New York Police Diversity Management

Identifying barriers to diversity in law enforcement agencies

Charles P. Wilsona, Shirley A. Wilsonb, and Mary Gwannc

aPolice Department, Rhode Island College, Providence, Rhode Island, USA; bDepartment of Management, Bryant University, Smithfield, Rhode Island, USA; cSchool of Continuing Studies, Roger Williams University, Providence, Rhode Island, USA

ARTICLE HISTORY Received 17 February 2015 Revised 20 February 2016 Accepted 27 April 2016

ABSTRACT Despite numerous reasons that have been hypothesized, recruitment of African Americans and other ethnic minorities would seem to have much to do with the methodologies and marketing practices used in recruiting campaigns. This study seeks to determine the levels of minority representation within the law enforcement community in the State of Rhode Island, sufficiency of community outreach, marketing practices used during recruiting, and identify a methodology to enhance community cooperation and involvement in recruiting. Findings indicate low levels of informational distribution to, and contact with, core constituencies in communities of color, low presence of supervisory personnel among officers of color, low levels of minority officer hires, and issues related to the selection process for police officers. Suggested practices for enhancing community outreach are discussed.

KEYWORDS Minority recruitment; RI police agencies; African American police officers; community policing; recruiting marketing strategies; organizational culture; diversity

It has been said that the representation of minorities in political office and their pres- ence in police positions of leadership are among the most influential predictors of line officer diversity (Gustafson, 2013; Lewis, 1989; Schroedel, Frisch, Hallamore, Peter- son, & Vanderhorst, 1996). Yet, where this presence is either lacking in substance or nonexistent, these predictors may be difficult or even impossible to quantify.

For years, police departments had been able to fill vacancies with relative ease. However, during the economic development of the mid-2000s, it was found to be dif- ficult to recruit sufficient numbers of qualified staff, this having a negative impact on departmental operations (Orrick, 2014). While it may be an understatement, police agencies across the United States have attempted to make their outward appearance more indicative of the communities they represent. Using a myriad of marketing strategies, these agencies have tried to change both their face and culture in an effort to gain greater levels of minority community support for a profession that has not always been viewed as institutionally favorable towards them.

CONTACT Charles P. Wilson [email protected] Police Department, Rhode Island College, 600 Mt. Pleasant Ave., Providence, RI 02908, USA. © 2016 Taylor & Francis

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE 2016, VOL. 14, NO. 4, 231–253 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15377938.2016.1187234

With most police departments espousing the concepts of community policing, cooperation, and in several considerations compliance, from the minority commu- nity is a highly sought after objective. Under this philosophy, in which police col- laborate with various citizen constituencies to address public safety issues, diversity within the agency becomes a key ingredient for the successful implemen- tation of these strategies (Viverette, 2005) and plays a strong part in improving community perceptions of police performance (Ben-Porat, 2008).

Disparities in the racial makeup of the police and the communities they are tasked with serving have often been considered, though, contributing factors in poor police-community relationships and precipitative of urban unrest (Skolnick & Fyfe, 1993). In fact, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, in a report issued in 2000, referenced a previous report that indicated that the “serious underutilization of minorities and women in local police departments continues to hamper the abil- ity of police departments to function effectively in, and earn the respect of, the communities they serve, thereby increasing the likelihood of tension and violence” (USCCR, 2000).

Take, as an example, the recent unrest and civil disobedience exhibited in Ferguson, MO after the shooting of a young African American male by a member of the predominantly White police department. While the focus of much of the unrest was centered on the shooting and the police response, an underlying factor was found in the fact that, for the police department’s stated 53 members, only 3 were African American, in a community whose population was comprised of nearly two thirds African Americans. This deficiency in agency diversity has also been found to exist in numerous agencies across the country (Wilson, Wilson, Luthar, & Bridges, 2013), even while it has been argued that special recruiting strat- egies aimed at minorities may result in significant increases in the number of quali- fied applicants without increasing the number of unqualified ones (Holzer & Ihlanfeldt, 1998; Jordan, Fridell, Faggiani, & Kubu, 2009; Stoll & Raphael, 2000; Stoll, Raphael, & Holzer, 2004).

Numerous reasons have been provided for the inability of police departments to recruit qualified candidates of color. These include residents in areas of more con- centrated disadvantage seem to have a lower sense of trust and regard for the police (Decker, 1985; Flanagan & Vaugn, 1996; Sampson & Bartusch, 1999); lagging use of the internet or frivolous applications through that venue in communities of color (Baker, 2002; U.S. Department of Commerce, 2010); lack of transparency and insufficient community outreach in recruiting programs (Wilson et al, 2013); reluctance of candidates of color to even apply (Holdaway, 1991); local community minority population size (Hochstedler & Conley, 1986); and perceived institution- alized racism (Salas & Lewis, 1979; Sutton, Perry, John-Baptiste, & Williams, 2006). However, it must be recognized that the strategies used to discriminate against officers of color in the appointment process, testing procedures, promo- tions, retentions, and duty assignments, have existed throughout the term of their

232 C. P. WILSON ET AL.

involvement in the criminal justice system (Wilson & Wilson, 2014). Thus, it is against this historical backdrop that agencies must gauge their recruiting efforts.

Yet, the strategies used to conduct these efforts at increasing agency diversity may themselves be to blame for this deficiency. In most cases, the typical police recruit- ment campaign is centered on advertisements in those news publications that cater to the majority community at large or specific community interests of the agency, use of agency web sites, and word of mouth announcements. The overall selection process appears to remain testing-oriented. And concentration on the use of agency web sites to publicize and disseminate recruiting information may at times be considered faulty when attempting to notify communities of color, as there appears to remain a severe disconnect between minority and White households in the availability of this technol- ogy (File, 2013; File & Ryan, 2014; Mehra, Merkel, & Bishop, 2004; Smith, 2013). It has also been found that nearly all recruiting teams are composed of White patrol and supervisory personnel (Wilson et al., 2013).

These practices appear to generate little trust or interest from those who already view law enforcement as being hostile (Kenney & McNamara, 1999), and provide few role models with whom to identify (Milgram, 2002). Also, there is a continuous need to insure that appropriate information and contact is provided and maintained with those who are the actual targets of these campaigns. Consulting with residents about neighborhood problems and mobilizing them to implement programs are critical activities for law enforcement (Cortes, 1993; McKnight, 1995; Stoecker, 1994), yet police seem more interested in maintaining control (Lipsky, 1980). However, it has been posited that recruiting strategies that rely heavily on command and control are likely to be counter-productive and to weaken the agency’s ability to maintain and implement strong community policing initiatives (Murray, 2002).

Basing the value of these community partnerships solely on what has taken place in prior interactions may likely be insufficient, even though correctly valuing these partnerships may be crucial to the efforts to recruit (Kumar, Aksoy, Donkers, Venkatesan, Wiesel, & Tillmanns, 2010). In fact, the epistemology related to recruiting of minority candidates would seem to dictate that intense, concentrated efforts must be made towards reaching core institutions and members of commu- nities of color (Delgado Bernal & Villalpando, 2002; Ladson-Billings, 2000; Yosso, 2005). Thus, perceptions of what, and who, make up the community become key issues towards the success of community policing efforts (Cordner, 1998) and efforts to recruit qualified candidates.

The content and placement of recruiting information may also be of critical importance in evaluating the success or failure of the campaign (Brandon & Lippman, 2000; Charrier, 2000; Ho, 2005; Legrand & Gibson, 2010), with research indicating that the content of recruitment messages, and more detailed informa- tion, may actually lead to more positive recruitment outcomes, providing job seekers with sufficient information to process information about the organization and persuade them to have favorable perceptions of organizational offers, person- organization fit, and organizational culture (Roberson, Collins, & Oreg, 2005).

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE 233

Perception, as well, may play a key role in whether candidates of color will consider applying for law enforcement positions. Various scholars have suggested that the ini- tial applicant attraction to an organization may be based on perceptions of the agen- cies image and social performance (Fombrun & Shanley, 1990; Rynes, 1991), with some indicating that the organizations corporate social performance is related posi- tively to their reputation, and attractiveness as an employer (Turban & Greening, 1997). Dutton & Dukerich (1991) specifically noted that organizational actions on social issues are particularly influential in enhancing or damaging organizational image. Thus, if it is believed that they will be treated differently or be less accepted than others, there may be no incentive for minority candidates to consider applying for these positions (South, Bonjean, Markham, & Corder, 1982; Yoder, 1991).

It is well noted that distrust and fear of the police is rampant in communities of color (Chaney & Robertson, 2013; Decker, 1985; Gabbidon & Higgins, 2009; Gabbidon, Higgins, & Potter, 2011; Hagan, Shedd, & Payne, 2005; Hurst, Frank, & Browning, 2000; Reisig & Parks, 2000; Reisig, McCluskey, Mastrofski, & Terrill, 2004). Consequently, the impact of national and local attitudes regarding police- community interactions in those neighborhoods may have a strong effect on efforts towards recruitment. These issues may undoubtedly have an effect on minority interest and intent towards positions in law enforcement.

Law enforcement in Rhode Island

Under Rhode Island General Law, Section x 12-7-21 (RIGL, x 12-7-21), more than 50 individuals and agencies are considered to have “peace officer” status, thus hav- ing the powers of arrest, search, and seizure. These agencies include municipal and town police departments, the state police, five campus police agencies, several clas- sifications of investigative personnel, as well as members of the airport police, state capitol police, environmental management officers, and two classifications of cor- rectional personnel. It has been estimated that approximately 3,000 sworn person- nel are employed. However, little is known of the exact numbers of minority and female officers that are included in that matrix.

These agencies provide general and specialized enforcement, investigative, and protective services to more than one million residents throughout the state. Of this population, it is estimated that 5% (N D 60,189) are African American, 2.08% (N D 30,457) are Asian, and 12% (N D 130,655) are of Latin descent, for a total estimated state-wide minority population of 21.02% (N D 221,301) (Suburban Stats, 2014). And even correcting for those persons known to have previous criminal records (N D 6,308) who would thus be ineligible for consideration (RISP, 2014), it would appear that there exists a fairly significant pool of possible candidates for these agencies to choose from. It is this pool of candidates that all agencies compete and vie for.

Most of these residents, however, appear to reside in a central core of communi- ties located in the northern portion of the state. Based on current information

234 C. P. WILSON ET AL.

(Suburban Stats, 2014), the vast majority of people of color within the state appear to reside in the communities of Providence, Cranston, Central Falls, Woonsocket, Pawtucket, and East Providence, a total 66.34% (N D 146,823) of the entire state- wide minority population. This, then, may well be attributable to the difficulties that have been expressed by smaller agencies within the state where it concerns their recruiting efforts.

The significance of urban core institutions and constituencies

In the urban core, those areas in which the majority of likely candidates may live and work, various institutions exist that may implicitly be presumed to have signif- icant contact with those who may have an interest in law enforcement positions. Among these institutions are local branches of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the National Urban League, formal organizations representing issues specific to officers of color, various professional and commercial organizations, and the African American church.

Considered to be the most significant factor in the political, social, cultural, spir- itual, educational, and philanthropic development of African Americans in this country (Smith, Shue, Vest, & Villarreal, 1999), the African American church, as an institution, is where many African Americans learn basic values of socialization, life management, and positive role modeling. It has been indicated that 61.8% of African American families attend some form of religious services at least once per week (Data Resource Center, 2007).

Also considered an important ingredient to community stability, growth, and identity are those organizations and associations that have long been identified with the African American community as being important to its life beat and cul- ture. Local branches of the NAACP, Urban League, groups catering to the needs and concerns of minority police officers, and social and fraternal organizations have all played a part in rallying community support for social advocacy, educa- tion, civic, and social engagement. After family and the African American church, they have been considered among the most important institutions in African American society (Wilson et al., 2013).

Likewise, various commercial settings have become unique and important insti- tutions in the African American community. Hair salons which cater to African American women serve as a prime source of informal and formal information and are frequented by African American women on a regular basis (Linnan & Ferguson, 2007). Shopping malls have become both a social and recreational meeting place attracting both young and old (Feinberg, Meoli, & Rummel, 1989; Graham, 1988; Haytko & Baker, 2004; Kang & Ridgway, 1996; Kim, Kang, & Kim, 2005), and a major part of community lifestyles (Stockil, 1972), as have fitness centers (Choitz, Johnson, Berhane, Lefever, Anderson, & Eiser, 2010; Lin, Wang, & Cheng, 2007).

It may be significant to note, though, that despite the importance of these link- ages to the African American community as key points of rallying for social

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE 235

advocacy, education, civic, and social engagement, and that racial identity and political awareness serve as an important community and social resource (Gin- wright, 2007), most White observers have dismissed them as ludicrous affairs (Muraskin, 1970). However, outreach to these specific constituencies may be the key to more successful recruiting campaigns. This importance has, in fact, been recognized by police officials within the state (Krogh-Grabbe, 2014).

Previous research on recruiting

There is little doubt that the profession of law enforcement within the United States and, in fact, in the State of Rhode Island has been, and remains, the bastion of White males (White, Cooper, Saunders, & Raganella, 2010). And how the police are perceived is implicitly impacted by the types, and extent, of police-community interactions that take place (Chua-Eoan, 2000; Hurst, Frank, & Browning, 2000; Reisig & Parks, 2000).

Studies have indicated that one of the most important issues in police service is the preparation (and selection) of officers to successfully work in racially and eth- nically diverse communities, creating positive relationships between the police and those they serve (Schlosser, 2013). Consideration of such attributes as their respect for the civil rights and dignity of the people they serve and work with, how they interact with people of diverse cultures, problem solving, and conflict management skills may be just as important as how well a candidate scores on analytical tests (Shusta, Levine, Wong, & Harris, 2005). Consequently, it would seem prudent to recognize that police officer candidates possess various unconscious biases that may affect the manner in which they deal with members of different races or cul- tures (Hamilton & Gifford, 1976; Kowalski, 2003; Smith & Alpert, 2007).

Recruiting is a critical and important activity for organizations, involving identi- fying and reaching specific people with a specific message (Bock, 1991). Hence, the levels and methods of informational dissemination must also be considered where these recruiting campaigns are concerned. Skogan (1994) has indicated that the awareness of opportunities to participate in community policing has apparently not been evenly distributed in the population. Consequently, it is reasonable to believe that many attempts to attract candidates from specific demographic groups fail due to the targeted audience not being adequately notified that it has been tar- geted (Wilson et al., 2013). However, police agencies have not seemed to experi- ence or desire the need for more creative and innovative recruitment strategies, largely due to what might be viewed as an arrogant belief that recruiting candidates for police positions will be an easy task (Gordon, 2004).

Where communities of color are concerned, it is important to recognize and con- sider those core constituencies that may have more directed or inferential contact with those who are being targeted for recruitment. Entities such as the African Amer- ican church, local chapters of the NAACP, organizations representing the interests of African American police officers, and social and fraternal organizations all have been

236 C. P. WILSON ET AL.

found to have significant insight regarding methods of contacting potential candi- dates of color (Baer & Singer, 1992; Barnes, 2005; Calhoun-Brown, 1996; Hula & Jackson-Elmore, 2000; LeRoux, 2007; Reid, 1999; Sawyer, 2001; Wilmore, 1994; Wil- son et al., 2013). It then may be the strength of agency outreach to such groups that may spearhead and embolden these targeted candidates to apply (Wilson et al., 2013).

Where such seemingly essential community contacts are viewed as being super- ficially considered, police departments may risk alienating potential candidates who feel that there is any level of hypocrisy or inconsistent realities in their activi- ties (Syrett & Lammimam, 2004).

Some have considered that the active recruitment for minority police personnel has been conducted only as an afterthought or as the byproduct of efforts to fill positions that have not been set aside for those currently in some form of auxiliary unit of the agency, nepotistic or political intervention, or the reliance on the “old boy network,” thus being the equivalent of mere window dressing (Cashmore, 2002; O’Neill & Holdaway, 2007; Wilson et al., 2013), with others indicating that a lack of recruitment strategic planning, out-of-touch marketing strategies, and inef- ficient selection processes undermine successful recruiting (Deal, 2008).

By its nature, much of policing has been, and apparently will remain, controver- sial. The culture of the organization and its social performance may have an impact on its attractiveness to potential candidates. It has been suggested that an appli- cant’s beliefs of the organization’s culture, and thus its attractiveness, is strongly impacted by the information presented during recruiting (Barber, 1998; Gatewood, Gowan, & Lautenschlager, 1993). Some research indicates that organizations only reveal the most positive information (Gatewood et al., 1993), with organizational representatives describing unrealistically positive working environments (Wanous & Colella, 1989) in order to attract candidates. Community trust in these agencies may then strongly depend on perceptions of their social performance and levels of outreach. And it is well noted that there is a lack of confidence in the police in communities of color (Gabbidon & Higgins, 2009; Gabbidon et al., 2011; Hagan, Shedd, & Payne, 2005; Hurst et al., 2000; Reisig et al., 2004; Tyler, 2005).

It has often been reported that citizens feel more comfortable with concepts of community safety, crime prevention, and other aspects of police services when they see that the agency’s personnel reflect a cross-section of the community, thus giving rise to greater confidence that the police will have a better understanding of their needs and concerns (Holdaway, 1991; Paoline, Myers, & Worden, 2000; Streit, 2001) and that the number of current minority officers present may have a distinct impact on the numbers eventually hired (Martin, 1991; Warner, Steel, & Lovrich, 1989; Zhao, Herbst, & Lovrich, 2001). Yet, many smaller agencies, such as those in Rhode Island, consistently find themselves at a disadvantage due to the lack of minority and female officers found in their respective departments.

Unfortunately, the actual numbers of African American and Latino officers are sometimes subject to debate. Studies conducted in 2007 have indicated that per- haps 11.9% of all sworn law enforcement officers nationwide were African

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE 237

American, an estimated 55,267 officers. This same study also found that nearly one-half of all agencies employed fewer than 10 officers, and three-fourths of local agencies served fewer than 10,000 residents (Reaves, 2010). Thus, in most instan- ces, their numbers may be in single or double digits rather than hundreds.

African American police officers have served in communities across the nation for more than two centuries (Dulaney, 1984, 1996) and have played a singularly pivotal role in the overall scheme of police-community relations and the dispens- ing of services to the community-at-large that must be both recognized and accepted. Yet, as African American police officers have become more visible and vocal in law enforcement agencies, White researchers and public commentators have generally ignored them and their impact (Bolton & Feagin, 2004).

Even though the concepts of community policing dictate that strong neighbor- hood-based organizations are critical to the establishment of effective public safety programs, it has been found that many officers do not support the additional investment in the creation of newer relationships (Glaser & Denhardt, 2010) and that police may be more likely to engage in collaborative interactions in areas that are deemed to be more structurally advanced (Scott, 2002).

Some suggest that African American officers are more likely than their White counterparts to engage in highly supportive actions in predominantly African American neighborhoods, yet do not differ in initiating those same actions in more diverse communities (Sun & Payne, 2004). In essence, it would appear that African American police officers see their role more as protectors and guardians of the community, seeing crime as a result of poverty, racism, and poor education, while White officers place more emphasis on the arrest of criminals (Moskos, 2008). This may, then, give further credence to the thought that “Protect and Serve” mentalities are meant only for White neighborhoods, while “Law and Order” initiatives are specifically directed at communities of color.

However, when measuring police officer performance against this matrix, draw- ing the conclusion that African American and White officers act identically may at times be problematic and misleading. Various studies have found that African American officers were more knowledgeable of local citizen groups (Mastrofski, 1983), were significantly more optimistic about community policing programs (Lurigio & Skogan, 2000), and were more likely to respond favorably to quality-of- life issues such as neighborhood and family disputes, fear of crime, and improving neighborhood conditions than their White counterparts (Boyd, 2010).

Thus, the impact and presence of African American and Latino police officers may have a ranging effect on the manner in which community policing practices are conducted, and the community’s perceptions of law enforcement in general.

Research method

This article focuses on a study of the presence, or absence, of minority police offi- cers in the State of Rhode Island, their positioning within their various agencies,

238 C. P. WILSON ET AL.

and the methods and strength of community outreach utilized during recruiting campaigns. It also seeks to provide a basis for agency training methodologies to assist in improving communication and contact with established core constituen- cies so as to enhance the available pool of qualified candidates of color.

A survey developed during previous research by these authors, along with an initial letter explaining the study, was mailed to each of the agencies identified under the definition of “peace officer” in Section x 12-7-21 of the Rhode Island General Laws (N D 51), requesting their response to various questions concerning current minority officer staffing, number of candidates of color who applied, were eventually hired and retained, those who were released prior to the end of proba- tionary periods, and the methods used to communicate their recruiting informa- tion to the minority community. Questions posed in the survey instrument characterized levels of community outreach, agency strength levels, rank distribu- tions by race, numbers of candidates who applied and hires in terms of race and gender, publication and distribution methods for recruiting information, and con- tacts with core constituencies in the minority community.

Follow-up notices were sent to all agencies 30 days after the initial mailing, along with personal phone calls to nonresponding agencies, with a final notice sent 60 days after the initial mailing. Reactivity to surveys is a common weakness in their implementation; however, anonymity and confidentiality were emphasized to all participants to reduce this risk. In all, 39 questionnaires were returned for an initial 76.4% response rate. Three provided no response. This resulted in a total of 36 usable questionnaires giving a final response rate of 70.5% for the entire sample.

Analysis and findings

A specific interest of this study was to examine issues related to racial identity rather than ethnic and cultural identity, as African Americans have been found to experience a unique set of life experiences that differ dynamically from those of other groups.

Minority employment in law enforcement

First considered was the actual numbers of sworn personnel employed, finding a total of 3,108 positions filled. Distribution of personnel for operational purposes was centered along six general areas of concentration: Uniformed Patrol, Investiga- tive Duties, Community Policing Activities, School Resource/Liaison, Jail-Related duties, and Court Security. It was noted that 61.96% (N D 2,205) of all personnel were assigned to duties for uniformed patrol, while only 11.35% (N D 404) were directly involved in community policing efforts (see Table 1).

Overall, African Americans were found to make up 5.89% of sworn positions, with Hispanics making up 5.77% of all sworn positions. As expected, Whites made up the predominant number of sworn positions. A further breakdown of demo- graphical data indicates that White males made up 75.67% of the actual workforce,

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE 239

White females 6.86%, African American males 5.31%, African American females 0.58%, Hispanic males 4.58%, and Hispanic females 0.83% (see Table 2).

We next considered the placement of minority officers within the various rank structures of those agencies that responded. Rankings were from Recruit to Chief of Police. African American officers were found to make up roughly 8% (N D 189) of all patrol-related positions, with Hispanic officers comprising 7% (N D 172). White officers made up the remaining 85% (N D 1,995) of the patrol force.

Supervisory and command positions above the rank of Patrol Officer were con- cerning, as these positions are considered especially critical to issues related to career growth and advancement. And the involvement of minority officers in these positions of authority has been shown to have a distinct impact on line officer diversity. Overall, 95.43% (N D 919) of all positions above the rank of Patrol Offi- cer are held by Whites, whereas 2.18% (N D 21) were held by African Americans and 2.39% (N D 23) were held by Hispanics.

Looking at the promotional structure by each rank shows African Americans make up only 3% (N D 1) of Corporals, 1% (N D 1) of Captains, and 1% of Chiefs in Rhode Island. Hispanic promotions in Rhode Island are even less. Hispanics have neither Corporals nor Chiefs and only 1 officer (1%) that is a Captain. When considering midlevel supervisory roles, as some of these roles in police depart- ments assist in the promotional process, African Americans make up 1.37% (N D 3) of Lieutenants, and 2.68% (N D 8) of Sergeants. Hispanics make up 2.28% of Lieutenants and 2.28% of Sergeants. Yet promotions of Whites consist of 97% (N D 33) Corporals, 96.35% (N D 211) of Lieutenants, 98% (N D 80) Captains, and 97% (N D 32) Chiefs/Sheriffs in Rhode Island. This would mean that out of the 85% of Whites that began as patrol officers, 86% were promoted into supervisory

Table 1. Distribution of personnel by duty assignment.

Assignment N Percentage

Uniformed patrol 2,205 61.96% Investigative duties 305 8.57% Community policing activities 404 11.35% School resource/Liaison officer 45 1.26% Jail-related 370 10.40% Court security 230 6.46% Total number of officers includes fulltime, part-time, and seasonal officers.

Table 2. Descriptive characteristics of sworn personnel N D 3,108. Variable Sum M (%) SD

White male 2,724 75.67 134.846 White female 247 6.86 13.751 African American male 191 5.31 15.107 African American female 21 0.58 2.677 Hispanic male 165 4.58 12.454 Hispanic female 30 0.83 3.203

240 C. P. WILSON ET AL.

roles at one point or another as compared to only 2.4% of African Americans and 1.6% of Hispanics are promoted in similar roles in Rhode Island (see Table 3).

Retention of African Americans and Hispanic officers after hire also appeared to be an issue. Overall, African Americans made up 12.7% (N D 1,174) of those who applied, 11.07% (N D 32) of those eventually hired, and 11.76% (N D 28) of those retained after the end of the probationary period. Where Hispanics were con- cerned, they represented 19.03% (N D 1,760) of those who applied for positions, 12.11% (N D 35) of those hired, and 12.6% (N D 30) of those retained. However, African Americans and Hispanics were released prior to the end of their proba- tionary period at the rates of 11.76% and 12.6%, respectively, for unknown reasons. Thus, the actual numbers of African American and Hispanic officers hired and retained becomes concerning (see Table 4).

After a review of the data and considering the 4/5 (80%) rule used as the rule of thumb in initiating class action lawsuits, it would seem possible that the agencies surveyed would be candidates for class action lawsuits (Griggs v. Duke Power Co., 1971).

Table 3. Distribution of personnel by rank.

Rank White African American Hispanic

Recruit 22 0 2 Patrol Officer 1,995 189 172 Corporal 33 1 0 Sergeant 282 8 8 Detective 248 6 8 Lieutenant 211 3 5 Captain 80 1 1 Inspector 9 1 0 Major 14 0 1 Deputy Chief 10 0 0 Assistant Chief 0 0 0 Chief 32 1 0 Percentage of Supervisory Personnel 95.43 2.28 2.39

Over 80% of promotional positions are held by Whites. This is a cause for concern as it indicates an overall disparate impact that may be subject to discriminatory practices under Title VII.

Table 4. Selection and retention ratios N D 36. Candidate White African American Hispanic Total

Applied 6,315 1174 1760 9,249 Hired 222 32 35 289 Retained 180 28 30 238 Released 12 3 2 17 Selection ratio for candidates: Hired/applied 0.035 0.027 0.019 0.031 Retention ratio for candidates: Retained/hired 0.81 0.875 0.857 0.823 Released ratio for candidates: Hired/released 0.054 0.062 0.057 0.058 Final yield ratio for candidates: Retained/applied 0.028 0.023 0.017 0.025

The selection ratios for both African American and Hispanic candidates (hired/applied) is less than 80% of the selection ratio for White candidates. In addition, 80% of 0.035 (the selection ratio for White candidates) D 0.028, is greater than 0.027 (for African American candidates) and 0.019 (for Hispanic candidates) in their respective selection ratios. Also, 80% of 0.028 (final yield ratio for Whites) D 0.022, is greater than the 0.017 Hispanic final yield ratio. These indicate overall disparate impacts that would meet the definition of discrimination under title VII.

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE 241

Candidate screening procedures

Certain personality attributes and behaviors may have a direct and distinct impact on the manner in which police officers interact with the community and may have a critical influence on issues related to racial profiling, police abuse and misconduct (Hamilton & Gifford, 1976; Kowalski, 2003; Shusta et al., 2005; Smith & Alpert, 2007). These include skill sets in understanding and acceptance of cultural differ- ences, management of interpersonal conflict, social interaction, and how adept an officer is at solving community problems. Skills or predisposition in these areas may be critical not only to effectively dealing with members of all communities, but in changing the general perceptions and beliefs of the police currently held by those in communities of color.

It was found that little attention was paid to these behaviorisms during the screening process. Overall, only 16.7% (N D 6) of agencies screened for awareness and acceptance of cultural diversity, and 16.7% (N D 6) screened for skills in social interaction, while 86% (N D 31) do not screen for skills in conflict management/ mediation, and 72% (N D 26) do not screen for skills in problem solving (see Table 5).

Unlike many other professions, police officers answer a call with only a small description of a scene and must react immediately on a daily basis. With the understanding that a police officer’s job is extremely difficult and that any type of situation can escalate in a matter of seconds, conflict manage- ment skills, social interaction, and problem solving skills, and competencies in cultural awareness are essential to diffusing a situation as it lessens the need to utilize a higher degree of force and more importantly assists in keeping the officer, the citizen with whom an officer is interacting, and bystanders safe. This is especially the case for Rhode Island, as it is a racially and ethnically diverse community with rich cultures.

Table 5. Use of screening characteristics impacting racial profiling N D 36. Screening characteristic N %

Background Investigation 36 100% Criminal History Check 36 100% Personal Interviews 36 100% Medical Examinations 35 97.20% Psychological Examinations 34 94.40% Physical Agility/Fitness Testing 34 94.40% Written Aptitude testing 34 94.40% Credit History Checks 33 91.70% Drug Testing 23 63.90% Problem Solving Skills Assessment 10 27.80% Volunteer/Community Service History 8 22.20% Assessment of Understanding Cultural Diversity Issues 6 16.70% Social Interaction Skills Assessment 6 16.70% Mediation/Conflict Management Skills Assessment 5 13.90% Driving Record Checks 2 5.60% Polygraph Testing 1 2.80%

242 C. P. WILSON ET AL.

Publication and distribution of recruiting information

The way recruiting information is publicized and, more specifically, where it is dis- tributed may also have a great deal to do with the numbers of minority candidates who apply, as it is the availability of such information that will pique their interest. It should be accepted that in order to be successful in minority recruitment, agen- cies must go where potential candidates can be located. In other words, there is a need to make them fully aware of the opportunity to apply. If they do not know the opportunity exists they will show no interest.

Where informational publication was concerned, 88.9% (N D 32) of respond- ents reported utilizing their agency web site and 83% (N D 30) reported concentra- tions on local community news media for promotional purposes. However, where it concerned minority-centric news publications and media, the highest percentage of use was found to be 38.9% (N D 14). Targeted email lists are utilized by 19.4% (N D 7) of agencies and notices sent to historically African American schools make up for only 5.6% (N D 2) of the total percentage of use. By identifying these recruitment publication methods, it starts to become clear why African Americans and Hispanics represent only 11.66% of the police force statewide in Rhode Island (see Table 6). However, it is those areas where recruiting information is distributed that must be considered key to more properly notifying potential candidates of job openings. It was determined from the data that those areas specifically identified as being structurally connected to communities of color appeared to have been sys- tematically ignored. Only one police department reported distribution materials in a church lobby. Similar to distribution methods of church lobbies, only one (2.8%) agency reported distribution methods at a hair salon or a barbershop, only two (5.6%) reported distributing information at a shopping mall, and only one (2.8%) agency was reported to distribute materials to a historically African American Col- lege or University.

Of equal concern was data which indicated that only 9 (25%) respondents dis- tributed materials to local community centers, while only 4 (11.1%) distributed

Table 6. Methods of informational publication by percentage of use.

Publication Method N %

Agency Website 32 88.90% Ads placed in community news media 30 83.30% Ads placed in major news media 27 75% Social media Websites 23 63.90% Notices to local community colleges 20 55.60% External Websites 19 52.80% Flyers, posters, other printed materials 17 47.20% Radio or television announcements 15 41.70% Ads placed in minority-oriented news media 14 38.90% Ads placed in professional journals 9 25% Targeted e-mail lists 7 19.40% Ads placed in college student news media 6 16,7% Highway bulletin boards 4 11.10% Notices to historically African American schools 2 5.60%

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE 243

information in local gymnasiums and fitness centers. This leaves far too many missed opportunities to identify and recruit potential African American and Hispanic candidates (see Table 7).

Contact with core constituencies

Communication with those persons who have either a direct or inferential influ- ence on those who may apply for positions in law enforcement may be considered the most crucial component of any recruiting campaign. While 25% (N D 9) of police departments claim to have partnerships with local community groups to develop community policing efforts (see Table 8), this would infer that more com- munity groups are contacted during the recruiting process. However, the percen- tages of contacts made with core constituencies appeared to be extremely insufficient, with less than 20% of each method of constituency contact used in recruitment campaigns by respondents.

Of those principal core constituency groups, faith-based groups were contacted by only 8.3% (N D 3), organizations representing minority police officers were contacted by 11% (N D 4) of respondents, 19.4% (N D 7) of respondents reported contact with local branches of the NAACP, and only 16.7% (N D 6) made contact with the local Urban League. And while 16.7% (N D 6) of agencies stated that there

Table 7. Areas of informational distribution by percentage of use.

Distribution Location N %

Gas stations 36 0% Fast-food restaurants 36 0% Bank lobbies 36 0% Local college campuses 16 44.40% Local community centers 9 25% Grocery stores 4 11.10% Gymnasiums/Fitness centers 4 11.10% High school counseling offices 3 8.30% Shopping malls 2 5.60% Regional military bases 2 5.60% Barbershops/Hair salons 1 2.80% Church lobbies 1 2.80% Historically African American colleges 1 2.80% Food/Beverage stores 1 2.80%

Table 8. Agency management practices for community policing partnerships.

Maintained

Partnership method Total %

Problem solving agreement w/other law enforcement 22 61.10% Problem solving agreement w/local governments 13 36.10% Problem solving agreement w/youth service groups 12 33.30% Partnership w/community groups to develop community policing 9 25% Problem solving agreement w/faith-based groups 6 16.70% Problem solving agreement w/social organizations 6 16.70% Problem solving agreement w/minority law enforcement 5 13.90%

244 C. P. WILSON ET AL.

was a management practice in effect to have community policing agreements with social organizations, slightly less, 13.9% (N D 5) of agencies are reported to make contact with such groups during recruitment efforts (see Table 9).

Discussion

It is concerning that only 11.76% (N D 28) of African Americans and 12.6% (N D 30) of Hispanics who applied for officer positions are hired and retained in Rhode Island. After a review of the data and considering the 4/5 (80%) rule used as the rule of thumb in initiating class action lawsuits, it would seem possible that the agencies surveyed would be candidates for class action lawsuits based on the parameters of Griggs v. Duke (Griggs v. Duke Power Co., 1971). Also of concern was what appeared to be disparities in the overall promotional and rank structure. African Americans make up only 3% (N D 1) of Corporals, 1% (N D 1) of Captains, and 1% of Chiefs in Rhode Island. Hispanic promotions in Rhode Island are even less. His- panics have neither Corporals nor Chiefs in Rhode Island and only 1 officer (1%) that is a Captain. Yet promotions of Whites consist of 97% (N D 33) Corporals, 98% (N D 80) Captains, and 97% (N D 32) Chiefs/Sheriffs in Rhode Island. This would mean that out of the 85% of Whites that began as patrol officers, 86% were promoted into supervisory roles at one point or another as compared to only 2.4% of African Americans and 1.6% of Hispanics are promoted in similar roles in Rhode Island.

Of more serious concerns are those issues related to informational flow, commu- nity outreach, and contact. If it is truly the goal to diversify police departments, agen- cies can very quickly publicize information while saving money and time by contacting organizations that have direct access to target populations. If one is look- ing to recruit females, they should look into shopping malls, Sororities, and Beauty Salons, as those are locations where many women congregate. If one is looking to diversify the department by race, one must utilize minority media outlets as well as establish and cultivate relationships with those who have access to the African Amer- ican and Hispanic community in order to be successful in their recruitment efforts.

Conclusion

It must immediately be understood and accepted that the leadership of Rhode Island’s law enforcement community recognizes the need for increasing diversity

Table 9. Contacts with core community constituencies.

Did use this method

Constituency group Total %

Local NAACP Branch 7 19.4 Local Urban League 6 16.7 Fraternities/Sororities/Social Groups 5 13.9 Local/National Minority Law Enforcement Organizations 4 11 Religious Groups/Ministerial Alliances 3 8.3

NAACP D National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE 245

within their ranks. Ex parte conversations with numerous police chiefs have estab- lished their desires to attract a more diverse group of candidates for the various positions they must fill.

Yet it also appears clear and evident that the procedures currently being utilized to support their recruiting campaigns may be, in and of themselves, deficient. It is also quite apparent that much more significant outreach is needed to occur between law enforcement and those core community constituencies that have direct or infer- ential contact with those who are alleged to be targeted for recruitment.

Ultimately, this will require a change in both the culture of policing and the methodologies used for recruiting. Where cultural change is concerned, it is merely one piece in the puzzle that makes up an effective law enforcement agency, as orga- nizational change poses both critical and difficult settings in the effort to interpret the order for its occurrence. And change in organizational culture is the one true constant in organizational environments, particularly in police agencies, as change is experienced on a continuous basis.

A change in work behaviors of current employees is indeed critical, as they have a direct impact on the manner in which the agency is perceived. This change can come only through the selection of those who have sufficient skills in personal interaction, conflict management, understanding and acceptance of the dynamics of diverse cultures, and the retraining of those who lack them, as these are the skills necessary to improving community faith and trust in the profession, thus enhanc- ing its legitimacy. All must embrace diversity as a core value for their work as police officers. And agencies must now make their selection process more adaptive to identifying and excluding those whose behavioral patterns and attitudes lend themselves towards issues related to racial profiling, police abuse and misconduct.

Where recruiting methodologies are concerned, it may now be time for a true “out-of-the-box” approach for Rhode Island law enforcement recruiters. It should be recognized that each member of the agency has a dynamic impact on those who will apply, and that all members of the agency must now be considered within the context of the recruiting campaign, as opposed to only those specifically assigned to manage it. It is their positive interactions with the community that will spear- head agency trust and legitimacy, and thus community interest.

More attention should be focused on the distribution of information in those areas where targeted candidates can actually be found, as it is only through direct access to information that interest will be generated. Consequently, recruiters must now direct their efforts towards those areas where targeted candidates actually live, work, and play, rather than remaining in their own comfort zones. It should be an accepted axiom that if the information cannot be readily found, it cannot be used or even useful for its intended purpose. For example, if one is looking to recruit females, they should look into shopping malls, sororities, and beauty salons as those are locations where many women congregate.

It is important, then, to utilize every possible venue in the attempts to recruit qualified candidates of color. Critical attention must now be placed on those areas,

246 C. P. WILSON ET AL.

individuals, and groups that have been previously ignored as they should now be considered valuable resources, rather than just another group of discontented per- sons to deal with.

Effective policing requires citizen cooperation and their perception that the police have legitimacy and trustworthiness. And in communities of color, the per- ceptions of community members regarding the effectiveness, trustworthiness, and efficacy of belonging to the police should be considered of high value. Thus the strength of outreach efforts is crucial to both the methodologies of recruiting and those attached to community policing efforts.

By utilizing a variety of methods as discussed in outreach to the African American and Hispanic community such as disbursing promotional materials in areas in which African Americans and Hispanics congregate as well as maintaining commu- nity partnerships with organizations such as the NAACP, the Urban League, and Progresso Latino, such measures will not only establish positive relationships though community oriented policing, it will assist in the recruitment of African Americans and Hispanics to the various police departments. Many of the methods discussed here are very accessible to all police departments; they just need to be utilized.

Such a process may also assist in the promotion of more African Americans and Hispanics into supervisory roles. It is imperative that departments look into such disparities in order to be effective in their future recruitment strategies of minorities into the force. Police departments must now consider such things as the principal reasons for making their agencies more culturally diverse, the transparency of their recruiting programs, whether their selection process is racially adversive, how best to publish and distribute their information, and most critically, methods to strengthen and enhance their outreach and connections to a more diverse community.

Perhaps directed instructional programs are now needed that will assist law enforcement recruiters in developing new strategies. Informational sessions on global and organizational diversity, transparency in the recruiting process, and improving the selection process, held in conjunction with input from various com- munity partners, may serve to provide stronger relationships with core constituen- cies, and greater numbers of African American and Latino candidates. This training structure must also provide significant and detailed methodologies for engaging community partners in the process of recruiting, as their willing and knowing assistance will be an absolute requirement in meeting established goals.

The community as well must make greater strides to become involved in these processes. Viable candidates for these positions must be willing to apply and seek out these positions. While the law enforcement profession is not a perfect one, it should be considered as a viable career choice. Also, it is only from participation and active involvement in the inner workings of law enforcement that many of the faults and issues within the criminal justice system can be addressed. Community leaders must make every effort to encourage those who are qualified to consider this career choice. And candidates must attempt to better prepare themselves for the various steps involved in the process. These efforts may, in turn, lead to greater

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE 247

numbers of actual hires. It is only through these measures that they may hope for a more culturally diverse group of candidates, and thus increase the numbers of Afri- can American and Latino officers being employed.

Notes on contributors Lieutenant Charles P. Wilson currently serves with the Rhode Island College, Providence, RI Campus Police Department as a patrol shift supervisor. With a professional career dating from 1971, his previous law enforcement experience has included service as a Detective/Patrolman with the Woodmere Village, Ohio Police Department, where he also served as its first African American Chief of Police from 1988 to mid-1990. He earned his Bachelor of Arts Degree with an emphasis in Justice Studies from the Rhode Island College in Providence, Rhode Island, and is a three-term National Chairman of the National Association of Black Law Enforcement Offi- cers, Inc.

Dr. Shirley A. Wilson, Ph.D., currently serves as a Professor of Management at Bryant Univer- sity in Smithfield, Rhode Island where her specific area of instruction is in Organizational Behavior and Global Diversity. Her previous experiences have included service as the Coordina- tor for School/Community Relations with the Cleveland Heights-University Heights, Ohio Board of Education, and Personnel Analyst with the Cleveland Electric Illuminating Company. Her specific area of research is in the field of Mentoring, with emphasis on African American Female Professionals. She earned her Doctorate from the Weatherhead School of Management, Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio.

Mary Gwann graduated from Roger Williams University’s School of Criminal Justice where she received her Master’s Degree in 2013 with honors. She is also a member of Alpha Phi Sigma, a National Criminal Justice Honors Society. Mary serves on several community-based boards in Rhode Island which includes serving as the Vice President for Rhode Island Young Professio- nals, Board of Directors for Cape Verdean Subcommittee of RI as well as serving as the Voter Education and Outreach Chair for Cambodian Society of Rhode Island. Currently, she is devel- oping the research and policy for a local project called SPOT ON, whose primary goal is to improve community-police relations in urban areas through various recreational activities and educational programs. She also intends to pursue her Ph.D. in Criminal Justice related studies.

References

Baer, H. A., & Singer, M. (1992). African American religion in the twentieth century: Varieties of protest and accommodation. Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press.

Baker, A. (2002). Police department reports jump in applicants. New York Times, A20, May 17, 2002.

Barber, A. E. (1998). Recruiting employees: Individual and organizational perspective. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Barnes, S. L. (2005). Black church culture and community action. Social Forces. 84, 967–994. Ben-Porat, G. (2008). Policing multicultural states: Lessons from the Canadian model. Policing

& Society. 18(4), 411–425. Bock, W. (1991). Recruiting means marketing, not just hiring. Law Enforcement Quarterly,

(August-September-October), 21–23. Bolton, K., & Feagin, J. R. (2004). Black in blue: African-American police officers and racism.

New York, NY: Routledge.

248 C. P. WILSON ET AL.

Boyd, L. M. (2010). Light blue versus dark blue: Attitudinal differences in quality-of-life polic- ing. Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice, 8(1), 37–48.

Brandon, H., & Lippman, B. (2000). Surfing for success: Using the web to improve recruitment. Police Chief. 11, 37–41.

Calhoun-Brown, A. (1996). African American churches and political mobilization: The psycho- logical impact of organizational resources. Journal of Politics. 58, 935–953.

Cashmore, E. (2002). Behind the window dressing: Minority ethnic police perspectives on cul- tural diversity. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. 28(2), 327–341.

Chaney, C., & Robertson, R. V. (2013). Racism and police brutality in America. Journal of Afri- can American Studies. 17(4), 480–505.

Charrier, K. (2000). Marketing strategies for attracting and retaining generation X police offi- cers. Police Chief. 12, 45–51.

Choitz, P., Johnson, M. P., Berhane, Z., Lefever, G., Anderson, J. K., & Eiser, A. R. (2010). Urban fitness centers: Removing barriers to promote exercise in underserved communities. Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Underserved. 21(1), 221–228.

Chua-Eoan, H. (2000). Black and blue. Time, (March 6), 24. Cordner, G. W. (1998). Community policing: Elements and effects. In G. Alpert & A Piquero

(Eds.), Community policing contemporary readings, 3rd Edition. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland.

Cortes, E. (1993). Reweaving the fabric: The iron rule and the IAF strategy for dealing with pov- erty through power and politics (Working Paper No. 56). Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Center for Urban Policy Research.

Data Resource Center. (2007). National Survey of Children’s Health. Kaiser Family Foundation. Retrieved from http://www.childhealthdata.org/browse/survey/results?q=281&r=1

Deal, A. (2008). Why recruitment in law enforcement isn’t working. PowerPoint presentation to the California Commission on Police Officer Standards and Training, Sacramento, CA, June 17, 2008.

Decker, S. (1985). The police and the public: Perceptions and policy recommendations. In R. J. Homant & D. B. Kennedy (Eds.), Police and law enforcement, 1975–1981 (pp. 89–105). New York, NY: AMS Press, Inc.

Delgado Bernal, D., & Villalpando, O. (2002). An apartheid of knowledge in academia: The struggle over the “legitimate” knowledge of faculty of color. Equity and Excellence in Educa- tion, 35(2), 169–180.

Dulaney, W. M. (1984). Black shields: A historical and comparative survey of African Americans in American police forces. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Ohio State University.

Dulaney, W. M. (1996). Black police in America. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Dutton, J. E., & Dukerich, J. M. (1991). Keeping an eye on the mirror: Image and identity in

organizational adaption. Academy of Management Journal, 34, 517–554. Feinberg, R. A., Meoli, J., & Rummel, A. (1989). There’s something social happening at the mall.

Journal of Business and Psychology, 4(1), 49–63. File, T. (2013). Computer and internet use in the United States. Washington, D.C.: United States

Census Bureau. File, T., & Ryan, C. (2014). Computer and internet use in the United States: 2013. Washington,

D.C.: United States Census Bureau. Flanagan, T. J., & Vaugn, M. S. (1996). Public opinion about police abuse of force. In W. A.

Gelber & H. Toch (Eds.). And justice for all: Understanding and controlling abuse of force (pp. 113–131). Washington, D.C.: Police Executive Research Forum.

Fombrun, C., & Shanley, M. (1990). What’s in a name? Reputation building and corporate strat- egy. Academy of Management Journal. 33, 233–258.

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE 249

Gabbidon, S. L., & Higgins, G. E. (2009). The role of race/ethnicity and race relations on public opinion related to the treatment of African Americans by the police. Police Quarterly, 12(1), 102–115.

Gabbidon, S. L., Higgins, G. E., & Potter, H. (2011). Race, gender, and the perception of recently experiencing unfair treatment by the police: Exploratory results from an all-African Ameri- can sample. Criminal Justice Review. 36(1), 5–21.

Gatewood, R. D., Gowan, M. A., & Lautenschlager, D. J. (1993). Corporate image, recruitment image, and individual job choice decisions. Academy of Management Journal, 36, 414–427.

Glaser, M. A., & Denhardt, J. (2010). Community policing and community building: A case study of officer perceptions. American Review of Public Administration, 40(3), 309–325.

Ginwright, S. A. (2007). Black youth activism and the role of critical social capital in Black com- munity organizations. American Behavioral Scientist. 51, 403–418.

Gordon, M. (2004). Police recruiting in the 21st century. EMU School of Police Staff and Command. Research project submitted to Department of Interdisciplinary Technology, Rochester, MI.

Graham, E. (1988). The call of the mall. Wall Street Journal, (May 13), 7R. Griggs v. Duke Power Co. 401 U.S. 424. (1971). Gustafson, J. (2013). Diversity in municipal police agencies: A national examination of minority

hiring and promotion. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Manage- ment. 36(4), 719–736.

Hagan, J., Shedd, C., & Payne, M. (2005). Race, ethnicity, and perceptions of criminal injustice. American Sociological Review, 70, 381–407.

Hamilton, D. L., & Gifford, R. K. (1976). Illusory correlation in interpersonal perception: A cog- nitive basis of stereotypic judgments. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 12, 392–407.

Haytko, D. L., & Baker, J. (2004). It’s all at the mall: Exploring adolescent girls’ experiences. Journal of Retailing. 80(1), 67–83.

Ho, T. (2005). Do racial minority applicants have a better chance to be recruited in predomi- nantly White neighborhoods? An empirical study. Police Quarterly, 8(4), 454–475.

Hochstedler, E., & Conley, J. (1986). Explaining underrepresentation of African American offi- cers in city/police agencies. Journal of Criminal Justice. 14, 319–328.

Holdaway, S. (1991). Race relations and police recruitment. British Journal of Criminology, 31 (4), 365–382.

Holzer, H. J., & Ihlanfeldt, K. R. (1998). Customer discrimination and employment outcomes for minority workers. Quarterly Journal of Economics. 113, 835–867.

Hula, R. C., & Jackson-Elmoore, C. (2000). Nonprofits in urban America. Westport, CT: Quorum.

Hurst, Y. G., Frank, J., & Browning, S. L. (2000). The attitudes of juveniles toward the police: A comparison of Black and White youth. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management. 23, 37–53.

Jordan, W. T., Fridell, L., Faggiani, D., & Kubu, B. (2009). Attracting females and racial/ethnic minorities to law enforcement. Journal of Criminal Justice. 37, 333–341.

Kang, Y., & Ridgway, N. M. (1996). The importance of consumer market interactions as a form of social support elderly consumers. Journal of Public Policy & Marketing. 15, 108–117.

Kenney, D. J., & McNamara, R. P. (1999). Police and policing: Contemporary issues (2nd ed.). Westport, CT: Praeger.

Kim, Y., Kang, J., & Kim, M. (2005). The relationship among family and social interaction, lone- liness, mall shopping motivation, and mall spending of older consumers. Psychology & Mar- keting, 22(12), 995–1015.

Kowalski, K. (2003). The emergence of ethnic and racial attitudes in preschool-aged children. Journal of Social Psychology. 143, 677–690.

250 C. P. WILSON ET AL.

Krogh-Grabbe, A. (2014). PVD Police Dept.: One of the least racially representative in the coun- try. RIFuture.org, December 3. Retrieved from http://www.rifuture.org/pvd-police-dept-one- of-least-racially-representative-in-the-country.html

Kumar, V., Aksoy, L., Donkers, B., Venkatesan, R., Wiesel, T., & Tillmanns, S. (2010). Underval- ued or overvalued customers: Capturing total customer engagement value. Journal of Service Research, 13(3), 297–310.

Ladson-Billings, G. (2000). Racialized discourses and ethnic epistemologies. In N. Denzin & Y. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 257–277). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Legrand, H. S., & Gibson, L. M. (2010). Community-based participatory recruitment methods for African-American women. USC Upstate Undergraduate Research Journal, 3, 61–64.

LeRoux, K. (2007). Nonprofits as civic intermediaries: The role of community-based organiza- tions in promoting political participation. Urban Affairs Review. 42, 410–422.

Lewis, W. G. (1989). Toward representative bureaucracy: Blacks in city police organizations, 1975–1985. Public Administrative Review. 49, 257–267.

Lin, J. Y. C., Wang, E. S. T., & Cheng, J. M. S. (2007). The relationship between extroversion and leisure motivation: Evidence from fitness center participation. Social Behavior and Personal- ity: An International Journal. 35(10), 1317–1322.

Linnan, L. A., & Ferguson, Y. O. (2007). Beauty salons: A promising health promotion setting for reaching and promoting health among African American women. Health Education and Behavior. 34(3), 517–530.

Lipsky, M. (1980). Street-level bureaucracy. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation. Lurigio, A. J., & Skogan, W. G. (2000). Winning the hearts and minds of police officers: An

assessment of staff perceptions of community policing in Chicago. In R. W. Glensor, M. E. Correia, & K. J. Peak (Eds.), Policing communities: Understanding crime and solving problems (pp. 246–256). Los Angeles, CA: Roxbury.

Martin, S. (1991). The effectiveness of affirmative action: The case of women in policing. Justice Quarterly, 8, 489–504.

Mastrofski, S. D. (1983). Police knowledge of the patrol beat: A performance measure. In R. R. Bennett (Ed.), Police at work: Policy issues and analysis (pp. 45–64). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications.

McKnight, J. (1995). The careless society: Community and its counterfeits. New York, NY: Basic Books.

Mehra, B., Merkel, C., & Bishop, A. P. (2004). The internet for empowerment of minority and marginalized users. New Media & Society. 6(6), 781–802.

Milgram, D. (2002). Recruiting women to policing: Practical strategies that work. Police Chief, 69(4), 23–29.

Moskos, P. C. (2008). Two shades of blue: Black and White in the blue brotherhood. Law Enforcement Executive Forum. 8(5), 57–86.

Muraskin, W. (1970). The social foundations of the Black community: The fraternities. The Cal- ifornia masons as a test case. American Studies. 11(2), 12–35.

Murray, J. (2002). Police culture: A component of community policing. Australian Journal of Forensic Services. 34, 57–71.

O’Neill, M., & Holdaway, S. (2007). Examining “window dressing”: The views of African Ameri- can police associations on recruitment and training. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 33, 483–500.

Orrick, D. (2014). The next war for talent, part I. Law and Order, 62(12), 38–40. Paoline, E. A., Myers, S. M., & Worden, R. E. (2000). Police culture, individualism, and commu-

nity policing: Evidence from two police departments. Justice Quarterly, 17(3), 575–605. Reaves, B. (2010). Local police departments (2007). U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice

Programs, Bureau of Justice Studies.

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE 251

Reid, E. (1999). Nonprofit advocacy and political participation. In E. T. Boris & C. E. Steuerle (Eds.). Nonprofits and government: Collaboration and conflict (pp. 291–325). Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute.

Reisig, M., & Parks, R. (2000). Experience, quality of life, and neighborhood context: A hierar- chical analysis of satisfaction with police. Justice Quarterly, 17, 607–630.

Reisig, M. D., McCluskey, J. D., Mastrofski, S. D., & Terrill, W. (2004). Suspect disrespect toward the police. Justice Quarterly. 21(2), 241–268.

Rhode Island General Laws. x 12-7-21. “Peace officer” defined. Rhode Island State Police. (2014). Uniform crime report: Crime in Rhode Island. Roberson, Q. M., Collins, C. J., & Oreg, S. (2005). The effects of recruitment message specificity

on applicant attraction to organizations. Journal of Business and Psychology. 19(3), 319–339. Rynes, S. L. (1991). Recruitment, job choice, and post-hire consequences: A call for new

research directions. In M. D. Dunnette & L.M. Hough (Eds.), Handbook of industrial and organizational psychology (2nd ed., 2, pp. 399–444). Palo Alto, CA: Consulting Psychologists Press.

Salas, L. P., & Lewis, R. G. (1979). The law enforcement assistance administration and minority communities. Journal of Police Science and Administration, 7, 379–388.

Sampson, R., & Bartusch, D. J. (1999). Legal cynicism and subcultural tolerance of deviance: The neighborhood context of racial differences. Law and Society Review. 32(4), 777–804.

Sawyer, M. R. (2001). Theocratic, prophetic, and ecumenical: Political roles of African American clergy. In S. E. S. Crawford & L. R. Olson (Eds.). Christian clergy in American politics (pp. 66–84). Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press.

Schlosser, M. D. (2013). Racial attitudes of police recruits in the United States Midwest Police Academy: A quantitative examination. International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences, 8 (2), 215–224.

Schroedel, J. R., Frisch, S., Hallamore, N., Peterson, J., & Vanderhorst, N. (1996). The joint impact of race and gender on police department employment practices. Women & Criminal Justice. 8(2), 59–77.

Scott, J. D. (2002). Assessing the relationship between police-community coproduction and neighborhood-level social capital. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 18(2), 147–166.

Shusta, R. M., Levine, D. R., Wong, H. Z., & Harris, P. R. (2005). Multicultural law enforcement: Strategies for peacekeeping in a diverse society (3rd ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Skogan, W. G. (1994). Community Participation and Community Policing. Presented at the Workshop on Evaluating Police Service Delivery, University of Montreal & Solicitor General Canada.

Skolnick, J., & Fyfe, J. (1993). Above the law: Police and the excessive use of force. New York, NY: The Free Press.

Smith, B., Shue, S., Vest, J. L., & Villarreal, J. (1999). Philanthropy in Communities of Color. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press.

Smith, D. T. (2013). African Americans and network disadvantage: Enhancing social capitol through participation on social networking sites. Future Internet. 5, 56–66.

Smith, M. R., & Alpert, G. P. (2007). Explaining police bias: A theory of social conditioning and illusory correlation. Criminal Justice and Behavior. 34(10), 1262–1283.

South, S., Bonjean, C., Markham, W., & Corder, J. (1982). Social structure and intergroup inter- action: Men and women of the federal bureaucracy. American Sociological Review, 47, 587– 599.

Stockil, P. (1972). The mall. In C. Darlow, (ed.). Enclosed shopping centres (pp. 52—62). London: Architectural Press.

Stoecker, R. (1994). Defending community: The struggle for alternative redevelopment in Cedar- Riverside. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.

252 C. P. WILSON ET AL.

Stoll, M. A., & Raphael, S. (2000). Racial differences in spatial job search patterns: Exploring the causes and consequences. Economic Geography. 76(3), 201–223.

Stoll, M. A., Raphael, S., & Holzer, H. J. (2004). Black job applicants and the hiring officer’s race. Industrial and Labor Relations Review. 57(2), 267–287.

Streit, C. (2001). Recruiting minority officers. Law Enforcement Technology, 28(2), 70–72, 74–75. Suburban Stats. (2014). How many people live in Rhode Island for 2013 and 2014. Retrieved

from http://suburbanstats.org/population/how-many-people-live-in-rhode-island. Sun, I. Y., & Payne, B. K. (2004). Racial differences in resolving conflicts: A comparison between

African American and white police officers. Crime and Delinquency, 50(4), 516–541. Sutton, M., Perry, B., John-Baptiste, C., & Williams, G. (2006). Black and Asian police officers and

support staff: Prejudice, identity, agency and social cohesion. Internet Journal of Criminology. Retrieved from http://www.internetjournalofcriminology.com/ijcprimaryresearch.html

Syrett, M., & Lammiman, J. (2004). Advertising and millennials: Young consumers. Insight and Ideas for Responsible Marketers. 5(4), 62–73.

Turban, D. B., & Greening, D. W. (1997). Corporate social performance and organizational attractiveness to prospective employees. Academy of Management Journal, 40(3), 658–672.

Tyler, T. R. (2005). Policing in African American and white: Ethnic group differences in trust and confidence in the police. Police Quarterly. 8(3), 322–342.

USCCR. (2000). Revisiting who is guarding the guardians? A report on police practices and civil rights in America. Washington, D.C.: United States Commission on Civil Rights.

U.S. Department of Commerce. (2010). Exploring the digital nation: Home broadband Internet adoption in the United States. Washington, D.C.: Economic and Statistics Administration.

Viverette, M. A. (2005). President’s message: Diversity on the force. The Police Chief, 72(12). Retrieved from http://www.policechiefmagazine.org/magazine/index.cfm? fuseaction=display_arch&article_id=755&issue_id=122005

Wanous, J. P., & Colella, A. (1989). Organizational entry research: Current status and future directions. In C. R. Ferris & K. M. Rowland (Eds.), Research in personnel and human resource management. 7, 59–120. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press.

Warner, B., Steel, B., & Lovrich, N. (1989). Conditions associated with the advent of representa- tive bureaucracy: The case of women in policing. Social Science Quarterly, 70, 562–578.

White, M. D., Cooper, J. A., Saunders, J., & Raganella, A. J. (2010). Motivations for becoming a police officer: Re-assessing officer attitudes and job satisfaction after six years on the street. Journal of Criminal Justice. 38, 519–530.

Wilmore, G. S. (1994). Black religion and Black radicalism: An interpretation of the religious his- tory of Afro-American people. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books.

Wilson, C. P., Wilson, S. A., Luthar, H. K., & Bridges, M. R. (2013). Recruiting for diversity in law enforcement: An evaluation of practices used by state and local agencies. Journal of Eth- nicity in Criminal Justice. 11(4), 238–255.

Wilson, C. P., & Wilson, S. A. (2014). Are we there yet? Perceptive roles of African American police officers in small agency settings. Western Journal of Black Studies, 38(2), 123–133.

Yoder, J. (1991). Rethinking tokenism: Looking beyond the numbers. Gender and Society, 5, 178–192.

Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race Ethnicity and Education. 8(1), 69–91.

Zhao, J., Herbst, L., & Lovrich, N. (2001). Environmental and institutional effects present in the employment of women police officers: Separating the predictors of minority and non- minority female officer hiring. Journal of Urban Affairs. 23, 243–257.

JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE 253

Copyright of Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.