Abstract Traditional Amish culture is an enduring culture that is characterized and driven by a simplicity that is sharply contrasted with the complex daily lives of contemporary mainstream Americans. Yet, Amish culture is not static; rather it is a dynamic culture that has realized change primarily driven by increased interaction with the non-Amish who have become interested in Amish-made products. Th e purpose of this paper is to illustrate how quilts, a symbol of traditional Amish culture, have become a catalyst that has contributed to both change as well as perseverance in Amish culture. Th is research is based on a year of ethnographic participant observation in an Old Order Amish settlement. Th e com- mercialization of Amish quilts has created an important economic connection to the complex outside world and as a result has contributed to both enduring and changing cultural meaning.

Traditional Amish quilts have long been admired by collectors and quilt enthusiasts. Th ey are valued for their humble simplicity, quality workmanship, and their appealing graphic design. Outsiders recognize characteristic Amish quilts by the bold graphics of solid-colored fabrics, simple piecing techniques, exquisite fi ne-stitching, and skillful juxtaposition of bright and dull hues. Originally an item intended for warmth, Amish quilts have transcended this practical value and have become highly sought collectibles. Only a few an- tique Amish quilts remain in the freehold of the Old Order Amish (hereaft er referred to as the Amish). Instead, data from this research revealed that the quilts have been used to their threadbare demise, sold during times of hardship in order to buy fam- ily necessities, or acquired for private or museum collections. Even though not all older Amish quilts have exquisite workmanship, there is still an exten- sive demand and short supply of late 19th century and early 20th century traditional Amish quilts.

Each year at the International Quilt Festival in Houston, Texas, traditional Amish quilts from vari- ous collections earn special exhibition space. When an increased interest in traditional hand-made craft s occurs, meanings can become fragmented and changed. Th e purpose of my research is to illustrate how the Amish quilt has become a catalyst impact- ing change as well as perseverance in Amish culture.

Th e Old Order Amish are a conservative reli- gious group that is driven by a simplicity that has remained comparatively unchanged for over 300 years (Hostetler, 1993). Slow-changing Amish cul- ture can be attributed to the basic Amish tenet of remaining “separate from the world” and contrasts sharply with the fast-paced change of contempo- rary American culture. However, as mainstream American culture is faced with increased pressures from hectic schedules, technological encroachment on our lives, and consumer excess, many indi- viduals are seeking a simplifi ed lifestyle. In rural communities near Amish settlements, community development strategies have focused on cultural tourism based on the curiosity of Amish goods and services (e.g. handmade furniture, rag rugs, baked

Author’s Address: Department of Textile and Apparel Management, 137 Stanley Hall, University of Missouri, Columbia, MO 65211.

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goods, and quilts). Th is increased commercial in- teraction with the “outside” world has contributed to an increased rate of change in Amish cultural traditions (Kraybill, 1989). Amish quilts have become a clear example of this shift . Ironically, it is the very simplicity of traditional Amish culture that creates and sustains the appeal for Amish quilts and other Amish-made products.

Conceptual Framework

My study draws from and contributes to Hamilton’s (1987) metatheory, a useful heuristic for under- standing the cultural meanings of Amish quilts. Hamilton argued that culture consists of three com- ponents: ideology or world view, social structure, and technology. Ideology, or what J. W. Hamilton (1985) referred to as world-view, is the set of values, beliefs, principles, and sentiments that govern the social structure and technological choices within a culture. Examples of world-view related to Amish quilts would include the conviction of simplicity, the value of women’s handiwork, and the principles of low-level technology that in a broader sense serves as an icon of Amish culture. Social structure refers to such things as the organization of groups, defi ned roles, as well as gender and age divisions. Examples regarding the Amish quilt would include women and young girls as quilters, Amish men who are involved in developing markets for the quilts, and the separa- tion of Amish and non-Amish in the production and distribution of the quilts. Technology refers to the built environment or tools and techniques used by the culture. In the case of Amish quilts, technology would include treadle sewing machines, room-sized wooden quilting frames, and the simple (oft en non- printed) fabrics. Because Amish quilts are cultural objects and therefore material manifestations of their culture, they embody all three cultural components.

Background

Amish History and Culture

To better understand how Amish quilts are imbued with cultural meaning, a brief overview of Amish

history and culture is necessary. For an expanded background of Amish culture, refer to Hostetler (1993) and Kraybill (1989).

Amish history. Th e Amish are a large Christian- based group whose conservative values and commitment to tradition, family, and community have set them apart from the rest of America. Th e Amish represent a permutation of the 16th century Swiss Anabaptist movement that was part of the Protestant Reformation in Switzerland, Germany, and France. Th e Amish believed that church and state should be separate and that the fi nal au- thority for Christianity was the Scripture. Th ese fundamental beliefs resulted in relentless and oft en violent persecution. As a result, the fi rst Anabap- tist refugees escaped to America in 1683, settling in and around Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. During the following century and a half, waves of Amish immigrants followed.

In the early 19th century, the Amish began migrat- ing outside of Pennsylvania and have since settled in other states, primarily Ohio, Indiana, Missouri, and Iowa. Migration of the Amish occurs for two primary reasons, (a) the search for viable farm land to maintain the agricultural integrity of the group, and (b) discontent with the level of orthodoxy/pro- gressiveness mandated by a particular local group. Today, many of the Midwest Amish have little or no contact with the Amish from the Pennsylvania area and, as a result, social and ideological diff erences have separated the two groups. Th e diff erences be- tween the two groups are important because it has resulted in a distinctive diff erence between Pennsyl- vania Amish quilts and Midwest Amish quilts.

Despite predictions, the Amish have not been as- similated into the dominant society. Unlike other immigrant groups from Europe, the Amish adhere to an ideology that embraces separation from the world. Being “separate from the world”, has allowed the Amish to not only avoid assimilation, but also to double their population every twenty-two years. According to Kraybill (personal communication, November 30, 2004), there are approximately 185,000 Amish who live in 23 of the United States, one Canadian province, and Mexico.

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Amish world view. Old Order Amish are among the most conservative of what are oft en referred to as the plain people. Th eir primary tenants of faith include the refusal of infant baptism, the abso- lute independence of the Amish Church from the authority of the State, the submission of individual members to the authority of the Amish community, the development of self-sustaining methods of live- lihood that result in a commitment to stewardship for the land, and the rejection of violence, a posi- tion that eventually led to the practice of conscien- tious objection (Redekop, 1989). Th e Amish adhere to a commitment of boundary maintenance that makes the Amish unique from dominant Ameri- can culture. Boundary maintenance is controlled through simplicity in dress and property, strict discipline (Kraybill, 1989), avoidance of outsiders, and the practice of socially ostracizing wayward Church members, sometimes referred to as shun- ning. Although they seek to remain separate from the world, the Amish fi nd themselves interacting politically, economically, and socially with the wider American culture (Hawley & Hamilton, 1996). Th e Amish are recognized by their resistance to modern technology, rejection of worldliness, horse-and- buggy culture, distinctive appearance, Pennsyl- vania Deutsche dialect, and commitment to rural existence. Th e fundamental rules that govern life in a particular Amish district, called the Ordnung (in the dialect, pronounced “ott-ning”), vary along a continuum from orthodox (Old Order) to progres- sive (sometimes referred to as Beechy Amish); or, as Hawley and Hamilton (1996) revealed, the Amish compare their own Amish district to other districts as “lower” or “higher.”

Regardless of the community-specifi c details of the Ordnung, the values that govern daily life of mem- bers of all Amish communities include (a) mod- esty and stewardship regarding personal property including family farms, house and farm buildings, and personal appearance; (b) the sharing of wealth through an intricate system of mutual aid designed to assist community members in times of economic stress; (c) a strong work ethic that still focuses on agricultural work despite increasing reliance on non-farm income; and (d) a commitment to thrift . Boundary maintenance is aff ected through

symbolic meanings attached to appearance, cloth- ing, speech patterns, architectural styles, modes of transportation, work patterns, and technological simplicity. Th ese culturally symbolic meanings provide a means of social control and function as daily individual reminders of who one is and is not (Hamilton & Hawley, 1999).

Despite their commitment to tradition and separa- tion from the world, the Amish are cognizant of change and seek to regulate it through changes in the Ordnung, thus accounting for diff erences between “lower” and “higher” church districts. Ac- ceptable changes in an Amish community are usu- ally a result of desired economic rewards claimed as advantages for the entire community. Such changes are eff ected only aft er months or years of careful assessment of how proposed changes might impact community values and ultimately maintain separation from the dominant cultural system. Formal changes to the Ordnung are always a result of a unanimous Church district vote.

Amish social structure. All adult Amish, men and women, have equal voting power when it comes to changes in the Ordnung, farm work expectations, and economic contributions to the household. Yet distinct diff erences prevail along gender lines, par- ticularly when it comes to dealing with the outside world. Amish men are designated spokespersons for making deals and interacting in the outside world. Th e Amish also have organizational distinc- tions based on age, church leadership, economic vi- ability, and levels of committed-ness to the church and cultural traditions.

Amish levels of technology. Th ere is much in popu- lar media that focuses on both the quaint and the old-time lifestyle of the Amish. Th is quaint image is buttressed while disregard is given to the reality of hard work in daily lives of a culture that values low levels of technology. Although most Amish are committed to sustaining their traditional levels of technology, they are also tempted to use more modern technology when possible. As examples, the Amish will oft en hire taxi services from the non-Amish rather than using the troublesome and time-consuming eff ort of hitching the horse and

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buggy, and many cottage industries have replaced or enhanced the subsistence farm economy. Regardless, the Amish have remained carefully proscribed as they have successfully managed to adhere to as many of their traditions as possible in the face of modern encroachment.

Consumers of Cultural Products

Cultural objects imbued with cultural meaning. Duhaime, Joy, and Ross (1995) contend that the ideology of a culture is found in extant cultural objects and that these objects are able to “refl ect, persuade, and convince” (p. 351), transferring cultural meaning to the viewer. Amish quilts mean diff erent things to diff erent people. For many of us in the dominant American culture we either covet or possess Amish quilts because the quilts represent a simpler existence compared to our hectic lives. For collectors, Amish quilts serve as an economic investment. For the Amish, though, the quilts are domestic products that support the Amish ideals of simplicity, humility, creative outlet, and community.

Littrell and Dickson (1999) state, “[Cultural] craft consumers . . . seek linkages with indigenous lifestyles, long nostalgically for the past, or search for the exotic as a contrast to their more mundane daily lives” (p. 49). Th e value of the products are mediated through market forces and commercial- ization in an eff ort to develop products that fi t a contemporary marketplace while at the same time holding true to the cultural identity and traditions. Appadurai (1986) has suggested that “things with a particular type of social potential . . . are distinguishable from ‘products,’ ‘objects,’ ‘goods,’ ‘artifacts,’ and other sorts of things” (p. 6). As cul- tural goods are produced and subsequently move through the capitalist market system, they gain use-value and are transformed into a commodity. Kopytoff (1986) explained that in Western cultures, commodities are most oft en understood as goods (or services) that are commonplace in the market, while rare and collectible goods are perhaps elevat- ed to a special distinction in that they are removed from the “mundane and the common” (p. 69).

Appadurai (1986) further argued that a com- modity’s value is increased through the diversion process. In other words, goods are enhanced by virtue of “placing objects in unlikely contexts” (p. 28). Th us, when Amish quilts are carefully sus- pended on a museum wall, they have been elevated from their practical value as a warm bed covering to a piece of art. Mukerji (1978) made a distinction, however, between goods that are produced and collected for their aesthetic qualities versus practi- cal goods that become accessioned into collections because they are deemed worthy of preservation. Amish quilts represent both of these conditions and collections can be found, for example, at the International Quilt Study Center at the University of Nebraska—Lincoln or the Heritage Center Mu- seum in Lancaster, Pennsylvania. McCracken (1988) argued that consumer goods are used to bridge hopes and ideals. Th ey are used to cultivate lost or at least displaced cultural meaning. Consumer goods become “concrete and endur- ing” (p. 113) objects used to bridge the discrepancy between the real and the ideal. When cultural consumer goods are obtained, they become articles of endearment and serve as a way to conveniently store the memories and feelings of the past (Belk, 1988). Consumers seek out goods that render or represent the values, hopes, and ideals that they feel are lacking in their life. Since goods are “extant, plausible, possess-able, and above all, concrete” (p. 115), they serve as tangible connections to an “entire style of life” (p. 110). McCracken (1988) warned, however, acquiring the good may not bring satisfying realization to the consumer. What was once lost or displaced may remain lost or displaced. He suggested that a possible solution to lost mean- ing would be to “buy what is scarce and rare” (p. 113). Th ose items that are already considered scarce provide an elusive uniqueness that mass manufac- tured goods cannot provide. It is in this capacity that traditional Amish quilts represent the epitome of search for meaning based on traditional values in what is otherwise a complex Western world.

American values. Much has been written on the values of Americans (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & Tipton, 1985; Williams, 1970). Th ese

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American values are widely understood as part of the common language of what it means to be American and infl uence our attitudes about free- dom, democracy, fairness, responsibility, produc- tivity, community, family, and work. It has been ar- gued that the power of this set of American values has declined and is being replaced with selfi shness, increased violence, and subsequent breakdown of family structure and work ethic (Williams, 1970). Many Americans long for traditional values that were built around a social base such as the local farmer, independent business person, community, or neighborhood (Bellah et al., 1985). Th ese tradi- tional values remain important sources of meaning. Th e complex structure of American culture (i.e., corporate power, political control, re-structuring of the family unit), however, makes it diffi cult for many Americans to realize these values.

Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton (1981) provided empirical evidence and a theoretical foundation to explain the complex relationship between the current American ethos and the relationship to material goods. Material goods mediate self-confl ict, express self-qualities, provide status signs, and symbolize social integration. Th us, objects can serve as the catalyst within, among, and between people as the people respond to their environment. Amish quilts provide a link to the simplicity of yesteryear; a simplicity that seems somehow lost in the complexity that is characteris- tic of contemporary American life.

Research Method

When I arrived at the research site in 1991, my intent was to conduct traditional anthropological fi eldwork and participant observation where all as- pects of Amish culture would be studied. My focus was to be on Amish business practices with particu- lar interest in the role women played in business, including the increasing business opportunities with Amish quilts. Th e primary research question for my study was how has the changing use and produc- tion of Amish quilts become a change agent for Amish culture as a whole. To answer the question, I asked participants the following: how long had

the quilter been quilting, how s/he used quilting in their personal and social life, how Amish culture has changed with the increased interaction with clients, whether or not s/he quilted for hire or quilted for the local tourist shops, what levels of technology s/he utilized when quilting, choice-processes s/he used for color and design, how style changed over time, and whether or not s/he was teaching the chil- dren how to quilt. Th ese questions were formulated around Hamilton’s (1987) cultural components to better understand whether or not quilt production for business had impacted Amish culture.

Participant-observation is not characterized as a single method, but rather a set of methods de- signed to allow a researcher to “collect rich detailed data based on observations in natural settings” (Edgerton & Langess, 1974). My goal was to study the signifi cance and meaning of the data from the Amish perspective. Success of my study depended on my ability to live as intimately as possible with the Amish. Replicability of participant observation has oft en been challenged, but the credibility, integ- rity, and dependability of the method is supported by the prolonged participation and observation of the subjects, on-going interaction with the study group, and refl exive journals and notes kept while in the fi eld.

Th is research refl ects 11 months of fi eldwork that required that I establish a network of both Amish and non-Amish informants at the study site. Once these relationships were established, I conducted unstructured (n = 38) interviews with Amish quilters. Th e unstructured interviews primarily focused on quilter’s ideas about Amish quilts and the process of quilting and whether the process paralleled Amish life. I also conducted oral histories of Amish women and men (n = 15) who were involved in making quilts for a wide range of distribution channels including family, friends, lo- cal and regional tourist shops, internet distribution, benefi t auctions, and commissioned work. Nearly all Amish women quilt at some point in their lives. Th e sample included fi ve women over the age of 75, 22 women between the ages of 25 and 75, 10 teenagers, and one 87-year-old male.

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As part of the traditional participant observation method, I also took part in Amish daily life and special event activities including quilting bees, working in tourist shops and fabric stores, con- ducting quilting lessons, and sharing quilting ideas with Amish quilt- makers. It became important to interpret the attitude, social relationships and structures, and the technological applications in Amish quilting. Th ere was also ongoing checking and rechecking of my understanding with that of other informants and in varying contexts, daily recording of fi eld notes, and note taking. Hence, being there was fundamental to the ethnographic method. By being there I got a deeper sense of the intimate details of family life, cultural group interactions, work, and festive events—sometimes trivial but oft en profound in making sense of my year with the Amish.

Study Site

Th e data were collected through observation of and participation in a Midwest Amish group that would be considered to be low to medium (relatively conservative) on an orthodox-progres- sive continuum. To protect anonymity, the site is referred to as Schumok.

In the spring of 1953, eight Amish families had migrated to the rural area surrounding Schumok. Six of the Amish families moved from Iowa, one from Kansas, and one from Delaware. Since 1953, the Amish population of the Schumok area has grown to approximately 1,800. Schumok Amish live on small farms ranging from 40 to 200 acres in a fi ve-mile radius from Schumok proper. Th e English1 population of the Schumok town is 582 (U.S. Census of Population and Housing, 2000). Schumok is about 10 miles from the nearest market town. Th e Amish rely heavily on local Schumok Amish and English merchants for groceries, hard- ware, and farm supplies. Schumok is 20 miles from a major highway that leads to a large midwestern metropolitan area another 70 miles away.

Data Collection and Analysis

Aft er initial contacts and some assurances of cooperation by one Amish business owner, my children and I moved to Schumok in July 1991, and remained there for 11 months in daily interaction with the Amish. In order to facilitate acceptance with the Amish, I adjusted my normal appearance, foregoing makeup and wearing plain skirts and blouses. Th e use of a simple vocabulary and limited attention to grammar also proved useful. Moreover, the fact that I had children, had grown up on a farm, understood the pressures of farm life, and was a quilter all combined to defi ne a measure of legiti- macy in both the English and Amish communities that facilitated acceptance. Th e continual require- ment to operate in my own technologically modern world and a world that required a conscious “step back in time” was, however, challenging.

Soon aft er arriving, I found myself assisting the Amish in making apple cider on an oak hand-press cider mill, loading hay bales on a horse drawn wagon, baking pies and bread in a wood-burning stove, washing clothes in a diesel-generated wring- er washing machine, making candy on a kerosene stove, driving untold miles in the role of “taxi” driver for the Amish who are not permitted to own or drive cars, working many full-time days with- out pay in an Amish store, and quilting with the women on several quilting projects. Th ese kinds of activities endured throughout the research year. By the end of my time in the fi eld, I had attended Amish mealtimes, birthday parties, auctions, wed- dings, “singings”, volleyball games, church services, work bees, quilting frolics, hospital visits, barn rais- ings, and a host of more routine daily events. At the end of each day, I recorded fi eld notes, refl ective remarks, and organized data. Data were then coded and analyzed using Atlasti® soft ware for analysis of qualitative data.

By demonstrating interest in and understanding of farm life, by communicating respect for Amish val- ues and lifestyle, and fi nally by showing a willing- ness to participate in the much-valued work ethic, I was able to gain what for this closed community was a remarkable degree of acceptance. Th is daily

1Th e Amish refer to the non-Amish as English or sometimes “white- folk”. Th ese should not be taken as derogatory terms.

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interaction with the Amish allowed an in-depth understanding of Amish values, beliefs, attitudes, social structures, and levels of technology for quilt making. While in Schumok, I developed life-long friendships, so that even aft er 10 years from my initial fi eldwork I remain in ongoing contact with the Amish of Schumok. Th is has allowed me to be informed of changes that have occurred since the initial period of study. Changes over the past 10 plus years have been minimal, which parallels the slow rate of change indicative of Amish culture. A signifi cant change that has occurred, however, is that there has been a change in who is hired by outsiders for quilting. Ten years ago, the women who were highly sought by outsiders because of their exquisite workmanship are no longer the pri- mary quilters for hire. Instead a new set of master quilters has emerged. Th is change resulted because quilting is oft en seen as extra income for a family, so when fi nancial pressures or other priorities (e.g., taking care of children or elderly parents) change, the master quilters would recommend someone else to take their place.

Findings

Economic Importance of Amish Quilts

Traditional Amish quilts from the Midwest diff er from the Pennsylvania quilts in that the Midwest quilts oft en resemble the traditional Midwest pat- terns of their non-Amish counterpart with popular designs such as the Double Wedding Ring, Grand- ma’s Flower Garden, and Log Cabin. Alterna- tively, traditional Pennsylvania quilts include bold graphic designs such as Sunshine and Shadows, Amish Diamond, Amish Bars, and Broken Star (R. T. Pellman & K. Pellman, Granick, 1994). Th e simi- larities between Amish Midwest and Pennsylvania quilts, which also represent the diff erences between Amish and non-Amish quilts, are the use of plain or non-printed fabric.

Most of the older traditional quilts were no longer owned by the Schumok Amish. In times of hard- ship, or merely to earn some extra money, the Amish sold their quilts to collectors. Also, many

quilts were sold at auctions. As one of my infor- mants reported:

We once had someone from somewhere back east who knocked right here on that door. Th is was in the 60s. He asked if we had any old quilts to sell, and, you know, times were lean. So I sold him three old quilts that I had. Th ey were just old quilts. I don’t understand why he wanted them anyway. If I remember right, I think he paid me $50.00 a quilt! I thought it was way too much, but he insisted!

As Amish quilts have been collected by individu- als, accessioned into museums, and acquired by the tourist market, a new genre of Amish quilts has re- sulted. Newer quilts are seldom made of 100% wool like the older traditional quilts. Newer Amish quilts incorporate design techniques with fabrics and pat- terns that resemble modern mainstream traditional quilts (see discussion of the Bargello quilt follow- ing). Havig (1992) noted that a distinction has resulted that requires a conscious discrimination between Amish quilts and Amish-made quilts.

Amish quilts are those made by the Amish for use in their homes as compared to Amish-made quilts, on the other hand, which are either commissioned by or made for the tourist market and provide supplemental income for the family. Th e Amish- made quilts are made under a new social structure, including changes in division of labor and power in the quilt-making and distribution processes. Th e commercialization of Amish quilts resulted in new marketing and merchandising techniques implemented by the Amish, oft en in cooperation with local and regional non-Amish marketers. Amish quilts were bought and sold at a number of venues including fl ea markets, auctions, tourist curio shops, and Amish homes. In addition, they are sought through various distribution levels rang- ing from the original maker of the quilt to exclusive dealers and designers who sell quilts by appoint- ment only. Amish women oft en gathered for quilt frolics to make quilts to sell on consignment in the local non-Amish stores. Th is production and marketing strategy comes from a combined eff ort of downtown Schumok Association (non-Amish)

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members in cooperation with Amish men for it is the men who serve as the primary point of contact when conducting Amish/non-Amish business. In a recent trip to Schumok [summer 2004] I was asked by an Amish woman if there were a way that I could help market her quilts “through the com- puter”. Th is marked a signifi cant change from my original time in the fi eld.

Demand for Amish quilts grew partially due to the local non-Amish community development strat- egy that capitalized on the Amish settlement of Schumok. On September 5, 1985, the Tri-County Weekly reported that a “merchants meeting” had been held for the purpose of discussing what it would take to make “[Schumok] appealing to the tourist trade” (p. 1). A decision was made to capital- ize on the curiosity that outsiders had on the nearby Amish that would enhance the eff orts of both the Amish and non-Amish business owners. Th e result was the development of a viable downtown with fes- tivals held fi ve times a year. Th e Schumok Commu- nity Association estimated that between 75,000 and 100,000 tourists visit Schumok each year, a remark- able number given that Schumok population is 558 residents (U.S. Census of Population and Housing, 2000). Th is rural development strategy based on cultural tourism resulted in economic viability for both the Amish and the non-Amish for what would have otherwise been a rural area that mirrors many other struggling rural areas of the Midwest.

World-view Refl ected by Commercialization of Amish Quilts

Amish quilts serve as an example of cognitive rules that “defi ne good and bad, right and wrong, appropriate and inappropriate” (Hamilton, 1987, p. 3). For both Amish quilt makers and Amish quilts, this includes the design principles, the standards for quality, the pricing structures, the designated roles for quilt making, the cohesion of family and social networks, and the appropriateness of cultural rules and rule breaking.

Amish worldview is deeply embedded in a set of rules that dramatically disciplines their daily lives. For example, art and creative expression, in and

of itself, is considered an “impractical, unneces- sary frivolity” (Niemeyer & Kraybill, 1993, p. 110). Knowing this, a humorous observation that I made while visiting the home of one of the bishops was the display of 11 diff erent calendars on the kitchen wall. Th ese calendars served as artwork, but were legitimized because calendars are useful. As a result of this world view, Amish women have expressed their creativity through practical things such as quilts and fl ower gardens. Although their style of life and manner of dress is confi ned within strong boundaries, their quilts and fl ower gardens show great freedom in design and color arrangement. If the Amish are considered to be an austere, simple, and peculiar group of people who reject notions of fashion and modern amenities, how is it, then, that their quilts are prized for their artistic beauty, superb craft smanship, and modern design appeal? Pellman and Ranck (1981) suggested that appre- ciation for beauty among plain people becomes intensifi ed rather than lost when juxtaposed next to their simple life style.

One aft ernoon, an Amish woman and I went to visit her mother. When we arrived, her mother and a friend were preparing to work on a brightly col- ored new quilt pattern. Th e pattern was a Boston Commons variation and one they had not seen before so they were excited to work on it. We all joined around the quilting frame to quilt. Because the quality of Amish quilting is usually superb, and because mine is usually mediocre, my quilt- ing stitches were long and uneven by comparison. I later learned from my Amish informant that her mother had taken my stitches out aft er I left because the quilt had been a commissioned quilt and the Amish woman felt as if my stitches were “too diff erent from the others” to be acceptable for a commissioned quilt. But my informant reinforced the idea that if the quilt were being made for use by the Amish, there would have been no need to remove my stitches, aft er all, “Family quilts are just an excuse for us to get together and share good times—and you are like family now.”

Because separation from the world remains a very strong commitment of Amish people and because the male elders are oft en the ones who infl uence

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control over the rules of the Ordnung, the follow- ing example revealed how the process of quilting maintains this worldview:

One aft ernoon while in Schumok, I pieced a quilt that was a pattern unfamiliar to the Amish (Bargello pattern). Amazed at the technique, several Amish women encour- aged me to teach a class on the technique and said they would solicit several from both the Amish and English communities to take the class. However, when it came time for the class to be taught, only English students came. An Amish informant later revealed that the bishop had “caught word of the class and put a stop to it right away.” Aft er some time had passed, the owner of the Amish fabric store asked if she could display the quilt top in her store and with a little tutoring, she was able to study the quilt and fi gure out for her- self the Bargello technique. Once understood, she could teach the pattern to the Amish.

Social Structure Refl ected by Commercialization of Amish Quilts

Amish community and farm life help perpetu- ate quilting among the Amish. Each small child is expected to complete chores. By doing their chores, the children learn the much-valued work ethic and personal responsibility early. Children also learn by example from the adults. Abilities such as wood craft ing, gardening, sewing, and quilting become part of what it means to grow up Amish. Th us quilting techniques are passed from generation to generation. Besides quilting skill, Amish quilt production requires the ability to choose colors, remember motifs and designs, utilize certain forms of communication and cooperation, and develop certain marketing skills. During the research year, an Amish woman asked me to help the fabric store owners with marketing techniques, merchandising ideas, and general business practices.

Whatever the extent of commercialization, Amish quilts continue to be produced for domestic and cultural purposes. As previously noted here, the cultural purpose of Amish quilts is to serve as a

creative outlet for Amish women who are other- wise prohibited from expressing their creativity. A bright colored, well-designed quilt (even though made of plain fabric to reinforce the tenet of simplicity) can bring much life to a plain domestic environment without violating the Ordnung. En- during cultural purposes for quilt making include fellowship, family, service, and sharing. Each child usually receives three to fi ve completed quilts from their mother or grandmother. When we consider the large size of Amish families (average 6-8 chil- dren), we realize the enormous labor of love in the copious hours of quilting.

Other than oral history, the Amish have done little documentation on their quilts. Unlike quilt makers from the dominant culture, Amish quilt makers do not autograph their quilts because to do so is an act of pride and goes against their tenet of humility. However, many expert Amish quilters earn a repu- tation outside of the Amish community by word of mouth. Ida owns a bulk grocery store and a fabric shop, both located on the family farmstead. Be- cause Ida is perhaps Schumok’s most visible Amish woman to the non-Amish, she receives many letters from outsiders wanting to have a pieced quilt-top quilted. Ida serves as a “distributor of the wealth” and gives these quilting requests to various expert quilters in the Schumok Amish community. Once an Amish quilter completes a commissioned quilt, word of mouth results in additional commis- sioned work and the Amish woman may become an economic contributor to the family.

In the quilt making process a distinction exists be- tween piecers and quilters, which parallel the dis- tinction between individual and community. Piec- ers, those who sew the cut pieces of fabric together to form the quilt top, are usually individual women who sew the quilt tops by themselves. Quilts are typically pieced on a treadle sewing machine and are seldom pieced by hand as was oft en done in the early 20th century. Use of a sewing machine is evidence that change has occurred in Amish quilt production. Usually, the one who pieces the quilt is also considered the creator or owner of the quilt. For example, when Margaret pieces a quilt, Amish women would get together at a quilt frolic to quilt

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“Margaret’s quilt”. Quilters, those who join the quilt top to the backing with a layer of batting in between, are usually groups of women: mother and daughters, sisters, or friends who gather for social and productive time. Since manual work is a highly regarded value, the Amish seldom gather for social reasons without also doing some type of productive work. Th e quilting frolic or quilt- ing bee provides a time for women to gather for a day to share food, fellowship, news, and a bit of gossip while at the same time getting a quilt done. Children are included in the day’s activities and usually play while their mothers work on the quilt. Although all quilters are welcome to work on an Amish quilt, those who feel inept usually spend time in the kitchen preparing lunch. Th is was the case for Marjorie, who is one of seven adult sisters who gathered every other Wednesday to quilt. Marjorie did not enjoy quilting, so her role for the day was to prepare lunch and to watch the children, but she always came to the quilt frol- ics because it was a time to spend with her sisters and friends. In many communities, the public sale of Amish quilts corresponds with the community needs of their mutual aid economic system. In many Amish settlements, as was also the case for Schumok, quilts are sold to raise money for needs the com- munity might have, such as school expenses or unusually large medical bills. It was not surprising to fi nd that the public marketing and sale of Amish quilts usually had patriarchal control.

When Amish women are commissioned to make a quilt, the women set their own prices based on the work being requested (the Amish price their quilts based on the yards of thread it takes to quilt the project). However, when the quilts were sold in public (e.g., non-Amish tourist shops, auc- tions), the men controlled the circumstances. In Schumok there was an ongoing discussion of how to raise money for a much needed new school building. I suggested that the women make quilts for sale at an auction, but the elder men of the community quickly halted the suggestion citing the need to remain separate from the world as the reason for dismissal of the idea. According

to a close Amish female informant, however, the reason the idea was halted because a non-Amish woman suggested it.

Th e degree to which Amish cultural tenets are imbued in the quilts and quilt-making processes depended on for whom the quilt was being made. Th erefore, the production of Amish quilts falls conceptually into the two categories that Havig (1992) identifi ed: Amish-quilts and Amish-made quilts. Havig’s distinction can be seen in the fol- lowing quote by one of the expert quilt makers in Schumok. She explained:

When I am hired to do a quilt, I do the whole thing by myself. It is important to keep the same quilter, because a diff erent quilter’s work varies. Th ere is a diff erence in the stitch length and how tight a quilter pulls her thread. If you are charging 40 cents a yard—and some people are now charging 45 and 50 cents a yard—I do not have the nerve to charge that much yet—then, a nice, neat job has to be done. We oft en have quilting frolics for quilts that will stay in the fam- ily. It provides a way for us to have fun and teach the younger ones how to quilt. Con- sistency in workmanship is not as important on family quilts—it is working together and teaching that is important—the fellowship. Each family member usually gets three quilts and they are quilts that are oft en done at frolics. We get together once a week, or so, in the wintertime to work on quilts. Every- one brings a covered dish, our children get to play together, and we have a big time. In summer, there is too much other work to do to be able to have quilt frolics that oft en. Th at is why I love winter!

Technology of Amish Quilts

Antique Pennsylvania Amish quilts have char- acteristic design components, the most obvious being the bold blocks of plain fabrics. Th e muted and limited shades of nineteenth century Amish quilts are a result of fading over the years. How- ever, the Ordnung, or relative conservativeness of

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the church rules, controlled color choices. Early Pennsylvania Amish quilts were also distinguish- able by their wool fi ber content, analogous to their clothing. Many of the Amish quilts in Schumok mimicked traditional non-Amish Midwest quilt patterns such as the double-wedding ring or the log cabin. Although the patterns used by Schumok Amish women do not contain the same bold graphic design features as those from the Lancaster, Pennsylvania area, they still maintain superla- tive workmanship and design elements. Late 20th century Amish quilts were made of cotton and cotton/polyester blends in a wide range of colors and fabrics. An interesting observation that I made was that unlike my own penchant for using 100% cotton fabrics for quilts, the Amish searched for fabrics they liked based on color and cost. Th e sup- plier for fabric in Schumok off ered cotton/polyester blends to the Amish at a price that “couldn’t be beat”. Th e owner of the Amish quilt store merchan- dised the store based on colors, and the unknowing non-Amish quilter might assume the fabrics to be cotton, when many of the fabrics were not.

Because Amish homes do not have electricity, the quilts are usually pieced on treadle sewing ma- chines then quilted by hand. Most quilts are placed in simple wooden quilting frames that usually take up the space of a small room, and remain set up unless the space is needed for an extended family gathering. Usually, zealous Amish quilters quilt aft er dark when their other work is completed. Lighting for this close handiwork is provided by white-gas or kerosene house lanterns. One evening, when I was visiting in the home of an Amish fam- ily, I quilted with the teenage girls on a quilt that needed to be fi nished as a gift to the schoolteacher. Although the Amish girls had no diffi culty seeing by kerosene light and could quilt tirelessly into the night, my eyes tired easily from the unaccustomed low levels of light.

Discussion

Amish quilts were a material manifestation of their culture and encompassed all three of the cultural components presented by Hamilton (1987). Th e

quilts evoked powerful symbols of community and family steeped in a rich traditional social structure- -not merely in solidifying social roles but also in transmitting cultural tenets of the much-valued work ethic, tradition, humility, thrift , community, and cultural perpetuation. Th e production of quilts was a dynamic interdependency between the tech- nology, the social interactions, the ways of think- ing, and the constraints and convictions of Amish culture and is further enhanced by the economic contributions that Amish quilts provide.

It is important to note that both the quilt and the process of quilt-making continues to be important to the Amish even though the Amish make a clear distinction between quilts for them and quilts for the English. During the quilt-making process, the cultural convictions of family and fellowship are given a means of continuance and a creative outlet was provided.

Economic Benefi t as a Driver of Both Culture Change and Preservation

Th e Amish were committed to try to separate them- selves from the outside world, but when interac- tion does occur it is oft en for economic gain. Th e sale of quilts to the outside market actually helped maintain the quilt value within the culture. In Schumok, economic gain was facilitated when the community decided to develop cultural tourism. Amish quilters in Schumok were kept busy with commissioned work. Even though the Amish young girls see quilting as “old fashioned” and something “only the older women do”, the younger girls have increased their interest since the implementation of the Schumok economic project. Extra money from quilting contributed to the maintenance of Amish tenets, even though the styles more recently adopted mimics American “country quilts”.

Meaning of Amish Quilts to Americans

Amish quilts serve as a nexus between then and now as well as them and us. For dominant Ameri- cans, they have come to symbolize what McCrack- en (1988) referred to as an “idealized version of life as it should be lived” (p. 110). Th e concern that

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arises is that as the quilts have entered the domi- nant marketplace, their symbolic meanings shift from the traditional Amish cultural metaphors to meanings that were manifested with dominant marketplace ideals of product, images, value, and messages. Th us, for the dominant American, the Amish quilt may represent things that have other- wise been lost through time and space. Th e quilt may serve as material evidence that allows us to reify Amish culture and the simple life they enjoy.

Meaning of Amish Quilts to the Amish

As the Amish have begun making quilts for people outside of their own culture, some of the cultural meanings of the quilts and quilt production pro- cesses have changed but some have endured. As culturally produced and marketed goods, Amish quilts not only off ered the quilt makers a substan- tial opportunity for economic livelihood but also rendered an opportunity to conserve the culture, substantiate ethnic identity, and bolster the cultur- ally specifi c social structures. In other words, the Amish have consciously decided that it would not be detrimental to the culture when traditional quilt making skills were used to make quilts that outsid- ers wanted, while at the same time economically sustaining Amish livelihood.

Conclusion

Few would argue that Amish quilts do not have great aesthetic appeal. By diverting these quilts from the Amish home to the commodity market- place and ultimately to the museum wall or to the collector’s collection, they become de-commod- itized but their value has been augmented through this diversion process. Although quilts generally are commodity goods, Amish quilts are imper- fectly commoditized because they also carry with them deep symbolic meaning. As Spooner (1988) reminded us, “It is the nature of a symbol to bear more than one meaning, even in a particular social context” (p. 200). Th us, Amish quilts bear diff er- ent meanings for diff erent people. For some they simply carry the meaning of aesthetic appeal. For others they carry a more complex meaning, oft en

parallel to the “bases of meaning” described by Lit- trell and Dickson (1999) of workmanship, sensuous appreciation, functional value, daily contrast, cul- tural linkage, artisan interchange, and singularity. But for the Amish, quilts remain an important part of their simple yet highly-controlled world view; refl ecting a social structure that divides men from women, young from old, and insiders from outsid- ers; and a method to maintain “old-fashioned” levels of technology.

In order to have cultural survival, eff orts must focus on marketable products—giving at least an economic contribution back to the culture. Th e postmodern consumer wants to not only read about the other culture, but also wants to “exist in, experience, and consume” (Firat, 1995, p. 119). Th us, when products leave the indigenous culture and enter the marketplace of the dominant culture, they assume new meanings (Baudrillard, 1988; Eco, 1986). As non-Amish collectors have acquired Amish quilts, symbolic meaning has transformed and the result is that Amish quilts have gone from the utility of a warm bed covering to exhibits in museums, galleries, and the homes and offi ces of collectors, regardless of the Amish tenet to remain separate from the world. Even though many Amish quilts are made for outsiders in the dominant market system, the supply, nature, and distribu- tion of quilts remain infl uenced by Amish cultural preferences and expectations and, thus, ensures that quilt making is retained as an enhancer of the broader values within the Amish cultural system. Th e Amish, then, are making their own decisions within the parameters of their own cultural system. Doubtless, Amish quilts will continue to have appeal to outsiders as they marvel at the Amish cultural tenacity and as the cultural diff erences widen between the dominant Americans who value progress as a sign of success and the Amish who adhere to tradition as indications of their success.

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