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Professor Mitchell B. Weiss and Case Researcher Sarah Mehta (Case Research & Writing Group) prepared this case. It was reviewed and approved before publication by a company designate. Funding for the development of this case was provided by Harvard Business School and not by the company. HBS cases are developed solely as the basis for class discussion. Cases are not intended to serve as endorsements, sources of primary data, or illustrations of effective or ineffective management. Copyright © 2020, 2022 President and Fellows of Harvard College. To order copies or request permission to reproduce materials, call 1-800-545- 7685, write Harvard Business School Publishing, Boston, MA 02163, or go to www.hbsp.harvard.edu. This publication may not be digitized, photocopied, or otherwise reproduced, posted, or transmitted, without the permission of Harvard Business School.

M I T C H E L L B . W E I S S

S A R A H M E H T A

Community-First Public Safety

We all do better when we all do better.

— Saint Paul Mayor Melvin Carter, in his 2018 inaugural address, quoting Senator Paul Wellstone1

How many police officer positions to fund? In August 2020, this was the question facing Saint Paul Mayor Melvin Carter. The COVID-19 pandemic had rendered the city budget some $19-$34 million short for 2021. Advocates across the country (and nearby) had pointed to a likely pool for budget cuts: police budgets. The May 2020 murder of George Floyd, a Black man, by a police officer in neighboring Minneapolis, had sparked calls nationwide to “defund the police.” Minneapolis’s City Council had faced calls to cut as much as $45 million from its $193 million police budget (although the city appeared to be on track for a much smaller reduction).2 Days earlier, Washington D.C.’s Council had cut $15 million from its Metropolitan Police Department, despite Mayor Muriel Bowser’s objections.3 Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti had proposed a 7% increase for his department in April, and then changed course after Floyd’s death in May, saying he would direct as much as $150 million from the LAPD toward youth jobs and health initiatives, among other efforts.4 Garcetti said, “I got calls from mayors around the country, some of them saying, ‘I’m so excited,’ and other ones saying, ‘What the hell did you do? Now I gotta shift money.’”5 What would Saint Paul’s mayor do?

Carter had swept into office in 2018 promising equity for a city that was rising—albeit unequally. He had spoken from experience about what it felt like to be pulled over by police because he was Black. He had committed to, and then undertaken with his police chief, use of force reforms in 2018. He had closely monitored an increase in neighborhood shootings and homicides in 2019 and declared that public safety must be “our first and highest ambition upon which all other dreams must be built.”6

Carter envisioned a new public safety framework that would include—but be much more expansive than—simply responding to emergencies. He had supported a slate of pilot efforts for 2020, all under the banner of “community-first public safety” that had seeded what he hoped represented “the most comprehensive approach to public safety and crime prevention our city had ever taken,” and that were rooted in community.7

Then, COVID-19’s operational demands and mobility constraints had delayed progress on the pilots. Moreover, the pandemic had dashed Carter’s hopes of funding truly novel community-led public safety efforts with extra money in 2021. The $100 million-plus police department budget might have looked ripe for raiding to others, but not to Carter. He inquired about the impact of cuts up to $9 million, but not much more than that. A deep cut would mean laying off officers, which Carter felt committed to avoiding, both in that department and in agencies across the city. He would lay more

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groundwork for his community-first public safety efforts by appointing a task force to explore “rapid- response teams of social workers, mental health workers, and housing counselors who could lighten the load of police officers and allow them to focus on violent crime.”8 He planned to task them with providing recommendations in time for his 2022 budget proposal in twelve months.9

Carter’s family lived in a neighborhood with significant public safety concerns. They had seen gunshots fired on their block. His wife would feed their infant daughter on occasion on their back porch, and Carter was not philosophical about what public safety approach he wanted when it came to them. “I want whatever plan makes it less likely that someone will get shot on my block.” Is that what he had laid out for 2021?

Melvin Carter Carter had deep roots in Saint Paul. He was born in 1979 in the city’s Rondo neighborhood, which

had been an economic and cultural hub for Saint Paul’s Black residents since the early 20th century.

Carter’s parents were committed Saint Paul public servants. Carter’s mother was elected Ramsey County Commissioner in 2005, becoming the first Black County Commissioner in the state’s history.10 Carter’s father was among Saint Paul’s first Black police officers, having joined in the early 1970s as part of a desegregation lawsuit. Carter recalled how his father’s career shaped his early impressions of the police. “I saw [my father’s police badge] as sort of like a superhero outfit,” he said. Still, his father’s status as a police officer did not shield the younger Carter from racial profiling. “I’ve been stopped by police more times than I can remember,” he said.11

After a childhood spent in Saint Paul, Carter enrolled at Florida A&M University to study business administration. He returned to Saint Paul in 2001. He later earned a master’s degree in public policy. He was passionate about municipal government, but stayed largely behind-the-scenes, helping to organize others’ campaigns. Over time, Carter grew increasingly frustrated with some of Saint Paul’s urban planning projects and with his City Council representative’s voting record. “I made a list of seven people who would make good City Council members and offered to run their campaigns,” he said. “And all of them suggested that I run instead.” In 2007, Carter was elected to the Saint Paul City Council. He served until 2013 when he became the director of the Office of Early Learning within Minnesota’s Department of Education. In 2016, Carter decided to run for mayor on the Democratic- Farmer-Labor ticket, Minnesota’s Democratic Party affiliate.

Saint Paul In 2016, as Carter began to consider a mayoral bid, Saint Paul, the capital of Minnesota, was home

to just over 300,000 people.12 From 2010 to 2016, the city’s population grew by 6.4%, with most of the growth driven by people of color.13 The city boasted large Ethiopian, Hmong, Somali, and Vietnamese populations.14 More than 120 languages were spoken in Saint Paul’s public schools, and the majority (80%) of students were non-white.15 Carter counted the city’s diversity among its greatest strengths.16

There were significant disparities among racial groups in the Twin Cities (i.e., the metropolitan area comprising Saint Paul and Minneapolis). The metropolitan area was among the least equitable in the country (see Exhibit 1).17 The disparities had been traced to historic policies that deliberately disadvantaged Black Americans.18 One such policy was “redlining,” which started in the 1930s and referred to the Federal Housing Administration’s systematic refusal to insure mortgages for houses in predominantly Black neighborhoods.19 Other policies explicitly forbade the sale of homes to Black

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buyers. As one deed for a home in an affluent Minneapolis neighborhood in the 1930s read: “The said premises shall not at any time be sold, conveyed, leased, or sublet, or occupied by any person or persons who are not full bloods of the so-called Caucasian or White race.”20 Another historic driver of inequality specific to Saint Paul, said Carter, was the demolition of properties in the Rondo area to make way for Interstate 94. Some 13% of Saint Paul’s Black residents lost a home in this period.21 Carter’s grandparents’ home and several of their properties were among I-94’s causalities.22 They “were given pennies on the dollar for their properties,” Carter lamented.23

Carter built his mayoral platform around the issue of equity. He defined equity as the opportunity for citizens to exercise decision-making power, and the ability to build transferrable wealth and participate in economic growth. If elected, he promised to work toward increasing equity across three key pillars: economic justice, education, and public safety.24 A key campaign promise was to raise Saint Paul’s minimum wage to $15 per hour.25 Another was to grant every child born in Saint Paul a college savings account with $50.26 He also aimed to modernize the city’s transit system, eliminate library late fees, enhance early childhood education, and improve jobs.27 In November 2017, at 38 years old, Carter won the election with 51% of the vote, becoming Saint Paul’s first Black mayor.28 His closest rival trailed with 25% of votes. Carter’s performance reportedly “took even his die-hard supporters by surprise.”29

Becoming Mayor: “Don’t Clap if You’re Not Going to Help.” Carter took office in January 2018 and immediately began implementing his equity agenda, which

was also an engagement agenda. Said Carter, “The first thing we did after being elected was to engage over 100 Saint Paul residents, city employees, and business leaders to help choose my team through community-based hiring panels. These volunteers spent three days sourcing candidates, reviewing resumes, and doing interviews.” 30 He said that all of his administration’s directors had been hired through that process. Carter also instituted a community-based budgeting process. These participatory approaches reflected Carter’s philosophy on civic engagement; he’d often said, “Building a city that works for us all means we all must do the work.”31 At his inaugural address, he threw in an unscripted aside to one of the rounds of applause, “Don’t clap if you’re not going to help.”

On keeping communities safe, Carter described his goals as nothing short of “re-wiring how we think of public safety.”32 He wanted to tackle the drivers of crime by investing in programs for idle youth and increasing social services for homeless individuals and those with mental health problems. Another strategy of interest—crime prevention through environmental design (CPTED)—was based on the idea that crime could be prevented by developing a conducive physical environment.33 Explained Carter, “The CPTED science says that the activities and outcomes that take place in a given area occur in direct response to the physical and aesthetic quality of that space. If I put up a basketball hoop, people will play basketball there because I put up the hoop.”

Carter also planned to evaluate policing practices. Use of force was rare in Saint Paul’s police department; of the 570,409 incidents involving a Saint Paul police officer in 2016 and 2017, just 0.15% involved force.34 Eight months before Carter’s election, however, the city had settled a lawsuit brought by Frank Baker, a Black Saint Paul resident, who was assaulted by a police dog and officer.35 In Carter’s first three months in office, he forged a productive partnership with Police Chief Todd Axtell, who was viewed as being committed to community and diversity.36 Axtell had taken a public stance when officer behavior deviated from department norms.37 In 2019, he fired five officers for failing to intervene when an assault occurred.38

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The mayor began hosting a series of “Imagine Our City” events, which convened residents in dialogue on public safety. Carter had said at one of these events, “What we’ve done for the last 30 years hasn’t gotten us to the solution we want.” 39

Overview of Policing In the U.S., sworn police officers worked at the federal, state, and local levels. Federal officers

worked for government agencies, such as the FBI. State officers primarily patrolled highways and handled criminal matters that fell outside any specific jurisdiction, and local officers were responsible for keeping the peace and enforcing the laws of one geographic area.40 By 2016, there were about 700,000 officers in the U.S., most of whom were employed by local police departments.41

The earliest public safety efforts in the U.S. were neighborhood watch programs, which emerged in the colonies before independence. Boston started the first one in 1636, followed later by New York and Philadelphia.42 Night watchmen served voluntarily and monitored towns for illegal activities such as gambling and prostitution.43 They were described as largely ineffective.44

The first organized policing entities in the U.S. emerged in the Southern states in the 1700s and 1800s as a mechanism to uphold slavery.45 Called “slave patrols,” these violent units existed to quell rebellion and discourage uprisings, and nearly all white men between 21 and 45 years of age were required to join them for up to one year.46 Some local governments worked with militia to draft patrolmen; others drew names from lists of landowners.47

In the Northern and Midwestern U.S., most organized police forces emerged between 1820 and 1840 as cities began to grow. Many early police forces were modeled on Britain’s 1829 Metropolitan Police Act, which created London’s police.48 The key features that distinguished these police forces from the preceding neighborhood watch groups were a focus on regularly patrolling neighborhoods, preventing crime, and a command structure, complete with uniforms, badges, and rank designations.49

A watershed 1931 report spurred efforts to further professionalize the force.50 This undertaking, led by Berkeley, California Police Chief August Vollmer, emphasized the need to educate police officers and elevate their social status.51 From this movement emerged police academies, civil service requirements for police, hierarchical reporting lines, strict standard operating procedures, and a focus on swift crime response.52

Racial tensions in the U.S. intensified throughout the 1940s and 1950s, and eventually boiled over in a series of protests and riots in the 1960s. Police often responded with force, relying on attack dogs and firing tear gas on protestors.53 The Kerner Commission in 1968 reported that about half of the riots in urban areas since 1965 resulted from instances of excessive police force.54 The commission recommended that the police become more involved in resolving communities’ social problems.55 This eventually led some to advocate for a new approach to policing—one that relied on partnerships between communities and the police that served them.56

Community Policing

This new approach, called community policing, was sometimes defined as “a collaboration between the police and community that identifies and solves community problems,” rather than simply responding to problems as they arose.57 It was based on a set of principles first articulated by Sir Robert Peel in the U.K. in the 1820s (see Exhibit 3).

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Community policing called for greater police diversity and better connections between police officers and the geographic areas they patrolled. The logic was that when officers spent more time in a given community, they were better able to understand the needs and resources available therein.58 Mayor Carter told U.S. Senators in a 2020 hearing what his father, Sgt. Carter, had told him: “If you know the children in the community, you come up with a whole lot of reasons not to shoot someone.”59 Another notable element of organizational transformation was a shift to decentralized police departments, which enabled lower-level officers to find solutions to local problems without bureaucratic delays.60

Community policing also involved deep community partnerships. These partnerships moved beyond sporadic, surface-level engagements with community actors and instead involved ongoing relationships with a range of diverse groups, such as businesses, neighborhood associations, schools, and faith-based organizations.61 They sometimes yielded neighborhood watch programs and community meetings.62 A final element of most community policing practices was a focus on problem- solving and preventing crime, rather than responding once crime occurred.63

Carter’s father had been on the front line of Saint Paul’s pioneering efforts to implement community policing in the 1970s.64 Responding to complaints that Saint Paul’s Black residents felt “over-policed and under-protected,” the police department in this decade instituted a community relations unit, stepped up its hiring of Black officers, and introduced “team policing,” which referred to a model that anchored officers in specific areas and encouraged them to familiarize themselves with the community.65 As a result, the elder Carter saw very little difference between policing and community policing, concluding, “If it ain’t community policing, it ain’t policing at all.”66

A 2017 review paper looking at community policing’s effects reported mixed results. Most of the studies reviewed found that community policing improved both residents’ perceptions of the police as well as their sense of police legitimacy.67 Community policing also improved officers’ job satisfaction.68 Yet, just half of the studies reviewed found that community policing reduced residents’ fear of threat, and just 18.6% of the studies found that community policing resulted in a measurable reduction in crime.69 Skeptics called community policing “an expensive attempt at public relations after a long history of racialized police violence and injustice.”70

During the 2010s, two social networking platforms signaled the arrival of tech-driven versions of community-driven public safety. Ring, the video doorbell company owned by Amazon, launched the Neighbors app, on which Ring users could share videos from their doorbell to alert others in their neighborhood of issues, such as fires and suspected theft.71 Nextdoor, another neighborhood-centric platform, invited members to post information about pertinent events from the community.

Both platforms claimed to have benefitted their user communities. Through Ring, for instance, a group of homeowners identified a woman stealing packages from several homes in a Dallas, Texas, neighborhood. They reported the video footage to the police, and she was arrested.72 Posts on Ring and Nextdoor sometimes devolved into racial stereotypes. Users posted about “suspicious” characters when a person of color walked through a largely white neighborhood.73 Some Nextdoor users reported Black people “breaking into” their own homes.”74 Both companies rejected the racist behavior of their users.

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Reimagining Public Safety in Saint Paul Carter had come into office promising a new model of public safety in Saint Paul, and in 2019 he

had reason to continue that effort. Though violent crime overall was on its way to a quarter-century low, gun violence in Saint Paul was the highest it had been since 1992 (see Exhibit 7).75

Later in the year, some called for Carter to add to the police department ranks, perhaps by as many as 115 officers to bring the department up to national averages.76 One such proponent blamed low staffing for low crime detection rates: “If someone attacks you in St. Paul, they have about a 60 percent chance of getting away with it, according to the city’s 2018 Police Crime Report. If someone steals your property, they have about an 85 percent chance of getting away with it.”77 Carter rejected these calls and requested extra funding to instead support a slate of community-first public safety efforts. He declared, “We need a fundamentally new approach. Even with a strong police department that leads locally and nationally on so many fronts, we cannot expect our officers alone to solve all of our problems.”78

Community-first Public Safety Plan

In November 2019, late in the FY2020 budget planning process, Carter presented City Council with a supplemental, community-first public safety plan to fund nine programs (see Exhibit 8).79 Carter asked the city to cover about $1.7 million of the $3 million needed to fund the plan (private funds would cover the remaining $1.3 million).80 In December 2019, Saint Paul’s City Council approved Carter’s plan by a one-vote margin.81 These approaches included:

Community Emergency Medical Technicians (EMTs) The supplemental budget included funds to begin staffing Saint Paul’s fire department with a small number of community EMTs. Whereas EMTs only interacted with patients during an emergency medical event, community EMTs received additional training on making follow-up visits to answer patients’ questions and ensure that they understood their medication. The hope was that by helping people better understand their health condition, community EMTs would reduce the number of unnecessary repeat 911 calls. The early recruits were representative of Saint Paul’s diverse population, and thus could communicate with many city residents in their primary language. As of late 2020, COVID-19 had delayed the program.

Community Ambassadors Founded in 2013 with private funding, the Community Ambassadors’ Initiative (CAI) placed youth workers in priority areas of Saint Paul and asked them to de-escalate conflicts that arose. The ambassadors worked four-hour shifts on Thursday to Saturday evenings in teams of two to three. “We don’t advertise,” said Director Joel Franklin. “We recruit through the relationships we have with a lot of youth workers. Most work in recreation centers or schools. Most of the ambassadors had issues when they were growing up. They know the street.”

After the CAI’s first year of operations, juvenile crime declined by 40% in the areas where the 12 initial ambassadors were stationed. In 2014, the program was expanded to 30 youth workers across the city, and juvenile arrests declined by 63% in the areas the youth workers worked. In 2015, the mayor that preceded Carter included $150,000 in the budget for the CAI, which covered 25% of the program’s $600,000 budget. Carter’s supplemental budget included $300,000 to further expand the program to 50 ambassadors. The ambassadors had pulled three guns off the street.

Franklin wanted to do more, noting: “If I had additional funds, I would love to be able to utilize the relationship that ambassadors have with at-risk youth to do more direct services, like connect them to jobs.” COVID-19 had stalled the ambassadors’ work, given the need to interact with youth in person.

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City Attorney Community Justice Unit Carter’s supplemental budget also included $114,000 to expand the ETHOS restorative justicea program, run by the Saint Paul City Attorney’s Office. The program brought together the perpetrators of low-level misdemeanors (e.g., trespassing, disorderly conduct, excessive noise) with members of their own community and a facilitator (the “circle-keeper”) to examine the harms that resulted from the offense and find a resolution. Once the perpetrator completed the restorative justice process, the misdemeanor was expunged from their record. Assistant City Attorney Tammie Larsen explained:

A lot of the cases we’re talking about don’t involve identifiable victims. The community is the victim in many cases. We have recruited and trained volunteers in our city. They are from the neighborhoods where the offense occurred, and they talk to the participant about the effects of a crime and the harm that was done. They also start a conversation around the root causes of what happened. These offenses are small misdemeanors, but they are easily the type of thing that blows up into disorderly conduct, and the next thing you know, the person is in jail. This program interrupts that cycle and makes the perpetrator accountable to their community.

The City Attorney’s Office had trained around 40 participants; by late 2020, approximately 15 circle- keepers and five community members had participated in a circle. About 75 perpetrators had completed the program in 2020, compared with the goal of roughly 250. Larsen explained that the City Attorney’s Office prosecuted between 11,000 and 15,000 misdemeanor cases per year, and about half of those cases could potentially be eligible for the ETHOS program. To reach that scale, she estimated that her office would need to hire one to two more administrators. Circle-keepers would be paid $200- $250 per session.

Returning Home Saint Paul Formerly incarcerated people with access to housing were less likely to re-offend.82 Thus, Carter included $110,000 in the budget to launch a pilot program that would help these people find and secure rentals and reduce the risks to landlords who rented to them. Explained Muneer Karcher-Ramos, director of the Office of Financial Empowerment, “We provide an application fee, a partial security deposit, and a contingency fund to landlords, so if a resident returning from incarceration were to damage the property, then the city would back an extra $3,000 on top of the security deposit. We’re currently supporting 20 participants, but the upside is tremendous.”

The Office of Financial Empowerment separately launched a guaranteed income pilot. The pilot would provide a basic monthly income of $500 for 18 months to 150 households. It would be the first guaranteed income program run by a municipality in the U.S., and would be funded by both the city and philanthropy. “That’s a very upstream program,” said Karcher-Ramos. “When you don’t have income, that can place you in precarious positions that lead to crime and other issues.”

Additional Programs Following the example of several other cities across the U.S., the Saint Paul Downtown Alliance planned to establish a “fusion center” in the downtown area. The center would coordinate the work of independent private security officers working for commercial property owners with non-profit organizations providing social services, and increase the number of “active eyes and ears on the street.”83

In the summer of 2019, the Saint Paul Downtown Alliance piloted the Streets of Summer program. Streets of Summer employed a full-time “Street Team” to provide hospitality downtown and to clean

a Restorative justice was a process that prioritized “accountability, making amends, and—if they are interested—facilitated meetings between victims, offenders, and other persons.” Source: “Restorative Justice,” Centre for Justice & Reconciliation, http://restorativejustice.org/#sthash.tjFeH7gl.dpbs, accessed October 2020.

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the streets. From June to September 2019, this team removed 547 graffiti tags, cleaned 382 garbage cans, removed 5,300 gum spots, and collected 84 bags of trash. The program also hired a local artist to create tile mosaics on 32 trashcans, hosted 53 musical performances, and featured 12 local artists in outdoor galleries. “All of that has a subconscious impact on how safe people feel and how likely people are to commit a crime,” said Spencer.

Saint Paul’s Department of Parks and Recreation was another major player in community-first public safety. “We provide safe places that people can use, especially young people,” said Deputy Director Erica Prosser. “We have public parks and rec centers with trusted youth workers who facilitate positive interactions with youth. We also manage Saint Paul’s youth jobs program.”

Everyone involved in implementing the programs included in the supplemental budget met weekly. Fair Housing Coordinator Kirstin Burch explained that these meetings not only created rapport among participants, but they also served a coordination function. She explained, “In these meetings, we take time to think about how our programs fit together so we can support each other. When the police talk about doing engagement in hot spots, for instance, we can review the types of properties that are in those areas, which helps us think about whether we can connect with the owners of those properties to make those buildings safer. So it’s connecting our programs to other programs.”

Crime Response

Carter also wanted to reduce the ever-growing workload that fell on Saint Paul’s police officers. “I have a lot of respect for what our officers do,” he said. From 2016 to 2019, the number of calls for services placed in the city increased by 45,000; many were for low-priority, non-emergencies (e.g., a dog barking or unauthorized fireworks). (See Exhibits 9a and 9b for more detail.) “We know our officers run from call to call,” said Carter. “I want to bring in social workers and other community resources as back-up. We hear from our officers that they don’t have the capacity to be mental health or addiction counselors. The goal is to lighten their load so they can focus on violent crime.”

Deputy Police Chief Matt Toupal agreed that police resources should be reserved for violent crime. “People in crisis and homelessness is not a crime. These types of calls should not involve the police unless there is a life safety issue or criminal act. When the police arrive, their uniform can sometimes ramp up tension. We should not be responding to those calls. We also should not respond to animal complaints. That should be animal control.” Toupal did wonder, however, whether community-based resources could be a suitable substitute for a police response. If you took us out of our most violent areas,” he said, “you would have more crime challenges. A big reason it is manageable in those areas is that there is a police presence, we’re being seen, and we’re having positive interactions with people.”

One of Carter’s ideas was to create a community-based team to take responsibility for these lower- priority, non-emergency calls. “In an ideal world,” he said, “first responders would focus on acute, violent crime, and proactive community engagement—tutoring kids, playing basketball and engaging people. The next tier would be community-based teams, which would be the mental health providers, licensed social workers, and housing counselors, who are better able to respond and are a lot less expensive than police officers.” Carter wanted novel solutions to this challenge. He offered:

My wife is a midwife and when she gets a call, she has to be at the hospital within 30 minutes. Similarly, we could have a social worker on duty waiting for 911 calls that required her skillset. And what if we even did an Uber model? If you hold one of the following licenses (e.g., social worker), you can clock in and out whenever you want to. When there is a call, you can see it, choose to respond to it, and we’ll reimburse you. Maybe our insurance companies could be part of this too. I’m open to creative models.

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2020 When Carter at first set out to implement the public safety initiatives included in the FY2020 budget,

he had no idea what 2020 would hold. The global COVID-19 pandemic killed hundreds of thousands of Americans and shuttered many businesses, hit communities of color particularly hard.84 And the police reform movement spurred by Floyd’s May 2020 murder had spread nationwide. Some advocating to defund the police called for parts of police budgets to be reallocated in other directions, such as community and mental health services.85 Abolitionists went further. They advocated for a complete shift away from the current conceptualization of police.

Some within the Saint Paul community were skeptical of calls to defund or abolish the police. Joel Franklin, who headed the CAI said, “I think there should be reform, but not defunding. I hear the concerns of the police department, that they don’t have enough officers on the streets to respond to the calls. Even though sometimes I haven’t liked the police, I still want them to respond to calls.”

In 2012, the city of Camden, New Jersey, disbanded its police force after concluding that corruption was so deeply rooted in the department that it was beyond repair.86 Camden launched a new police force the following year. This new force adopted many elements of community policing, including prioritizing knowing the residents of an officer’s assigned patrol area, de-escalation training, and hosting barbecues and other community events for Camden residents. By 2020, the city’s crime rate had fallen by 42%.87 However, crime also declined in neighboring cities in the same period, making it difficult to attribute the decline in Camden to the new department’s practices or a more general drop.88

In the wake of Floyd’s death, the Minneapolis City Council started seriously considering defunding its police.89 Other cities planned deep cuts. New York City cut $484 million from its police department and shifted an additional $354 million to other departments, including the Departments of Education, Homeless Services, and Health and Mental Hygiene.90 In FY2020, the New York City police department’s budget was nearly $6 billion.91 Los Angeles announced plans to cut $150 million from its police budget, largely from funds previously reserved for overtime pay;92 at least $100 million of that would be reinvested into programs for people of color, such as summer jobs for young people.93 Still, most cities left their police budgets untouched. A Bloomberg analysis of 34 large U.S. cities found negligible (less than 1%) differences in the 2020 versus 2021 police budgets.94

After Floyd’s death, Carter found himself in the national spotlight. He discussed the strategies that Saint Paul had already taken to improve public safety and on June 5, he signed on to the “8 Can’t Wait”b campaign, an effort to curb police violence, noting that Saint Paul had already adopted most recommendations.95

But he appeared to stop short of professing support for more radical reforms. Wrote one journalist, “When asked whether he would support defunding or abolishing the police department, Mayor Melvin Carter pointed to what the city has already done—including embedding social workers with police, limiting the use of police dogs and rewriting the police department’s use-of-force policy.”96

It was against this backdrop that Carter needed to develop his 2021 budget. The economic downturn spurred by COVID-19 had cut city revenues by a projected 5% to 10%, and Saint Paul faced a $19-$34 million deficit that would need to be recouped in the 2021 city budget.97 Tax increases were a non-

b The “8 Can’t Wait” campaign urged cities to: (1) ban chokeholds, (2) require de-escalation, (3) require warning before shooting, (4) exhaust all alternatives before shooting, (5) impose a duty to intervene, (6) ban shooting at moving vehicles, (7) require use of force continuum, and (8) require comprehensive reporting. Source: “#8cantwait,” Campaign Zero, https://8cantwait.org/, accessed October 2020.

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starter for Carter. His goal was a “‘triple-zero’ budget,” he said, “where we don’t raise property taxes, lay off city staff, or use our emergency reserve funds.” Carter and each member of his senior staff had taken a voluntary 10% pay cut.98

Carter inquired with his department directors about what a potential across-the-board 9% cut to all departments would mean for theirs. He also inquired about smaller cuts. A 9% reduction implied a $9.2 million cut to the police department’s budget (Exhibit 10 shows the budgets from 2019 and 2020). He faced pushback from Axtell, especially given the recent spike in crime. Axtell wrote to his staff, “I know this [budget cut] is a hit to our collective soul, especially given the crime trend we’re seeing, the ever-increasing calls for service and the needs of the city. I shared with the Mayor my disappointment and urged him to reconsider.”99 Axtell explained that such a deep budget cut would necessitate personnel cuts “at all ranks” from the department’s 630 officers.100 (See Exhibit 11 for the number of sworn officers in Saint Paul over time.) Meanwhile, racial justice advocates called out Carter for doing too little; they urged for him to make much deeper cuts to the police—one group suggested $20 million—and to reinvest those funds in community-based crime prevention solutions.101

Deputy Chief Toupal lamented the potential loss of popular recruiting programs and numerous outreach efforts that had helped build positive community relationships. “We don’t want less cops on the street; we need more,” he said. “We are being sent on more calls than ever before and having a hard time keeping up on the demand for service. Also, we have a historically high number of residents living in our city. When calls receive a lower priority, it doesn’t mean they’re not important. For example, an aggravated assault call can be a low priority because of a delay in reporting. We need officers to respond to those calls. I don’t see police calls decreasing. I see them increasing.”

Carter didn’t see how the city could meet his “triple zero” goal without reductions to every department, including the police department. He had also not yet seen compelling evidence that increasing police resources yielded improved safety. “In Saint Paul,” he said, “we spend about $30 million more per year on policing than we did when I was first elected to City Council in 2008. The question is: ‘Do you feel $30 million safer?’ And the answer is ‘no’, which begs the question of ‘why?’” He continued: “When we put a million dollars more into our public safety framework, then our community should be a million dollars less likely to experience violent crime,” he said. “That doesn’t feel radical to me; that’s the basic expectation.” He sketched out the new public safety framework he hoped the city could build toward. (See Exhibit 12 for an illustration of the Community-First Public Safety Framework or “C1PS.”)

Carter planned to give a new community-first public safety task force the primary responsibility of spending several months digging into Saint Paul’s 911 calls. “They will assess which calls absolutely need a police officer with a gun and a badge, and which could be offloaded to other responders,” said Carter. “And beyond that, they will identify the community capacity that exists and the gaps in that capacity. They will bring me a set of actionable recommendations in time for next year’s budget process.” In the meantime, Carter readied his final budget proposal for this year. There were those who wanted him to add positions for officers and those that wanted him to subtract them. He’d proposed no layoffs and a sworn authorization number of 620. Was this the right thing to do for 2021? Did it set the stage for truly re-imagining public safety in his city? “I see a clear vision of the future,” said Carter, “but transitioning to get there is an open question.”

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Community-First Public Safety 821-005

11

Exhibit 1 Median Black Household Income as a Proportion of Median White Household Income, Ranking of 100 Largest U.S. Metropolitan Cities

Source: Christopher Ingraham, “Racial inequality in Minneapolis is among the worst in the nation,” The Washington Post, May 30, 2020, https://wapo.st/34VC34w, accessed July 2020. From The Washington Post. © 2020 The Washington Post. All rights reserved. Used under license.

Exhibit 2 Police Killings in the U.S. by Race, 2015-2020

Source: Julie Tate, Jennifer Jenkins, Steven Rich, John Muyskens, Joe Fox, David Fallis, and Danielle Rindler, “Fatal Force,” The Washington Post, July 13, 2020, https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/investigations/police-shootings- database/, accessed July 2020. From The Washington Post. © 2020 The Washington Post. All rights reserved. Used under license.

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821-005 Community-First Public Safety

12

Exhibit 3 ”Father of Modern Community Policing” Sir Robert Peel’s Policing Principles, 1829

1. To prevent crime and disorder, as an alternative to their repression by military force and severity of legal punishment.

2. To recognize always that the power of the police to fulfill their functions and duties is dependent on public approval of their existence, actions and behavior, and on their ability to secure and maintain public respect.

3. To recognize always that to secure and maintain the respect and approval of the public means also the securing of the willing cooperation of the public in the task of securing observance of laws.

4. To recognize always that the extent to which the cooperation of the public can be secured diminishes proportionately the necessity of the use of physical force and compulsion for achieving police objectives.

5. To seek and preserve public favor, not by pandering to public opinion, but by constantly demonstrating absolute impartial service to law, in complete independence of policy, and without regard to the justice or injustice of the substance of individual laws, by ready offering of individual service and friendship to all members of the public without regard to their wealth or social standing, by ready exercise of courtesy and friendly good humor, and by ready offering of individual sacrifice in protecting and preserving life.

6. To use physical force only when the exercise of persuasion, advice and warning is found to be insufficient to obtain public cooperation to an extent necessary to secure observance of law or to restore order, and to use only the minimum degree of physical force which is necessary on any particular occasion for achieving a police objective.

7. To maintain at all times a relationship with the public that gives reality to the historic tradition that the police are the public and that the public are the police, the police being only members of the public who are paid to give full-time attention to duties which are incumbent on every citizen in the interests of community welfare and existence.

8. To recognize always the need for strict adherence to police-executive functions, and to refrain from even seeming to usurp the powers of the judiciary of avenging individuals or the State, and of authoritatively judging guilt and punishing the guilty.

9. To recognize always that the test of police efficiency is the absence of crime and disorder, and not the visible evidence of police action in dealing with them.

Source: “Sir Robert Peel’s Policing Principles,” Law Enforcement Action Partnership, https://lawenforcementactionpartnership.org/peel-policing-principles/, accessed July 2020.

Exhibit 4 Violent Crime Rate in the U.S., 1960-2013

Source: Lauren-Brooke Eisen, “America’s Faulty Perceptions of Crime Rates,” Brennan Center, March 16, 2015, https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/americas-faulty-perception-crime-rates, accessed August 2020.

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Community-First Public Safety 821-005

13

Exhibit 5 Percent Change in Homicide Rate and Police Spending, 1994-2017

Source: Taylor Miller Thomas and Beatrice Jin, “As U.S. crime rates dropped, local police spending soared,” Politico, https://www.politico.com/interactives/2020/police-budget-spending-george-floyd-defund/, accessed November 2020. Reprinted by permission of POLITICO LLC. Copyright 2020 POLITICO LLC.

Exhibit 6 Violent Crime Rates and Public Perceptions of Crime in the U.S., 1993 vs. 2018

Source: FBI, Gallup, Bureau of Justice Statistics, adapted from John Gramlich, “5 facts about crime in the U.S.,” Pew Research Center, October 17, 2019, https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/10/17/facts-about-crime-in-the-u-s/, accessed July 2020.

Note: FBI figures include reported crimes only. Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) figured include unreported and reported crimes. BJS’s 2006 estimates are not comparable to those in other years due to methodological changes.

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821-005 Community-First Public Safety

14

Exhibit 7 Saint Paul Crime Statistics, 2016-2019

Type of Crime 2016 2017 2018 2019

Homicide 19 22 15 30 Rape 184 217 277 224 Robbery 700 697 560 545 Aggravated Assault 1,067 1,060 1,089 943 Burglary 2,278 2,274 1,909 2,030 Theft 5,659 6,577 5,877 6,673 Motor Vehicle Theft 1,874 2,084 2,296 2,590 Arson 109 143 110 118

Source: Casewriter, compiled from: Mara H. Gottfried, “St. Paul marked most homicides in 25+ years, yet violent crime overall was lowest in those 2 decades,” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, January 8, 2020, https://www.twincities.com/2020/01/08/st-paul-crime-stats-homicides-violent-record/; “Saint Paul Police Department releases preliminary 2017 crime statistics,” Saint Paul Minnesota, https://www.stpaul.gov/news/saint- paul-police-department-releases-preliminary-2017-crime-statistics; both accessed July 2020.

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This document is authorized for use only by LATHESHIA ROBINSON in Copy of PA 565: Advanced Policy Analysis taught by JOHN GRUMMEL, Upper Iowa University from Mar 2024 to Aug 2024.

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For the exclusive use of L. ROBINSON, 2024.

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For the exclusive use of L. ROBINSON, 2024.

This document is authorized for use only by LATHESHIA ROBINSON in Copy of PA 565: Advanced Policy Analysis taught by JOHN GRUMMEL, Upper Iowa University from Mar 2024 to Aug 2024.

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For the exclusive use of L. ROBINSON, 2024.

This document is authorized for use only by LATHESHIA ROBINSON in Copy of PA 565: Advanced Policy Analysis taught by JOHN GRUMMEL, Upper Iowa University from Mar 2024 to Aug 2024.

821-005 Community-First Public Safety

18

Exhibit 9a Information on Saint Paul’s Emergency Calls for Service, 2016-2019

2016 2017 2018 2019

Total Calls by Priority Level (1-5)* Priority 2 19,579 15,152 14,616 15,668 Priority 2A 46,982 50,399 46,373 37,773 Priority 3 51,637 58,799 55,516 59,579 Priority 4 77,729 81,161 78,355 79,848 Priority 5 22,855 28,461 41,097 70,656 TOTAL 218,782 233,972 235,957 263,524 Total Officers Responding by Type of Priority Call Priority 2 65,773 57,113 54,831 56,244 Priority 3 122,726 144,007 139,027 144,282 Priority 4 141,153 146,034 145,433 142,748 Priority 5 61,392 90,449 102,268 101,921 TOTAL 391,044 437,603 441,559 445,195

Source: Company documents.

Note: This exhibit includes all calls for service that were not cancelled, including investigative and proactive calls. It includes officer-generated calls, 911 calls, and non-emergency calls. The exhibit does not include police officer off-duty employment calls.

*See Exhibit 9b for priority call classification guidelines.

For the exclusive use of L. ROBINSON, 2024.

This document is authorized for use only by LATHESHIA ROBINSON in Copy of PA 565: Advanced Policy Analysis taught by JOHN GRUMMEL, Upper Iowa University from Mar 2024 to Aug 2024.

Community-First Public Safety 821-005

19

Exhibit 9b 911 Priority Call Classification Guidelines, Saint Paul, Minnesota

The classification of radio calls with five priority designations are as follows:

• Priority 1 and 2 calls are designated as emergency. • Priority 3 calls are designated as urgent. • Priority 4 and 5 calls are designated as routine.

General Priority Guidelines:

• Priority 1. Officer down, injured, or needs immediate assistance in a critical situation.

• Priority 2. Any crime in progress. Activity which indicates a crime is about to be committed or has just been committed where suspects are in the area. Any matter which the caller reasonably indicates is of an urgent matter. Intrusion or robbery alarm. Any matter involving serious personal injury or imminent threat of serious injury. Emergency assistance required by the fire department (not DOAs). Physical domestics

• Priority 2a. Any crime in progress, initiated by the officer.

• Priority 3. Domestics, neighbor trouble, etc., where no threat of personal safety exists. Suspicious people, vehicles, window peepers, prowlers, trespassers, exposers, etc. Traffic crashes, no personal injury. Assist the fire department with a DOA. Fights, mutual affrays, without weapons. Assist any agency not amounting to priority 1 or priority 2. Report of a citizen holding a suspect not amounting to a priority 1 or 2, does not include shoplifters.

• Priority 4. Offense reports where no suspect is present and no personal threat exists. Assist citizen in non-emergency matter. Shoplifters being held by store security personnel. Drunk, emotionally disturbed persons, disorderly persons, not threatening physical harm.

• Priority 5. Miscellaneous request for service. Barking dogs. Loud party, loud radios, etc.

Source: Company documents.

For the exclusive use of L. ROBINSON, 2024.

This document is authorized for use only by LATHESHIA ROBINSON in Copy of PA 565: Advanced Policy Analysis taught by JOHN GRUMMEL, Upper Iowa University from Mar 2024 to Aug 2024.

821-005 Community-First Public Safety

20

Exhibit 10 General Fund Budget for Saint Paul 2019 and 2020, $USD

Department/Office 2019 Actual Budget 2020 Actual Budget

City Attorney 9,139,571 9,678,728 Council 3,726,272 3,870,748 Emergency Management 423,067 545,493 Financial Services 4,311,324 4,504,625 Fire and Safety Services 65,967,637 68,488,933 General Government 10,296,846 11,714,574 HREEO 3,385,584 3,705,517 Human Resources 4,842,750 5,104,796 Libraries 18,746,173 19,561,931 Mayor’s Office 2,012,733 2,373,286 Parks and Recreation 38,562,977 40,541,157 Planning & Econ. Dev. 82,486 82,486 Police 100,704,487 105,539,797 Public Works 29,886,909 30,489,546 Safety & Inspection 20,589,164 21,198,039 Technology 12,127,769 12,200,188 TOTAL GENERAL FUNDS 324,805,749 339,599,842

Source: Casewriter, compiled from: City of Saint Paul, Minnesota, 2021 Budget Proposal, “Forward Together: A Pathway for All of Us,” August 2020, https://bit.ly/3iBm7dc, p. 22; City of Saint Paul, Minnesota, “City and Library Agency Composite Summary 2020,” p. 14, https://bit.ly/3kEkZX5; City of Saint Paul, Minnesota, “City and Library Agency Composite Summary 2019, p. 13, https://bit.ly/3c8zZJr; all accessed September 2020.

Exhibit 11 Number of Sworn Officers in Saint Paul, 2009-2020

Year # of Sworn Officers

Saint Paul Population

# of Officers per 1,000 Inhabitants

National Average

2020 630 309,180 2.04 2.4 2019 635 309,180 2.05 2.4 2018 626 302,398 2.07 2.5 2017 615 294,873 2.10 2.4 2016 615 294,873 2.10 2.4 2015 615 294,873 2.10 2.3 2014 615 290,770 2.12 2.3 2013 610 285,068 2.14 2.3 2012 610 285,068 2.14 2.4 2011 610 287,151 2.13 2.4 2010 610 287,151 2.13 2.4 2009 630 287,151 2.20 2.5

Source: Casewriter, compiled from 2009-2019 Saint Paul City Operating Budgets and U.S. FBI Criminal Justice Information Services Division, “Crime in the U.S.” https://ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/, both accessed October 2020.

For the exclusive use of L. ROBINSON, 2024.

This document is authorized for use only by LATHESHIA ROBINSON in Copy of PA 565: Advanced Policy Analysis taught by JOHN GRUMMEL, Upper Iowa University from Mar 2024 to Aug 2024.

Community-First Public Safety 821-005

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Exhibit 12 Community-First Comprehensive Public Safety Framework, Saint Paul, Minnesota

Source: Company documents.

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This document is authorized for use only by LATHESHIA ROBINSON in Copy of PA 565: Advanced Policy Analysis taught by JOHN GRUMMEL, Upper Iowa University from Mar 2024 to Aug 2024.

821-005 Community-First Public Safety

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Endnotes

1 Melvin Carter, “2018 Inaugural Address: Mayor-elect Melvin Carter,” https://bit.ly/34TW2Si, accessed July 2020.

2 Brandt Williams, “Minneapolis budget committee approves cuts in police funding.” MPR News, July 22, 2020, https://bit.ly/3ep4xbd, accessed November 2020.

3 Fenit Nirappil and Peter Hermann, “D.C. activists and lawmakers confront challenges of ‘defund police’ movement,” The Washington Post, June 25, 2020, https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/dc-politics/dc-police-cuts/2020/06/25/dacff0e2- b6f2-11ea-a510-55bf26485c93_story.html, accessed November 2020.

4 James Rainy, Dakota Smith, and Cindy Chang, “Growing the LAPD was gospel at City Hall. George Floyd Changed that.” Los Angeles Times, June 5, 2020, https://lat.ms/2TT40Vr, accessed November 2020.

5 Rainy, Smith, and Chang, “Growing the LAPD was gospel at City Hall.”

6 Melvin Carter, “Community-First Public Safety 2020 Budget Proposal Supplement,” https://bit.ly/3k2eBIe, accessed November 2020.

7 Carter, “Community-First Public Safety 2020 Budget Proposal Supplement.”

8 Mara H. Gottfried, “St. Paul Mayor Wants to Look at Non-Police Response to Some Calls. Union Asks: With Fewer Officers, What Happens in the Meantime?” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, August 20, 2020, https://bit.ly/2I3SQdM, accessed August 2020.

9 Gottfried, “St. Paul Mayor Wants to Look at Non-Police Response to Some Calls.”

10 Tim Nelson, “You know St. Paul’s mayor—now meet his dad in a new autobiography,” MPR News, February 27, 2019, https://bit.ly/2I4tFIc, accessed July 2020.

11 Melvin Carter, “Melvin Carter on Philando, protests and police: We must see our shared humanity,” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, https://bit.ly/38dDEWK, accessed July 2020.

12 “Population trends,” Saint Paul Minnesota, https://www.stpaul.gov/books/population, accessed July 2020.

13 “Demographics,” Saint Paul Minnesota, https://www.stpaul.gov/books/demographics-0, accessed July 2020.

14 Lucas Peterson, “In St. Paul, Great Deals and Ethnic Diversity,” The New York Times, July 6, 2016, https://nyti.ms/2TRv7A3, accessed July 2020.

15 “St. Paul Public Schools,” https://bit.ly/2CxtsuM, accessed July 2020.

16 Melvin Carter, “Generating Equity: A Discussion with Mitch Weiss and Melvin Carter,” Harvard Business School Front Row Series, June 25, 2020.

17 Ingraham, “Racial inequality in Minneapolis is among the worst in the nation.”

18 Justin Worland, “America’s Long Overdue Awakening to Systemic Racism,” Time, June 11, 2020, https://bit.ly/2TTkFbp, accessed August 2020.

19 Terry Gross, “A ‘Forgotten History’ Of How The U.S. Government Segregated America,” NPR, May 3, 2017, https://n.pr/3899a88, accessed July 2020.

20 Greta Kaul, “With covenants, racism was written into Minneapolis housing. The scars are still visible.” MinnPost, February 22, 2019, https://bit.ly/3oXfeqh, accessed July 2020.

21 Ingraham, “Racial inequality in Minneapolis is among the worst in the nation.”

22 Bash and Nolan, “’We literally all are George.’”

23 Bash and Nolan, “’We literally all are George.’”

24 Carter, “2018 Inaugural Address: Mayor-elect Melvin Carter.”

25 Jessie Van Berkel, “Melvin Carter offers big vision for St. Paul with win in mayor’s race,” Star Tribune, November 11, 2017, http://strib.mn/3kYrm7P, accessed July 2020.

For the exclusive use of L. ROBINSON, 2024.

This document is authorized for use only by LATHESHIA ROBINSON in Copy of PA 565: Advanced Policy Analysis taught by JOHN GRUMMEL, Upper Iowa University from Mar 2024 to Aug 2024.

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26 Carter, “2018 Inaugural Address: Mayor-elect Melvin Carter.”

27 Van Berkel, “Melvin Carter offers big vision for St. Paul with win in mayor’s race;” and Emma Nelson, “St. Paul mayor announces public safety plan in State of Our City address,” Star Tribune, March 25, 2019, http://strib.mn/2GyY4Os; both accessed July 2020.

28 Frederick Melo, “How Melvin Carter ran away with the St. Paul mayoral race,” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, November 10, 2017, https://bit.ly/2HZV5ii, accessed July 2020.

29 Melo, “How Melvin Carter ran away with the St. Paul mayoral race.”

30 Carter, “Generating Equity: A Discussion with Mitch Weiss and Melvin Carter.”

31 “About,” Melvin Carter for Saint Paul, http://www.melvincarter.org/bio/, accessed July 2020.

32 Mara H. Gottfried, “St. Paul’s new director of ‘Community-First Public Safety Initiatives’ knows the streets firsthand,” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, June 4, 2018, https://bit.ly/3oUC1CZ, accessed July 2020.

33 “Benefits of CPTED,” National Crime Prevention Council, https://bit.ly/3eou5Fo, accessed September 2020.

34 Mayor Melvin Carter, “2020 Adopted Budget,” City of Saint Paul, Minnesota, https://bit.ly/3jVKjGX, p. 318.

35 Frederick Melo, “St. Paul mayoral candidates tout police reform initiatives,” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, October 4, 2017, https://bit.ly/32fW8lz, accessed July 2020.

36 Chao Xiong, “From mobile home park to top cop, Axtell takes the reins in St. Paul,” Star Tribune, June 13, 2016, http://strib.mn/3jYzmED, accessed September 2020.

37 21st Century Policing Report, Saint Paul, Minnesota, https://bit.ly/3l2dREj, accessed September 2020.

38 Mara H. Gottfried, “How often do arbitrators reinstate fired cops? Just under half the time,” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, June 23, 2019, https://bit.ly/34VIjKE, accessed September 2020.

39 “Hundreds gather to share ideas about how to combat St. Paul violence.” Eyewitness News, KSTP.com, November 2, 2019. https://bit.ly/2GripVE, accessed October 2020.

40 “Types of Law Enforcement Agencies,” Discover Policing, https://bit.ly/389ayHS, accessed July 2020.

41 “Local Police Departments, 2016,” Bureau of Justice Statistics, October 2019, https://bit.ly/38b7tqJ, accessed May 2020.

42 Olivia B. Waxman, “How the U.S. Got Its Police Force,” Time, May 18, 2017, https://bit.ly/2I67phd, accessed July 2020.

43 Waxman, “How the U.S. Got Its Police Force.”

44 Waxman, “How the U.S. Got Its Police Force.”

45 Rund Abdelfatah and Ramtin Arablouei, “American Police,” Throughline (NPR Podcast), June 4, 2020, https://www.npr.org/transcripts/869046127, accessed July 2020.

46 Abdelfatah and Arablouei, “American Police.”

47 Chelsea Hansen, “Slave Patrols: An Early Form of American Policing,” On the Beat (blog), from the National Law Enforcement Museum, July 10, 2019, https://bit.ly/3kXeHSU, accessed August 2020.

48 Abdelfatah and Arablouei, “American Police.”

49 Abdelfatah and Arablouei, “American Police.”

50 Kaba, “Yes, We Mean Literally Abolish the Police.”

51 Abdelfatah and Arablouei, “American Police.”

52 Abdelfatah and Arablouei, “American Police;” and Sarah Lawrence and Bobby McCarthy, “What Works in Community Policing?” The Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute of Law and Social Policy, University of California Berkeley, School of Law, November 2013, p. 5, accessed via ProQuest; both accessed July 2020.

55 Tracey L. Meares and Tom R. Tyler, “The First Step Is Figuring Out What Police Are For,” The Atlantic, June 8, 2020, https://bit.ly/3295ob5, accessed July 2020.

For the exclusive use of L. ROBINSON, 2024.

This document is authorized for use only by LATHESHIA ROBINSON in Copy of PA 565: Advanced Policy Analysis taught by JOHN GRUMMEL, Upper Iowa University from Mar 2024 to Aug 2024.

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56 Lawrence and McCarthy, “What Works in Community Policing?” p. 5.

57 “Understanding Community Policing,” Bureau of Justice Assistance, August 1994, https://bit.ly/2JClHGZ, p. vii, accessed July 2020.

58 Lawrence and McCarthy, “What Works in Community Policing?” p. 6.

61 Lawrence and McCarthy, “What Works in Community Policing?” p. 8.

62 Crowl, “The effect of community policing on fear and crime reduction, police legitimacy and job satisfaction,” p. 450.

63 Lawrence and McCarthy, “What Works in Community Policing?” p. 9.

64 Adam Minter, “In St. Paul, Police Reform Is Working,” Bloomberg, June 25, 2020, https://bloom.bg/38a7hIb, accessed September 2020.

65 Catherine Coles, “National Cops Evaluation Organizational Change Case Study: St. Paul, Minnesota,” Urban Institute, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, https://bit.ly/3k2CdfH, accessed September 2020.

66 Melvin W. Carter Jr., “Melvin W. Carter Jr.: Define policing, once again, as a peacekeeping endeavor,” Star Tribune, July 24, 2020, http://strib.mn/35Zhc0E, accessed July 2020.

67 Crowl, “The effect of community policing on fear and crime reduction, police legitimacy and job satisfaction,” p. 454.

68 Crowl, “The effect of community policing on fear and crime reduction, police legitimacy and job satisfaction,” p. 455.

69 Crowl, “The effect of community policing on fear and crime reduction, police legitimacy and job satisfaction,” pp. 453, 456.

70 McHarris, “Community Policing Is Not the Answer.”

71 Suzanne Baker, “Neighbors app puts community policing into hands of Naperville residents by sharing video from Ring devices,” Chicago Tribune, May 14, 2019, https://bit.ly/3oWtuzx, accessed July 2020.

72 “Neighbors by Ring,” Ring website, https://store.ring.com/neighbors, accessed July 2020.

73 Caroline Haskins, “Amazon’s Home Security Company Is Turning Everyone Into Cops,” Vice, February 7, 2019, https://bit.ly/2TS2IKa; Jessi Hempel, “For Nextdoor, Eliminating Racism Is No Quick Fix,” Wired, February 16, 2017, https://bit.ly/38drUTN, both accessed July 2020.

74 Michael Harriot, “The Racist Nextdoor,” The Root, June 28, 2019, https://bit.ly/3mPj96H, accessed July 2020.

75 “Despite 20 Homicides in 2019, St. Paul Record 25-Year Low in Violent Crime,” CBS Minnesota, January 8, 2020, https://cbsloc.al/38dMNhY, accessed November 2020.

76 John Phelan, “Crime, Budget, Population Numbers Suggest Public Safety Needs More Attention in St. Paul,” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, November 20, 2019, https://bit.ly/34Y7cFv, accessed November 2020.

77 Phelan, “Crime, Budget, Population Numbers Suggest Public Safety Needs More Attention in St. Paul.”

78 Carter, “Community-First Public Safety 2020 Budget Proposal Supplement.”

79 Carter, “Community-First Public Safety: 2020 Budget Proposal Supplement.”

80 Mara H. Gottfried, “St. Paul mayor proposes $3M public safety initiative with focus on youth, not policing,” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, November 20, 2019, https://bit.ly/3mRVUsz, accessed July 2020.

81 Frederick Melo, “Voting 4-3, divided St. Paul City Council approves 2020 budget, tax levy,” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, December 12, 2019, https://bit.ly/3299z6L, accessed July 2020.

82 Carter, “Community-First Public Safety 2020 Budget Proposal Supplement.”

83 Joe Spencer, “A note from the president,” St. Paul Downtown Alliance, July 9, 2020, https://conta.cc/2TTmRzB, accessed October 2020.

84 Maria Godoy, “What Do Coronavirus Racial Disparities Look Like State by State?” NPR, May 30, 2020, https://n.pr/3l4QGJK, accessed July 2020.

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This document is authorized for use only by LATHESHIA ROBINSON in Copy of PA 565: Advanced Policy Analysis taught by JOHN GRUMMEL, Upper Iowa University from Mar 2024 to Aug 2024.

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85 Nicole Goodkind, “This is what people mean when they say they want to defund the police,” Fortune, June 8, 2020, https://bit.ly/32gaaU2, accessed July 2020.

86 Scottie Andrew, “This city disbanded its police department 7 years ago. Here’s what happened next,” CNN, June 9, 2020, https://cnn.it/32diP9L, accessed August 2020.

87 Andrew, “This city disbanded its police department 7 years ago. Here’s what happened next.”

88 Stephen Danley, “I live in Camden, where the police department was disbanded and rebuilt. Here’s what you need to know about our police force and how it’s impacted the people who live here.” Business Insider, June 17, 2020, https://bit.ly/35Zl7KU, accessed September 2020.

89 Dakin Andone, Christina Maxouris, and Josh Campbell, “Minneapolis City Council members intend to defund and dismantle the city’s police department,” CNN, June 8, 2020, https://cnn.it/2I4TXdn, accessed August 2020.

90 Kristina Sgueglia and Scottie Andrew, “New York Police Department’s budget slashed by $1 billion,” CNN, July 1, 2020, https://cnn.it/34YIlS2, accessed October 2020.

91 Sgueglia and Andrew, “New York Police Department’s budget slashed by $1 billion.”

92 David Zahniser, Dakota Smith, and Emily Alpert Reyes, “Los Angeles cuts LAPD spending, taking police staffing to its lowest level in 12 years,” Los Angeles Times, July 1, 2020, https://lat.ms/2HW54Wo, accessed October 2020.

93 Rashawn Ray, “What does ‘defund the police’ mean and does it have merit?” Brookings Institute, June 19, 2020, https://brook.gs/34Z4cso, accessed September 2020.

94 Sarah Holder, Fola Akinnibi, and Christopher Cannon, “’We Have Not Defunded Anything’: Big Cities Boost Police Budgets,” Bloomberg, September 22, 2020, https://bloom.bg/3mPNIck, accessed September 2020.

95 Frederick Melo, “St. Paul mayor joins campaign to reduce police violence, plans use-of-force changes,” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, June 5, 2020, https://bit.ly/3mTGbJu, accessed July 2020.

96 Nelson, “St. Paul leaders show little appetite for abolishing police.”

97 Sarah Horner, “Chief Axtell ‘disappointed’ as Mayor Carter seeks $9M cut from St Paul police budget,” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, July 20, 2020, https://bit.ly/34UBEjT; Frederick Melo, “St. Paul Mayor Melvin Carter: Expect $19 million to $34 million budget deficit in 2021,” Twin Cities Pioneer Press, May 8, 2020, http://bit.ly/3jW7zF2; both accessed October 2020.

98 Helen Do, “Mayor: St. Paul’s 2021 budget plan faces $19.5 million challenge,” KSTP News, August 20, 2020, https://bit.ly/3kZivD4, accessed October 2020.

99 Horner, “Chief Axtell ‘disappointed’ as Mayor Carter seeks $9M cut from St. Paul police budget.”

100 Horner, “Chief Axtell ‘disappointed’ as Mayor Carter seeks $9M cut from St. Paul police budget.”

101 Horner, “Chief Axtell ‘disappointed’ as Mayor Carter seeks $9M cut from St. Paul police budget.”

For the exclusive use of L. ROBINSON, 2024.

This document is authorized for use only by LATHESHIA ROBINSON in Copy of PA 565: Advanced Policy Analysis taught by JOHN GRUMMEL, Upper Iowa University from Mar 2024 to Aug 2024.