Thematic Outline

Revista de Asistenţ\ Social\, anul XV, nr. 1/2016, pp. 27‑39 www.swreview.ro

Comparing the Cultural Factors in the Sexual Exploitation of Young

People in the UK and USA: Insights for Social Workers

Sarah Hayes* Peter Unwin**

Abstract. Across both the UK and the USA, knowledge about the abuse of children and young people through sexual exploitation has developed rapidly over the past decade. Both countries have reached a consensus at the legislative level that victims of child sexual exploitation (CSE) are first and foremost victims of serious sexual forms of abuse. The perpetrators of CSE take advantage of economic, cognitive, social and emotional vulnerability to obtain sex. The exploitation frequently, but not exclusively, involves commercial gain and the presence of the victim’s ‘consent’ is no longer considered a vindication of such abuse. CSE is above all a cultural phenomenon. It begins with beliefs that normalise or deny the seriousness of the sexual exploitation taking place. This is true not only for the individuals directly involved but also relates to the attitudes held by some professionals. Positioning CSE as illegal and socially unacceptable has to occur not only at the legislative level but also in respect of professional agencies, communities, social networks and families. In practice, protecting young people from sexual exploitation is complex and the subjectivities within professional approaches need to be acknowledged. It is recommended that professionals across social services, policing, health and education receive core training to enable a consistently non‑discriminatory and research‑informed response to CSE. Social workers are well‑placed to lead and co‑ordinate such responses, particularly if there are adequate and effective resources in place. Providing a consistent and trustworthy therapeutic relationship is fundamental to the worker being able to work with a young person affected by CSE. Conclusions are that the domestic sexual exploitation and trafficking discourses developed in the UK and USA could be informative for other countries, such as those of Eastern Europe. Finally, the importance of sharing insights between countries is recommended to make us all better equipped to protect our young people from sexual exploitation and trafficking.

Keywords: Child Sexual Exploitation (CSE), Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children (CSEC), Domestic Minor Sex Trafficking (DMST), Internal Child Sex Trafficking (ICST)

* Social Work, Institute of Health and Society, University of Worcester WR2 6AJ, UK ** Social Work, Institute of Health and Society, University of Worcester WR2 6AJ, UK, E‑mail:

[email protected]

28 Sarah Hayes, Peter Unwin / Comparing the Cultural Factors in the Sexual Exploitation of Young People in the UK and USA: Insights for Social Workers

Introduction

Child Sexual Exploitation (CSE) is the dominant terminology used in the UK to identify ‘exploitative situations, contexts and relationships where young people…receive ‘something’ (e.g. food, accommodation, drugs, alcohol, cigarettes, affection, gifts, money) as a result of them performing, and/or another or others performing on them, sexual activities’ (National Working Groupfor Sexually Exploited Children and Young People, 2008). The CSE termi‑ nology is applied to victims with UK citizenship who are abused within the UK by individual or groups of perpetrators. Internal Child Sex Trafficking (ICST) is the group‑based form of CSE that has led to greater awareness in recent years in the UK. It is defined as ‘a repeated process involving two or more adults in which a child is recruited and transferred to a location in order to be sexually exploited’ (Cockbain, Brayley, 2014, 182). In the USA, the phrases Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children (CSEC) and Domestic Minor Sex Trafficking (DMST) tend to be used interchangeably. DMST is increasingly the preferred term, and refers to any domestic movement of a USA minor for the purposes of sexual exploitation. In the USA particular focus has been given to commercial or survival‑based sexual exploitation. Despite these differing foci, both countries have developed definitions of sexual exploitation that acknowledge that, whatever the terminology used, abuse of power for sexual purposes is the essential characteristic of all such interactions.

Social workers have a responsibility to contribute to the protection of young people from domestic sexual exploitation and trafficking. However, recognizing the existence of CSE is often a complex process – ‘as a spectrum of activity, there are a whole range of behaviours and scenarios which alone do not mean anything significant, but pieced together from a composite’ (Casey, 2015, 7). Victims may be unwilling or unable to articulate the nature of the exploitation to a professional, particularly if a therapeutic relationship has not been sufficiently developed. In order to improve their practice and contribute to a safer environment for young people, it is vital for social workers to maintain engagement with the growing knowledge base regarding CSE. Comparing insights about domestic exploitation and trafficking between countries is a worthwhile strategy for gaining new perspectives on the issue. Developing curiosity and knowledge helps all professionals to be better equipped to challenge CSE within their own communities.

Development of the child sexual exploitation and domestic minor sex trafficking discourses

Over the last decade, there has been a ‘conceptual shift’ (Jago et al., 2011, 4) in the UK to define the sexual exploitation of children and young people as a serious form of abuse. The 2003 Sexual Offences Act provided a framework for identifying sexual activity with a young person under 16 years as criminal, regardless of perceived consent. Prior to 2009, government guidelines continued to discuss the issue within the framework of ‘Children Involved in Prostitution’. Although the guidance advised professionals to view young people primarily as victims, there remained space ‘when all attempts to divert the child from prostitution have failed’ (Department of Health, 2000, 13), to initiate criminal justice action against the child or young person. This demonstrated an ongoing sense of ambiguity in relation to the young person’s culpability.

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From 2009, the term ‘Sexual Exploitation’ was adopted in UK government guidance and provided an unequivocal position on the child or young person’s victimhood. This change occurred within the context of a public out cry following the uncovering of extensive levels of sexual exploitation in Rotherham (Jay, 2014), Rochdale (Griffiths, 2013), Oxford (Bedford, 2015), and Derby (Galley, 2010) by organised groups of men against girls. These high profile cases have contributed to discussions of a ‘culture of denial’ (Department for Education, 2015, 1) existing within professional agencies, resulting in an environment characterised by a ‘high level of tolerance towards damaging and worrying experiences’ (Griffiths, 2013, 106). The media coverage focused on the ethnic background of the perpetrator groups (largely Asian men) and their White British female victims (Pearson, 2013). However, awareness of a broader range of perpetrator and victim characteristics is growing. This includes recent studies on the sexual exploitation of boys and young men (Barnardo’s, 2014), peer‑on‑peer exploitation (Beckett et al., 2013), and other forms of CSE beyond the ICST model.

Awareness of sexual exploitation in the USA has been growing over a similar period with a more overt focus on commercialised sex trafficking. The Trafficking Victims Protection (TVPA) Act (2000) established the principle that ‘all trafficked victims who are minors are unable to consent to the crime of prostitution’ (Tomes,2013, 215). Domestic Minor Sex Trafficking (DMST) is illegal, regardless of whether fraud, force or coercion can be proven. Sex trafficking under the TVPA Act (2000) is defined as the recruitment, harbouring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for the purpose of a commercial sex act in which anything of value is given to or received by any person.

The DMST terminology is used broadly to cover local as well as inter‑state movements of young people. An estimated 300,000 children young people are thought to be at risk of commercial sexual exploitation in the USA (Bergman, 2012). As in the UK, there has been a developing critique of the ‘culture of tolerance’ (Kotrla 2010, 182) that exists towards the sexual exploitation and trafficking of young people. Many studies have also focused on the inconsistent treatment of young people as either victims or delinquents, depending on the ‘discretionary evaluations’ (Franklin, Menaker, 2013, 141) that take place by law enforcement and social work professionals. Research from the USA is also interested in the trajectory from DMST into adult prostitution (Hakes, 2011; Williamson, Prior, 2009).

Over this period of change, a central issue in both countries has been the extent to which a young person is considered to possess agency and responsibility to protect themselves from exploitative sexual experiences. In the USA, state level legislation has often differed signi‑ ficantly from the TVPA (2000) Act. Such legislation could include the concept that a young person is able to provide consent. For example, in the State of Virginia, a young person could be a ‘consenting minor’ in statutes that deal with crimes such as carnal knowledge and contributing to the delinquency of a minor (Smith et al., 2009, 24). State laws are therefore not always congruent with the principle that a young person was unable to consent. Such inconsistencies mean that ‘a minor can be viewed as either a victim of child sex abuse or, unfortunately, as a prostitute and the applicable law will determine whether that child is treated as a victim or criminal’ (Smith et al., 2009, 59). In the USA, 45 states have now passed anti‑trafficking legislation to create better alignment to the TVPA (2000) Act (Tomes, 2013). In the UK, governmental efforts to develop a consistent approach to CSE have included Inquiries such as the Jay Report (2014), guidance on tackling child sexual exploitation (Department for Education, 2015) and the positioning of CSE as having national threat status (College of Policing, 2015). In both countries, responses from government down have been characterised by a movement towards a clear position that young people do not have the necessary capacity to protect themselves from sexual exploitation and trafficking which are therefore serious forms of abuse.

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Despite such developments, a key issue in both countries continues to be the low levels at which CSE is reported. One reason for this is that the subjective interpretation of the relationship by its participants frequently reflects the abuse of power taking place. In a UK study of gang related sexual violence and exploitation (Beckett et al., 2013), half of the young men did not recognise the behaviour that they witnessed or participated in was exploitative. This was attributed to the pervasive hyper‑masculine culture in situ, where by young women were blamed for their experiences of sexual victimisation. The importance of the relational context has likewise been identified in a study of gangs from the USA (Cepeda, Valdez, 2003, 96) where girls were ‘socially categorised by how they relate sexually to the gang member’. Beckett et al. (2013) echoed this finding in the reporting of colloquial labels being used to categorise girls in terms of their perceived sexual role with male gang members. Girls perceived to be receptive to casual sex ‘forfeited their right to dignity, respect and sexual self‑determination’ (Cepeda, Valdez, 2003, 21). The normalisation of sexually exploitative incidents amongst individuals, groups or communities is not only a significant factor in low reporting rates but also a significant barrier to effective social work intervention.

The effect of justifying or masking exploitation is also demonstrated by studies in the USA of young females and their pimps (Curtis et al. 2008; Raphael, 2008; Williamson, Prior, 2009; Marcus et al. 2014). A qualitative analysis of prostituted boys and girls in New York found that 16% of the girls interviewed had been initiated into sex work by pimps and that the relationships were characterised by ‘love, loyalty, dependence, control fear and pain’ (Curtis et al., 2008, 21). A Chicago study of women and girls (Raphael, 2008) found that 29% of the female respondents had been recruited into prostitution by a boyfriend and 64% also referred to currently being in a romantic relationship with their pimp. The exploitation of a romantic relationship by pimps has been described as part of ‘finesse pimping’ behaviors where by the perpetrators are ‘manipulating young girls into situations where they seemingly make their own decisions’ (Williamson, Prior, 2009, 50). A study conducted in Boston and Washington DC found that ‘it is the quest of finding a suitable partner that put many young women at risk for getting involved in CSEC’ (Williams, Frederick, 2009, 42). In comparison, Melrose (2012, 163) discusses the participation of British girls in sexually exploitative situations within the ‘partying’ lifestyle, where apparent ‘willing acceptance’ is ‘driven by emotional vulnerability’. In both the UK and USA these studies underline how exploitative situations can be normalised and redefined as an acceptable component of the relationship between the perpetrator and victim. Social workers therefore may encounter young people who are ‘the perfect victims’ (Curtis et al. 2008, 123) because they do not recognise their own exploitation. It may be very difficult to offer alternative paths to young people in these circumstances without first assisting them to gain awareness. This could be a challenging objective if insufficient time is available from professionals to create therapeutic relationships with children and young people as has been noted in the UK (Social Work Reform Board, 2010; Department for Education, 2011).

The influence of social networks

In addition to the direct relationship between victim and perpetrator, the wider social network can play a fundamental role in the normalisation of exploitative situations. The New York study of prostituted youth (Curtis et al. 2008, 55) found that young people ‘described social contexts where sex work seemed integral to their peer network’ with 40% of those interviewed stating that they knew at least ten other prostituted young people. The networks were also found to be important facilitators for locating customers and being introduced to a pimp.

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This demonstrates how an individual’s social group can both model and normalise exploitation through prostitution and also provide the practical access points for recruitment. The importance of peer‑based networks is exacerbated by the low levels of social support available elsewhere and sexual exploitation may be the price for this support. The relationships within these networks were seen by Marcus et al. (2014) as having been characterised by issues of power balances and mutual compromises. Enabling a young person to let go of such networks requires the social worker to acknowledge the emotional and economic roles that such networks play and to devise an alternative. It may be particularly challenging to balance retaining a young person’s social and community support network whilst guarding against re‑victimisation.

The importance of social networks is equally important for the perpetrators of CSE. Socially co‑operative bonds can enable perpetrators to access practical resources and obtain wider reinforcement of the exploitation. In the UK, ICST offenders had ‘pre‑existing social bonds’ (Cockbain, Brayley, 2014, 174) that provided the context for exploitation. Likewise, research in the USA on pimps found that their social network enabled them to be ‘interconnected… all following these rules and working together’ (Dank et al., 2014, 80). Social co‑operation has also been found to extend outside of the immediate group, gang or network of perpetrators. A study of DMST in the USA Mid‑West (Williamson, Prior, 2009, 48) found ‘loosely organised but sophisticated networks of players’ not only participating in the exploitation but also playing facilitating roles. The study identified a range of facilitating roles, such as linking vulnerable young people to traffickers (‘connectors’) and providing transport and security (‘watchers’). AUK study of ICST (Cockbain et al., 2011, 154) also found that facilitators gave ‘perpetrators access to offence‑related commodities and tacitly signals that ICST is permissible’. The implication for social workers is to gain insight into the networks that support the exploitation because indirect association could also be a factor in the vulnerability of a young person.

Viewing CSE offending as part of a wider network is also important in the sense that perpetrators and victims may share a background of abuse. A Chicago study (Raphael, Myers‑Powell, 2010) found that 68% of pimps had sold sex prior to pimping. Although the study is not specific to DMST, but to the wider practice prostitution, the findings may still offer insights. The study found that pimps typically were exposed to domestic abuse within the family and witnessed prostitution at home or in the community environment. Pimping seemed to provide an exit from being a victim of violence. A ‘survival narrative’ has been found to permeate the meanings of the exploitative situations by both victims (Williams, Frederick, 2009) and perpetrators (Raphael, Myers‑Powell, 2010). This highlights the inter‑changeability of the victim and perpetrator roles. In the USA, the ‘bottom girl’ (Dank et al., 2014, 153‑4) is a prostituted girl who obtains status by disciplining, recruiting and managing other prostituted young people. Such an overlap between victim and perpetrator in abuse has also been highlighted in the ICST cases in the UK (e.g., Cockbain, Brayley, 2012). The transition between roles shows the importance of intervening early in the process to prevent current or past victims from perpetrating or facilitating CSE.

Classifications, labelling and muddled thinking

Serious Case Reviews in the UK have identified concerns regarding both a lack of professional knowledge concerning CSE and also the existence of some unacceptable professional attitudes within oppressive systems. As stated by the Rotherham Inquiry, ‘thresholds for social care had in the past been unacceptably high’ (Jay, 2014, 45).Professionals in both the UK and

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the USA appeared to show prejudices and confusions in the way they approached situations involving young people in CSE. Berelowitz et al. (2012) and the Overview of Serious Case reviews in Rochdale (Griffiths, 2013) provide numerous examples of professionals across a range ofdisciplines, including social workers, who seemed to view young people involved in CSE as complicit and responsible fortheir own situations. Such professionals consequently failed to work with these young people as victims of abuse who were in need of protection.

In the USA, where legal provision has historically varied by state, young people were more likely to be labeled as offenders if they lacked an advocate such as a social worker or family member (Halter, 2010). The availability of a victimisation history (a historical account of the young person’s circumstances and exposure to abuse) has also been identified as a mediating factor in the discretionary evaluations of first responders (Franklin, Menaker, 2014). These studies demonstrate that professionals may place an additional layer of meaning to the sexual exploitation, depending on their personal experience, interpretation and access to information. It is crucial that social workers are not only knowledgeable about the complex cultural drivers behind CSE, but also recognise and challenge the knowledge levels, perspectives and values that are reflected in assessments.

The link between CSE and offending has further confused the practical assessment of a young person’s responsibility or agency within sexually exploitative situations (Cockbain, Brayley, 2012). These findings may partly explain the low proportions of boys in official statistics of CSE. For example, a USA study found that exploited boys were more likely to have been arrested by the police for offending behaviour (Curtis et al., 2008). A recent UK study found the existence of a state of twisted symbiosis in respect of CSE and youth offending (Cockbain, Brayley, 2012)whereby male victims are less likely to disclose CSE and the authorities are less likely to detect or act on it. The link between aggressive behaviour and CSE victimisation makes professional awareness of how trauma may present particularly important. Without a protective intervention, ‘the trauma…can serve as a gateway to the juvenile justice system’ (Bounds et al. 2015, 20), as was the case in Derby in the UK, where victims of CSE received convictions ‘for behaviour that should have been dealt with in terms of their status as victims of abuse’ (Galley, 2010, 6).

The fact that CSE victims often present with complex needs (e.g. drug and alcohol dependency, mental health issues, learning difficulties, family breakdown) complicates the assessment and intervention process – ‘instead of the sad‑eyed victim they confront a strong willful survivor who looks and acts quite differently from the victims portrayed in the media’ (Williams, Frederick, 2009, 60). Despite centralised initiatives to clearly define CSE practice and protocols, assessment and intervention in the field of CSE remains complex. A recent study in one UK city found that professionals experienced a ‘lack of clarity around child trafficking protocols’ due to confused multi‑disciplinary roles (Harvey et al., 2015, 495). The fact that provision for CSE victims is spread across different services further confuses the professional response. For example, the New York study (Curtis et al., 2008) found that 68% of respondents had been involved with a youth service agency and yet 87% stated that they would exit prostitution if given the opportunity. Such statistics suggest that having access to services does not necessarily translate into a realistic chance of escape from the complex grasp of CSE. A higher profile for social work in this area could make service provision more effective by creating a joined‑up support package for exploited young people.

The ability to tackle CSE in both the USA and UK is also complicated by the subjectivity of its context as well as the difficulties of fully utilising the support systems. Efforts to encourage ‘professional curiosity’(Home Affairs Committee, 2013, 26) are ongoing in the UK, with the government instituting the offence of Wilful Neglect to change a perceived

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culture of denial regarding the reporting of abuse by professionals (Criminal Justice and Courts Act, 2015). The US government has also emphasized how crucial it is that those who may encounter victims of human trafficking are able to recognise the key indicators of CSE (US Department of Homeland Security, 2015). Screening for sexual exploitation has been recommended in everyday practice settings in the USA (Macy, Graham, 2012) while Berelowitz et al. (2012) and the Department for Education (2015) have made similar recommendations for the UK in regard to the factors which create vulnerability to CSE. Additionally, the US government advocates a Trauma Informed Care approach where by professionals acknowledge the behavioural signs of trauma when coming into contact with young people. Such a framework enables the social worker to see beyond the immediate presentation and places more focus on the external causes of behaviour (Franklin, Menaker, 2014). This is important because social workers are required to distinguish between exploitation and contemporary mores relating to the sexual behaviours of young people as well as being aware of the influence of their own personal experiences and values in this sphere.

A further issue has been that first responders to situations that may involve CSE are often unfamiliar with the range of services available to victims (Departmentof Health, Human Services, 2012) due to the complexity of needs that are often presented. To tackle such system related issues, the USA government has identified Case Management as the key to coordinating services. This approach provides the young person with a central point of contact responsible for co‑ordination across services. A consistent and empathic adult has been identified in research as being fundamental to encouraging disclosure of sexual exploitation and trafficking, as well as negotiating the statutory and charitable resources available (Clawson, Goldblatt Grace, 2007; Brodie, Melrose, 2011; Pierce, 2012; Beckett et al., 2013). A recent study of American Indian adolescent girls at risk of sexual exploitation showed that ‘they most value having caring adults that do not judge them’ (Pierce, 2012, 51). A UK study into accommodation for young people at risk of sexual exploitation also identified that ‘stability of relationships is even more important than continuity of placement’ (Brodie, Melrose, 2011, 5) and the UK charity ‘Parents against Child Sexual Exploitation’ (Pace, 2014) have found that long‑term relationship building by volunteers with families of exploited young people is a highly effective aspect of multi‑disciplinary intervention. For social workers, this underlines that young people at risk of sexual exploitation and trafficking need safe and supportive relationships to help with emotional recovery.

Additional statutory changes are being implemented in both countries to assist interventions around CSE. To better manage the support of vulnerable young people, the Senate Finance Committee in the USA has legislated for all young people missing from care placements to be reported to law enforcement and the National Centre for Missing and Exploited Children (Parsons et al., 2014). In the state of Illinois, the Department of Children and Family Services must open an investigation within 24 hours of a young person being taken into custody for prostitution (Clayton et al., 2013). Access to secure housing has been identified by many studies (Clawson, Grace, 2007; Curtis et al., 2008; Brodie, Melrose, 2011) as the central form of external support that could help young people escape exploitative situations. Particular difficulties in accessing long‑term placements in order that young people can engage with a co‑ordinated rehabilitation in a stable environment have been noted by Clawson, Goldblatt Grace (2007). Adequate resource provision is therefore a mediating factor to the development of such services in both countries.

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Implications for other societies

There are clearly close parallels between knowledge and approaches to CSE in the UK and the USA, these two countries having produced the highest volume of academic and policy debate about CSE. The question arises whether this knowledge might have wider resonance and relevance to other countries. To fully realise the advantage of cross cultural comparison, it would be necessary to consider each country separately across the historical, legislative, professional and wider cultural dynamics in play and to undertake primary research. Nonetheless, some broad conclusions can be drawn by considering how the development of CSE /ICST and DMST models in the UK and USA respectively may influence other countries, such as those in Eastern Europe, who wish to tackle domestic sexual exploitation and trafficking of children and young people.

From a conceptual perspective, it is interesting to consider the CSE/ ICST and DMST models alongside the wider international sex trafficking discourse. Historically, both the UK and USA have been defined as ‘destination countries’ for sex trafficking(Hodge, Lietz, 2007). However, the development of domestic CSE models signifies increased awareness that ‘source’, ‘transit’ and ‘destination’ are all taking place domestically. As stated in Melrose and Barrett (2006, 117), ‘there is limited benefit in attempting to distinguish between source, destination and transit countries’. The domestic CSE models developed in the UK and USA could help all countries with this process of re‑framing sexual exploitation and trafficking, why it occurs, by whom and for whom. An overall expansion in the international dialogue could be one beneficial outcome of this for all countries involved.

Domestic sexual exploitation and trafficking of children and young people is above all a cultural phenomenon. Within the UK and USA, understandings of this issue are undergoing a process of change. Children and young people are increasingly viewed as needing protection from perpetrators of sexual exploitation, not as complicit agents in the process. How a country conceives of vulnerability is linked to considerations around who lacks capacity to provide reasoned consent for sexual activity. As quoted in Hodge and Lietz (2007, 164), ‘no deserving or undeserving victims of trafficking exist when the issue of consent is taken off the table’. For example, if the law differentiates the penalties for sexual intercourse with a young person above and below the age of 14, or for male and female victims (Maksutaj et al., 2009), assumptions on consent (or grades of harm) are being made. A reconsideration of legislation can therefore help to promote cultural change. As shown in the UK and USA, legislation and policy is insufficient in itself to effect change, but nonetheless provided the basis for cultural understandings to evolve.

The experiences in the UK and USA demonstrate that national and local systems and practices within health, social services, policing and educational contribute to levels of identification and intervention. Professionals who regularly come into contact with children and young people can engage with the issue by increasing their knowledge base regularly on sexual exploitation and trafficking. In the UK and USA identifying common vulnerabilities has been an important aspect of considering whether a young person is at risk. Showing consideration for how this vulnerability manifests itself is also important, as shown in the research linking youth offending to CSE and the indicators of trauma through behaviour. Awareness of the overlapping nature of victim / perpetrator roles in children and young people is part of recognising that vulnerability contributes to both behaviours. All of these developments may be of interest to countries such as those in Eastern Europe.

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The experiences of the UK and USA have highlighted the role of social networks that young person are directly or indirectly linked to as a risk factors for sexual exploitation and trafficking. The availability of trustworthy and meaningful adult relationships to provide alternative sources of economic and emotional support has been shown to help in the protection of children and young people. The combination of economic support (e.g. accommodation) and emotional support and recognition of rehabilitation as long‑term processes are insights from which other countries may benefit. Due to the relational context of much perpetration, all countries can work to increase the level of general social awareness and reduce tolerance for sexual exploitation and trafficking. Doing so will increase the chances of victims and those around them being able to identify that sexual exploitation is taking place.

Due to the complex and subjective nature of all CSE work, social workers in the UK have been instructed to be mindful of the environments in which they themselves are operating within and the impact that this may have on the assessment of a young person. The environment may include the implicit and explicit expectations on what is ‘normal’ or ‘healthy’ for a young person. Organisations should provide environments in which social workers can think critically, and challenge assumptions that accompany an assessment of a young person. This may include having detailed victimisation histories of the young people to help place current behaviour into context. Children and young people may need considerable time to acquire awareness of the nature of the exploitation, recognise their own vulnerability and trust the individuals providing the care to protect them from further harm.

Conclusions

The development of legal principle and working definitions show that the UK and USA are both experiencing a process of social change. Despite some differences in definition, the fundamental intellectual change in both countries has been to establish the principle that young people are not responsible for sexual exploitation and trafficking. However, this principle is still in the process of establishment, and levels of reporting remain low across both countries. To change this state of affairs, victims and their families need to be able to identify the presence of sexual exploitation and then to receive effective support from local agencies. Political and professional awareness is growing but a concomitant change also needs to take place within wider society. Perpetrators of sexual exploitation are a feature of a wider set of beliefs in society tolerating sexual exploitation and blaming victims for the harm perpetrated against them. An important aspect of tackling CSE is therefore one of education for the whole of society, not just for the perpetrators, victims and professionals. Labelling CSE as a result of multi‑culturalism and poor integration, as has been the case in the UK, ignores this much broader issue. Both countries need to develop a stronger public consensus that young people are not sufficiently equipped to protect themselves from exploitative sexual experiences. The understanding of CSE is therefore directly related to the way that we perceive and address the vulnerability of adolescence.

Aside from developing a consensus on the nature of CSE, equipping professionals with assessment tools and better intervention resources are key recommendations in both countries. Extending professional awareness of Trauma Informed Care and consistently screening for vulnerability could also help to identify more examples of sexual exploitation. Having a rigorous awareness of roles within multi‑disciplinary contexts is a necessity as this increases confidence to intervene and helps to coordinate the sometimes complex provisions that young people require. Sharing and comparing experiences internationally could be important to

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developing best practice in this regard. The challenges in tackling child sexual exploitation and trafficking across the UK, the USA and, indeed, any country are complex ones which social workers, if adequately skilled and resourced, are well‑placed to lead and co‑ordinate. Social work practice in all countries is likely to be most effective if underpinned by knowledge regarding the cultures that surround the phenomena around the sexual exploitation of children and young people.

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