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RESEARCH ARTICLE
Rapid-onset gender dysphoria in adolescents
and young adults: A study of parental reports
Lisa Littman*
Department of Behavioral and Social Sciences, Brown University School of Public Health, Providence, Rhode
Island, United States of America
Abstract
Purpose
In on-line forums, parents have been reporting that their children are experiencing what is
described here as “rapid-onset gender dysphoria,” appearing for the first time during puberty
or even after its completion. The onset of gender dysphoria seemed to occur in the context
of belonging to a peer group where one, multiple, or even all of the friends have become
gender dysphoric and transgender-identified during the same timeframe. Parents also re-
port that their children exhibited an increase in social media/internet use prior to disclosure
of a transgender identity. The purpose of this study was to document and explore these
observations and describe the resulting presentation of gender dysphoria, which is inconsis-
tent with existing research literature.
Methods
Recruitment information with a link to a 90-question survey, consisting of multiple-choice,
Likert-type and open-ended questions, was placed on three websites where parents had
reported rapid onsets of gender dysphoria. Website moderators and potential participants
were encouraged to share the recruitment information and link to the survey with any individ-
uals or communities that they thought might include eligible participants to expand the reach
of the project through snowball sampling techniques. Data were collected anonymously via
SurveyMonkey. Quantitative findings are presented as frequencies, percentages, ranges,
means and/or medians. Open-ended responses from two questions were targeted for quali-
tative analysis of themes.
Results
There were 256 parent-completed surveys that met study criteria. The adolescent and young
adult (AYA) children described were predominantly female sex at birth (82.8%) with a mean
age of 16.4 years. Forty-one percent of the AYAs had expressed a non-heterosexual sexual
orientation before identifying as transgender. Many (62.5%) of the AYAs had been diagnosed
with at least one mental health disorder or neurodevelopmental disability prior to the onset of
their gender dysphoria (range of the number of pre-existing diagnoses 0–7). In 36.8% of the
friendship groups described, the majority of the members became transgender-identified.
PLOS ONE | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0202330 August 16, 2018 1 / 41
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OPEN ACCESS
Citation: Littman L (2018) Rapid-onset gender
dysphoria in adolescents and young adults: A
study of parental reports. PLoS ONE 13(8):
e0202330. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.
pone.0202330
Editor: Daniel Romer, University of Pennsylvania,
UNITED STATES
Received: October 7, 2017
Accepted: August 1, 2018
Published: August 16, 2018
Copyright: © 2018 Lisa Littman. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the
Creative Commons Attribution License, which
permits unrestricted use, distribution, and
reproduction in any medium, provided the original
author and source are credited.
Data Availability Statement: The data cannot be
made publicly available due to ethical restrictions.
The study participants did not provide consent to
have their responses shared publicly, shared in
public databases, or shared with outside
researchers. Furthermore, due to the sensitive
information contained in the data and the
politicized and contentious discourse around the
study of gender dysphoria, protection of the
privacy of the participants responding to the survey
is of utmost importance. For any questions about
restriction on data sharing, please contact the
Program for the Protection of Human Subjects
The most likely outcomes were that AYA mental well-being and parent-child relationships
became worse since AYAs “came out”. AYAs expressed a range of behaviors that included:
expressing distrust of non-transgender people (22.7%); stopping spending time with non-
transgender friends (25.0%); trying to isolate themselves from their families (49.4%), and
only trusting information about gender dysphoria from transgender sources (46.6%).
Conclusion
Rapid-onset gender dysphoria (ROGD) describes a phenomenon where the development
of gender dysphoria is observed to begin suddenly during or after puberty in an adolescent
or young adult who would not have met criteria for gender dysphoria in childhood. ROGD
appears to represent an entity that is distinct from the gender dysphoria observed in individ-
uals who have previously been described as transgender. The worsening of mental well-
being and parent-child relationships and behaviors that isolate AYAs from their parents,
families, non-transgender friends and mainstream sources of information are particularly
concerning. More research is needed to better understand this phenomenon, its implications
and scope.
Introduction
In recent years, a number of parents have been reporting in online discussion groups such as
4thwavenow in the US (https://4thwavenow.com) and Transgender Trend in the UK (https://
www.transgendertrend.com) that their adolescent and young adult (AYA) children, who have
had no histories of childhood gender identity issues, experienced a rapid onset of gender dyspho-
ria. Parents have described clusters of gender dysphoria outbreaks occurring in pre-existing
friend groups with multiple or even all members of a friend group becoming gender dysphoric
and transgender-identified in a pattern that seems statistically unlikely based on previous
research [1–5]. Parents describe a process of immersion in social media, such as “binge-watch-
ing” Youtube transition videos and excessive use of Tumblr, immediately preceding their child
becoming gender dysphoric. These descriptions are atypical for the presentation of gender dys-
phoria described in the research literature [1–5] and raise the question of whether social influ-
ences may be contributing to or even driving these occurrences of gender dysphoria in some
populations of adolescents and young adults. For the purpose of this study, rapid-onset gender
dysphoria (ROGD) is defined as a type of adolescent-onset or late-onset gender dysphoria where
the development of gender dysphoria is observed to begin suddenly during or after puberty in an
adolescent or young adult who would not have met criteria for gender dysphoria in childhood.
This study was designed to describe rapid-onset gender dysphoria (ROGD) and to generate
hypotheses, including the role of social and peer contagion in the development of this condition.
Background
Gender dysphoria in adolescents. Gender dysphoria (GD) is defined as an individual’s
persistent discomfort with their biological sex or assigned gender [6]. Two types of gender dys-
phoria studied include early-onset GD, where the symptoms of gender dysphoria begin in
early childhood, and late-onset GD where the symptoms begin after puberty [6]. Late-onset
GD that occurs during adolescence is now called adolescent-onset GD. The majority of adoles-
cents who present for care for gender dysphoria are individuals who experienced early-onset
Rapid-onset gender dysphoria in adolescents and young adults
PLOS ONE | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0202330 August 16, 2018 2 / 41
(PPHS) at the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount
Sinai ([email protected]).
Funding: The author received no specific funding
for this work.
Competing interests: The author has declared that
no competing interests exist.
gender dysphoria that persisted or worsened with puberty although an atypical presentation
has been described where adolescents who did not experience childhood symptoms present
with new symptoms in adolescence [2, 7]. Adolescent-onset of gender dysphoria is a relatively
new phenomenon for natal females. In fact, prior to 2012, there were no little to no research
studies about adolescent females with gender dysphoria first beginning in adolescence [5].
Thus, far more is known about adolescents with early-onset gender dysphoria than adolescents
with adolescent-onset gender dysphoria [1, 8]. Although not all research studies on gender
dysphoric adolescents exclude those with adolescent-onset gender dysphoria [5], it is impor-
tant to note that most of the studies on adolescents, particularly those about gender dysphoria
persistence and desistance rates and outcomes for the use of puberty suppression, cross-sex
hormones, and surgery only included subjects whose gender dysphoria began in childhood
and subjects with adolescent-onset gender dysphoria would not have met inclusion criteria for
these studies [9–17]. Therefore, most of the research on adolescents with gender dysphoria to
date is not generalizable to adolescents experiencing adolescent-onset gender dysphoria [9–
17] and the outcomes for individuals with adolescent-onset gender dysphoria, including per-
sistence and desistence rates and outcomes for treatments, are currently unknown.
As recently as 2012, there were only two clinics (one in Canada and one in the Netherlands)
that had gathered enough data to provide empirical information about the main issues for gen-
der dysphoric adolescents [18]. Both institutions concluded that the management of adoles-
cent-onset gender dysphoria is more complicated than the management of early-onset gender
dysphoria and that individuals with adolescent-onset are more likely to have significant psy-
chopathology [18]. The presentation of gender dysphoria can occur in the context of severe
psychiatric disorders, developmental difficulties, or as part of large-scale identity issues and,
for these patients, medical transition might not be advisable [19]. The APA Task Force on the
Treatment of Gender Identity Disorder notes that adolescents with gender dysphoria “should
be screened carefully to detect the emergence of the desire for sex reassignment in the context
of trauma as well as for any disorder (such as schizophrenia, mania, psychotic depression) that
may produce gender confusion. When present, such psychopathology must be addressed and
taken into account prior to assisting the adolescent’s decision as to whether or not to pursue
sex reassignment or actually assisting the adolescent with the gender transition.” [18].
Social and peer contagion. The description of cluster outbreaks of gender dysphoria
occurring in pre-existing groups of friends and increased exposure to social media/internet
preceding a child’s announcement of a transgender identity raises the possibility of social and
peer contagion. Social contagion [20] is the spread of affect or behaviors through a population.
Peer contagion, in particular, is the process where an individual and peer mutually influence
each other in a way that promotes emotions and behaviors that can potentially undermine
their own development or harm others [21]. Peer contagion has been associated with depres-
sive symptoms, disordered eating, aggression, bullying, and drug use [21, 22]. Internalizing
symptoms such as depression can be spread via the mechanisms of co-rumination, which
entails the repetitive discussion of problems, excessive reassurance seeking (ERS), and negative
feedback [21, 23–25]. Deviancy training, which was first described for rule breaking, delin-
quency, and aggression, is the process whereby attitudes and behaviors associated with prob-
lem behaviors are promoted with positive reinforcement by peers [26, 27].
Peer contagion has been shown to be a factor in several aspects of eating disorders. There are
examples in the eating disorder and anorexia nervosa literature of how both internalizing symp-
toms and behaviors have been shared and spread via peer influences [28–32] which may have rel-
evance to considerations of rapid-onset gender dysphoria. Friendship cliques can set the norms
for preoccupation with one’s body, one’s body image, and techniques for weight loss, and can
predict an individual’s body image concerns and eating behaviors [28–30]. Peer influence is
Rapid-onset gender dysphoria in adolescents and young adults
PLOS ONE | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0202330 August 16, 2018 3 / 41
intensified in inpatient and outpatient treatment settings for patients with anorexia and counter-
therapeutic subcultures that actively promote the beliefs and behaviors of anorexia nervosa have
been observed [30–32]. In these settings, there is a group dynamic where the “best” anorexics
(those who are thinnest, most resistant to gaining weight, and who have experienced the most
medical complications from their disease) are admired, validated, and seen as authentic while the
patients who want to recover from anorexia and cooperate with medical treatment are maligned,
ridiculed, and marginalized [30–32]. Additionally, behaviors associated with deceiving parents
and doctors about eating and weight loss, referred to as the “anorexic tricks,” are shared by pati-
ents in a manner akin to deviancy training [30–32]. Online environments provide ample oppor-
tunity for excessive reassurance seeking, co-rumination, positive and negative feedback, and
deviancy training from peers who subscribe to unhealthy, self-harming behaviors. The pro-eat-
ing disorder sites provide motivation for extreme weight loss (sometimes calling the motivational
content “thinspiration”). Such sites promote validation of eating disorder as an identity, and
offer “tips and tricks” for weight loss and for deceiving parents and doctors so that individuals
may continue their weight-loss activities [33–35]. If similar mechanisms are at work in the con-
text of gender dysphoria, this greatly complicates the evaluation and treatment of impacted
AYAs.
In the past decade, there has been an increase in visibility, social media, and user-generated
online content about transgender issues and transition [36], which may act as a double-edged
sword. On the one hand, an increase in visibility has given a voice to individuals who would
have been under-diagnosed and undertreated in the past [36]. On the other hand, it is plausible
that online content may encourage vulnerable individuals to believe that nonspecific symp-
toms and vague feelings should be interpreted as gender dysphoria stemming from a transgen-
der condition. Recently, leading international academic and clinical commentators have raised
the question about the role of social media and online content in the development of gender
dysphoria [37]. Concern has been raised that adolescents may come to believe that transition
is the only solution to their individual situations, that exposure to internet content that is un-
critically positive about transition may intensify these beliefs, and that those teens may pres-
sure doctors for immediate medical treatment [18]. There are many examples on popular sites
such as Reddit (www.reddit.com with subreddit ask/r/transgender) and Tumblr (www.tumblr.
com) where online advice promotes the idea that nonspecific symptoms should be considered
to be gender dysphoria, conveys an urgency to transition, and instructs individuals how to
deceive parents, doctors, and therapists to obtain hormones quickly [38]. Fig 1 includes exam-
ples of online advice from reddit and tumblr.
Purpose. Rapid presentation of adolescent-onset gender dysphoria and gender dysphoria
cases occurring in clusters of pre-existing friend groups is not consistent with current knowl-
edge about gender dysphoria and has not been described in the scientific literature to date. The
purpose of this research is (1) to describe an atypical presentation of gender dysphoria occur-
ring with sudden and rapid onset in adolescents and young adults; and (2) to generate hypothe-
ses about the condition, including the role of social and peer contagion in its development.
Materials and methods
The Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai, Program for the Protection of Human Subjects
provided approval of research for this project (HS#: 16–00744).
Participants
During the recruitment period, 256 parents completed online surveys that met the study crite-
ria. The sample of parents included more women (91.7%) than men (8.3%) and participants
Rapid-onset gender dysphoria in adolescents and young adults
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were predominantly between the ages of 45 and 60 (66.1%) (Table 1). Most respondents were
White (91.4%), non-Hispanic (99.2%), and lived in the United States (71.7%). Most respon-
dents had a Bachelor’s degree (37.8%) or graduate degree (33.1%). The adolescents and young
adults (AYAs) described by their parents were predominantly female sex at birth (82.8%) with
an average current age of 16.4 years (range, 11–27 years). See Table 2.
Procedure
A 90-question survey instrument with multiple choice, Likert-type, and open-ended questions
was created by the researcher. The survey was designed for parents (respondents) to complete
about their adolescent and young adult children. The survey was uploaded onto Survey Monkey
(SurveyMonkey, Palo Alto, CA, USA) via an account that was HIPPA-enabled. IRB approval
for the study from the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai in New York, NY was received.
Recruitment information with a link to the survey was placed on three websites where parents
and professionals had been observed to describe rapid onset of gender dysphoria (4thwavenow,
transgender trend, and youthtranscriticalprofessionals). Website moderators and potential par-
ticipants were encouraged to share the recruitment information and link to the survey with any
individuals or communities that they thought might include eligible participants to expand the
reach of the project through snowball sampling techniques. The survey was active from June 29,
2016 to October 12, 2016 (3.5 months) and took 30–60 minutes to complete. Participants com-
pleted the survey at a time and place of their own choosing. Data were collected anonymously
and stored securely with Survey Monkey.
Participation in this study was voluntary and its purpose was clearly described in the recruit-
ment information. Electronic consent was obtained. Participants had the option to withdraw
consent at any time prior to submitting responses. Inclusion criteria were (1) completion of a
survey with parental response that the child had a sudden or rapid onset of gender dysphoria;
and (2) parental indication that the child’s gender dysphoria began during or after puberty.
There was logic embedded in the survey that disqualified surveys that answered “no” (or skipped
Fig 1. Example quotes of online advice from reddit and tumblr.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0202330.g001
Rapid-onset gender dysphoria in adolescents and young adults
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the question) about whether the child had a sudden or rapid onset of gender dysphoria and 23
surveys were disqualified prior to completion (20 “no” answers and 3 skipped answers). After
cleaning the data for the 274 completed surveys, 8 surveys were excluded for not having a sudden
or rapid onset of gender dysphoria and 10 surveys were excluded for not having gender dyspho-
ria that began during or after puberty, which left 256 completed surveys for inclusion. As the sur-
vey was voluntary there was no refusal or dropout rate.
Measures
Basic demographic and baseline characteristics. Basic demographic and baseline char-
acteristic questions, including parental attitudes about LGBT rights, were included. Parents
Table 1. Demographic and other baseline characteristics of parent respondents.
Characteristics of Parent-respondents n %
Sex 254
Female 233 91.7
Male 21 8.3
Age (y) 254
18–29 3 1.2
30–44 74 29.1
45–60 168 66.1
>60 9 3.5
Race/Ethnicity� 255
White 233 91.4
Other ��
22 8.6
Country of Residence 254
US 182 71.7
UK 39 15.4
Canada 17 6.7
Other 16 6.3
Education 254
Bachelor’s degree 96 37.8
Graduate degree 84 33.1
Some college or Associates
degree
63 24.8
HS grad or GED 10 3.9
<High School 1 0.4
Parent attitude on allowing gay and lesbian couples to marry legally 256
Favor 220 85.9
Oppose 19 7.4
Don’t know 17 6.6
Parent belief that transgender people deserve the same rights and
protections as others
255
Yes 225 88.2
No 8 3.1
Don’t know 20 7.8
Other 2 0.8
� may select more than one answer.
�� declining order includes: Other, Multiracial, Asian, Hispanic.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0202330.t001
Rapid-onset gender dysphoria in adolescents and young adults
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were asked about their children’s mental health disorders and neurodevelopmental disabilities
that were diagnosed before their child’s onset of gender dysphoria as well as during and after.
The question, “Has your child been formally identified as academically gifted, learning dis-
abled, both, neither?” was used as a proxy to estimate rates of academic giftedness and learning
disabilities. Questions about trauma and non-suicidal self-injury were also included as were
questions about social difficulties described in a previous research study about gender dys-
phoric adolescents [19].
DSM-5 diagnostic criteria for gender dysphoria in children. The DSM 5 criteria for
gender dysphoria in children (Fig 2) consist of eight indicators of gender dysphoria [39]. To
meet criteria for diagnosis, a child must manifest at least six out of eight indicators including
Table 2. Demographic and other baseline characteristics of AYAs.
Characteristics of AYAs n %
AYA sex at birth (natal sex) 256
Female 212 82.8
Male 44 17.2
AYA average current age (range of
ages)
16.4 (11–27) 256
Academic diagnoses 253
Gifted 120 47.4
Learning Disability 11 4.3
Both 27 10.7
Neither 95 37.5
Natal female expressed sexual
orientation before announcement� 212
Asexual 18 8.5
Bisexual or Pansexual 78 36.8
Gay or Lesbian 58 27.4
Straight (Heterosexual) 75 35.4
Did not express 57 26.9
Natal male expressed sexual
orientation before announcement� 44
Asexual 4 9.1
Bisexual or Pansexual 5 11.4
Gay 5 11.4
Straight (Heterosexual) 25 56.8
Did not express 11 25.0
Gender dysphoria began 256
During puberty 125 48.8
After puberty 131 51.2
Along with a rapid onset of GD, the
AYA also:
256
Belonged to a friend group where one or multiple friends
became transgender-identified during a similar timeframe
55 21.5
Had an increase in social media/internet use 51 19.9
Both of the above 116 45.3
Neither 13 5.1
Don’t know 21 8.2
� may select more than one answer.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0202330.t002
Rapid-onset gender dysphoria in adolescents and young adults
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the one designated A1, “A strong desire to be the other gender or an insistence that one is the
other gender (or some alternative gender different from one’s assigned gender).” Three of the
indicators (A1, A7, and A8) refer to desires or dislikes of the child and five of the indicators
(A2-A6) are readily observable behaviors and preferences. The eight indicators were simplified
for language and parents were asked to note which, if any, their child had exhibited prior to
puberty. The requirement of six-month duration of symptoms was not included.
DSM-5 diagnostic criteria for gender dysphoria in adolescents and adults. The DSM-5
criteria for gender dysphoria in adolescents and adults (Fig 3) consist of six indicators of gen-
der dysphoria [39]. To meet criteria for diagnosis, an adolescent or adult must manifest at least
two of the six indicators. The six indicators were simplified for language, the first indicator
was adjusted for a parent to answer about their child, and parents were asked to note which, if
Fig 2. Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (fifth ed). Gender dysphoria in children.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0202330.g002
Fig 3. Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (fifth ed). Gender dysphoria in adolescents and adults.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0202330.g003
Rapid-onset gender dysphoria in adolescents and young adults
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any, their child was expressing currently. The requirement of six-month duration of symptoms
was not included.
Exposure to friend groups and social media/internet content. Survey questions were
developed to describe AYA friend groups, including number of friends that became transgen-
der-identified in a similar time period as the AYA, peer group dynamics and behaviors, and
exposure to specific types of social media/internet content and messages that have been
observed on sites popular with teens, such as Reddit and Tumblr.
Behaviors, outcomes, clinical interactions. Survey questions were developed to specifi-
cally quantify adolescent behaviors that had been described by parents in online discussions
and observed elsewhere. Participants were asked to describe outcomes such as their child’s men-
tal well-being and parent-child relationship since becoming transgender-identified. Parents
were also asked about experiences with clinicians and their children’s disposition regarding
steps taken for transition and duration of transgender-identification both for children who
were still transgender-identified and for children who were no longer transgender-identified.
Coping with strong or negative emotions. Two questions about the AYAs’ ability to
cope with negative and strong emotions were included. One question was “How does your
child handle strong emotions? (please select the best answer).” Offered answers were “My
child is overwhelmed by strong emotions and goes to great lengths to avoid feeling them,” “My
child is overwhelmed by strong emotions and tries to avoid feeling them,” “My child neither
avoids not seeks out strong emotions,” “My child tries to seek out situations in order to feel
strong emotions,” “My child goes to great lengths to seek out situations in order to feel strong
emotions,” “None of the above,” “I don’t know.” The other question was “How would you rate
your child’s ability to deal with their negative emotions and channel them into something pro-
ductive?” An example was given regarding dealing with a low test grade by studying harder for
the next test (excellent) or by ignoring it, throwing a tantrum, blaming the teacher or distract-
ing themselves with computer games, alcohol, drugs, etc. (extremely poor). Offered answers
were: excellent, good, fair, poor, extremely poor, and I don’t know.
Data analysis
Statistical analyses of quantitative data were performed using Excel and custom shell scripts
(Unix). Quantitative findings are presented as frequencies, percentages, ranges, means and/or
medians. ANOVAs, chi-squared, and t-tests comparisons were used where appropriate using
publicly available calculators and p<0.05 was considered significant. Qualitative data were
obtained from open text answers to questions that allowed participants to provide additional
information or comments. The types of comments and descriptions were categorized, tallied,
and reported numerically. A grounded theory approach was selected as the analytic strategy of
choice for handling the qualitative responses because it allowed the researcher to assemble the
data in accordance with the salient points the respondents were making without forcing the
data into a preconceived theoretical framework of the researcher’s own choosing [40]. Illustra-
tive respondent quotes and summaries from the qualitative data are used to illustrate the quan-
titative results and to provide relevant examples. Two questions were targeted for full
qualitative analysis of themes (one question on friend group behaviors and one on clinician
interactions). For these questions, a second reviewer with expertise in qualitative methods was
engaged (MM). Both the author (LL) and reviewer (MM) independently analyzed the content
of the open text answers and identified major themes. Discrepancies were resolved with collab-
orative discussion and themes were explored and refined until agreement was reached for the
final lists of themes. Representative quotes for each theme were selected by LL, reviewed by
MM, and agreement was reached.
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Results
Baseline characteristics
Baseline characteristics (Table 1) included that the vast majority of parents favored gay and les-
bian couples’ right to legally marry (85.9%) and believed that transgender individuals deserve
the same rights and protections as other individuals in their country (88.2%). Along with the
sudden or rapid onset of gender dysphoria, the AYAs belonged to a friend group where one or
multiple friends became gender dysphoric and came out as transgender during a similar time
as they did (21.5%), exhibited an increase in their social media/internet use (19.9%), both
(45.3%), neither (5.1%), and don’t know (8.2%). For comparisons, the first three categories
will be combined and called “social influence” (86.7%) and the last two combined as “no social
influence” (13.3%). Nearly half (47.4%) of the AYAs had been formally diagnosed as academi-
cally gifted, 4.3% had a learning disability, 10.7% were both gifted and learning disabled, and
37.5% were neither. Sexual orientation as expressed by the AYA prior to transgender-identifi-
cation is listed separately for natal females and for natal males (Table 2). Overall, 41% of the
AYAs expressed a non-heterosexual sexual orientation prior to disclosing a transgender-
identification.
It is important to note that none of the AYAs described in this study would have met diag-
nostic criteria for gender dysphoria in childhood (Table 3). In fact, the vast majority (80.4%)
had zero indicators from the DSM-5 diagnostic criteria for childhood gender dysphoria with
12.2% possessing one indicator, 3.5% with two indicators, and 2.4% with three indicators.
Breaking down these results, for readily observable indicators (A2-6), 83.5% of AYAs had zero
indicators, 10.2% had one indicator, 3.9% had two indicators, and 1.2% had three indicators.
For the desire/dislike indicators (A1, A7, A8), which a parent would have knowledge of if the
child expressed them verbally, but might be unaware if a child did not, 95.7% had zero indica-
tors and 3.5% had one indicator. Parents responded to the question about which, if any, of the
indicators of the DSM criteria for adolescent and adult gender dysphoria their child was
experiencing currently. The average number of positive current indicators was 3.5 (range 0–6)
and 83.2% of the AYA sample was currently experiencing two or more indicators. Thus, while
the focal AYAs did not experience childhood gender dysphoria, the majority of those who
were the focus of this study were indeed gender dysphoric at the time of the survey
completion.
The AYAs who were the focus of this study had many comorbidities and vulnerabilities pre-
dating the onset of their gender dysphoria, including psychiatric disorders, neurodevelopmen-
tal disabilites, trauma, non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI), and difficulties coping with strong or
negative emotions (Table 4). The majority (62.5%) of AYAs had one or more diagnoses of a
psychiatric disorder or neurodevelopmental disability preceding the onset of gender dysphoria
(range of the number of pre-existing diagnoses 0–7). Many (48.4%) had experienced a trau-
matic or stressful event prior to the onset of their gender dysphoria. Open text descriptions of
trauma were categorized as “family” (including parental divorce, death of a parent, mental dis-
order in a sibling or parent), “sex or gender related” (such as rape, attempted rape, sexual
harassment, abusive dating relationship, break-up), “social” (such as bullying, social isolation),
“moving” (family relocation or change of schools); “psychiatric” (such as psychiatric hospitali-
zation), and medical (such as serious illness or medical hospitalization). Almost half (45.0%) of
AYAs were engaging in non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI) behavior before the onset of GD. Cop-
ing styles for these AYAs included having a poor or extremely poor ability to handle negative
emotions productively (58.0%) and being overwhelmed by strong emotions and trying to
avoid (or go to great lengths to avoid) experiencing them (61.4%) (Table 4). The majority of
respondents (69.4%) answered that their child had social anxiety during adolescence; 44.3%
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that their child had difficulty interacting with their peers, and 43.1% that their child had a his-
tory of being isolated (not associating with their peers outside of school activities).
Announcing a transgender-identification
At the time the AYA announced they were transgender-identified (“came out”), most were liv-
ing at home with one or both parents (88.3%) and a small number were living at college
(6.2%). The average age of announcement of a transgender-identification was 15.2 years of age
(range 10–21) (Table 5). Most of the parents (80.9%) answered affirmatively that their child’s
announcement of being transgender came “out of the blue without significant prior evidence
of gender dysphoria.” Respondents were asked to pinpoint a time when their child seemed not
Table 3. DSM 5 Indicators for gender dysphoria.
Characteristics n %
AYAs who would have met diagnostic criteria for gender dysphoria in childhood 0 0
Number of DSM 5 indicators for gender dysphoria in children exhibited prior to
puberty
255
Zero
indicators
205 80.4
One indicator 31 12.2
Two
indicators
9 3.5
Three
indicators
6 2.4
Four
indicators
3 1.2
Desire/Dislike Indicators (A1, A7, or A8) 255
Zero
indicators
244 95.7
One indicators 9 3.5
Two
indicators
0 0
Three
indicators
1 0.4
Readily observable indicators (A2-A6) 254
Zero
indicators
212 83.5
One indicator 26 10.2
Two
indicators
10 3.9
Three
indicators
3 1.2
Four
indicators
3 1.2
Average number of DSM 5 indicators for adolescent and adult gender dysphoria that
the AYA is experiencing currently (range)
3.5 (range
0–6)
247
AYAs currently experiencing two or more indicators of gender dysphoria for
adolescents and adults
250
Yes 208 83.2
No 40 16.0
Don’t know 2 0.8
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Table 4. AYA baseline comorbidities and vulnerabilities predating the onset of gender dysphoria.
Characteristics n %
Mental disorder or neurodevelopmental disability diagnosed prior to the onset of
gender dysphoria� 251
Anxiety 117 46.6
Depression 99 39.4
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) 29 11.6
Obsessive Compulsive Disorder (OCD) 21 8.4
Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) 20 8.0
Eating Disorder 12 4.8
Bipolar Disorder 8 3.2
Psychosis 6 2.4
None of above 94 37.5
(Other) Borderline 3 1.2
(Other) Oppositional Defiant Disorder 2 0.8
Traumatic or stressful experience prior to the onset of gender dysphoria 252
Yes 122 48.4
No 91 36.1
Don’t know 38 15.1
Other 1 0.4
Types of trauma� 113
Family 50 44.2
Sex/Gender related 34 30.1
Social 23 20.4
Moving 20 17.7
Psychiatric 9 8.0
Medical 7 6.2
Non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI) before the onset of gender dysphoria 180
81 45.0
Ability to handle negative emotions productively 255
Excellent/Good 34 13.3
Fair 70 27.5
Poor/Extremely Poor 148 58.0
Don’t know 3 1.2
Coping style for dealing with strong emotions 254
Overwhelmed by strong emotions and tries to /goes to great lengths to
avoid feeling them
156 61.4
Neither avoids nor seeks out strong emotions 29 11.4
Tries to/goes to great lengths to seeks out strong emotions 33 13.0
Don’t know 25 9.8
None of the above 11 4.3
Social vulnerabilities 255
During adolescence child had social anxiety 177 69.4
Child had difficulty interacting with their peers 113 44.3
History of being isolated (not interacting with peers outside of school
activities)
110 43.1
Child felt excluded by peers throughout most of grade school 93 36.5
Child had persistent experiences of being bullied before the onset of
gender dysphoria
74 29.0
�may select more than one answer.
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Table 5. Announcing a transgender-identification.
Characteristics n %
Age of AYA when the AYA announced a
transgender-identification (range)
15.2 average (10–21) 255
Living arrangement at announcement 256
Living at home with one or both parents 226 88.3
Living at college or university 16 6.2
Other 14 5.5
AYA’s announcement came from “out of the blue,
without significant prior evidence of gender
dysphoria”
256
Yes 207 80.9
No 33 12.9
Other 16 6.2
If a time was pinpointed when the child seemed
not at all gender dysphoric, how long between that
time and the child’s announcement of a
transgender-identity?
250
Did not seem at all gender dysphoric when they
announced and transgender-identity
81 32.4
Less than a week to 3 months 65 26.0
4–6 months 31 12.4
7–9 months 10 4.0
10–12 months 29 11.6
More than 12 months 20 8.0
Don’t know 14 5.6
Parent suspects that when the child first
announced a transgender-identity, that the child
used language that they found online
253
Yes 175 69.2
No 53 20.9
N/A 25 9.9
Parent thinks their child is correct in their child’s
belief of being transgender
255
Yes 6 2.4
No 195 76.5
Don’t know 38 14.9
Other 16 6.3
How soon after the announcement did the AYA
ask for transition?
255
At the same time 86 33.7
Between less than one week to one month 33 12.9
2–5 months after announcement 26 10.2
6 or more months after announcement 19 7.5
Other 16 6.3
N/A 75 29.4
Intention and request for transition� 189
AYA told the parent that they want cross-sex
hormones
127 67.2
AYA told the parent that they want to go to a
gender therapist/gender clinic
111 58.7
AYA told the parent that they want surgery 101 53.4
(Continued )
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at all gender dysphoric and to estimate the length of time between that point and their child’s
announcement of a transgender-identity. Almost a third of respondents (32.4%) noted that
their child did not seem gender dysphoric when they made their announcement and 26.0%
said the length of time from not seeming gender dysphoric to announcing a transgender iden-
tity was between less than a week to three months. The most striking examples of “not seeming
at all gender dysphoric” prior to making the announcement included a daughter who loved
summers and seemed to love how she looked in a bikini, another daughter who happily wore
bikinis and makeup, and another daughter who previously said, “I love my body!”
The majority of respondents (69.2%) believed that their child was using language that they
found online when they “came out.” A total of 130 participants provided optional open text
responses to this question, and responses fell into the following categories: why they thought
the child was using language they found online (51); description of what the child said but
didn’t provide a reason that they suspected the child was using language they found online
(61); something else about the conversation (8) or the child (7) and don’t know (3). Of the 51
responses describing reasons why respondents thought their child was reproducing language
they found online, the top two reasons were that it didn’t sound like their child’s voice (19
respondents) and that the parent later looked online and recognized the same words and
phrases that their child used when they announced a transgender identity (14 respondents).
The observation that it didn’t sound like their child’s voice was also expressed as “sounding
scripted,” like their child was “reading from a script,” “wooden,” “like a form letter,” and that it
didn’t sound like their child’s words. Parents described finding the words their child said to
them “verbatim,” “word for word,” “practically copy and paste,” and “identical” in online and
other sources. The following quotes capture these top two observations. One parent said, “It
seemed different from the way she usually talked—I remember thinking it was like hearing
someone who had memorized a lot of definitions for a vocabulary test.” Another respondent
said, “The email [my child sent to me] read like all of the narratives posted online almost word
for word.”
The following case summaries were selected to illustrate peer, trauma, and psychiatric con-
texts that might indicate more complicated clinical pictures.
Table 5. (Continued )
Characteristics n %
AYA brought up the issue of suicides in
transgender teens as a reason that their parent
should agree to treatment
59 31.2
AYA has very high expectation that transitioning
will solve their problems in social, academic,
occupational, or mental health areas
256
Yes 143 55.9
No 13 5.1
Don’t know 100 39.1
AYA was willing to work on basic mental health
before seeking gender treatments
253
Yes 111 43.9
No 71 28.1
Don’t know 30 11.9
N/A 41 16.2
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• A 12-year-old natal female was bullied specifically for going through early puberty and the
responding parent wrote “as a result she said she felt fat and hated her breasts.” She learned
online that hating your breasts is a sign of being transgender. She edited her diary (by cross-
ing out existing text and writing in new text) to make it appear that she has always felt that
she is transgender.
• A 14-year-old natal female and three of her natal female friends were taking group lessons
together with a very popular coach. The coach came out as transgender, and, within one
year, all four students announced they were also transgender.
• A natal female was traumatized by a rape when she was 16 years of age. Before the rape, she
was described as a happy girl; after the rape, she became withdrawn and fearful. Several
months after the rape, she announced that she was transgender and told her parents that she
needed to transition.
• A 21-year-old natal male who had been academically successful at a prestigious university
seemed depressed for about six months. Since concluding that he was transgender, he went
on to have a marked decline in his social functioning and has become increasingly angry and
hostile to his family. He refuses to move out or look for a job. His entire family, including
several members who are very supportive of the transgender community, believe that he is
“suffering from a mental disorder which has nothing to do with gender.”
• A 14-year-old natal female and three of her natal female friends are part of a larger friend
group that spends much of their time talking about gender and sexuality. The three natal
female friends all announced they were trans boys and chose similar masculine names. After
spending time with these three friends, the 14-year-old natal female announced that she was
also a trans boy.
The majority (76.5%) of the surveyed parents felt that their child was incorrect in their
belief of being transgender (Table 5). More than a third (33.7%) of the AYAs asked for medical
and/or surgical transition at the same time that they announced they were transgender-identi-
fied. Two thirds (67.2%) of the AYAs told their parent that they wanted to take cross-sex hor-
mones; 58.7% that they wanted to see a gender therapist/gender clinic; and 53.4% that they
wanted surgery for transition. Almost a third (31.2%) of AYAs brought up the issue of suicides
in transgender teens as a reason that their parent should agree to treatment. More than half of
the AYAs (55.9%) had very high expectations that transitioning would solve their problems in
social, academic, occupational or mental health areas. While 43.9% of AYAs were willing to
work on basic mental health before seeking gender treatments, a sizable minority (28.1%) were
not willing to work on their basic mental health before seeking gender treatment. At least two
parents relayed that their child discontinued psychiatric care and medications for pre-existing
mental health conditions once they identified as transgender. One parent, in response to the
question about if their child had very high expectations that transitioning would solve their
problems elaborated, “Very much so. [She] discontinued anti- depressant quickly, stopped see-
ing psychiatrist, began seeing gender therapist, stopped healthy eating. [She] stated ‘none of it’
(minding what she ate and taking her Rx) ‘mattered anymore.’ This was her cure, in her
opinion.”
Friend-group exposure
The adolescent and young adult children were, on average, 14.4 years old when their first
friend became transgender-identified (Table 6). Within friendship groups, the average number
of individuals who became transgender-identified was 3.5 per group. In 36.8% of the friend
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groups described, the majority of individuals in the group became transgender-identified. The
order that the focal AYA “came out” compared to the rest of their friendship group was calcu-
lated from the 119 participants who provided the number of friends coming out both before
and after their child and 74.8% of the AYAs were first, second or third of their group. Parents
described intense group dynamics where friend groups praised and supported people who
were transgender-identified and ridiculed and maligned non-transgender people. Where pop-
ularity status and activities were known, 60.7% of the AYAs experienced an increased popular-
ity within their friend group when they announced a transgender-identification and 60.0% of
the friend groups were known to mock people who were not transgender or LGBTIA (lesbian,
gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, or asexual).
For the question about popularity changes when the child came out as having a transgender-
identification, 79 participants provided optional open text responses which were categorized as:
descriptions of the responses the child received (39); descriptions of the friends (14); description
that the child did not “come out” to friends (8); not sure (9); speculation on how the child felt
Table 6. Friend group exposure.
Characteristics n %
The AYA has been part of a friend group where one or more friends has
come out as transgender around a similar timeframe as they did
254
Yes 176 69.3
No 47 18.5
Don’t know 31 12.2
Age of AYA when their first friend became transgender-identified (range) 14.4 average (11–21) 174
Number of friends from the friendship group who became gender
dysphoric average (range)
3.5 average (2–10) 138
Where numbers known, friend groups where the MAJORITY of the
friends in the friendship group became transgender-identified
125
Yes 46 36.8
No 79 63.2
Order of the AYAs “coming out” compared to the others in the friendship
group
119
First in the friendship group 4 3.4
Second in the friendship
group
52 43.7
Third in the friendship
group
33 27.7
Fourth in the friendship
group
18 15.1
Fifth in the friendship
group
5 4.2
Sixth or Seventh in the
friendship group
6 5.0
Where popularity status known, change in popularity within friend group
when AYA announced their transgender-identification
178
Increased popularity 108 60.7
Decreased popularity 11 6.2
Unchanged popularity 59 33.1
Where friend group activities known, friend group known to mock
people who are not transgender/LGBT
145
Yes 87 60.0
No 58 40.0
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from the response (4), other (5). Of the 39 descriptions of responses, 19 of these responses
referred to positive benefits the child received after coming out including positive attention, com-
pliments, increased status, increased popularity, increased numbers of online followers, and
improved protection from ongoing bullying. The following are quotes from parents about the
perceived benefits of transgender-identification afforded to their child. One respondent said,
“Great increase in popularity among the student body at large. Being trans is a gold star in the
eyes of other teens.” Another respondent explained, “not so much ‘popularity’ increasing as ‘sta-
tus’. . .also she became untouchable in terms of bullying in school as teachers who ignored homo-
phobic bullying . . .are now all at pains to be hot on the heels of any trans bullying.” Seven
respondents described a mixed response where the child’s popularity increased with some
friends and decreased with others. Seven respondents described a neutral response such as “All
of the friends seemed extremely accepting.” Two described a temporary increase in their child’s
popularity: “There was an immediate rush of support when he came out. Those same friends
have dwindled to nothing as he rarely speaks to any of them now.” Another described the loss of
friends. And two parents described that “coming out” prevented the loss of friends explained by
one respondent as “to not be trans one would not have been included in his group.”
Several AYAs expressed significant concern about the potential repercussions from their
friend group when they concluded that they were not transgender after all. There were two
unrelated cases with similar trajectories where the AYAs spent some significant time in a differ-
ent setting, away from their usual friend group, without access to the internet. Parents described
that these AYAs made new friendships, became romantically involved with another person, and
during their time away concluded that they were not transgender. In both cases, the adolescents,
rather than face their school friends, asked to move and transfer to different high schools. One
parent said that their child, “. . .couldn’t face the stigma of going back to school and being
branded as a fake or phony. . .. Or worse, a traitor or some kind of betrayer. . .[and] asked us if
we could move.” In the other case, the parent relayed that their child thought none of the origi-
nal friends would understand and expressed a strong desire to “. . .get out of the culture that ‘if
you are cis, then you are bad or oppressive or clueless.’” Both families were able to relocate and
both respondents reported that their teens have thrived in their new environments and new
schools. One respondent described that their child expressed relief that medical transition was
never started and felt there would have been pressure to move forward had the family not
moved away from the peer group.
Qualitative analysis. The open-ended responses from the question about whether the
AYAs and friends mocked, teased, or made fun of individuals who weren’t transgender or
LGBTIA was selected for additional qualitative analysis. Seven major themes were identified
from the comments provided by participants and are described, with representative support-
ing quotes.
Theme: groups targeted. The groups targeted for mocking by the friend groups are often
heterosexual (straight) people and non-transgender people (called “cis” or “cisgender”). Some-
times animosity was also directed towards males, white people, gay and lesbian (non-transgen-
der) people, aromantic and asexual people, and “terfs”. One participant explained, “They are
constantly putting down straight, white people for being privileged, dumb and boring.” Another
participant elaborated, “In general, cis-gendered people are considered evil and unsupportive,
regardless of their actual views on the topic. To be heterosexual, comfortable with the gender
you were assigned at birth, and non-minority places you in the ‘most evil’ of categories with this
group of friends. Statement of opinions by the evil cis-gendered population are consider phobic
and discriminatory and are generally discounted as unenlightened.”
Theme: individuals targeted. In addition to targeting specific groups of people for mock-
ing, the AYAs and their friend groups also directed mocking towards individuals in the AYAs’
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lives such as parents, grandparents, siblings, peers, allies, and teachers. The following quotes
describe individuals targeted. One participant said, “They call kids who are not LGBT dumb
and cis. And the mocking has been aimed at my transgender-identified child’s [sibling].”
Another parent said, “They definitely made fun of parents and teachers who did not agree
with them.” And a third participant said, “. . .they were asked to leave [a school-based LGBT
club] because they were not queer enough [as straight and bisexual allies]. [One of them] was
[then] bullied, harassed and denounced online.”
Theme: behaviors occurred both in person and in online settings. Parents observed the
behaviors both in-person and in online settings, and specifically mentioned seeing posts and
conversations on Tumblr, Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram. On participant said, “They speak
with derision about how cis-gendered people do not understand them and are so close-minded.”
Another participant said, “I hear them disparaging heterosexuality, marriage and nuclear fami-
lies.” Another participant said, “On my daughter’s Tumblr blog, she has liked or favorited or re-
posted disparaging comments about those who aren’t transgender or seem to misunderstand the
transgender identity.” And another parent reported, “Her real life friends don’t [mock non-
LGBT people] but online they are always swapping jokes and comments about cisgender and
about transphobia.”
Theme: examples of behaviors. Participants gave many examples of the observed behav-
iors that were mocking towards non-transgender people and non-LGB people. One partici-
pant said, “My daughter called me a ‘breeder’ and says things in a mocking ‘straight person
voice’. Her friends egg her on when she does this.” Another parent offered, “If they aren’t
mocking ‘cis’ people, they are playing pronoun police and mocking people who can’t get the
pronouns correct.” Another participant said, “New vocabulary includes ‘cis-stupid’ and ‘cis-
stupidity.’” And a fourth participant described, “They assume anyone that is critical about
being transgender (even just asking questions) is either ignorant or filled with hate.”
Theme: emphasizing victimhood. Participants described that their children and friend
group seemed to focus on feeling as though they were victims. One participant described,
“They seem to wear any problems they may have, real or perceived like badges of honor. . .I
feel like they want to believe they are oppressed & have really ’been through life’, when they
have little life experience.” Another participant said, “. . .there is a lot of feeling like a victim
[and being] part of a victimized club.” Another parent said “But all talk is very ’victim’ cen-
tered”. And finally, another said, “They passionately decry ‘Straight Privilege’ and ‘White Male
Privilege’—while emphasizing their own ‘Victimhood.’”
Theme: consequences of behaviors. A few participants describe that because of their
child’s behavior, there were consequences, including making it difficult for one child to return
to her school and the following description from another parent, “Most relatives have blocked
her on [social media] over constant jokes regarding cis and straight people.”
Theme: fueling the behaviors. In some cases, parents describe a synergistic effect of kids
encouraging other kids to persist in the behavior as was described in a previous quote, “Her
friends egg her on when she does this” as well as the following, “Lots of discussion revolving
around how their teachers ‘discriminate’ or are ‘mean’ to them based on their declared LGBTIA
identity, and they get each other riled up convincing each other of their persecution by these
perceived wrongs . . . privately they mock our intolerance, and in person act upon these false
beliefs by treating us as people out to get them. . .”
Internet/social media exposure
In the time period just before announcing that they were transgender, 63.5% of AYAs exhib-
ited an increase in their internet/social media (Table 7). To assess AYA exposure to existing
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online content, parents were asked what kind of advice their child received from someone/
people online. AYAs had received online advice including how to tell if they were transgender
(54.2%); the reasons that they should transition right away (34.7%); that if their parents did
not agree for them to take hormones that the parents were “abusive” and “transphobic”
(34.3%); that if they waited to transition they would regret it (29.1%); what to say and what not
to say to a doctor or therapist in order to convince them to provide hormones (22.3%); that if
their parents were reluctant to take them for hormones that they should use the “suicide narra-
tive” (telling the parents that there is a high rate of suicide in transgender teens) to convince
them (20.7%); and that it is acceptable to lie or withhold information about one’s medical or
psychological history from a doctor or therapist in order to get hormones/get hormones faster
(17.5%). Two respondents, in answers to other questions, described that their children later
Table 7. Internet/social media exposures.
n %
AYAs internet/social media use just
prior to announcement
255
Increased social media/internet use 162 63.5
Decreased social media/internet use 3 1.2
Unchanged social media/internet use 49 19.2
Don’t know 41 16.1
AYA exposure to internet content/
advice� 251
How to tell if they are transgender 136 54.2
The reasons that they should transition right away 87 34.7
That if their parents did not agree to take them for hormones,
that the parents are “abusive” and “transphobic”
86 34.3
That if they waited to transition they would regret it 73 29.1
That if they didn’t transition immediately they would never be
happy
72 28.7
How to order physical items (binders, packers, etc) without
parents finding out
67 26.7
What to say and what NOT to say to a doctor or therapist in
order to convince them to provide hormones
56 22.3
That if their parents are reluctant to take them for hormones,
that they should use the “suicide narrative” to convince them
(telling the parents that there is a high rate of suicide in
transgender teens.)
52 20.7
Medical advice about the risks and benefits of hormones 55 21.9
Medical advice about the risks and benefits of surgery 47 18.7
That it is acceptable to lie to or withhold information about one’s
medical or psychological history from a doctor or therapist in
order to get hormones/get hormones faster
44 17.5
How to hide physical items from parents 40 15.9
How to hide or make excuses for physical changes 26 10.4
How to get money from others online in order to pay for
medications, etc
25 10.0
How to get hormones from online sources 24 9.6
How to hide hormones from parents 21 8.4
I don’t know if my child received online advice about these
topics
127 50.6
�may select more than one answer.
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told them what they learned from online discussion lists and sites. One parent reported, “He
has told us recently that he was on a bunch of discussion lists and learned tips there. Places
where teens and other trans people swap info. Like to use [certain, specific] words [with] the
therapist when describing your GD, because [they are] code for potentially suicidal and will
get you a diagnosis and Rx for hormones.” Another parent disclosed, “The threat of suicide
was huge leverage. What do you say to that? It’s hard to have a steady hand and say no to medi-
cal transition when the other option is dead kid. She learned things to say that would push our
buttons and get what she wanted and she has told us now that she learned that from trans dis-
cussion sites.”
Parents identified the sources they thought were most influential for their child becoming
gender dysphoric. The most frequently answered influences were: YouTube transition videos
(63.6%); Tumblr (61.7%); a group of friends they know in person (44.5%); a community/group
of people that they met online (42.9%); a person they know in-person (not online) 41.7%. In
contrast to the majority of responses, two participants commented that they didn’t think the
sources influenced their child to become gender dysphoric, rather they gave their child a name
for their feelings or gave the child confidence to come out. The following quotes illustrate the
dominant quantitative findings. One parent wrote, “We believe the biggest influence was the
online pro-transition blogs and youtube videos. We feel she was highly influenced by the ‘if
you are even questioning your gender-you are probably transgender’ philosophy. . .In the ‘real
world’ her friends, other trans peers, and newfound popularity were additional areas of rein-
forcement.” Another respondent described the online influence as part of a different question,
Table 8. Outcomes and behaviors.
Characteristics n %
AYA mental well-being since
announcement
254
Worse 120 47.2
Better 32 12.6
Unchanged or mixed 101 39.8
Don’t know 1 0.4
Parent-child relationship since
announcement
253
Worse 145 57.3
Better 18 7.4
Unchanged or mixed 89 35.2
Don’t know 1 0.4
Grades/academic performance 220
Worse 76 34.5
Better 14 6.4
Unchanged/mixed 130 59.1
Range of interests and hobbies 255
Much broader 2 0.8
Somewhat broader 11 4.3
Unchanged 93 36.5
Somewhat narrower 64 25.1
Much narrower 56 22.0
There are very few topics outside of transgender issues that my
child is interested in
28 11.0
Don/t know 1 0.4
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“I believe my child experienced what many kids experience on the cusp of puberty—uncom-
fortableness!—but there was an online world at the ready to tell her that those very normal
feelings meant she’s in the wrong body.”
Mental well-being, mental health, and behaviors
The trajectories of the AYAs were not consistent with the narrative of discovering one’s authentic
self and then thriving. Specifically, parents reported that, after “coming out,” their children exhib-
ited a worsening of their mental well-being. Additionally, parents noted worsening of the parent-
child relationship and observed that their children had narrowed their interests (Table 8).
Although small numbers of AYAs had improvement in mental well-being (12.6%), parent-child
relationship (7.4%), grades/academic performance (6.4%), and had broadened their interests and
hobbies (5.1%); the most common outcomes were worsened mental well-being (47.2%); wors-
ened parent child relationship (57.3%); unchanged or mixed grades/academic performance
(59.1%); and a narrowed range of interests and hobbies (58.1%). One parent describing her child’s
trajectory offered, “After announcing she was transgender, my daughter’s depression increased
significantly. She became more withdrawn. She stopped participating in activities which she pre-
viously enjoyed, stopped participating in family activities, and significantly decreased her interac-
tion with friends. Her symptoms became so severe that she was placed on medication by her
physician.” Table 9 describes cumulative rates of mental illness and neurodevelopmental disability
at the time of survey.
A total of 63.8% of the parents have been called “transphobic” or “bigoted” by their children
for one or more reasons, the most common being for: disagreeing with the child about the
child’s self-assessment of being transgender (51.2%); recommending that the child take more
time to figure out if their feelings of gender dysphoria persist or go away (44.6%); expressing
concerns for the child’s future if they take hormones and/or have surgery (40.4%); calling their
child by the pronouns they used to use (37.9%); telling the child they thought that hormones or
surgery would not help them (37.5%); recommending that their child work on other mental
health issues first to determine if they are the cause of the dysphoria (33.3%); calling the child by
their birth name (33.3%); or recommending a comprehensive mental health evaluation before
starting hormones and/or surgery (20.8%) (Table 10). There were eight cases of estrangement.
Estrangement was child-initiated in six cases where the child ran away, moved out, or otherwise
refused contact with parent. There were two cases where the estrangement was initiated by the
parent because the AYA’s outbursts were affecting younger siblings or there was a threat of vio-
lence made by the AYA to the parent.
Table 9. AYA Cumulative mental disorder and neurodevelopmental disability diagnoses.
Characteristics n %
Mental disorder or neurodevelopmental disability 243
Anxiety 154 63.4
Depression 143 58.8
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) 36 14.8
Obsessive Compulsive Disorder (OCD) 30 12.3
Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) 30 12.3
Eating Disorder 17 7.0
Bipolar Disorder 17 7.0
Psychosis 8 3.3
None of above 52 21.4
(Other) Borderline 7 2.9
(Other) Oppositional Defiant Disorder 2 0.8
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Table 10. Additional behaviors.
n %
Parents have been called “transphobic” or “bigoted” by
their child for the following reasons� 240
Disagreeing with their child about the child’s assessment of being transgender 123 51.2
Recommending that their child take more time to figure out if their feelings of gender dysphoria
persist or go away
107 44.6
Expressing concerns for their child’s future if the child were to take hormones and/or have
surgery
97 40.4
Referring to their child by the pronouns that they used to use before announcement 91 37.9
Telling their child that they thought hormones/surgery would not help them 90 37.5
Calling their child by the child’s birth name 80 33.3
Recommending that their child work on other mental health issues first to determine if they are
the cause of their dysphoria
80 33.3
Recommending therapy for basic mental health issues (not related to gender) 74 30.8
Recommending a comprehensive evaluation before starting hormones and/or surgery 50 20.8
None of the above 87 36.2
Distrust and isolating behaviors exhibited by AYAs� 251
Expressed distrust of information about gender dysphoria and transgenderism coming from
mainstream doctors and psychologists
130 51.8
Tried to isolate themselves from their family 124 49.4
Expressed that they ONLY trust information about gender dysphoria and transgenderism that
comes from transgender websites and/or transgender people and sources
117 46.6
Lost interest in activities where participants aren’t predominantly transgender or LGBTIA 81 32.3
Lost interest in activities that were not related to transgender or LGBTIA issues 65 25.9
Stopped spending time with friends who are not transgender 63 25.1
Expressed distrust of people who are not transgender 57 22.7
Expressed hostility towards people who are not transgender 46 18.3
None of the above 44 17.5
Other behavior and outcomes for AYAs� 249
Withdrawn from family 112 45.0
Told other people or posted on social media that their parent is “transphobic”, “abusive”, or
“toxic” because the parent does not agree with the child’s assessment of being transgender
107 43.0
Refused to speak to parent 71 28.5
Defended the practice of lying to or withholding information from therapists or doctors in order
to obtain hormones for transition more quickly
41 16.5
Tried to run away 17 6.8
Been unable to obtain a job 25 10.0
Been unable to hold a job 18 7.2
Dropped out of college 12 4.8
Dropped out of high school 12 4.8
Needed to take a leave of absence from college 12 4.8
Been fired from a job 9 3.6
Needed a leave of absence from high school 1 0.4
None of the above 86 34.5
For any of the above, is this a significant change from
the child’s baseline behavior?
161
Yes 115 71.4
No 46 28.6
�may select more than one answer.
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AYAs are reported to have exhibited one or more of the following behaviors: expressed dis-
trust of information about gender dysphoria and transgenderism coming from mainstream
doctors and psychologists (51.8%); tried to isolate themselves from their family (49.4%);
expressed that they only trust information about gender dysphoria and transgenderism that
comes from transgender websites and/or transgender people and sources (46.6%); lost interest
in activities where participants aren’t predominantly transgender or LGBTIA (32.3%); stopped
spending time with friends who were not transgender (25.1%); expressed distrust of people
who were not transgender (22.7%) (Table 10). Many AYAs have also: withdrawn from their
family (45.0%); told other people or posted on social media that their parent is “transphobic,”
“abusive,” or “toxic” because the parent does not agree with child’s self-assessment of being
transgender (43.0%); refused to speak to their parent (28.5%), defended the practice of lying to
or withholding information from therapists or doctors in order to obtain hormones for transi-
tion more quickly (16.5%); tried to run away (6.8%). The behaviors and outcomes listed above
Table 11. Interactions with clinicians.
n %
Did the AYA see a gender therapist, go to a
gender clinic or see a physician for the purpose of
transition?
254
No 151 59.4
Yes 92 36.2
Don’t know 11 4.3
Did the therapist/physician/clinic staff explore
issues of mental health, previous trauma, or any
alternative causes of gender dysphoria before
proceeding?
100
Yes 21 21.0
No 53 53.0
Don’t know 26 26.0
Did the therapist/physician/clinic staff request
any medical records before proceeding?
99
Yes 21 21.2
No 49 49.5
Don’t know 29 29.3
Of parents who knew the content of the visit, did
the AYA receive an Rx for puberty blockers and/
or cross-sex hormones at their first visit?
80
AYA received an Rx for puberty blockers and/or
cross-sex hormones at their first visit
17 21.2
AYA was offered a Rx for puberty blockers and/or
cross-sex hormones at their first visit, but AYA or
parent declined
2 2.5
Total number of AYAs who received or were
offered an Rx at first visit
19 23.8
AYAs who did not receive/were not offered an Rx at
their first visit
61 76.2
Did AYA misrepresent their history to the doctor
or relay their history accurately?
96
Parent is reasonably sure or positive that their child
misrepresented or omitted parts of their history
64 66.7
Parent is reasonable sure or positive that their child
relayed their history completely and accurately
12 12.5
Don’t know 20 20.8
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were considered significant changes from the child’s baseline behaviors for 71.4% of respon-
dents checking any of the items.
There was a subset of eight cases where parents described watching their child have declin-
ing mental well-being as they became gender dysphoric and transgender-identified and then
had improving mental well-being as they dropped or backed away from a transgender-identifi-
cation. One parent described a marked change in her daughter when she was out of school
temporarily. “[Her] routine was disrupted. She spent all day on the internet, and lost her many
school friends—her only friends were on-line and members of the trans community. In three
months, my daughter announced she is trans, gender dysphoric, wants binders and top sur-
gery, testosterone shots. . .she started self-harming. Now back at school. . .she tweeted that
she’s so young, isn’t sure if she is trans, no longer wants to be referred to by the male name she
had chosen. . .Since she has started back at school and is being exposed to a wide variety of
people she is WAY happier.” Another parent described, “My daughter’s insight has improved
considerably over the last few years, and she has also outgrown the belief that she is transgen-
der. My daughter actually seemed to be looking for a reason for her depression which is now
being successfully treated. . .My daughter is MUCH happier now that she is being treated for
her genuine issues. Coming out as trans made her much worse for a while.”
There was a subset of 30 cases where the AYAs’ transgender-identification occurred in the
context of a decline in their ability to function (such as dropping out of high school or college,
needing a leave of absence from high school or college, and/or being unable to obtain or hold a
job), which parents reported as a significant change from their child’s baseline behavior. The
declines were substantial as 43.3% of these AYAs had been identified as academically gifted
students (some described as top of their class in high school, earning outstanding grades at
prestigious universities) before they began to fail their classes, drop out of high school or col-
lege, and became unable to hold a job. In most of these cases (76.7%), there was one or more
psychiatric diagnosis made at the same time or within the year (60.0%) or within two years
(16.7%) of the AYA’s new transgender-identification. Of the 23 individuals who had a psychi-
atric diagnoses made within two years of assuming a transgender-identification, 91.3% (21/23)
were diagnosed with depression; 73.9% (17/23) with anxiety; 26.0% (6/23) with bipolar disor-
der; 17.4% (4/23) with borderline personality disorder; 8.7% (2/23) with psychosis/psychotic
episode: and 8.7% (2/23) with an eating disorder.
Clinical encounters
Parents were asked if their child had seen a gender therapist, gone to a gender clinic, or seen a
physician for the purpose of beginning transition and 92 respondents (36.2%) answered in the
affirmative (Table 11). Many of the respondents clarified that their child had seen a clinician
regarding their gender dysphoria for evaluation only. Although participants were not asked
directly what kind of provider their child saw, specialties that were mentioned in answers
included: general psychologists, pediatricians, family doctors, social workers, gender therapists,
and endocrinologists. For parents who knew the content of their child’s evaluation, 71.6%
reported that the clinician did not explore issues of mental health, previous trauma, or any alter-
native causes of gender dysphoria before proceeding and 70.0% report that the clinician did not
request any medical records before proceeding. Despite all of the AYAs in this study sample hav-
ing an atypical presentation of gender dysphoria (no gender dysphoria prior to puberty), 23.8%
of the parents who knew the content of their child’s visit reported that the child was offered pre-
scriptions for puberty blockers and/or cross-sex hormones at the first visit.
One participant described, “For the most part, I was extremely frustrated with providers
NOT acknowledging the mental disorder, anxiety, depression, etc before recommending
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hormone replacement therapy.” And two participants described how the clinician treating
their child’s gender dysphoria refused to speak with the patients’ primary care physicians. One
participant said, “When we phoned the clinic, the doctor was hostile to us, told us to mind our
own business. Our family doctor tried to reach our son’s new doctor, but the trans doctor
refused to speak with her.” Another respondent shared “The pediatrician/‘gender specialist’
did not return calls or emails from the primary care physician who requested to talk with her
about my son’s medical history before she saw and treated him. . .she disregarded all historical
information provided by the family and primary care physician. . .did not verify any informa-
tion provided by my. . .son at his first visit even after being provided with multiple other his-
torical sources which differed significantly from his story.”
When asked about whether their child relayed their history completely and accurately to cli-
nicians or whether they misrepresented or omitted parts of their history, of those who knew the
content of their child’s visit, 84.2% of the parent respondents were reasonably sure or positive
that their child had misrepresented or omitted parts of their history. Twenty-eight participants
provided optional open text responses to this question and the responses were categorized into:
describing how the parent knew that the child misrepresented their history (5); the content of
what the child misrepresented (6 misrepresenting in general, 4 misrepresenting to the clinician
for a total of 10 examples); don’t know/not sure (4); expressing certainty (1); and not relevant
(8). For the five participants describing how they knew, the reasons included: being present
when it happened, reading the report from the gender specialist, being told by their child that
the child had misrepresented the truth, and being informed by the child’s psychiatrist. One
respondent shared, “I have read the report from the gender specialist and it omits all the rele-
vant context painting an almost unrecognizable picture of my son.” A second parent simply
responded, “I was present.” Another respondent relayed about their (natal male) child, “My
daughter told me and her mother that the first therapist she saw asked her stereotypical ques-
tions. . .She was afraid that if she didn’t describe herself as a ‘typical girl’ she would not be
believed.” And finally, one respondent wrote, “He has said now that he did [misrepresent his
history] and used key words he was advised to say.” Ten participants provided 13 examples of
the content of misrepresentations and of these, 6 examples could have been easily verified to be
false (claiming to be under the care of a psychiatrist, claiming to be on medication to treat a psy-
chiatric condition, how one was doing academically, and claiming a childhood history of having
playmates of one sex when the opposite was observed, and claiming strong childhood prefer-
ences for specific toys and clothing that is the opposite of what multiple individuals observed).
Three of the content examples would have been challenging to verify as false including: how
one was feeling as a child, how one was feeling when a picture was taken, and whether one was
from an abusive home. And four of the content examples did not provide enough information
to determine if they would be easy or challenging to verify as false, such as “My child distorts
her history and our family life on a regular basis,” and “He has created an entire narrative that
just isn’t true.”
In addition to the previously mentioned case where the child literally rewrote her history by
editing her diary, there were seven respondents who conveyed a process where their child was
constantly rewriting their personal history to make it consistent with the idea that they always
were transgender and/or had created a childhood history that was not what others had observed.
It is unclear whether this process was deliberate or if the individuals were unaware of their
actions. The following are quotes describing this phenomenon. One parent said, “. . .she is
actively rewriting her personal history to support the idea that she was always trans.” Another
respondent added,”. . .my daughter denies events I recollect from her childhood and puberty that
contradicts her narrative of ‘always knowing she was a boy.’” Another respondent offered, “He is
rewriting his personal history to suit his new narrative.” And a fourth respondent described,
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“[Our] son has completely made up his childhood to include only girl friends and dressing up in
girls clothes and playing with dolls, etc. This is not the same childhood we have seen as parents.”
Qualitative analysis. The open-ended comments from the question about whether the
clinician explored mental health, trauma or alternative causes of gender dysphoria before pro-
ceeding were selected for qualitative analysis. Nine major themes emerged from the data. Each
theme is described in the following paragraphs with supporting quotes from participants.
Theme: failure to explore mental health, trauma or alternative causes of GD. Parents
described that clinicians failed to explore their child’s mental health, trauma, or any alternative
causes for the child’s gender dysphoria. This failure to explore mental health and trauma
occurred even when patients had a history of mental health disorder or trauma, were currently
being treated for a mental health disorder, or were currently experiencing symptoms. One par-
ticipant said, “Nothing other than gender dysphoria was considered to explain my daughter’s
desire to transition.” Another participant said, “My daughter saw a child therapist and the
therapist was preparing to support transgendering and did not explore the depression and anx-
iety or previous trauma.”
Theme: insufficient evaluation. Another theme was insufficient evaluation where parents
described evaluations that were too limited or too superficial to explore mental health, trauma
or alternative causes of gender dysphoria. The following are three quotes by three different
parents describing insufficient evaluations. One parent said, “The exploration was egregiously
insufficient, very shallow, no effort to ask questions, engage in critical thinking about coexist-
ing anxiety, or put on the brakes or even slow down.” Another participant stated, “When we
tried to give our son’s trans doctor a medical history of our son, she refused to accept it. She
said the half hour diagnosis in her office with him was sufficient, as she considers herself an
expert in the field.” And a third parent wrote, “We were STUNNED by the lack of information,
medical history sought by therapist and radical treatment suggestion. [One ]visit. The idea is,
‘if they say they were born in the wrong body, they are. To question this will only hurt her and
prolong her suffering.’ [Our] daughter has had trauma in [the] past. [She] never was asked
about it. [The] therapist did not ask parents a single question about our daughter.”
Theme: unwillingness or disinterest in exploring mental health, trauma or alternative
causes of GD. Parents described that clinicians did not seem interested or willing to explore
alternative causes. One parent described. “Her current therapist seems to accept her self diag-
nosis of gender dysphoria and follows what she says without seeming too much interested in
exploring the sexual trauma in her past.” Another parent wrote, “The Asperger psychiatrist did
not seem to care whether our daughter’s gender dysphoria stemmed from Asperger’s. If our
daughter wanted to be male, then that was enough.” And a third parent said. “The therapist
did ask about those issues but seemed to want to accept the idea wholeheartedly that my
daughter was transgender first and foremost, all other factors aside.”
Theme: mental health was explored. A few parents had the experience where the clinician
either made an appropriate referral for further evaluation or the issues had been addressed pre-
viously. One parent said, “[The] previous mental health issues [were] already explored by
other therapists ([my] child was in therapy and medicated before coming out as transgender).”
Theme: failure to communicate with patients’ medical providers. Several participants
described clinicians who were unwilling to communicate with primary care physicians and
mental health professionals even those professionals who were currently treating the patient.
One participant relayed, “She did not review the extensive psychiatric records that were avail-
able in a shared EMR [electronic medical record] and she did not consult with his outpatient
psychiatrist prior to or after starting cross-sex hormonal therapy.” Another parent said, “My
child had been seen for mental health issues for several years before presenting this new
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identity, but the endocrinologist did not consult the mental health professionals for their opin-
ions before offering hormones.”
Theme: misrepresentation of information by the patient. Several participants described
how their child misrepresented their history to the clinician, thus, limiting the clinician’s abil-
ity to adequately explore mental health, trauma and alternative causes. One participant wrote,
“At [the] first visit, [my] daughter’s dialogue was well-rehearsed, fabricated stories about her
life told to get [the] outcome she desired. She parroted people from the internet.” Another par-
ent reported, “My son concealed the trauma and mental health issues that he and the family
had experienced.” And a third parent said, “I overheard my son boasting on the phone to his
older brother that ‘the doc swallowed everything I said hook, line and sinker. Easiest thing I
ever did.’”
Theme: transition steps were pushed by the clinician. Some parents described clinicians
who seemed to push the process of transition before the patient asked for it. One parent
described that the doctor gave her daughter a prescription that she didn’t ask for, “The family
doctor who gave her the Androgel Rx [prescription] did NOT ask her many questions (she
was surprised by this), nor did he await her assessment by a licensed psychiatrist before giving
her this Rx. Nor did she ask him for this Rx.” Another parent reported that she and her child
were at the endocrinologist’s office only to ask questions, and described, “. . .[he] didn’t listen
to a word we were saying. He was too eager to get us set up with a ‘gender therapist’ to get the
legal form he needed to start hormones, all while making sure we set up our next appointment
within 6 months to start the hormones. . .”
Theme: parent views were discounted or ignored. Parents describe that the clinicians did
not take their concerns seriously. One parent described, “I have to say I don’t know, but it is
hard to believe that they adequately examined the history of bullying and being ostracized for
being different, and the autistic traits that would lend a person like my son to risk everything
for identifying with a group. I know that in the few contacts I had with the providers, my con-
cerns were discounted.” And another said, “All of our emails went unanswered and were
ignored. We are left out of everything because of our constant questioning of this being right
for our daughter [because of her] trauma and current depression, anxiety and self-esteem
problems.”
Theme: parent had concerns about the clinicians’ competence, professionalism or expe-
rience. Parents expressed doubts about the clinicians regarding their experience, competence
or professionalism. One parent said, “The clinic told me they explored these issues. I asked the
risk manager at [redacted] if they’d considered a personality disorder. ‘Oh, no,’ she laughed.
‘That’s only with the older patients, not the teenagers.’ I’m deeply suspicious of their compe-
tence.” Another parent described, “What does concern me is that the people she talked to
seemed to have no sense of professional duties, but only a mission to promote a specific social
ideology.”
Steps towards transition and current identification status
This section reports on the duration of AYA transgender-identification (time from the AYA’s
announcement of a transgender identity until the time the parent completed the survey) that
covers, on average, 15.0 months (range 0.1–120 months) with a median of 11 months (Table 12).
The steps taken towards transition during this timeframe are listed in Table 12. At the end of the
timeframe, 83.2% of the AYAs were still transgender-identified, 5.5% were not still transgender-
identified (desisted), 2.7% seemed to be backing away from transgender-identification, and 8.6%
of the parents did not know if their child was still identifying as transgender. Descriptions of
backing away or moving from transgender-identified to not transgender-identified include the
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following. One parent observed, “She identified as trans for six months . . . Now back at school,
she is thinking maybe she’s not trans.” Another parent offered, “My daughter [identified] as
trans from ages 13–16. She gradually desisted as she developed more insight into who she is.”
One parent described that after one year of identifying as transgender, “basically, she changed
her mind once she stopped spending time with that particular group of friends.” The duration of
transgender-identification of the AYAs who were still transgender-identified at the time of sur-
vey was compared to the duration of those who were no longer transgender-identified and those
who seemed to be backing away from a transgender-identification (combined) by t-test. The dif-
ference between these groups was statistically significant (p = .025), with a t-value of -2.25 show-
ing that those who were no longer transgender-identified and backing away had a longer
duration of identification (mean = 24.1 months) and those who were still transgender-identified
had a shorter mean duration (mean = 14.4 months).
To explore the differences between the AYAs who had exposure to social influence (friend
group, internet/social media, or both) and AYAs who did not have a clear exposure to social
influence (neither and don’t know), a series of chi-squared calculations were performed for
selected variables. (See Table 13.) Statistically significant differences were revealed for AYAs
with exposure to social influences having worse outcomes for mental well-being and parent-
Table 12. Transition steps and disposition.
n %
Transition Steps� 256
Changed hairstyle 216 84.4
Changed style of clothing 210 82.0
Asks to be called a new name 188 73.4
Asks for different pronouns 175 68.4
Taken cross-sex hormones 29 11.3
Legally changed name on government documents 19 7.4
Taken anti-androgens 11 4.3
Taken puberty blockers 7 2.7
Had surgery 5 2.0
None of the above 14 5.5
Disposition 256
Still transgender-identified 213 83.2
Not transgender-identified any more (desisted) 14 5.5
Seems to be backing away from transgender-identification 7 2.7
Parent doesn’t know if the child is still transgender-
identified
22 8.6
De-transitioned (also counted in desisted category) 3 1.2
Duration of transgender-identification
overall
225
Median duration 11 months, Mean duration 15.0 months
(range 0.1 months-120 months), median 11 months
Duration of transgender-identification if
still transgender-identified
Median duration 11 months, mean duration 14.4 months,
range (.1 months-72 months)
204
Duration of transgender-identification if
no longer transgender-identified
Median duration 12 months, mean duration 24.2 months,
range (.75 months to 120 months)
13
Duration of transgender-identification if
backing away
Median duration 12 months, mean duration 15 months,
range (3 months-36 months)
8
�may select more than one answer.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0202330.t012
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Table 13. chi-squared comparisons for exposure to social influence (SI) vs not exposure to social influence (NSI).
SI
n (%)
NSI
n (%)
p
Sex 222 34 .123
Female 187
(84.2)
25
(73.5)
Male 35
(15.8)
9 (26.5)
Indicators of childhood GD 221 33 .004
0–2 indicators 216
(97.7)
29
(87.9)
3–4 indicators 5 (2.3) 4
(12.1)
Currently have two or more GD indicators 214 34 .808
Yes 179
(83.6)
29
(85.3)
No 35(16.4) 5(14.7)
No mental health or NDD diagnoses before
onset of GD
222 34 .036
Answered “None of the above” 87
(39.9)
7
(20.6)
Mental well-being since announcement 220 33 .001
Worse 114
(51.8)
6
(18.2)
Better 24
(10.9)
8
(24.2)
Unchanged/Mixed 82
(37.3)
19
(57.6)
Parent-child relationship since
announcement
219 33 .006
Worse 134
(61.2)
11
(33.3)
Better 13 (5.9) 5
(15.2)
Unchanged/Mixed 72
(32.9)
17
(51.5)
Range of interests and hobbies 220 34 .000
Broader range of interests and hobbies 10 3
Narrowed range of interest and hobbies 139 9
Unchanged range 71 22
Distrust and Isolating Behaviors 222 34
Tried to isolate themselves from family 114
(51.4)
10
(29.4)
.017
Expressed that they ONLY trust information about GD and transgenderism that comes
from transgender sources
107
(48.2)
10
(29.4)
.041
Lost interest in activities where participants aren’t predominantly transgender or
LGBTIA
76
(34.2)
5
(14.7)
.023
Stopped spending time with non-transgender friends 59
(26.6)
4 (11.8) .062
Expressed distrust of people who are not transgender 52
(23.4)
5 (14.7) .255
Told people or posted on social media that their parent is “transphobic,” “abusive,” or
“toxic” because the parent doesn’t agree with the child’s assessment of being transgender
102
(45.9)
5
(14.7)
.000
(Continued )
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child relationships, and greater numbers exhibiting distrust, isolating and anti-social behaviors
including: narrowed range of interests and hobbies, expressing that they only trusted informa-
tion from transgender sources, trying to isolate themselves from their family, losing interest in
activities that weren’t predominantly with transgender or LGBTIA participants, and telling
people or posting on social media that their parent is “transphobic,” “abusive,” or “toxic”
because the parent doesn’t agree with the child’s assessment of being transgender. Although
the differences in additional isolating and anti-social behaviors did not reach statistical signifi-
cance, these behaviors trended towards higher rates in the AYAs who were exposed to social
influence and may have not reached significant levels due to small numbers. No significant dif-
ference for age of AYA (at announcement or at time of survey completion) was detected
between groups by a one-way ANOVA.
Discussion
This research describes parental reports about a sample of AYAs who would not have met
diagnostic criteria for gender dysphoria during their childhood but developed gender dyspho-
ria during adolescence or young adulthood. The strongest support for considering that the
gender dysphoria was new in adolescence or young adulthood is the parental answers for DSM
5 criteria for childhood gender dysphoria. Not only would none of the population have met
threshold criteria, the vast majority had zero indicators. Although one might argue that three
of the indicators could plausibly be missed by a parent (A1, A7, and A8 if the child had not
expressed these verbally), five of the indicators (A2-6) are readily observable behaviors and
preferences that would be difficult for a parent to miss. Six indicators (including A1) are
required for a threshold diagnosis. The nonexistent and low numbers of readily observable
indicators reported in the majority of this population does not support a scenario in which
gender dysphoria was always present but was only recently disclosed to the parents.
Before the onset of their gender dysphoria, many of the AYAs had been diagnosed with at
least one mental health disorder or neurodevelopmental disability and many had experienced
a traumatic or stressful event. Experiencing a sex or gender related trauma was not uncom-
mon, nor was experiencing a family stressor (such as parental divorce, death of a parent, or a
mental health disorder in a sibling or parent). Additionally, nearly half had been engaging in
self-harm prior to the onset of their gender dysphoria. In other words, many of the AYAs and
their families had been navigating multiple challenges and stressors before gender dysphoria
and transgender-identification became part of their lives. This context could possibly contrib-
ute to friction between parent and child and these complex, overlapping difficulties as well as
experiences of same-sex attraction may also be influential in the development of a transgender
Table 13. (Continued )
SI
n (%)
NSI
n (%)
p
Defended the practice of lying to or withholding information from doctors/therapists to get
hormones for transition more quickly
38
(17.1)
3 (8.8) .219
Brought up the issue of suicide in transgender teens as a reason parents should agree to
treatment
55
(24.8)
4 (11.8) .093
Did the AYA misrepresent their history to the
doctor or relay it accurately?
68 8 .075
Parent is reasonable sure or positive that their child misrepresented or omitted parts of their
history
59
(86.8)
5 (62.5)
Parent is reasonable sure or positive that child relayed their history completely and
accurately
9 (13.2) 3 (37.5)
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0202330.t013
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identification for some of these AYAs. Care should be taken not to overstate or understate the
context of pre-existing diagnoses or trauma in this population as they were absent in approxi-
mately one third and present in approximately two thirds of the sample.
This research sample of AYAs also differs from the general population in that it is predomi-
nantly natal female, white, and has an over-representation of individuals who are academically
gifted, non-heterosexual, and are offspring of parents with high educational attainment [41–43].
The sex ratio favoring natal females is consistent with recent changes in the population of individ-
uals seeking care for gender dysphoria. Gender clinics have reported substantial increases in
referrals for adolescents with a change in the sex ratio of patients moving from predominantly
natal males seeking care for gender dysphoria to predominantly natal females [19, 44–46].
Although a decrease in stigma for transgender individuals might explain some of the rise in the
numbers of adolescents presenting for care, it would not directly explain the inversion of the sex
ratio. It is plausible that rapid-onset of gender dysphoria may have some similarities to anorexia
nervosa and the characteristics that make female adolescents more susceptible than male adoles-
cents to anorexia nervosa may be the same characteristics that make natal females more suscepti-
ble than natal males to rapid-onset gender dysphoria. The unexpectedly high rate of academically
gifted AYAs may be related to the high educational attainment of the parents and may be a reflec-
tion of parents who are online, able to complete online surveys and are able to question and chal-
lenge current narratives about gender dysphoria and transition. There may be other unknown
variables that render academically gifted AYAs susceptible to rapid-onset gender dysphoria. The
higher than expected rate of non-heterosexual orientations of the AYAs (prior to announcement
of a transgender-identity) may suggest that the desire to be the opposite sex could stem from
experiencing homophobia as a recent study showed that being the recipient of homophobic
name calling from one’s peers was associated with a change in gender identity for adolescents
[47]. The potential relationship of experienced homophobia and the development of ROGD
deserves further study.
This population is distinctively different than what is described in previous research about
gender dysphoria because of the distribution of new cases occurring in cluster outbreaks in
friendship groups, the preponderance of adolescent (natal) females, the absence of childhood
gender dysphoria, and the suddenness of onset. The gender dysphoria and transgender-identi-
fication of rapid-onset gender dysphoria may be temporary. The study’s findings on duration
of transgender-identification suggests that a longer observation period might reveal greater
rates of desistence and is consistent with anecdotal reports of adolescents who desisted from
rapid-onset gender dysphoria approximately 9 to 36 months after presentation. Although it is
still unknown whether transition in gender dysphoric individuals decreases, increases, or fails
to change the rates of attempted or completed suicides [48] this study documents AYAs using
a suicide narrative to manipulate parents and doctors into supporting and providing transition
services. Despite the possibility that the AYAs are using a suicide narrative to manipulate oth-
ers, it is critical that any suicide threat, ideation or concern is taken seriously and the individ-
ual should be evaluated immediately by a mental health professional.
The majority of parents were reasonably sure or certain that their child misrepresented or
omitted key parts of their history to their therapists and physicians. In some cases, the misrep-
resentation of one’s history may simply be a deliberate act by a person who is convinced that
transition is the only way that they will feel better and who may have been coached that lying is
the only way to get what they think they need. For others, the misrepresentation may not be a
conscious act. The creation of an alternate version of one’s childhood that conforms to a story
of always knowing one was transgender and that is in sharp contrast to the childhood that was
observed by third parties raises the question of whether there has been the creation of false
childhood memories as part of, or outside of, the therapy process. Respondent accounts of
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clinicians who ignored or disregarded information (such as mental health symptoms and diag-
noses, medical and trauma histories) that did not support the conclusion that the patient was
transgender, suggests the possibility of motivated reasoning and confirmatory biases on the
part of clinicians. In the 1990s, the beliefs and practices of many mental health professionals
may have contributed to their patients’ creation of false childhood memories consistent with a
child sexual abuse narrative and research since then has shown that false childhood memories
of mundane events can be implanted in laboratory settings [49–51]. It may be worthwhile to
explore if, in today’s culture, there might be beliefs and practices of some mental health profes-
sionals that are contributing to their patients’ creation of false childhood memories consistent
with an “always knew/always were transgender” narrative.
Emerging hypotheses
Hypothesis 1: Social contagion is a key determinant of rapid-onset gender dysphoria
(ROGD). It is unlikely that friends and the internet can make people transgender. However,
it is plausible that the following can be initiated, magnified, spread, and maintained via the
mechanisms of social and peer contagion: (1) the belief that non-specific symptoms (including the symptoms associated with trauma, symptoms of psychiatric problems, and symptoms that
are part of normal puberty) should be perceived as gender dysphoria and their presence as
proof of being transgender; 2) the belief that the only path to happiness is transition; and 3) the belief that anyone who disagrees with the self-assessment of being transgender or the plan for transition is transphobic, abusive, and should be cut out of one’s life. The spread of these
beliefs could allow vulnerable AYAs to misinterpret their emotions, incorrectly believe them-
selves to be transgender and in need of transition, and then inappropriately reject all informa-
tion that is contrary to these beliefs. In other words, “gender dysphoria” may be used as a
catch-all explanation for any kind of distress, psychological pain, and discomfort that an AYA
is feeling while transition is being promoted as a cure-all solution.
One of the most compelling findings supporting the potential role of social and peer conta-
gion in the development of a rapid onset of gender dysphoria is the cluster outbreaks of trans-
gender-identification occurring in friendship groups. The expected prevalence of transgender
young adult individuals is 0.7% [4]. Yet, more than a third of the friendship groups described
in this study had 50% or more of the AYAs in the group becoming transgender-identified in a
similar time frame, a localized increase to more than 70 times the expected prevalence rate.
This is an observation that demands urgent further investigation. One might argue that the
high rates of transgender-identified individuals within these friend groups were secondary
only to the process of friend selection: choosing transgender-identified friends deliberately
rather than the result of group dynamics and observed coping styles contributing to multiple
individuals, in a similar timeframe, starting to interpret their feelings as consistent with being
transgender. More research will be needed to finely delineate the timing of friend group for-
mation and the timing and pattern of each new declaration of transgender-identification.
Although friend selection may play a role in these high percentages of transgender-identifying
members in friend groups, the described pattern of multiple friends (and often the majority of
the friends in the friend group) becoming transgender-identified in a similar timeframe sug- gests that there may be more than just friend selection behind these elevated percentages.
There are many insights from our understanding of peer contagion in eating disorders and
anorexia that may apply to the potential peer contagion of rapid-onset gender dysphoria. Just
as friendship cliques can set the level of preoccupation with one’s body, body image, weight,
and techniques for weight loss [28–30], so too may friendship cliques set a level of preoccupa-
tion with one’s body, body image, gender, and the techniques to transition. The descriptions
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of pro-anorexia subculture group dynamics where the thinnest anorexics are admired while
the anorexics who try to recover from anorexia are ridiculed and maligned as outsiders [30–
32] resemble the group dynamics in friend groups that validate those who identify as transgen-
der and mock those who do not. And the pro-eating-disorder websites and online communi-
ties providing inspiration for weight loss and sharing tricks to help individuals deceive parents
and doctors [33–35] may be analogous to the inspirational YouTube transition videos and the
shared online advice about manipulating parents and doctors to obtain hormones.
Hypothesis 2: ROGD is a maladaptive coping mechanism for AYAs. For some individ-
uals, the drive to transition may represent an ego-syntonic but maladaptive coping mechanism
to avoid feeling strong or negative emotions similar to how the drive to extreme weight loss
can serve as an ego-syntonic but maladaptive coping mechanism in anorexia nervosa [52–53].
A maladaptive coping mechanism is a response to a stressor that might relieve the symptoms
temporarily but does not address the cause of the problem and may cause additional negative
outcomes. Examples of maladaptive coping mechanisms include the use of alcohol, drugs, or
self-harm to distract oneself from experiencing painful emotions. One reason that the treat-
ment of anorexia nervosa is so challenging is that the drive for extreme weight loss and weight
loss activities can become a maladaptive coping mechanism that allows the patient to avoid
feeling and dealing with strong emotions [54]. In this context, dieting is not felt as distressing
to the patient, because it is considered by the patient to be the solution to her problems, and
not part of the problems. In other words, the dieting and weight loss activities are ego-syntonic
to the patient. However, distress is felt by the patient when external actors (doctors, parents,
hospital staff) try to interfere with her weight loss activities thus curtailing her maladaptive
coping mechanism.
Findings that may support a maladaptive coping mechanism hypothesis include that the most
likely description of AYA ability to use negative emotions productively was poor/extremely poor
and the majority of AYAs were described as “overwhelmed by strong emotions and tries to/goes
to great lengths to avoid experiencing them.” Although these are not validated questions, the
findings suggest, at least, that there is a history of difficulty dealing with emotions. The very high
expectation that the majority of AYAs held that transition would solve their problems coupled
with the sizable minority who became unwilling to work on their basic mental health issues
before seeking treatment support the concept that the drive to transition might be used to avoid
dealing with mental health issues and aversive emotions. Additional support for this hypothesis
is that the sample of AYAs described in this study are predominantly female, experienced the
onset of symptoms during adolescence and contained an overrepresentation of academically
gifted students which bears a strong resemblance to populations of individuals diagnosed with
anorexia nervosa as they are predominantly female [55–56]; typically have the onset of symptoms
in adolescence [57] and are likely to have high IQ [58–59]. The risk factors, mechanisms and
meanings of anorexia nervosa [53, 54, 60] may ultimately prove to be a valuable template to
understand the risk factors, mechanisms, and meanings of rapid-onset gender dysphoria.
Transition as a drive to escape one’s gender/sex, emotions, or difficult realities might also
be considered when the drive to transition arises after a sex or gender-related trauma or within
the context of significant psychiatric symptoms and decline in ability to function. Although
trauma and psychiatric disorders are not specific for the development of gender dysphoria,
these experiences may leave a person in psychological pain and in search of a coping mecha-
nism. The first coping mechanism that a vulnerable person adopts may be the result of their
environment and which narratives for pain and coping are most prevalent in that environ-
ment—in some settings a gender dysphoria/drive to transition may be the dominant para-
digm, in some settings a body dysphoria/drive for extreme weight loss is dominant, and in
another the use of alcohol and drugs to cope with pain may be dominant. Because maladaptive
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coping mechanisms do not address the root cause of distress and may cause their own negative
consequences, the most likely outcome in this sample, AYAs experiencing a decline in their
mental well-being after transgender-identification, is consistent with this hypothesis. There
was a subset of AYAs who had improvement in their mental well-being as they desisted from
their transgender-identification which would not be inconsistent with moving from a mal-
adaptive coping mechanism to an adaptive coping mechanism.
If the above hypotheses are correct, rapid onset of gender dysphoria that is socially medi-
ated and/or used as a maladaptive coping mechanism may be harmful to AYAs in the follow-
ing ways: (1) non-treatment or delayed treatment for trauma and mental health problems that
might be the root of (or at least an inherent part of) the AYAs’ issues; (2) alienation of the
AYAs from their parents and other crucial social support systems; (3) isolation from main-
stream, non-transgender society, which may curtail educational and vocational potential; and
(4) the assumption of the medical and surgical risks of transition without benefit. In addition
to these indirect harms, there is also the possibility that this type of gender dysphoria, with the
subsequent drive to transition, may represent a form of intentional self-harm. Promoting the
affirmation of a declared gender and recommending transition (social, medical, surgical) with-
out evaluation may add to the harm for these individuals as it can reinforce the maladaptive
coping mechanism, prolong the length of time before the AYA accepts treatment for trauma
or mental health issues, and interfere with the development of healthy, adaptive coping mecha-
nisms. It is especially critical to differentiate individuals who would benefit from transition
from those who would be harmed by transition before proceeding with treatment.
Reflections
Clinicians need to be aware of the myriad of barriers that may stand in the way of making
accurate diagnoses when an AYA presents with a desire to transition including: the develop-
mental stage of adolescence; the presence of subcultures coaching AYAs to mislead their doc-
tors; and the exclusion of parents from the evaluation. In this study, 22.3% of AYAs had been
exposed to online advice about what to say to doctors to get hormones, and 17.5% to the advice
that it is acceptable to lie to physicians; and the vast majority of parents were reasonably sure
or positive that their child misrepresented their history to their doctor or therapist. Further-
more, although parents may be the most knowledgeable informants on matters of their own
child’s developmental, medical, social, behavioral, and mental health history- and quite possi-
bly because they are the most knowledgeable- they are often excluded from the clinical discus- sion by the AYAs, themselves. An AYA telling their clinician that their parents are transphobic
and abusive may indeed mean that the parents are transphobic and abusive. However, the
findings of this research indicate that it is also possible that the AYA calls the parent transpho-
bic and abusive because the parent disagrees with the child’s self-diagnosis, has expressed con-
cern for the child’s future, or has requested that the child be evaluated for mental health issues
before proceeding with treatment.
The conclusion of this exploratory study is that clinicians need to be very cautious before
relying solely on self-report when AYAs seek social, medical or surgical transition. Adolescents
and young adults are not trained medical professionals. When AYAs diagnose their own
symptoms based on what they read on the internet and hear from their friends, it is quite pos-
sible for them to reach incorrect conclusions. It is the duty of the clinician, when seeing a new
AYA patient seeking transition, to perform their own evaluation and differential diagnosis to
determine if the patient is correct or incorrect in their self-assessment of their symptoms and
their conviction that they would benefit from transition. This is not to say that the convictions
of the patient should be dismissed or ignored, some may ultimately benefit from transition.
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However, careful clinical exploration should not be neglected, either. The patient’s history
being significantly different than their parents’ account of the child’s history should serve as a
red flag that a more thorough evaluation is needed and that as much as possible about the
patient’s history should be verified by other sources. The findings that the majority of clini-
cians described in this study did not explore trauma or mental health disorders as possible
causes of gender dysphoria or request medical records in patients with atypical presentations
of gender dysphoria is alarming. The reported behavior of clinicians refusing to communicate
with their patients’ parents, primary care physicians, and psychiatrists betrays a resistance to
triangulation of evidence which puts AYAs at considerable risk.
It is possible that some teens and young adults may have requested that their discussions
with the clinicians addressing gender issues be kept confidential from their parents, as is their
right (except for information that would put themselves or others at harm). However, main-
taining confidentiality of the patient does not prevent the clinician from listening to the medi-
cal and social history of the patient provided by the parent. Nor does it prevent a clinician
from accepting information provided by the patient’s primary care physicians and psychia-
trists. Because adolescents may not be reliable historians and may have limited awareness and
insight about their own emotions and behaviors, the inclusion of information from multiple
informants is often recommended when working with or evaluating minors. One would
expect that if a patient refuses the inclusion of information from parents and physicians (prior
and current), that the clinician would explore this with the patient and encourage them to
reconsider. At the very least, if a patient asks that all information from parents and medical
sources be disregarded, it should raise the suspicion that what the patient is presenting may be
less than forthcoming and the clinician should proceed with caution.
The argument to surface from this study is not that the insider perspectives of AYAs pre-
senting with rapid-onset gender dysphoria should be set aside by clinicians, but that the
insights of parents are a pre-requisite for robust triangulation of evidence and fully informed
diagnosis. All parents know their growing children are not always right, particularly in the
almost universally tumultuous period of adolescence. Most parents have the awareness and
humility to know that even as adults they are not always right themselves. When an AYA pres-
ents with rapid-onset gender dysphoria it is incumbent upon all professionals to fully respect
the young person’s insider perspective but also, in the interests of safe diagnosis and avoidance
of clinical harm, to have the awareness and humility themselves to engage with parental per-
spectives and triangulate evidence in the interest of validity and reliability.
The strengths of this study include that it is the first empirical description of a specific phe-
nomenon that has been observed by parents and clinicians [61] and that it explores the psychoso-
cial context of youth who have recently identified as transgender with a focus on vulnerabilities,
co-morbidities, peer group interactions, and social media use. This research provides additional
hypotheses to explain the dramatic rise in the number of adolescents seeking care for gender dys-
phoria, the recent inversion of the sex ratio for adolescents seeking care, and the new clinical pre-
sentation of natal females having their gender dysphoria symptoms observed to begin during or
after puberty (in the absence of readily observable indicators of childhood gender dysphoria).
Additionally, the qualitative analysis of responses about peer group dynamics provides a rich
illustration of AYA intra-group and inter-group behaviors. This research also provides a glimpse
into parent perceptions of clinician interactions in the evaluation and treatment of AYAs with an
adolescent-onset (or young adult-onset) of gender dysphoria symptoms.
The limitations of this study include that it is a descriptive study with the purpose of a delin-
eating previously unrecognized specific population of AYAs identifying as transgender and
developing hypotheses about the origins and significance of rapid-onset gender dysphoria
(ROGD). This is not a prevalence study and does not attempt to evaluate the degree to which
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this presentation of a socially mediated onset of gender dysphoria or the use of the drive to
transition as a maladaptive coping mechanism is widespread in the population. Gathering
more data on the topics introduced is a key recommendation for further study. It is not unc-
ommon for first, descriptive studies, especially when studying a population or phenomenon
where the prevalence is unknown, to use targeted recruiting. To maximize the possibility of
finding cases meeting eligibility criteria, recruitment is directed towards communities that are
likely to have eligible participants. For example, in the first descriptive study about children
who had been socially transitioned, the authors recruited potential subjects from gender
expansive camps and gender conferences where parents who supported social transition for
young children might be present and the authors did not seek out communities where parents
might be less inclined to find social transition for young children appropriate [62]. In the same
way, for the current study, recruitment was targeted primarily to sites where parents had
described the phenomenon of a rapid onset of gender dysphoria because those might be com-
munities where such cases could be found. The generalizability of the study must be carefully
delineated based on the recruitment methods, and, like all first descriptive studies, additional
studies will be needed to replicate the findings. The websites that were used for recruitment
are sites which specifically offer to support parents worried about their transgender-identifying
children and the population viewing these websites may be different from populations viewing
websites that promote a “gender-affirming” perspective and both populations may differ from
a broader general population in their attitudes about transgender-identified individuals.
It would be most accurate to characterize the differences between parents viewing the websites
used for recruitment and parents viewing websites that promote a gender-affirmative perspective
as parents with a difference of opinion about how best to evaluate and treat gender dysphoric
children and adolescents, with the former favoring judicious use of transition and the latter
favoring a liberal use of transition. However, some may argue that the parents recruited from the
websites used might be more oppositional to transgender-identified individuals in general. To
address this potential concern, respondents were asked specifically whether they believe that
transgender people deserve the same rights and protections as others and 88.2% of respondents
gave affirmative answers to the question which is consistent with the 89% affirmative response
reported in a US national poll [63]. All self-reported results have the potential limitation of social
desirability bias. However, comparing this self-report sample to the national self-report samples
[63], the results show similar rates of support. Therefore, there is no evidence that the study sam-
ple is appreciably different in their support of the rights of transgender people than the general
American population. It is also important to note that recruitment was not limited to the web-
sites where the information about the study was first posted. Snowball sampling was also used so
that any person viewing the recruitment information was encouraged to share the information
with any person or community where they thought there could be potentially eligible partici-
pants, thus substantially widening the reach of potential respondents. In follow up studies on this
topic, an even wider variety of recruitment sources should be attempted.
Another limitation of this study is that it included only parental perspective. Ideally, data
would be obtained from both the parent and the child and the absence of either perspective
paints an incomplete account of events. Input from the youth would have yielded additional
information. Further research that includes data collection from both parent and child is
required to fully understand this condition. However, because this research has been produced
in a climate where the input from parents is often neglected in the evaluation and treatment of
gender dysphoric AYAs, this research supplies a valuable, previously missing piece to the jigsaw
puzzle. If Hypothesis 2 is correct that rapid-onset gender dysphoria (ROGD) represents an ego-
syntonic maladaptive coping mechanism for AYAs, data from parents are especially important
because affected AYAs may be so committed to the maladaptive coping mechanism that their
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ability to assess their own situation may be impaired. Furthermore, parents uniquely can provide
details of their child’s early development and the presence or absence of readily observable child-
hood indicators of gender dysphoria are especially relevant to the diagnosis. There are, however,
obvious limitations to relying solely on parent report. It is possible that some of the participating
parents may not have noticed symptoms of gender dysphoria before their AYA’s disclosure of a
transgender identity; could have been experiencing shock or grief from the disclosure; or even
could have chosen to deny or obscure knowledge of long term gender dysphoria. Readers should
hold this possibility in mind. Regardless, the 200 plus responses appear to have been prepared
carefully and were rich in detail, suggesting they were written in good faith and that parents were
attentive observers of their children’s lives. Although this research adds the necessary component
of parent observation to our understanding of gender dysphoric adolescents and young adults,
future study in this area should include both parent and child input.
This research does not imply that no AYAs who become transgender-identified during
their adolescent or young adult years had earlier symptoms nor does it imply that no AYAs
would ultimately benefit from transition. Rather, it suggests that not all AYAs presenting at these vulnerable ages are correct in their self-assessment of the cause of their symptoms; some may be employing a drive to transition as a maladaptive coping mechanism; and that careful
evaluation is essential to protect patients from the clinical harms of overtreatment and under-
treatment. More research is needed to determine the incidence, prevalence, persistence and
desistence rates, and the duration of gender dysphoria for adolescent-onset gender dysphoria
in general and for rapid-onset gender dysphoria, specifically. Adolescent-onset gender dyspho-
ria is sufficiently different from early-onset of gender dysphoria that persists or worsens at
puberty and therefore, the research results from early-onset gender dysphoria should not be
considered generalizable to adolescent-onset gender dysphoria. It is currently unknown
whether the gender dysphorias of adolescent-onset gender dysphoria and of rapid-onset gen-
der dysphoria are transient, temporary or likely to be long-term. Without the knowledge of
whether the gender dysphoria is likely to be temporary, extreme caution should be applied
before considering the use of treatments that have permanent effects such as cross-sex hor-
mones and surgery. Research needs to be done to determine if affirming a newly declared gen-
der identity, social transition, puberty suppression and cross-sex hormones can cause an
iatrogenic persistence of gender dysphoria in individuals who would have had their gender
dysphoria resolve on its own and whether these interventions prolong the duration of time
that an individual feels gender dysphoric before desisting. There is also a need to discover how
to diagnose these conditions, how to treat the AYAs affected, and how best to support AYAs
and their families. Additionally, analyses of online content for pro-transition sites and social
media should be conducted in the same way that content analysis has been performed for pro-
eating disorder websites and social media content [32].
Conclusion
Rapid-onset gender dysphoria describes a phenomenon where the development of gender dys-
phoria is observed to begin suddenly during or after puberty in an adolescent or young adult
who would not have met criteria for gender dysphoria in childhood. ROGD appears to repre-
sent an entity that is distinct in etiology from the gender dysphoria observed in individuals
who have previously been described as transgender. It is plausible that ROGD represents an
ego-syntonic maladaptive coping mechanism for some AYAs and that peer group and online
influences may contribute to its development. It is unknown whether the gender dysphoria of
rapid-onset gender dysphoria is temporary or likely to be long-term. The elevated number of
friends per friendship group who became transgender-identified, the pattern of cluster
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outbreaks of transgender-identification in these friendship groups, the substantial percentage
of friendship groups where the majority of the members became transgender-identified, and
the peer group dynamics observed all serve to support the plausibility of social and peer conta-
gion for ROGD. The worsening of mental well-being and parent-child relationships and
behaviors that isolate teens from their parents, families, non-transgender friends and main-
stream sources of information are particularly concerning. More research is needed to better
understand rapid-onset gender dysphoria, its implications, and scope.
Supporting information
S1 Appendix. Survey instrument.
(PDF)
S2 Appendix. COREQ Checklist.
(PDF)
Acknowledgments
I would like to acknowledge Michael L. Littman, PhD, for his assistance in the statistical analy-
sis of quantitative data, Michele Moore, PhD, for her assistance in qualitative data analysis and
feedback on an earlier version of the manuscript, Lisa Marchiano, LCSW, for feedback on ear-
lier versions of the manuscript, and two anonymous peer-reviewers for their valuable input.
Author Contributions
Conceptualization: Lisa Littman.
Data curation: Lisa Littman.
Formal analysis: Lisa Littman.
Investigation: Lisa Littman.
Methodology: Lisa Littman.
Project administration: Lisa Littman.
Writing – original draft: Lisa Littman.
Writing – review & editing: Lisa Littman.
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