year-long vow to repeal/replace Oba- macare, while ostensibly about health care access, costs, inclusion, free- dom of choice to purchase health insurance or not, and not having to pay a penalty for not purchasing coverage, is at its deepest level, about something disturbing. While healthcare is the focus of the argument, Obamacare is also a highly charged symbol of a black man’s influence on American politics and culture (Stein, 2017b). Obamacare is the object of unbridled hatred on the right and beyond

rational discussion and political compromise (the despised C word) (Mar- cotte, 2015). The crusade to eradicate Obamacare has been relentless. Vindictive language is used to describe its many failures and the Presi- dent who led the creation of the despicable legislation that violates many rigidly held and interpreted conservative and libertarian principles (Mar- cotte, 2015; Daily Kos, 2013). The campaign has persisted for years, start- ing January 19, 2011 through many dozens of votes to repeal and replace

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Obamacare, consuming Congress and providing a rallying cry for the 2016 election cycle. The “Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act” of January 19, 2011 would have repealed all of the Affordable Care Act (“The Fix,” 2014). It passed in the House of Representatives 245 to 189 with three Democrats voting for it, but was never considered by the Sen- ate. Why such persistence and vitriol? We believe that the key to understanding why Obamacare is both so

hated and beyond rational discussion, is the effort on the part of many white Americans, both politicians and non-politicians, to rid the U.S. of President Barack Obama’s legislative legacy. Obamacare is one of the most visible symbols of Obama’s presidency (Frontline, 2017; Daily Kos, 2013). It is often referred to as his “signature legislation.” This intense, long sus- tained effort to repeal Obamacare contains, we argue here, the perhaps unconscious but also often denied, quest to eradicate blackness from the White House and from the government. Many whites, who often live in mostly white communities, wish to erase not only the presence but also the memory of the very existence of an African American President of the United States (Coates, 2017; Walsh, 2011). Kenneth Walsh (2011) writes that President Obama reflected in 2010

that race was still a problem. In May 2010, he told guests at a private White House dinner that race was probably a key component in the ris- ing opposition to his presidency from conservatives, especially right- wing activists in the anti-incumbent “Tea Party” movement that was then surging across the country. Many middle-class and working-class whites felt aggrieved and resentful that the federal government was help- ing other groups, including bankers, automakers, irresponsible people who had defaulted on their mortgages, and the poor, but wasn’t helping them nearly enough, he said. Further, as David Lotto (2016) observes, much of right-wing’s “racist

resurgence can be seen, in part, as a re-enactment of the trauma of the Civil War by the descendants, and those who identify with them, who were on the losing side of that conflict” (Lotto, 2016, p. 156). Their hope was to reverse history, and in so doing, restore white supremacy. This largely unconsciously-driven hope was thus deeply rooted in Amer- ican history. Greg Gandin (2014) similarly writes that

No other American president has had to face, before even taking office, an opposition convinced of not just his political but his existential legiti- macy. . . . [This new kind of racism was] based not on theological or philo-

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sophical doctrine but rather on the emotional need to measure one’s absolute freedom in inverse relation to another’s absolute slavishness. This was a racism that was born in chattel slavery but didn’t die with chattel slavery, instead evolving into today’s cult of individual supremacy, which, try as it might, can’t seem to shake off its white supremacist roots.

That an African American could and did twice win the presidency of the U.S. is for the right a shameful stain on the cherished image of Amer- ica as a white nation (Coates, 2017; Grandin, 2014). To eliminate Oba- macare and other policies associated with President Obama is to symbol- ically cleanse the stain, reverse shame back into pride in white America, “Make America Great Again,” and keep it that way by walling off any fur- ther stains on white society. Obamacare is thus about far more than med- icine and healthcare. It is in fact about a twisted kind of “social medi- cine,” the aim of which is to cure America of blackness symbolized by Barack Obama’s election and legacy.

LINKING THE UNLINKED We propose a three-legged-stool image to understand the relentless Con- gressional effort to repeal Obamacare, presidential candidate and now President Trump’s hatred of President Obama, and the upsurge of racism not only against African Americans but also against anyone of color, including Muslims. The first leg of the stool: Shortly following the elec- tion of President Obama in 2008 there was a meeting of Republican Party leaders at which they vowed to oppose, block, and reject everything that President Obama did, which came to include the Affordable Care Act of 2010, passed by a Democratic congressional majority (Grunwald, 2016). The Republican Party single-mindedly rejected the entire Democratic platform. “Hell No,” as John Boehner said on the floor of the House. The ACA became identified with the President. Called “Obamacare,”

his signature legislation (Frontline, 2017), it created in the hearts and minds of Republicans the darkest of stains and a rallying cry to reverse this shame. Hatred of Obamacare became a highly visible target for dis- placed hatred and aggression toward President Obama. At the January 2009 meeting, the GOP decided to block everything

Obama wanted to do (keepemhonest, 2012), a position that was strongly advocated by Rush Limbaugh and others. The Republicans were pumped because they saw a path out of the political wilderness. They were con- vinced that even if Obama kept winning policy battles, they could win the broader messaging war simply by remaining unified and fighting him on everything. Their conference chairman, a then-obscure Indiana con-

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servative named Mike Pence, underscored the point with a clip from the movie, Patton, showing the general rallying his troops for war against their Nazi enemy: “We’re going to kick the hell out of him all the time! We’re going to go through him like crap through a goose!” (Grunwald, 2016, “The Victory of ‘No’”). The second leg of the stool: An explosion of unfettered racism. Almost

concurrent with Obama’s election victory of in 2008, the Tea Party move- ment arose which was overtly racist, and was supported by the Koch Brothers (Rich, 2010). A predominantly Southern-based grass roots move- ment was thus mobilized to complement the efforts of the Republican Party (Tea Party Movement, 2017). Many Tea Party members were ulti- mately elected to Congress becoming the Freedom Caucus. During this same time there appeared posters in mass gatherings and cartoons of President Obama and Michelle Obama, and T-Shirts of President Obama as the children’s book monkey character Curious George, that made them look like monkeys, clearly a racist depiction of blacks as lower- than-human. (The Guardian, 2009; Sewell and Peters, 2009; Haines, 2008; Cheezburger, 2017). Discussing a study in Race and Social Problems, by Angie Maxwell and

T. Wayne Parent (2013), Morgan Whitaker (2013) writes that “Tea Party members are not necessarily more racist than typical white Americans, but that the movement’s supporters are more likely to be….” Further, Tea Party members “were significantly more likely [than white non-mem- bers] to believe President Obama is a Muslim and to favor harsher immi- gration controls. [Maxwell and Parent] also found [Tea Party] members were more likely to agree that ‘whiteness, the ability to speak English well, and native-born status’ were very important in ‘what it means to be fully American.’” The “subterranean agenda” of Tea Party members was white supremacist at its core. Further, anthropologist J. Neil Henderson (Tulsa World comments on

Stein essay, 7/24/17) writes that “The Southern Poverty Law Center inter- viewed Don Black, a former KKK Grand Wizard and founder of storm- front.org, a white-supremacist group, and recorded him saying that in the 24 hours following Obama’s first election, 2,800 new users signed up for his hate website” (Newsweek, 4/24/09). In fact, the Southern Poverty Law Center has documented that, more widely, there was an explosion of racist hate groups after Obama was elected. For a time, there was the fear that President Obama would be assassinated. Donald Trump courted the Tea Party and alternative right, fanned the flames of racism, and was a

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tacit supporter of racist, white supremacist, organizations—the KKK and Neo-Nazi groups. The facts that in 2008 President Obama inherited a country in the

midst of economic catastrophe and actually did some good, and was later awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, were yet further insults to white suprema- cists, for whom there is nothing worse than a competent black man who they experienced as “uppity.” By contrast, Obama was very loath to “play the race card,” preferring rather to self-edit and take the high road that his wife Michelle often refers to (Politico, 2013; Henry, Allen, and Chris- man, 2011). Further, a neo-Confederacy movement emerged, which advocated tra-

ditional gender roles, was hostile towards democracy, opposed homosex- uality, and favored segregation and white supremacy. Many neo-Confed- erates are openly secessionist (Southern Poverty Law Center [SPLC], ND). In short, by drawing upon historical white grievances and racial hatred, white racism was fanned and encouraged during the years leading up to Trump’s ultimate mobilization of these racist social elements. The third leg of the stool is the phenomenal rise of Donald Trump and

his eventual election to the U.S. presidency in November 2016. By 2011, Trump had become the most visible spokesperson for the birther move- ment, which was understood to be an effort to delegitimize Obama as President. Trump and many others refused to believe that Obama was born in the U.S.; Obama was therefore not legally the President of the U.S. They also insisted that Obama was not Christian. Some think that the decisive moment Trump decided to run for the

presidency was the annual Washington Post gala White House Correspon- dents’ Dinner on April 30, 2011, in which President Obama, with his relentless humor, “roasted” and publicly humiliated Trump, a reality TV celebrity. In these writers’ views (Taddonio, 2016, “WATCH”; Mahita, 2017, “A History of President Trump Being Trolled”), Trump, who is easily shamed (thinned skinned), sought revenge against Obama – ten-fold as Trump is heard to say at a public humiliation of a former Miss Universe, Jennifer Hawkins, in 2011 (Huffington Post, 2016). Thus, some of the energy behind the political agenda of running for the U.S. presidency was a personal vendetta to “redeem himself from being humiliated by the first black president” (Michael D’Antonio, quoted by Taddino, 2016). In a sense, Trump’s quest for the presidency was not so much about

politics, but about getting even and destroying the man who publicly shamed him. His personal grudge and appeal to white supremacy groups ignited the historical grudge of many whites, especially in the South. We

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must add that President Trump rejected the interpretation that his deci- sion to run for president was triggered by Obama’s roast (Wang, 2017, “It Was Fantastic,” 2017), insisting that his presidential ambitions began years earlier. Still, Wang writes (2017) that the “Video from the dinner would later show Trump seemingly frozen in the audience, lips pursed, staring straight ahead with his face set into something between a squint and a hard scowl.” Thus the third leg of the three-legged stool was crafted. Trump’s personal

vendetta against Obama was operationalized by resurgent anti-black white supremacist groups and by the Republican Party, Tea Party, and Libertarians, all of whom, in turn, drew upon the deep well of racial hatred of African Americans. Obamacare embodied and condensed the irrational animosity into a single easily identified symbol. Vowing to destroy the Affordable Care Act, Trump wrapped his personal

vendetta in the ideology of white supremacy. As Ta-Nehisi Coates writes:

His political career began in advocacy of birtherism, that modern recasting of the old American precept that black people are not fit to be citizens of the country they built. But long before birtherism, Trump had made his world- view clear. . . . It is often said that Trump has no real ideology, which is not true – his ideology is white supremacy, in all its truculent and sanctimo- nious power. Trump inaugurated his campaign by casting himself as the defender of white maidenhood against Mexican ‘rapists,’ only to be later alleged by multiple accusers, and by his own proud words, to be a sexual violator himself. White supremacy has always had a sexual tint (2017).

Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton inadvertently poured gasoline on the fire, so to speak, with her characterization of Tea Party and white supremacist people as “deplorables,” thus compounding their sense of shame and their vow to reverse it into shamelessness and pride and political mobilization (Allcorn and Stein, 2017). Many Trump supporters in fact wear the deplorable badge of shame with pride (Ann Coulter, N.D.; Coates, 2017; Southern Poverty and Law Center, 2017).

CONVERGENCE Put simply, the personal and cultural became fused with and mobilized the political. Through this fusion, the Tea Party, alternate right Republicans, and white supremacists would obtain sweet revenge on the affront that President Obama was to their racial ideology and hatred. To destroy Obamacare is to destroy Obama and declare victory for white racism. This sentiment and effort are far from limited to Obamacare, and they

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seek to negate Obama’s entire legacy (Taddonio/Frontline, 2017; Mar- cotte, 2015; Coates, 2017). Put differently, they will cleanse America of the dirtiness of Blackness.

CONCLUSIONS In this paper we have briefly attempted to connect the dots, so to speak, between many strands of the organizational, cultural, political, and his- torical story that explain the relentless effort by Republicans and the right to repeal and destroy the ACA. We have linked this persistent battle to the widespread hatred of President Obama, the Republican Party’s determination to obstruct all Obama legislation, the rise of Donald Trump and his experience of humiliation by President Obama, and the emergence of open racism. We have used the image of a three-legged stool to understand the emergence and consolidation of this movement. In doing so, we hope we have uncovered “the rest of the story” behind the relentless and irrational determination to rid the U.S. of Obamacare.

Howard F. Stein, an organizational, applied, psychoanalytic, and medical anthropologist, psychohistorian, organizational consultant, and poet, is profes- sor emeritus in the Department of Family and Preventive Medicine, University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center, Oklahoma City, OK, USA, where he taught for nearly 35 years. He facilitated the American Indian Diabetes Preven- tion Center’s meetings from 2012–2017. He is a long-time member of the Inter- national Psychohistorical Association, and contributing author to this Journal. He and Seth Allcorn have collaborated on many articles and books, the most recent of which is The Dysfunctional Workplace (2015, University of Mis- souri Press). He is author of thirty books, of which nine are of poetry. The Second Edition of Listening Deeply, also published by the University of Missouri Press, was released in spring 2017. He can be reached at [email protected]

Seth Allcorn, Ph.D., M.B.A. is the former Vice President for Business and Finance at the University of New England in Biddeford, Maine. Dr. Allcorn has twenty-five years of experience working with physicians, hospitals and academic medical centers. He has served as a financial and administrative Assistant Dean at the Texas Tech School of Medicine and Associate Dean for the Stritch School of Medicine, Loyola–Chicago. He has also managed two departments of internal medicine for the University of Missouri–Columbia and University of Rochester. He has ten years of experience as an independent organizational consultant, spe- cializing in the management of change, strategic planning and organizational restructuring. In general, including internal auditing, Dr. Allcorn worked from

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1971 to 2011. Dr. Allcorn is the author or co-author of a dozen books, a half a dozen chapters and over eighty papers that have appeared in scholarly and prac- titioner journals. He is a founding member of the International Society for the Psychoanalytic Study of Organizations. Contact Information: Seth Allcorn, 2311 Nottoway Drive, Columbia, Mo. 65203; [email protected]

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