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Recruiting for Diversity in Law Enforcement: An Evaluation of Practices Used by State

and Local Agencies

CHARLES P. WILSON Police Department, Rhode Island College, Providence, Rhode Island, USA

SHIRLEY A. WILSON and HARSH K. LUTHAR Management, Bryant University, Smithfield, Rhode Island, USA

MALINDA R. BRIDGES Justice Studies, Rhode Island College, Providence, Rhode Island, USA

This study analyzes several law enforcement agencies to (a) de- termine levels of representation of racial minorities in the law en- forcement profession and (b) identify the marketing strategies be- ing used during recruitment campaigns to locate, attract, and hire racial minorities to sworn positions. Responders answered ques- tions regarding levels and areas of marketing techniques, sources of community outreach, recruit eligibility requirements, and other factors considered during recruiting campaigns. Results indicate low levels of informational distribution to, and contact with, crit- ical core constituencies and institutions in minority communities. These findings may have implications for the numbers of minorities who are eventually hired for law enforcement positions.

KEYTERMS Minority recruitment, police–community relations, police recruitment, racial profiling

Law enforcement agencies today have attempted to make the job of be- coming a police officer more attractive through a number of incentives and have been motivated by various factors to make themselves characteristic of the diverse communities they serve. Yet the recruitment of Blacks and other racial minorities for positions in law enforcement has much to do with

Submitted January 2012; resubmitted May 2012; accepted May 2012. Address correspondence to Charles P. Wilson, BA, Police Department, Rhode Island

College, 600 Mount Pleasant Avenue, Providence, RI 02908. E-mail: [email protected]

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the community interactions and marketing practices used in the conduct of police recruiting campaigns. Little is known, however, regarding the suffi- ciency of those community interactions that are essential to the distribution and dissemination of recruiting information to members of those communi- ties from which Black and other minority candidates will be sought. Thus, the question must be asked: How well do police agencies connect with the Black community during recruiting programs?

Police agencies have been criticized for what is perceived as institutional racism in the recruitment, retention, and promotion of Blacks and other racial minorities, with some considering these programs to be nothing more than window dressing (Cashmore, 2002; O’Neill & Holdaway, 2007). Deal (2008) indicated that recruitment programs do not work because of the lack of recruitment strategic planning, out-of-touch marketing strategies, and a selection process that undermines effective recruitment.

Active recruitment of minority police personnel by traditional law en- forcement agencies has appeared, at times, to be conducted only as an afterthought or byproduct of overall efforts to fill current and anticipated vacancies that are not filled through the appointment of persons who have been employed in some form of auxiliary unit of the agency, outright nepo- tism or political intervention, or a reliance on the old boy network. It has been argued, though, that although the same may not hold true for females, special recruiting strategies that are aimed at minorities may result in sig- nificantly more minority applicants and have the potential to increase the number of applications of qualified applicants without unduly increasing the number of unqualified ones (Jordan, Fridell, Faggiani, & Kubu, 2009). Thus, it appears that there are questions as to the sufficiency of efforts made by law enforcement in their attempts to recruit for diversity, particularly among Black candidates, and the hardiness of their efforts to reach out to commu- nities of color. It is evident that social cohesion policies and practices where recruiting is concerned must include at their core policies to reduce insti- tutional racism in police services (Sutton, Perry, John-Baptiste, & Williams, 2006).

Today’s typical police recruitment campaign is managed almost exclu- sively using advertisements in those news publications that cater to the greater (White) community at large or to specific community interests of the agency, word of mouth, and brief visits to specific venues such as lo- cal college campuses. And although in many instances efforts are made to make them diverse in their makeup, nearly all recruiting teams are overly composed of White male patrol officers and midlevel supervisory personnel. This force matrix, however, does little to generate trust or interest from indi- viduals who may already view law enforcement as being hostile to their inter- ests (Kenney & McNamara, 1999), lacking sufficient role models from within the agency (Milgram, 2002), or poor images of the police held by mem- bers of minority groups (Kaminski, 1993). Various studies have determined

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that Black job applicants are hired at a greater rate by organizations with Black hiring agents than by those without (Holzer & Ihlanfeldt, 1998; Stoll & Raphael, 2000; Stoll, Raphael, & Holzer, 2004).

BLACK POLICE OFFICERS AS A PIVOTAL FORCE IN COMMUNITY RELATIONSHIPS

Black law enforcement officers have been serving in communities across the nation since the mid-1800s. Thus, it is important to recognize the pivotal role that Black officers play in the overall scheme of the recruiting process. Likewise, it is crucial that the minority community see these officers as active participants in the overall management and operations of the law enforce- ment agencies that provide them with services. Thus, agency promotion and retention programs that seek to place females, Blacks, and other racial or ethnic minorities in supervisory or command positions may be crucial in providing strong incentives for others to join. It is also critical that law enforcement agencies understand that the measurable benefits from hiring ethnic minority sworn officers are only one part of meeting a multifaceted challenge and are one of the most effective trust-building efforts for gaining personnel who become role models of good citizenship and community ser- vice (Hay, 1995). It is important to note that, in those areas where minority law enforcement officers have been employed in greater numbers, police legitimacy has been enhanced (Skogan & Frydl, 2004), and interaction with members of the minority community has been perceived to be much im- proved (Donohue & Levitt, 2001; Weitzer, Tuch, & Skogan, 2008). When citizens see that a police department has personnel who reflect a cross- section of the community, they have greater confidence that police officers will understand their problems and concerns (Streit, 2001).

It has in fact been suggested by several authors that the number of minority officers currently employed may have an influence on the number of future minority hires (Martin, 1991; Warner, Steel, & Lovrich, 1989; Zhao, Herbst, & Lovrich, 2001). Yet many smaller agencies often find themselves at a disadvantage because of the lack of minority officers and females in their force matrix. There is also a need to understand how racism against Black and other minority police employees—and police racism against minority communities—influences social cohesion (Sutton et al., 2006).

URBAN CORE INSTITUTIONS AND CONSTITUENCIES

Of those core institutions endemic to the Black community that provide ties to social advocacy and activism, none is considered more important than the

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Black church. The creation and evolution of the Black church has been the most significant factor in the political, social, cultural, spiritual, educational, and philanthropic development of African Americans in this country (B. Smith, Shue, Vest, & Villarreal, 1999). Indeed, the Black church is where many African Americans learn values of socialization, life management, and positive role modeling. It has been found that 61.8% of Black families attend religious services at least once per week (Data Resource Center, 2007).

Similar to churches, various commercial settings are unique and impor- tant institutions in the African American community. Hair salons hold special meaning to Black women and serve as a source of informal and formal information for them; it is clear that they are frequented by Black women on a regular basis (Linnan & Ferguson, 2007). Shopping malls have become both a social and recreational meeting place, attracting both young and old (Graham, 1988), and a major part of community lifestyles (Stockil, 1972).

Just as important to community stability and identity are those organi- zations and associations that have long been identified with the Black com- munity as part and parcel of the life beat of the community. Organizations such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the nation’s oldest known civil rights organization, and the Urban League serve as key points of rallying within the community for social ad- vocacy, education, civic and social engagement, and communication. Black fraternal and professional organizations also serve these same purposes. Af- ter family and the Black church, they have been considered among the most important institutions in Black society. Yet despite their significance, most White observers have dismissed them as ludicrous affairs (Muraskin, 1970). Racial identity and political awareness serve as important community and social resources (Ginwright, 2007); thus, these linkages to the community provide points of close contact with potential candidates.

CURRENT MARKETING STRATEGIES IN POLICE RECRUITMENT

The concepts of community policing are those of a collaborative effort be- tween police and community members to identify problems of crime and dis- order and find those joint elements useful in either eliminating or curtailing those problems. Yet when community partnerships are seen as being super- ficial, agencies risk alienating candidates who might be aware of hypocrisy where such activities are inconsistent with reality (Syrett & Lammiman, 2004). Rarely do police managers fully inform the community of what it takes to be a successful candidate relative to the qualifications, testing, background checks, and successful completion of the police academy (Johnson, 2005). And a flaw in the overall concept may be the exclusion of youth and young adults from the matrix, as both are typically considered most likely to engage in criminal conduct (Forman, 2004).

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It is the availability of job information and the locations of its placement that drives or peaks the interest of any job seeker. Attempts to attract can- didates from specific demographic groups must ultimately fail if the target audience has not been adequately notified it is being targeted. Consequently, word-of-mouth campaigns that are limited in either scope or distribution ul- timately fail to achieve the desired goal. And although recruiters rate Internet job notices, career fairs, and visits to military bases and local colleges as suc- cessful strategies (Whetstone, Reed, & Turner, 2006), actual visits to commu- nity centers, recreation facilities, local shopping areas, restaurants, and other locations specifically identified as being part and parcel of communities of color may do more to enhance recruitment of racial and ethnic minorities.

Thus, it would appear that it is the strength and level of direct contact with these community partnerships that may have a direct or specific im- pact on the dissemination of information. Assessing the value of community partnerships based solely on previous interactions may not be sufficient, and valuing these engagements correctly is crucial in avoiding undervaluation of community constituencies (Kumar et al., 2010). Consequently, the question becomes, What marketing approaches are being used, and who is being contacted, to reach out to these critically needed and desired members of the applicant pool?

LITERATURE REVIEW

There is no doubt that police–community interaction has an impact on how the job of police officers is perceived. And there can certainly be no doubt that, despite acclamations of promoting diversity in the workforce, law en- forcement agencies remain the employment bastion of White males (White, Cooper, Saunders, & Raganella, 2010).

Consultation with residents about neighborhood problems and pref- erences and mobilization of residents to implement programs are critical activities in which law enforcement agencies should engage (Cortes, 1993; McKnight, 1995; Stoecker, 1994), yet police seem to be more concerned about losing control (Lipsky, 1980). Studies have determined that although a majority of officers understand that strong neighborhood-based organiza- tions are critical to public safety, there is considerable reluctance to make additional investments in existing neighborhood groups, and that officers do not support investment in the creation of new ones (Glaser & Denhardt, 2010). And some researchers have indicated that police may be more likely to initiate collaborative interactions in more structurally advantaged neigh- borhoods as well as in those neighborhoods where resident participants are not necessarily representative of the neighborhood (Scott, 2002).

Community policing rejects the discredited warrior approach to polic- ing, in which inner city communities are viewed as hostile to the policing

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enterprise (Forman, 2004). And in their workforce planning, agencies gen- erally have not applied known or demonstrated tenets of personnel man- agement to the particulars of their occupation (J. M. Wilson & Grammich, 2009). Community capacity resides in a community’s individuals and for- mal organizations and the relational networks tying them to each other and to the broader systems of which they are a part (Chaskin, 2001). Studies conducted by Skogan (1994) indicated that awareness of opportunities to participate in community policing was not evenly distributed in the popula- tion, with program awareness more extensive among higher income, more highly educated people; middle-aged married couples; homeowners; and Whites. Awareness was higher in households that were heavily networked with others in the community.

Identity-based nonprofits that are formed on the basis of a particu- lar group identity such as race commonly engender political activism that advances the group’s shared interests (Reid, 1999). As lobbying organiza- tions, nonprofits assume a vast variety of forms, including voluntary as- sociations, interest groups, and social service agencies, all of which serve as important vehicles for civic engagement (LeRoux, 2007). And nonprof- its located in urban areas are recognized as having a diverse array of so- cial, economic, and political functions that traditionally have been reserved for other sectors and other types of institutions (Hula & Jackson-Elmoore, 2000).

From the time of slavery until the present day the Black church has been integral not only to the development of the Black community but to the progress of American society in general with regard to racial issues (Calhoun- Brown, 1996). Long considered a bulwark in the community (Barnes, 2005), Black church culture may be a conduit between commonly held beliefs, rituals, and experiences among African Americans and the subsequent pro- cesses that address pressing social problems (Baer & Singer, 1992; Sawyer, 2001; Wilmore, 1994).

Residents from areas of concentrated disadvantage have much lower regard for police than the general public (Decker, 1985; Flanagan & Vaugn, 1996; Sampson & Bartusch, 1999), and D. A. Smith (1986) found that in minority neighborhoods with high crime rates police seem to offer fewer services to victims. Yet when citizens believe they are treated fairly they tend to grant police more legitimacy and are more likely to comply with police and law enforcement outcomes (Bordua & Tiffl, 1971; Glauser & Tullar, 1985). Thus, contemporary public policy presupposes that police officers should be racially representative of the areas in which they work to foster good police–community relations (Weitzer, 2000). It has been indicated that Black officers gain more cooperation than White officers from Black citizens, are less prejudiced against Blacks, know more about the Black community, and are more likely to arrest White suspects than those who are Black (Sklansky, 2006).

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Several authors have noted the various marketing strategies used to ad- vertise positions (Baker, 2002; Feldman, 2000; T. Wilson & Gregory, 2000) or have reflected upon the strategies used to enhance recruitment campaigns, with content and placement targeted to reach different constituencies (Bran- don & Lippman, 2000; Charrier, 2000; Ho, 2005; Legrand & Gibson, 2010).

Recruitment marketing today covers a wide range of disciplines, includ- ing creative, copywriting, search engine optimization, web analytics, pay per click, video, blogging, and social media marketing (Durbin, 2008). Butter- field (2001) noted efforts to advertise more in police publications, whereas Feldman (2000) spoke to issues related to television advertising. Some have considered issues related to the targeting of applicants outside of agencies’ primary areas of jurisdiction (T. Wilson & Gregory, 2000), whereas still others have spoken to the restructuring of recruiting units (Baker, 2002). As well, protracted application procedures may reduce the likelihood that worthy candidates will ultimately be hired (Taylor et al., 2006).

Although use of the Internet has been shown to significantly decrease the overall costs of recruiting campaigns, concerns have been raised regard- ing the possibility that easy Internet applications would encourage frivolous applicants (Baker, 2002). Use of the Internet, however, depends heavily upon access to its technology, and, according to government studies, persons with low incomes, seniors, minorities, the less educated, nonfamily households, and the unemployed tend to lag behind other groups in home broadband use (U.S. Department of Commerce, 2010).

Studies have also concluded that racial and ethnic minorities are seri- ously underrepresented in sworn law enforcement positions (Reaves, 2010; Taylor et al., 2009), with recruiters continuing to use the same unproduc- tive recruiting strategies while hoping for different results (Johnson, 2005). And it has been noted that minority-focused recruiting, or using aptitude- and trait-based recruiting while targeting only members of the underrepre- sented group, has the potential to increase proportionately the qualifications of minority applicants (Newman & Lyon, 2009).

METHOD

Data for the present analysis came from a survey of 110 local and state law enforcement agencies, based on region of the country (Northeast, South, Mid- west, and West), and representing communities with populations of 125,000 or more who were selected to receive the survey instrument. Patterned in part after the Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statis- tics survey, the survey instrument consisted of 20 fixed-response questions (coded yes/no, used/not used with multiple responses) developed to char- acterize levels of community outreach, publication and distribution methods for recruiting information, agency strength levels, rank distribution by race,

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number of candidates who applied and hires in terms of race and gender, number of hires retained and released prior to ending probation, and con- tacts with core constituency groups in minority communities (see Appendix). Questions used in the survey instrument were developed from input solicited from members of the National Association of Black Law Enforcement Offi- cers, a nonprofit organization representing the issues and concerns of men and women of color employed in various criminal justices agencies through- out the northeast area of the country. The survey instrument was pilot- tested by a select panel of law enforcement recruiting unit commanders and supervisors.

Selected agencies were mailed a copy of the survey instrument, along with an initial letter explaining the study. Follow-up notices were then sent to nonresponding agencies 30 days and 60 days after the initial mailing, with a final notice sent 90 days after the initial mailing. Responses were returned by 51 agencies, for a gross response rate of 46.3%. Of the agencies that responded, 6 provided incomplete or unusable information and 2 declined to participate in the study, leaving a total of 43 useable questionnaires, for a 39% response rate.

ANALYSIS AND RESULTS

Although the survey instrument requested information on non-White Hispan- ics, the specific purpose of this study was to consider and examine issues related to racial identity as opposed to ethnic and cultural identity, as African Americans experience a unique set of life experiences and history that differ from those of other ethnic groups.

We first consider the placement of Black officers and candidates in the overall scheme of employment at surveyed agencies.

Where actual employment in law enforcement agencies was concerned, agencies reported sworn personnel strengths of a minimum of 224 to a maximum of 12,817 officers (M = 1,779). Overall, Blacks were found to make up 21.73% (N = 14,560) of the total number of sworn positions (see Table 1 ), 18.5% (N = 7,971) of those who applied for positions, 21.35% (N = 313) of those actually hired, and 21.04% (N = 191) of all officers

TABLE 1 Descriptive Statistics of Sworn Personnel

Variable N Sum M SD

Total White males—sworn 43 42,794 995.21 1, 229.403 Total White females—sworn 43 6,221 144.67 242.405 Total Black males—sworn 43 10,350 240.70 411.723 Total Black females—sworn 43 4,688 109.02 250.580 Valid N (listwise) 43

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TABLE 2 Selection and Retention Ratios: Municipal Agencies (N = 26) Candidate Black White Total

Applied 2,880 4,816 7,696 Hired 260 580 840 Retained 161 339 500 Selection ratio for candidates:

hired/applied 0.09 0.12 0.109

Retention ratio for candidates: retained/hired

0.619 0.584 0.595

Final yield ratio for candidates: retained/applied

0.056 0.07 0.064

Note. The selection ratio for Black candidates (hired/applied) is less than 80% of the selection ratio for White candidates. Moreover, 80% of .12 (the selection ratio for White candidates) = .096, which is greater than .09 (the selection ratio for Black candidates). This indicates an overall disparate impact that would meet the definition of discrimination under Title VII.

who were retained after their probationary period. Yet 38.98% (N = 122) of all Black officers hired were released from employment, for whatever reason, prior to the end of their probationary period. It is not surprising that only 3.93% of the total number of Black candidates who applied for these positions were hired and retained (see Table 2 and Table 3).

The data reviewed, taken in consideration of the 4/5 (80%) rule used as the rule of thumb for the initiation of class action law suits, would seem to indicate that a number of the agencies surveyed would be likely candidates for class action suits (Griggs v. Duke Power Co., 1971).

As well, the overall visibility of Blacks in police supervisory roles is considered to be exceptionally low, as they made up only 14.1% (N = 432) of all supervisory and command positions above the rank of lieutenant (N = 3,064).

TABLE 3 Selection and Retention Ratios: State Agencies (N = 17) Candidate Black White Total

Applied 5,091 30,177 35,268 Hired 53 573 626 Retained 30 378 408 Selection ratio for candidates:

hired/applied 0.01 0.0189 0.0175

Retention ratio for candidates: retained/hired

0.566 0.659 0.651

Final yield ratio for candidates: retained/applied

0.0058 0.0125 0.064

Note. The selection ratio for Black candidates (hired/applied) is less than 80% of the selection ratio for White candidates. Moreover, 80% of .0189 (the selection ratio for White candidates) = .015, which is greater than .01 (the selection ratio for Black candidates). This indicates an overall disparate impact that would meet the definition of discrimination under Title VII. The final yield ratio shows a significant disparity between Blacks and Whites as well: 80% of .0125 (the final yield ratio for White candidates) = .01, which is greater than .0058 (the final yield ratio for Black candidates).

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When we compare municipal versus state agencies, these numbers gain somewhat more significance. Blacks accounted for 30.95% of all sworn per- sonnel hired by municipalities as compared to 8.47% for state agencies. Where retentions were concerned, Black officers made up 32.2% (N = 161) of those hired by local law enforcement agencies who were retained as op- posed to 7.35% (N = 30) retained by state agencies. And although Blacks made up 38% of all municipal officers released prior to the end of their probationary period compared to only 10.5% of officers released by state agencies, the ratio of Black officers released by state agencies was nearly 44% (N = 23) of the total number of Black officers initially hired (N = 53); thus, it would appear that there were only marginal gains in the actual num- bers of Black police officers employed. Slightly more than 8% (N = 111) of Black state law enforcement officers ranked at lieutenant or above compared to 18.68% (N = 321) of Black municipal officers.

We next consider the dyadic relationships between agency type and use of community partnerships, types of information publication and dispersal methods, and use of contacts within core constituencies as they relate to building a diverse culture within the agency.

It is evident that law enforcement use of partnerships in recruiting pro- grams varies for municipal and state agencies, with municipal agencies ap- pearing to be more effective at both creating and using such partnerships than their counterparts at the state level. It was found that 73.1% (N = 19) of municipal agencies and 42.9% (N = 6) of state agencies indicated that they maintained a significant citizen partnership to support their community policing efforts. Where neighborhood partnerships for strategic planning ex- isted, 73.1% (N = 19) of municipal agencies indicated their use of this type of partnership, whereas only 28.6% (N = 4) of state agencies had those partner- ships. Similarly, for faith-based organizations, 57.7% (N = 15) of responding municipal agencies had established partnerships, whereas only 21.4% (N = 3) of state agencies had the same partnership. Partnerships with organized groups of Black law enforcement officers were statistically low, as only 28.6% (N = 4) of state agencies and 30.8% (N = 8) of municipal agencies indicated that they maintained some form of general partnership with organizations representing the interests and concerns of Black police officers.

The sufficiency of contact with these partnerships for the purposes of promoting recruitment programs, however, appears to be deficient. Only 46.2% (N = 12) of municipal agencies and 35.7% (N = 5) of state agencies reported that they made any form of contact with citizen or neighborhood groups to notify them of their recruiting drives. And where contact with or notification to core community constituencies was concerned, only 23.1% (N = 6) of municipal agencies made conscious efforts to contact local Urban Leagues, whereas 28.6% (N = 4) of state agencies made such contacts. Local NAACP branches were contacted by 34.6% (N = 9) of municipal agencies and 42.9% (N = 6) of state agencies. It may be noteworthy that, because of their typical operational focus being on a wider scale, for state agencies

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TABLE 4 Contacts Made Within the Black Community: Municipal Agencies (N = 26) Did Not Use This Method

Method Total %

With Black law enforcement groups 17 65.38 With Urban League 20 76.92 With social/fraternal organizations 20 76.92 With neighborhood groups 14 53.85 With local NAACP 17 65.38 With faith-based groups 12 46.15

Note. NAACP = National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.

this may account for the disparities in their outreach methodologies to these urban core constituencies (see Table 4 and Table 5).

Methods used in the publication of recruiting information were consid- ered critical to the flow of information to potential candidates, and in terms of types of publication, some forms were more widely used than others.

Of the various methods of publication studied (flyers, posters, and other printed materials; advertisements in professional journals; advertisements in local community newspapers; radio/television advertisements; word of mouth; targeted e-mail lists; social media websites; notices made to Histori- cally Black Colleges and Universities; use of agency websites; advertisements placed in major area news media, college student newspapers, and media that catered specifically to the minority community), the three most widely used by municipal agencies were word of mouth (88.5%, N = 23), posting re- cruitment information on agency websites (76.9%, N = 20), and flyers (73.1%, N = 19). For state agencies, the most widely used types of publication were agency websites, flyers, and word of mouth, with 92.9% (N = 13), 78.6% (N = 11), and 71.4% (N = 10) used, respectively. Publication of recruiting information in print media that was directed specifically at minority popula- tions was found to be one of the methods least used by both municipal and state agencies, at the rate of 38.5% (N = 10) and 21.4% (N = 3), respectively.

Locations at which recruiting information was distributed and could be readily viewed or found were considered equally important to the successful

TABLE 5 Contacts Made Within the Black Community: State Agencies (N = 17) Did Not Use This Method

Method Total %

With Black law enforcement groups 12 70.59 With Urban League 12 70.59 With social/fraternal organizations 13 76.47 With neighborhood groups 10 58.82 With local NAACP 10 58.82 With faith-based groups 10 58.82

Note. NAACP = National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.

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notification of possible candidates. Although military bases, local colleges, high schools, and community centers were widely used as points of informa- tion dissemination, high-traffic areas endemic to the Black community saw insignificant use by both municipal and state agencies. In places potential minority applicants may frequent, such as salons/barbershops, Historically Black Colleges and Universities, Black churches, and shopping malls, munic- ipal and state agencies varied in their distribution of recruiting information. For example, 7.7% (N = 2) of municipal agencies distributed information in salons and barbershops, whereas 14.3% (N = 2) of state agencies did the same. In like manner, 30.7% (N = 8) of municipal agencies distributed infor- mation at Historically Black Colleges and Universities, whereas 42.9% (N = 6) of state agencies did the same. Lastly, 30.7% (N = 8) of municipal agencies distributed materials in Black churches, whereas only 21.4% (N = 3) of state agencies did the same. Both types of agencies exhibited low percentages of distributing information at or near shopping malls (11.5% for municipal agen- cies, 26.7% for state agencies). Yet it would appear that state agencies made a slightly more pronounced effort in the manner of distributing information.

DISCUSSION

A successful recruitment campaign must utilize a fine-tuned mixture of com- ponents that will ensure strong informational output. And in attempting to target members of the Black community, recruiters must take advantage of the full range of resources that may be available within that community. When attempting to recruit minorities and women, recruitment officers must go where such candidates are likely to be found, such as craft fairs, schools in communities with a high percentage of minority students, and community events that attract a cross-section of the community (Streit, 2001), as well as make significant contact with those who may have influence in directing the sociopolitical activism of the community. Individuals at Urban League and NAACP meetings and church leaders in the community are all important constituencies that may help to reach specific groups of people.

When considering the likelihood that potential candidates will be drawn from a targeted demographic, it must be an accepted axiom that if they cannot or do not view materials designed to inform them of job opportunities, they cannot and likely will not respond. Thus, it is important and critical to attempt to utilize every possible venue, particularly in com- munities of color, in the attempt to recruit qualified candidates. Recruiters must look outside the box where the distribution and dissemination of information is concerned. Placing recruiting information in such places as fast-food restaurants, service stations, shopping malls, fitness centers, beauty salons, and barber shops may greatly assist in increasing its visibility.

It is the access to information that spearheads and feeds the use of in- formation. Simply placing employment advertisements in news publications

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that are read by the wider community does not suffice as a means of dis- semination of recruitment information, particularly when those employment notices that have been placed in acknowledged major area news publications have typically been relegated to little-read areas of those publications, thus negating their possible effectiveness for drawing candidates. And placing in- formation in those publications that cater to only the localized community or in those areas that form a comfort zone for that same demographic ultimately diminishes the pool of available targeted candidates.

Communities of color, regardless of their locale, are as vibrant as they are diverse. Yet their vibrancy is underutilized as regards the various points of contact that exist in them. Core institutions that are specifically endemic to the Black community can be especially valuable as resources. The Black church as both a religious and social foundation of the community is crucial to the flow of information that is directed toward that community. Interaction with the religious community is a must and can yield competent applicants. This is especially true in minority communities where the church acts as a focal point of the neighborhood/community (Whetstone et al., 2006). Social advocacy organizations, professional and fraternal associations, and news and media groups that cater specifically to the Black community are im- portant stakeholders within those communities that may greatly assist and enhance the flow of information to members.

Uniquely identifiable commercial settings within the community can be a specific resource for information flow and distribution. Black women frequent shopping malls, beauty salons, and fitness centers. Black men may take their children to McDonalds and Burger King. And almost all members of the Black community frequent grocery stores, buy fuel for their vehicles, and do business with banking institutions. The dynamics of the connections that these venues hold to members of the community cannot be undervalued.

Moreover, departments must not only focus on recruitment strategies but also consider issues related to the retention and promotion of minor- ity candidates and officers. This requires that departments develop effective strategies for welcoming and supporting minority officers within the agency subculture and working environment, with strong concentrations on elim- inating discriminatory attitudes and practices by male and majority-culture officers (Streit, 2001).

IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER STUDY

Results of this survey indicate that there is a deficiency in the level of outreach that is made to communities of color where police recruiting is concerned and that many of the core constituencies and institutions found in the Black community are either seriously underutilized or simply ignored. A more in-depth longitudinal study of this issue over several hiring cycles could include questions regarding the specific reasons for the use or

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nonuse of particular constituency contacts and could consider specifically targeted agencies. As well, causes for nonhiring or reasons for a candidate’s release prior to the completion of the probationary period, particularly where both Black and Latino candidates are concerned, may be considered. This investigation might also include consideration of the specific focus of word-of-mouth campaigns and the possible impact of the presence and role of Black and Latino police administrators on the recruiting process, as they may play a crucial role in the recruitment of additional racial minorities.

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CONTRIBUTORS

Charles P. Wilson currently serves with the Rhode Island College, Providence, RI Campus Police Department as a patrol shift supervisor. With a professional career dating from 1971, his previous law enforcement experience has included service as a Detective/Patrolman with the Woodmere Village, Ohio Police Department, where he also served as it’s first African American Chief of Police. He earned his Bachelor of Arts Degree with an emphasis in Justice Studies from the Rhode Island College in Providence, Rhode Island, and is a two- term National Chairman of the National Association of Black Law Enforcement Officers, Inc.

Shirley A. Wilson, PhD, currently serves as a tenured Associate Professor of Management at Bryant University in Smithfield, Rhode Island where her specific area of instruction is in Organizational Behavior and Global Diver- sity. Her previous experiences have included service as the Coordinator for School/Community Relations with the Cleveland Heights-University Heights, Ohio Board of Education, and Personnel Analyst with the Cleveland Electric Il- luminating Company. Her specific area of research is in the field of Mentoring, with emphasis on Black Female Professionals. She earned her Doctorate from the Weatherhead School of Management, Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio.

Harsh K. Luthar, PhD, is a tenured Professor in the Management Department of the College of Business at Bryant University. He has taught undergraduate and graduate courses in Human Resource Management, Employment Relations, Business and Society, Management Theory and Practice, Introduction to Busi- ness, Labor Relations, and Collective Bargaining. Professor Luthar publishes both scholarly and popular papers related to the management discipline.

Malinda R. Bridges is currently an undergraduate student at Rhode Island College in the Justice Studies program. Recognized in 2011 by Who’s Who Among Students in American Universities and Colleges, she is currently Presi- dent of the Rhode Island College Chapter of the National Black Law Students Association and is Vice President of L.I.F.E: Live, Inspire, Fight, Educate. Dedi- cated to diversity-focused organizations, such as Rhode Island for Community and Justice, she is a member of Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Incorporated and the College Leadership Rhode Island Class of 2011. She is currently working on her honors thesis in Justice Studies, studying sex work and trafficking in Rhode Island and is planning on attending law school in 2012.

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