PSYC 575 Cognitive Psychology
COMP R E H EN S I V E R E V I EW
Induction of false beliefs and false memories in laboratory studies—A systematic review
Beate Muschalla | Fabian Schönborn
Institute of Psychology, Technische Universität
Braunschweig, Braunschweig, Germany
Correspondence
Prof. Dr. Beate Muschalla, Technische
Universität Braunschweig, Institute of
Psychology, Humboldtstraße 33, 38106
Braunschweig, Germany.
Email: [email protected]
Abstract
Psychological interventions often use guided discovery and other techniques for
diagnostic exploration and intervention planning. This way, memories may arise in
the person, which may be true or false. False memories of earlier events can be harm-
ful and result in real suffering, similar to actual traumatic memories. Based on cogni-
tive psychological and psycho-traumatological findings, there is pronounced dissent
in the academic disciplines regarding the conceptualization, relevance and research
of false memories. This review contributes to the basic question of how often false
beliefs and false memories may be induced within the frame of different interactional
techniques. A systematic review has been conducted of 59 articles from (quasi-)
experimental studies and two qualitative sources from 30 data bases. Three main
methods of memory induction provide the basis for reporting: imagination inflation,
false feedback, and memory implantation. Due to the conceptual and methodological
diversity of the studies, the results appear to be heterogeneous. Free and guided
imagery, as well as suggestive statements, could induce false beliefs or false memo-
ries in, on average, 20%–50% of the participants who underwent experimental
manipulation concerning false past events. A false belief induction may occur after
dream interpretation or hypnosis in more than 50% of participants. Personalized sug-
gestion is more effective in inducing memory than the general plausibility of the
suggested events. Further research questions are which therapeutic actions seem
appropriate in cases of harmful false memories. This depends not only on whether
there are veridical elements in the false memory but also on the quality and meaning
of the memory for the person's life and ability to cope with burdens.
K E YWORD S
false beliefs, false memories, guided imagery, memory induction, side effects, suggestion
1 | INTRODUCTION
False belief is present when an individual is erroneously convinced that
an event has happened to or with them earlier in their life, even if
they previously had no idea that this event had happened and also
had no pre-existing memories in terms of pictures, sensations, or
details of the event. False memories can be defined as false beliefs
about such past events which are experienced not only as facts but
Received: 5 January 2021 Revised: 23 January 2021 Accepted: 25 January 2021
DOI: 10.1002/cpp.2567
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution?NonCommercial?NoDerivs License, which permits use and distribution in any
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© 2020 The Authors. Clinical Psychology & Psychotherapy published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd
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also as memories (Lampinen, Neuschatz, & Payne, 1998), that is, with
details of the people involved, sensations, process of the event, and
so on.
False beliefs and false memories concerning earlier events (which
did not happen) can be mainly understood as phenomena of memory
disorders. They may appear as phenomena of confabulation or param-
nesia, to use the psychopathological nomenclature. Because cognitive
interventions, such as those used in coaching, training, or psychother-
apy, are basically understood as the modification of memories by
means of specific talk (motivational interviewing, cognitive reframing,
cognitive rescripting, and guided imagery), false beliefs and false mem-
ories play an important role in psychological interventions.
Psychological interventions are well-established ways of improv-
ing mental health or changing behaviour; they are able to achieve pos-
itive effects on mental health or behaviour. There is still a widespread
assumption that this type of intervention, characterized by “talking,” does not lead to undesired or negative side effects because “talking” is noninvasive and cannot cause damage. However, current findings
show that both expected side effects and undesired effects can occur
in coaching and psychotherapeutic treatment, due to correct
(Linden & Schermuly-Haupt, 2014; Schermuly & Graßmann, 2019) or
incorrect interventions.
One type of undesirable effect relates to the development of
false beliefs or false memories of events. These events did not happen
but are sometimes used as an explanation for current psychological
problems people experience. People with induced false memories
become aware of memories of events that they did not experience, by
mixing various influences. Meanwhile, memories of past experiences
can reactivate the emotions originally experienced (Pohl, 2007). This
may result in potentially harmful consequences, for example, disliking
or avoiding people or situations associated with the (false) memories.
False memories might be accompanied by emotions that are strongly
compelling (McNally et al., 2004). Lieberei and Linden (2008) pres-
ented a case in which a patient developed a false memory and a fully
fledged posttraumatic stress disorder with intrusions, vivid memory
pictures, and avoidance behaviour, after having participated in a
follow-up course in which her colleagues' fatal accident was dis-
cussed. Brainerd and Reyna (2005) reported further cases in which
intrafamily abuse in early childhood was suggested to patients under-
going psychotherapy, which caused the patients to break off contact
with their families and assume the roles of abuse victims.
Because there has been little systematic synthesis of what is
known about the induction of false memories, the present review
study tries to systematize how and with what frequency, false beliefs,
and false memories can be induced.
An earlier systematic review on false memories (Brewin &
Andrews, 2017) reports relevant research paradigms for inducing false
memories of early childhood events in adults in an experimental situa-
tion. The mechanisms by which false memories could be induced in
laboratory studies, relate to (i) imagination inflation (the repeated imag-
ination of events that did not actually happen), (ii) false feedback (con-
veying suggestive misinformation in a talk), and (iii) memory
implantation (through manipulated photographs or false statements by
relevant caregivers, Scoboria et al., 2017). It was possible to identify
characteristics for assessing the quality of induced memory. According
to these, the quality of induced memory can be evaluated in ascend-
ing order, as follows: (i) the conviction that an event occurred, (ii) the
subjective re-experience of a (false) memory in such a way that it is
believed to be true, and (iii) the belief that the memory is true. The last
two points must be fulfilled for an induced memory to be qualitatively
similar to a “real” memory (Brewer, 1986; Brewin & Andrews, 2017).
The research question in this present review is as follows:
In how many people do different memory induction techniques
(imagination inflation, false feedback, memory implantation) lead to a
successful induction of false beliefs and false memories?
Investigations using the imagination inflation paradigm are essen-
tially based on the induction of false memories or false beliefs, which
are primarily caused by the test person or patient's imagination. These
imaginations are guided and supported by the person conducting the
experiment. In the misinformation paradigm, the induction and thus
suggestive potential is even more under the influence of the
researchers. Accordingly, Loftus and Mazzoni (1998) even called it an
expert-personalized suggestion paradigm. The induction is essentially
based on the authority and the supposed knowledge attributed by the
respondent to himself. In the case of implantation, the induction takes
place using similar mechanisms as in the case of misinformation. How-
ever, here the authority and suggestive potential usually lies less with
the leader of the experiment than with the subject's parents (who
report true and false events before the experiment) or with the valid-
ity of manipulated childhood photographs.
An earlier and so far, first, attempt to summarize the effectiveness
and extent of false memory induction can be found in Brewin and
Andrews (2017). They state that the paradigms of imagination infla-
tion, false feedback, and implantation, mentioned above, are most likely
to simulate the clinical context, allow replication in the laboratory, and
can also be justified in respect to ethical considerations. Brewin and
Andrews (2017) found that in the majority of research participants,
these mentioned research paradigms do not elicit false memories. The
authors concluded: “On the one hand, it has provided a valuable
Key Practitioner Message
• It is the trainer or therapist's duty to help clients to
change, reframe, and form their memories, as clients'
complaints often pertain to autobiographical memories.
• However, different exploratory techniques (guided imag-
ery, suggestive statements, hypnosis, and dream interpre-
tation) can increase the probability of potentially harmful
false beliefs or false memories being induced in on aver-
age 20%–50% of those exposed to false event induction.
• Any memory work and reframing during coaching, train-
ing, and psychotherapy should be done in a way that
enables the client to cope better with life and avoid the
induction of harmful false beliefs or false memories.
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demonstration that compelling false memories can sometimes be cre-
ated even with the restrictions imposed by laboratory research. […]
On the other hand, we believe it cannot be concluded that false mem-
ories of childhood events possessing these characteristics are com-
mon, that they are easy to suggest or implant or that the majority of
individuals are susceptible to them.” (p. 20). However, the methodological procedure in Brewin and
Andrews (2017) does not correspond fully to the standard of a sys-
tematic review, as they did not explicitly apply the PRISMA reporting
guidelines and did not report the precise search strategy. Thus, the
procedure of this present analysis is intended to adopt the memory
induction paradigms introduced above (Brewin & Andrews, 2017) and
identify and synthesize the relevant literature on the current princi-
ples and standards of a systematic review, using English and German
language sources.
2 | METHOD
A systematic literature search was conducted in 30 data bases. Arti-
cles in the English and German languages, from 1970 to 2019, were
included. The data bases and the search terms used are reported in
supporting information Table S1. In accordance with the PICO search
scheme (Person, Phenomenon of interest, context; Nordhausen &
Hirt, 2018), the search terms listed in the supporting information
Table S2 were used.
All the articles from the literature search of which the topics were
in any way associated with psychotherapeutic settings or action and
were included as valid search results. This includes theoretical and
empirical articles, both in the context of experimental laboratory
research and of clinical practice. Furthermore, the false beliefs and
false memories investigated were categorized according to the con-
cepts of false belief, false memory, and autobiographical memory con-
tent. Only primary sources in the German or English language have
been considered (Figure 1).
Articles referring to neurophysiological measurements, neurologi-
cal diseases (e.g. dementia) or developmental disorders (e.g. autism)
have been excluded. Articles discussing false memories in the context
of substance-induced disorders or schizophrenic forms of disorder
have also been excluded, together with all articles referring to forensic
work as an expert witness in legal proceedings, for example, in
assessing the credibility of statements. Forensic articles were only
included if the forensic methods were used or discussed in a thera-
peutic context. The articles were also excluded if the false memories
were related to false recognition or generally to semantic memory
content. Furthermore, findings related to investigations of traumatic
F IGURE 1 Outcome of systematic literature search for false memories according to the defined search terms in 30 international databases
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false memories were excluded if they were discussed in the context
of childhood development. Finally, all articles with anonymous authors
were excluded, as were those for which no abstract was available,
unless the article's title suggested an inclusion criterion.
3 | RESULTS
3.1 | Induction of false memories
The question of the induction of false memories is the area that has
been most intensively researched and probably has the highest level
of evidence. There were 59 articles involving 75 separate studies and
a total N of 7,062 participants from randomized experiments or quasi-
experiments (Figure 1). Of the total 59 sources, 21 were based on the
imagination inflation research paradigm; a further 18 refer to the
misinformation paradigm and 20 to the implantation paradigm.
3.2 | Imagination inflation paradigm
Making a synthesis from research using the imagination inflation para-
digm (Table 3) is challenging. Although all the investigations refer to
the same research approach and predominantly simulate the same
interactional techniques, there is enormous variability in the
approaches: It was only possible to highlight three sources in which
an experiment and an appropriate differentiation of false beliefs and
false memories were performed (Paddock et al., 2000; Paddock &
Terranova, 2001; Mazzoni & Memon, 2003).
The sample size-weighted average percentage of research partici-
pants who developed false beliefs was 55.3% over three studies
(Heaps & Nash, 1999; Horselenberg et al., 2000; Sharman, Garry, &
Hunt, 2005, Table 1), and the sample size-weighted average percent-
age for falsely believed events (stimuli) was 33.3% over 10 studies
(Bays, Foley, & Zabrucky, 2013; Bays, Zabrucky, & Gagne, 2012;
Clancy, McNally, & Schacter, 1999; Garry, Manning, Loftus, &
Sherman, 1996; Paddock et al., 1998, 1999; Pezdek, Blandon-Gitlin, &
Gabbay, 2006; Pezdek & Eddy, 2001).
It can be assumed from the sources included in this analysis that
free and guided imagination can lead to the adoption of false memo-
ries or false beliefs by up to 33%–55% of the manipulated partici-
pants. On the other hand, some studies have also shown that
induction is not possible or even that deflation of the presented mate-
rial must be assumed. Based on the idea that there is normally a cer-
tain overlap between a belief in the truth of an event and an
individual memory (nested model proposed by Scoboria, Mazzoni,
Kirsch, & Relyea, 2004), it can still be assumed that an induction rate
about 33%–55% may be the upper limit, but we do not know the pre-
cise prevalence. According to the original studies, rates do also vary
between about 20% and 47% of participants. Furthermore, tech-
niques that use both free and guided imagery in combination with
journaling (writing about the event and the associated feelings and
thoughts) appear to exhibit greater inductive effects. The imagination
of an episode from the observer's perspective also has a stronger
effect than imagining it from the ego perspective (Table 1).
3.3 | False feedback
On the basis of the available data, false memory induction by using
dream interpretations and suggestive statements (Table 2) to increase
the plausibility of events varies from 18% to >80%. Some studies
report induction rates of more than 50% of participants, while this
effect is not apparent at all in others. The problem here is that the
methods used to induce false memories were not identical across the
studies and are also not always clearly recognizable. However, the fact
that the simulated therapeutic methods lead to a change in conviction,
even though a low level of conviction was assumed initially, is well-
replicated in the original studies. The adoption of a changed convic-
tion can persist over a longer period of time. The plausibility of events
is also important, so that it is less the knowledge of specific events that
leads to a change and more the probability that an event might have
happened to one personally. There is a tendency for general plausibility
to be less effective than personalized suggestion. This in accordance
with the model of related convictions and memories (Scoboria
et al., 2004).
In sum, the sample size-weighted average percentage of
research participants who developed false beliefs was 32.5% over
13 studies (Berkowitz, Laney, Morris, Garry, & Loftus, 2008;
Bernstein, Laney, Morris, & Loftus, 2005; Clifasefi, Bernstein,
Mantonakis, & Loftus, 2013; Geraerts et al., 2008; Hart &
Schooler, 2006; Laney, Fowler, Nelson, Bernstein, & Loftus, 2008;
Mazzoni, Loftus, & Kirsch, 2001; Mazzoni, Loftus, Seitz, &
Lynn, 1999; Scoboria, Lynn, Hessen, & Fisico, 2007, 2012a,b).
The sample size-weighted average percentage of research
participants who developed false memories was 11.28% over six
studies (Geraerts et al., 2008; Hart & Schooler, 2006; Laney &
Loftus, 2008; Laney, Morris, Bernstein, Wakefield, &
Loftus, 2008; Scoboria et al., 2007; Scoboria, Mazzoni, Jarry, &
Bernstein, 2012).
3.4 | Memory implantation
There is a partially varying understanding of false memory. This makes
it difficult to make a coherent statement about whether and to what
extent the induction of a false memory can arise through the tech-
niques used. Additionally, some authors relate the percentage results
to the participating subjects, while others relate their results to the
number of falsely remembered items. This means that even the odds
presented cannot be compared. However, on the basis of the avail-
able data (Table 3), it can at least be claimed that a change was mea-
sured in each study, which, if the results are interpreted
conservatively, can only be interpreted as a change in the belief that
an event had happened. Suggested content has a greater effect if it
contains personal material and thus has a higher self-reference. The
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TABLE 1 False belief or false memory induction by imagination inflation
Author (year) Type of study Sample
Simulated memory induction
technique Results
Paddock et al. (1998) Experiment Study 1: 98 undergraduate
psychology students, average
age 19 years, 76% women
Study 2: 106 volunteers from a
manufacturing plant, aged
13–47 years, 63% women
Guided imagery Study 1: False beliefs increased
in up to 38% of imagined
events on life events
inventory (LEI)
Study 2: No increase of false
beliefs after imagined events
(no percentages reported)
Clancy et al. (1999) Experiment Sample 1: 12 women from
general population who
reported being abused as a
child and
Sample 2: 12 women who
reported not being abused,
average age 37 years
Guided imagery Sample 1: False beliefs
increased in 20% of events
Sample 2: False beliefs
increased in up to 25% of
events
Heaps and Nash (1999) Experiment 55 psychology students, aged
22 years, 61.8% women
Hypnosis and guided imagery 44% of participants had positive
changes in the sense of false
beliefs after intervention,
42% had no change
Paddock et al. (1999) Experiment 94 undergraduate psychology
students, aged 21 years, 56%
men
Guided imagery False beliefs increased in 47%
of imagined events on life
events inventory (LEI)
Spanos, Burgess,
Burgess, Samuels, and
Blois (1999)
Experiment 117 undergraduate psychology
students, 65% women
Hypnosis with and without
regression
79% of the hypnotic
participants and 95% of the
nonhypnotic induction
participants reported rich and
detailed false infancy
memories, such as seeing
bright lights, bars on their
crips, and doctors and nurses
wearing masks
Horselenberg
et al. (2000)
Experiment Study 1: 34 undergraduate
psychology students, 85%
women
Study 2: 45 students, 66%
women, aged 16–20 years
Free imagery and journaling Study 1: Percentage of
participants with increased
probability ratings for
imagined event items: 38%
Study 2: Journaling with free
imagery had tendentially
greater effects than imagery
without journaling. Journaling
effects were independent of
personality.
Paddock, Terranova,
Kwok, and
Halpern (2000)
Experiment Experiment 1: 125
undergraduate students from
an engineering school, aged
21 years, 51% men
Experiment2:143students from
thesameengineeringschool,
aged20 years,94men
Guided imagery Experiment 1: Guided imagery
lead participants to rate
known childhood events
closer to events for which
they had memories.
Experiment 2: Known-to-
remember-shift were
stronger in case of higher
extraversion, external locus
of control, a memory than
conveyed fear, overall
affective content
Paddock and
Terranova (2001)
Experiment 359 undergraduate students,
48% men, aged 20 years
Guided imagery Guided imagery lead on average
to change of beliefs into false
memory; this effect was
stronger in conditions where
the imagery intervention was
done by an authority/expert
person
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TABLE 1 (Continued)
Author (year) Type of study Sample
Simulated memory induction
technique Results
Mazzoni and
Memon (2003)
Experiment 82 students, 35% men, aged
21 years
Free imagery False memories of impossible
childhood events occurred in
up to 25%–50% of
participants after imagery
Von Glahn et al. (2012) Experiment Experiment 1: 59
undergraduate psychology
students, aged 19 years, 42%
men
Experiment 2: 60 participants
(out of the experiment 1
group)
Repeated interviews, free
imagery and journaling
Repeated interviews (5 times
being asked a list of events
that might have happened)
did not lead to induction of
false beliefs.
Journaling lead to significant
increase in confidence of
certain events (false beliefs)
dependent on the amount of
memory details which had to
be written down (3 or 6
details)
Garry et al. (1996) Quasi-
experiment
46 undergraduate psychology
students
Guided imagery False beliefs increased in 32%
of imagined events on life
events inventory (LEI)
Pezdek and Eddy (2001) Quasi-
experiment
75 persons, consisting of older
(76 years) and younger
(21 years) adults
Free imagery False beliefs increased in 39%
of imagined events on life
events inventory (LEI). No
age differences in inflation
rates
Sharman et al. (2005) Quasi-
experiment
128 undergraduate psychology
students
Suggestive expressions and
guided imagery (ego
perspective and observer
perspective)
In 65% of participants,
confidence increased for
imagined events from the live
events inventory
False beliefs appear stronger
when an observer
perspective is used during
imagery, as compared to ego
perspective
Pezdek, Blandon-Gitlin,
and Gabbay (2006)
Quasi-
experiment
145 undergraduate students,
aged 22 years, 69% females
Guided imagery and journaling False beliefs rather appears
when highly plausible events
are used for induction (38%
of events increased) in
comparison to low plausible
events (21% of events
increased)
Bays et al. (2013) Quasi-
experiment
151 undergraduate students,
74% women
Guided imagery and journaling 26.7% increased belief ratings
of specific events, 15%
decreased belief rating of
specific events
Sharman and
Powell (2013)
Quasi-
experiment
126 university members, aged
18–64 years, 69% women
Cognitive interview No significant induction of false
belief or false memory,
independent from the fact if
an event was rated as highly
or low plausible
Sharman, Garry, and
Beuke (2004)
Quasi-
experiment
(several
groups)
67 undergraduate psychology
students
Free imagery and paraphrasing Participants became more
confident that the fictitious
events had happened in
childhood (regardless of
whether imagined or
paraphrased). No repetition
effect was found beyond that
of a single exposure
(Continues)
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effect of an induction is also stronger if the suggestion is based on
plausible statements made by significant reference persons. Manipu-
lated photographs may also induce false beliefs but these false beliefs
appear to be less pronounced. Finally, contrary to the nested model
proposed by Scoboria et al. (2004), false memories can also arise of
events for which there was no pre-existing belief and which the sub-
jects had previously assessed as unlikely.
Summarized, the sample size-weighted average percentage of
research participants who developed false beliefs was 37% over
11 studies (French, Sutherland, & Garry, 2006; Hyman, Husband, &
Billings, 1995; Ost, Foster, Costall, & Bull, 2005; Otgaar, Scoboria, &
Smeets, 2013; Pezdek, Finger, & Hodge, 1997; Shaw & Porter, 2015;
Short & Bodner, 2011; Wade, Garry, Nash, & Harper, 2010; Wade,
Garry, Read, & Lindsay, 2002) and 26.6% over 12 studies for false
memories induction (Desjardins & Scoboria, 2007; French et al., 2006;
Garry & Wade, 2005; Heaps & Nash, 2001; Hessen-Kayfitz &
Scoboria, 2012; Lindsay, Hagen, Read, Wade, & Garry, 2004; Ost
et al., 2005; Otgaar et al., 2013; Pezdek et al., 1997; Porter, Yuille, &
Lehman, 1999; Qin, Ogle, & Goodman, 2008; Short & Bodner, 2011).
The sample size-weighted average percentage for falsely believed
events was 35% over two studies (Hyman & Pentland, 1996; Qin
et al., 2008).
4 | DISCUSSION
On the basis of the studies analysed, it can be assumed that an induc-
tion of false memories is favoured by various conditions which vary
widely in each case. Furthermore, it is unlikely that the interventions
mentioned above act as a single causative agent in producing false
memories. Instead, it is the coincidence of several conditions: A spe-
cific type or technique, the interviewer, trainer or therapist, the set-
ting, and the person. In addition, the constructive nature of (flexible
and changeable) memory must be considered to be a basic human
characteristic that favours or even makes possible all types of associ-
ated memory phenomena.
Imagination techniques, journaling, hypnosis, dream interpreta-
tions, as well as general suggestive conditions, all have the potential
to induce false beliefs or even false memories. In particular, imagina-
tion techniques, which use visualizations of episodes from the
observer's perspective, carry a risk of confusing remembered and
presented material. It is apparent that combining several techniques
increases the risk of induction (Horselenberg et al., 2000; Scoboria
et al., 2007; Scoboria, Mazzoni, Jarry, & Shapero, 2012; Von Glahn,
Otani, Migita, Langford, & Hillard, 2012). In addition, the higher the
level of self-reference or the more personalized the induction
TABLE 1 (Continued)
Author (year) Type of study Sample
Simulated memory induction
technique Results
Sharman and
Barnier (2008)
Quasi-
experiment
(several
groups)
78 undergraduate students,
aged 22 years, 68% women
Guided imagery False convictions are stronger
when positive events are
used as induction material
Sharman and
Scoboria (2009)
Quasi-
experiment
(several
groups)
60 undergraduate psychology
students, 22 years, 81%
women
Suggestive expressions and
guided imagery
Imagination inflation regardless
of event plausibility.
Plausibility did not affect
participants' belief, but it did
affect their memories. In
dependence on the
plausibility of the event, false
memories are much more
often induced than
convictions
Bays et al. (2012) Quasi-
experiment
(several
groups)
135 undergraduate psychology
students, 82% women
Free imagery and journaling Inflation of false beliefs occurs
with similar frequency like
deflation in all conditions.
40% of events did not change
post manipulation. When
changes occurred, they were
similarly likely to increase
(31%) or decrease (29%)
Marsh, Pezdek, and
Lam (2014)
Quasi-
experiment
(several
groups)
Study 1: 47 college psychology
students, age 20 years, 55%
women
Study 2: 64 students, 72%
women
Guided imagery (ego
perspective and observer
perspective) and journaling
False belief could be induced by
reports from an observer
perspective but not from ego
perspective
Note: Articles are ordered chronologically according to year of publication and to method (experiment and quasi-experiment). Studies reported the percentages
of events that have been rated as believed being true after the imagination, or percentages of participants who increased in belief or memory after the
intervention, or (in case no percentages are reported) dimensional measures of degree of belief or intensity of memory.
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TABLE 2 False belief or false memory induction by false feedback
Author (year) Type of study Sample
Simulated memory induction
technique Results
Mazzoni, Loftus,
et al. (1999)
Experiment 72 undergraduate students Interpretation of dreams 30% of the dream
interpretation group
increased their beliefs and
reported memories. Increase
of false beliefs occurred in
50% of events (decrease in
4.5%).
Mazzoni, Lombardo,
et al. (1999)
Experiment 44 undergraduate students,
age 21 years, 64% women
Interpretation of dreams For two critical events, about
80% of the belief scores
increased, that is, 80% of
participants were convinced
to have experienced the
event
Mazzoni et al. (2001) Experiment Three studies with 65 + 71
+ 57 undergraduate
students
Suggestive statements and
statements expanding
plausibility
Increase in beliefs of
implausible traumatic events
in 18% of participants
Bernstein et al. (2005) Experiment 228 undergraduate students Suggestive interpretations Significant induction of false
belief (having felt sick after
eating a specific ice cream
as a child) in 20% of
participants (experiment 1)
and in 41% of cases
(experiment 2). 4% of the
believers even remembered
the event, 96% just believed
it had happened.
Berkowitz et al. (2008) Experiment 404 undergraduate students Suggestive statements and
statements expanding
plausibility
False beliefs were induced in
up to 30% of participants.
76% of written memory
details were neutral (not
positive or negative affect)
Geraerts et al. (2008) Experiment 180 undergraduate students,
aged 21 years, 75% women
Suggestive statements False belief was induced in
39% of participants, 7%
reported memories. After
three suggestive sessions,
behavioural consequences
were observed: The
believers (believing having
got sick after eating egg
salad as a child) ate
significantly less often egg
salad than controls or
nonbelievers
Laney and Loftus (2008) Experiment 301 undergraduate students,
aged 20 years, 75% women
Suggestive statements 20.6% of those manipulated
developed false memories
for their critical events:
They believed falsely that
they had these events and
were emotional.
Laney, Morris,
et al. (2008)
Experiment 368 undergraduate students,
aged 20 years, 80% women
Suggestive statements and
free imagery
False beliefs developed in up
to 44% of participants
(positive event) and 49%
(negative event). False
memories occurred in 5%
and 12%.
(Continues)
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TABLE 2 (Continued)
Author (year) Type of study Sample
Simulated memory induction
technique Results
Scoboria, Mazzoni, Jarry,
and Shapero (2012)
Experiment 42 undergraduate students,
aged 19 years, 85% women
116 undergraduate students,
age 20 years, 79% women
Suggestive statements and
guided imagery
False beliefs were induced in
40% of participants (who
had low plausibility rating in
the beginning). A nonlinear
relation between the
estimation before
suggestion and false
autobiographical beliefs
after suggestion has been
found
Clifasefi et al. (2013) Experiment 147 undergraduate
psychology students, aged
19 years, 70% women
Suggestive statements Significant induction of false
belief (having been sick from
alcohol) in 20% of
participants (believers), 80%
remained nonbelievers.
From the believers, 40%
reported memories.
Loftus and
Mazzoni (1998)
Quasi-
experiment
24 undergraduate students Interpretation of dreams For two of presented critical
events, no participants
decreased, but 82%–100% went into the direction of
becoming more confident
that the event had
happened to them.
Hart and Schooler (2006) Quasi-
experiment
112 students Suggestive statements False beliefs increasing in
11%–20% of participants,
decreasing in 13%, no false
memories. Participants
responded with greater
confidence that they had
experienced an enigma
when given plausibility
information, it did not
increase their memory for
the event, and schematicity
decreased reported memory
of the event.
Scoboria et al. (2007) Quasi-
experiment
Study 1: 62 undergraduate
students, aged 20 years,
77% women
Study 2: 164 undergraduates,
aged 22 years, 88% women
Suggestive statements and
statements expanding
plausibility
Study 1: False beliefs under
conditions of plausible
events in 50% of
participants, but no false
memories
Study 2: 45% of participants
increased in false belief
Scoboria, Mazzoni, and
Jarry (2008)
Quasi-
experiment
21 women aged 20 years Suggestive statements and
statements expanding
plausibility
Results show that a subtle
suggestion about the
personal past can modify
behaviour. Specifically, food
preferences and eating
behaviour were both
reduced in a manner
consistent with the
suggestion provided.
Pezdek, Blandon-Gitlin,
Lam, Hart, and
Schooler (2006)
Quasi-
experiment
(several
groups)
Study 1: 296 undergraduate
students in psychology
classes, aged 22 years, 198
women
Study 2: 125 students, aged
24 years, 56 women
Suggestive statements and
statements expanding
plausibility
Study 1: Providing background
knowledge can increase
beliefs about personal
events, but that its impact is
limited by the extent of the
individual's familiarity with
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techniques applied, the more the risk of false belief induction
increases (Scoboria, Mazzoni, Jarry, & Bernstein, 2012). A review
by Otgaar, Muris, Howe, and Merckelbach (2017) which focused
on clinical studies—false memory effects in participants with PTSD,
or a history of trauma, or depression—found similar phenomena of
false memories being increased by induction: If the material pres-
ented was emotional, the clinical participants' levels of false mem-
ory increased relative to those of the comparison groups. This
difference was not observed when nonemotional material was
presented. People with PTSD, a history of trauma, or depression
were at risk for producing false memories when they were
exposed to information related to their knowledge base with the
potential to activate associations.
Because most techniques in training, coaching, and psychother-
apy will use personalized material, images, and exploration strategies,
it can be assumed that findings from the experimental laboratory
studies reviewed here are relevant to these practice settings. The
subjectively perceived authority or professionalism of a trainer,
coach, or psychotherapist can also lead to an induction. It is impossi-
ble to eliminate the risk of this condition, which makes the practi-
tioner's reflective ability and their interaction approach indispensable.
This results in the need for supervision, the use of evaluated
methods to ensure the quality of the practitioner's own work, and
their knowledge of the intervention's possible side effects. Psycho-
therapy research shows the relevance of reciprocity and the interac-
tion between the patient and psychotherapist (Langhoff, Baer,
Zubraegel, & Linden, 2008). This is also crucial in the induction of
nonexperiential material.
However, the induction of false memories is a general factor
which does not stem exclusively from the context of psychotherapy.
Empirical findings have shown that a control group may develop false
memories or a change in conviction (Berkowitz et al., 2008). Similarly,
it has been shown that subjects might not develop false memories but
instead remember less or report less information after an imagination
exercise (Bays et al., 2013).
Finally, the fundamental problem is that in both practice and the
experimental context, there is often no clear distinction between
induced false beliefs or their associated vivid, false memories. It
should be borne in mind that even the belief in a trauma (not only full,
vivid, false memories) can bring about serious consequences for those
involved.
In the case of false memories in psychotherapy, it must be deter-
mined whether this is a side effect of an indicated intervention, a mal-
practice, an incorrect intervention in the presence of an existing
contraindication (Linden & Schermuly-Haupt, 2014), or the effect of
any experiences outside the intervention setting. Usually, the trainer/
coach/therapist as the producer of the intervention focuses their
attention on the positive rather than the negative effects of the inter-
vention (Hatfield, McCullough, Frantz, & Krieger, 2010). However,
false memories in the context of psychological interventions can have
strong negative consequences (Linden & Schermuly-Haupt, 2014) and
professionals should be aware of this risk. There is also a discrepancy
TABLE 2 (Continued)
Author (year) Type of study Sample
Simulated memory induction
technique Results
the context of the
suggested target event.
Study 2: False beliefs occurred
under condition of plausible
and familiar events, but
there was no change in
belief in 70% of participants
Sharman and
Calacouris (2010)
Quasi-
experiment
(several
groups)
46 undergraduate students,
aged 20 years, 78% women
Free imagery Childhood events containing
achievements and affiliation
were used as experimental
stimuli. For achievement
events, participants' explicit
motives (subjective need for
success) predicted their
false beliefs and memories.
Scoboria, Mazzoni, Jarry,
and Bernstein (2012)
Quasi-
experiment
(several
groups)
125 undergraduate students,
aged 20 years, 77% women
Suggestive statements and
statements expanding
plausibility and guided
imagery
Generalized suggestions had
hardly any effect on
increased beliefs that events
had happened. Personalized
suggestions lead to false
memories in 19% of
manipulated participants
and false beliefs in 24% of
manipulated participants
Note: Articles are ordered chronologically according to year of publication, and to method (experiment and quasi-experiment).
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TABLE 3 False belief or false memory induction by implantation
Author (year) Type of study Sample Simulated (therapy) technique Results
Hyman and
Pentland (1996)
Experiment 65 undergraduate students, 75%
women
Repeated interviews, suggestive
statements and imagery
Recall of true events: 85%– 100% (one to three sessions);
false belief in 15%–35% (one
to three sessions) of false
events
Desjardins and
Scoboria (2007)
Experiment 44 undergraduate students,
aged 22 years, 89% women
Repeated interviews and guided
imagery
68% of participants exposed to
self- relevant story details
were judged as having created
memories or images about the
false event, as compared with
36.4% exposed to nonself-
relevant stories. Subjective
ratings of memory intensity
were higher for self- relevant
groups, and self- relevant
participants were less likely to
correctly guess the false
events
Qin et al. (2008) Experiment Study 1: 119 participants:
Community and students,
aged 27 years
Study 2: 132 undergraduates
Suggestive statements,
plausibility expanding
statements, guided imagery
and repeated interviews
Study 1: 10% full false
memories, 16% partially false
memories in the participants
Study 2: Adults' abilities to
distinguish true from false
memories and the criteria they
used to make such
judgements were examined.
Participants distinguished true
and false memories to a
certain extent. However, error
rates were high:
Approximately 40% of the
time, participants mistakenly
identified false memories as
true.
Wade et al. (2010) Experiment 53 family members of students,
aged 21 years, 59% female
Free imagery and repeated
interviews
37% of the participants had false
belief after first interview,
42%–68% after the second
interview. False beliefs were
less induced by means of
visual information in
comparison to verbal
information
Garry and
Wade (2005)
Experiment 44 undergraduate students,
aged 21 years
Guided imagery Recall of true events was 97%.
False memories occurred in up
to 82% under condition of
narration and 50% under
condition of visual information
(photo). Narratives produce
more false memories than
photos do
Strange, Wade,
and
Hayne (2008)
Experiment 105 participants, aged 20 years,
70% women
Free imagery and repeated
interviews
False beliefs and false memories
occur more often under
conditions of events before
infantile amnesia (events at
age 2 years), as compared to
later (event at age 10). False
memories occurred in up to
38% (event age 2) and 19%
(event at age 10) participants
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TABLE 3 (Continued)
Author (year) Type of study Sample Simulated (therapy) technique Results
Scoboria,
Wysman, and
Otgaar (2012)
Experiment 61 undergraduate students,
aged 21 years, 82% women
101 students, aged 21 years,
78% women
Suggestive statements, guided
imagery and repeated
interviews
False beliefs were induced under
conditions of absolute or
relative suggestive
statements. The more
absolute a statement was (e.g.
all events were named by the
parents), the higher was the
probability of false belief
induction
Hyman
et al. (1995)
Quasi-experiment Study 1: 20 and Study 2: 51
psychology students, 75%
women
Repeated interviews and
suggestive questions
Study 1: 20% of false events
were falsely recalled (84% of
true events)
Study 2: Replication and
extension of study 1: 25% of
false events were falsely
recalled (95% of true events)
Pezdek
et al. (1997)
Quasi-experiment Study 1: 29 catholic students
from women high school
Study 2: 20 graduate students,
aged 28 years
Suggestive statements and
plausibility expanding
statements
Study 1: False beliefs in 14%
(Jews) and 35% (Catholics) of
participants, false memories in
7.5%. Only plausible events
have been falsely
remembered: Catholics
remembered the false catholic
events, Jews remembered the
false jewish event.
Study 2: 15% of participants
reported false beliefs
Hyman and
Billings (1998)
Quasi-experiment 66 undergraduate students, 56%
women
Free imagery 85% of true events were
recalled. Clear false memories
on false events occurred in
15% of participants, partly
false memories by 12%, trying
but no memory response by
27%, no memory in 30% of
participants
Porter et al. (1999) Quasi-experiment 77 undergraduate students,
aged 19 years, 79% women
Guided imagery and repeated
interviews
26% of participants “recovered” a complete false memory for
the false experience and
another 30% recalled aspects
of the false experience.
Heaps and
Nash (2001)
Quasi-experiment 63 undergraduate students Plausibility expanding
statements
37% of participants reported
false memories after
imagination (narrative recall of
false memories)
Wade et al. (2002) Quasi-experiment 20 nonpsychology students,
aged 20 years, 50% women
Gudied imagery False beliefs or partial false
memories in up to 50% of
participants after exposition
to a fake photograph and 3
interviews with imagery
instructions
Ost et al. (2005) Quasi-experiment 31 undergraduate psychology
students, aged 20 years, 77%
women
Free imagination and repeated
interviews
False beliefs about childhood
events induced in 22% of
participants; false memories in
only one participant
French
et al. (2006)
Quasi-experiment 29 pairs of adult siblings, aged
22 years
Suggestive statements,
plausibility expanding
statements, and
peer-discussion of
the topics between
participants
Before the discussion, false
memories were induced in 5%
and false beliefs in 19%. After
the discussion, the rate was
reduced in both false beliefs
(3%) and false memories (2%).
(Continues)
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in terms of knowledge and approaches, between researchers and pro-
fessionals, which has led to a lively debate on recovering memory
therapies (Stocks, 1998; Ulatowska & Sawicka, 2017).
4.1 | Limitations and further research
A major limitation of the research in this field is that many studies
involved healthy, mostly 20-year old, female undergraduate
(psychology) students. Therefore, the results cannot be generalized to
the general population. However, studies have shown that memory
processes such as activation spreading are independent of age with
similar mechanisms being observed in 25 year olds and in 70 year olds
(Balota & Duchek, 1989) and that age was not systematically associ-
ated with rates of false belief inflation (Pezdek & Eddy, 2001).
Also, many of the studies only focus on short-term effects. Meth-
odologically, the false beliefs or false memories in these experiments
often pertained to mundane events (e.g. having eaten rotten egg
salad; Geraerts et al., 2008) rather than to the type of traumatic
events that may be the topic in psychotherapy. However, there is the
general issue that really life threatening or otherwise traumatic events
cannot be induced for ethical reasons. This generally limits the possi-
bilities for experimental research on traumatic memories.
Research on false memories is also prone to bias due to interpre-
tation: As an example, the de Rivera studies (de Rivera, 1997, 2000)
are introduced as research on people who falsely recalled having
been the victims of abuse; however, strictly speaking, the facts do
not support this conclusion: The subjects were people who first
recovered memories of abuse during psychotherapy and later, after
therapy, retracted these memories. The fact that they retracted their
memories does not of itself necessarily imply that the memories
were wrong.
Our review also reiterates that clearer definitions of false memo-
ries and false beliefs are necessary, as they offer the potential to
TABLE 3 (Continued)
Author (year) Type of study Sample Simulated (therapy) technique Results
Short and
Bodner (2011)
Quasi-experiment 34 undergraduate students,
aged 20 years, 82% women
Cognitive interview False beliefs on having
experienced the suggested
event were induced in 41% of
participants, false memories in
21%
Otgaar
et al. (2013)
Quasi-experiment 89 undergraduate students,
aged 22 years, 80% women
Suggestive statements, repeated
interviews, and guided
imagery
False memories have been
induced in 36% of
participants. From those, 23%
have later withdrawn their
memories. In 13% of the
participants false memories
remained after debriefing,
even though the persons did
no more believe that the
memory is experience-based
(“nonbeliefed memory”).
Shaw and
Porter (2015)
Quasi-experiment 60 undergraduate students,
aged 20 years, 72% women
Suggestive statements, repeated
interviews, and guided
imagery
False beliefs or false memories
were induced in 70% of
participants within scenarios
of criminal events, within
noncriminal events in 76% of
participants
Lindsay
et al. (2004)
Quasi-experiment
(several groups)
45 undergraduate students, 80%
women
Guided imagery False memories were induced by
true photographs and guided
imagery (on two true and one
false childhood events) in 65%
of participants
Hessen-Kayfitz
and
Scoboria (2012)
Quasi-experiment
(several groups)
82 undergraduate students,
aged 20 years, 77% women
Suggestive statements, repeated
interviews, and guided
imagery
False memories were induced in
5% (not self-relevant event) to
19% (self-relevant event) of
participants. Induction was
strongest in scenarios with
ego-related information. For
true events 60% of
participants had memories.
Note: Articles are ordered chronologically according to year of publication, and to method (experiment and quasi-experiment).
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investigate false memories with a more uniform conceptual under-
standing. A more selective use of the concepts of false belief and false
memory in future research could make it easier to generalize results
and improve communication within the debate on false memories
(Pezdek & Lam, 2007). Elaborated instruments are needed to make
the differentiability and measurement of the intensity of a memory
change clear. Laboratory investigations in which the presence of an
induction is assessed by a subsequent debriefing or the evaluation of
a transcript should be made as transparent as possible. Experimental
studies of false memories should no longer be conducted with homog-
enous (psychology) student samples but include more heterogeneous
participants from the general population or from other specific groups
(e.g. different age groups, professional groups).
5 | CONCLUSION
False memories of false events can be regarded as phenomena which
can only be adequately researched in the laboratory and are only
rarely established with absolute certainty in practice but can never-
theless lead to harmful consequences for those involved. In the pre-
sent review, it was found that false memories can be researched in
the laboratory and that it can be assumed that various methods and
techniques increase the probability of false beliefs or false memories
being induced in, on average, 20%–50% of participants.
In the context of psychological interventions, the challenge arises
on the one hand, of recognizing a (potentially harmful) false memory
as such and therefore not carrying out a nonindicated intervention,
which could possibly lead to undesirable effects. On the other hand,
the professional is himself the person who can confirm or even create
false belief or false memory phenomena through his actions.
Finally, whether the consequence of a false memory is harmful or
helpful for the person who does not depend on whether it is a valid
memory or a false memory. In any case, it is the professional's duty to
help the person change, reframe, and form their memory, as clients'
complaints often pertain to autobiographical memories. Any reframing
should be done in a way that enables the person to cope with life bet-
ter. Reframing is oriented forward, is done in the here and now, and as
such, the reframing process and outcome is independent of any past
events which induced and formed the earlier memories and beliefs.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The manuscript was proofread for English language by Kelly GmbH.
This research did not receive funding.
DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT
Data are the 59 original articles on which this review is based
on. They are accessible via public databases or from the authors upon
request.
STATEMENT OF ETHICS
Ethical approval was not obtained, because no human beings have
been investigated directly.
CONFLICT OF INTEREST
The authors have no conflicts of interest to declare.
AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS
B.M. designed the research question, supervised the research process,
prepared the tables, wrote the manuscript, and carried out the revi-
sion. F.S. conducted literature search and literature analysis and pre-
pared the tables.
ORCID
Beate Muschalla https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5285-6618
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SUPPORTING INFORMATION
Additional supporting information may be found online in the
Supporting Information section at the end of this article.
How to cite this article: Muschalla, B., & Schönborn, F. (2021).
Induction of false beliefs and false memories in laboratory
studies—A systematic review. Clinical Psychology &
Psychotherapy, 28(5), 1194–1209. https://doi.org/10.1002/
cpp.2567
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- Induction of false beliefs and false memories in laboratory studies-A systematic review
- 1 INTRODUCTION
- 2 METHOD
- 3 RESULTS
- 3.1 Induction of false memories
- 3.2 Imagination inflation paradigm
- 3.3 False feedback
- 3.4 Memory implantation
- 4 DISCUSSION
- 4.1 Limitations and further research
- 5 CONCLUSION
- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
- DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT
- STATEMENT OF ETHICS
- CONFLICT OF INTEREST
- AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS
- REFERENCES