Investigate Populations that May Be at Increased Risk of Experiencing Trauma

European Journal of Educational Sciences, Special Edition, October 2019, ISSN: 1857- 6036

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Chronic Poverty: The Implications of Bullying,

Trauma, and the Education of the Poverty-Stricken

Population

Kevin Johnson, M.Ed. Liberty University, United States

Doi: 10.19044/ejes.s.v6a6 URL:http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/ejes.s.v6a6

Abstract

Chronic poverty is a worldwide epidemic, and communities must take

a proactive approach to assist the poor by extending a hand to lift them up and

not hold them down. Tribulations are part of life, but are some afflictions self-

imposed, escalated, or reinforced by living in deprived contextual

environments. Poverty-stricken people experience more trauma throughout

their lifetime; they are less educated than their counterpart, causing them to

become targets in school, increasing their chances of being bullied and

demoralized. Bullying is not a rite of passage, and it has lifelong effects that

reveal itself in adulthood by strengthening generational curses, oppressing

families and communities, expanding the educational gap, and reinforcing the

cycle of chronic poverty. The research depicted in this article explores the

correlation between poverty, human development, trauma, pedagogical

implications, and bullying, characterizing the detrimental ramifications in

adulthood. The paper analyzes bully symptomology, the etiology of traumatic

experiences, and how the consequences of chronic poverty affect human

development that expands the educational gap between minorities and white

students. Trauma-focused cognitive behavioral therapy is an effective

empirically-based treatment modality to combat the symptoms of

posttraumatic stress. School systems must do a better job of educating

traumatized children living in poverty. The research ventures to explain

chronic poverty's role in human development, traumatology, and education,

taking an inclusive approach to providing solutions to create a cultural shift

that will change the contextual environment and propel people to become self-

sufficient, more educated, and equipped to break the generational curse of

chronic poverty.

Keywords: Chronic poverty, trauma, bullying, CPTSD, education.

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Introduction:

President Thomas Jefferson wrote, "We hold these truths to be self-

evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator

with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are life, liberty and the

pursuit of happiness." In the eyes of their Creator, all men are created equal –

in the image of God, but throughout history, a man divided equality and justice

for all during slavery, Jim Crow, and the Civil Rights Movement. Many people

are miseducated and do not comprehend that the Civil Rights Movement was

not just for the Black race but all people, nationalities, ethnicities, gender, and

the disabled; the fight was for fairness for every color and creed. During this

period, the mentally challenged and disabled had struggles and battles of their

own. Fortunate enough, there were advocate groups and parents who were

willing to stand up and fight for the equal rights of those who could not stand

and fight for themselves. The mentally challenged and disabled have been

marginalized from society and the classrooms for years. Is it possible for

people who are reared in chronic poverty to beat the odds and succeed when

all odds are stacked against them? How is it possible to provide quality

education and security when children living in poverty normally stand out

from the crowd due to hunger, lack of resources, and poor hygiene, not

adequately having clothing, shelter, and other basic needs?

In President John F. Kennedy's inaugural address, he proclaimed, "And

so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you—ask what

you can do for your country." What happens when the country placed certain

people at a significant disadvantage by being born the wrong color? How can

those who live a life of chronic poverty and generational curses of destitute do

anything for their country when they lack education and financial resources?

Chronic poverty orchestrates a life of injustice, discrimination, prejudice, and

unequal opportunities, regardless of the misconception that people are created

equal. Chronic poverty puts people at higher risk of poor mental and physical

health, risky behaviors, substance use disorders, complex posttraumatic stress,

and live a traumatic and detrimental lifestyle that stifles education, religious

beliefs, maturity, and personal growth, which has the propensity to bind

individuals mentally, spiritually, and emotionally. Lifetime adversities and

trauma correlate with low self-esteem, mental illness, lower socioeconomic

status, and small educational achievement, especially in the Black and Latino

populations who happen to be underrepresented to most studies. Myers,

Wyatt, Ullman, Loeb, Chin, Prause, Zhang, Williams, Slavich, and Liu (2015)

asserted that minorities experience unique stressors that impact their health –

including stressors such as neglect by society, discrimination, and multiple

traumatic experiences. Hardships in life devitalize people, resulting in pain,

suffering, and stress, while others who perceived the same traumatization rally

up the power to not only survive but thrive.

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Generational poverty poses a distinct predisposition to the etiology of

the essence of traumatization because poverty can be a "little leaven" that

levels an entire generation. As the root cause of many traumatic events,

poverty has the proclivity to construct a unique dynamic that makes trauma

challenging to isolate and identify as a tragedy because families are described

as dysfunctional. Lowdermilk and Brunache (2013) professed that many

children reared in poverty mirrors the same behaviors as parents and their

community. They reflect those individuals growing up in demanding

environments, reporting negative/absent parent, parents with multiple sexual

partners or engaged in prostitution, substance use disorder, violence in the

home and community, verbal/physical abuse, unsanitary conditions, lack of

finances and resources, and parents demonstrate very low educational

expectations for their children, and all of this happens within the children's

nuclear family. With the dismantling of the family structure, is it possible to

close the achievement gap and break the generational curse of the chronicity

of poverty?

Chronic Poverty and Human Development

Researchers examine the psychological and emotional development of

children living in poverty based on parental guidance and the methods parents

use to rear their children. Evans and Kim (2012) reported that "in the last two

decades, many scholars have investigated the underlying psychological

processes that explain why childhood poverty has such pervasive ill effects on

human development" (p. 43). Evidence substantiates that poverty causes

chronic stress, which deteriorates human functioning in every faculty of the

body, especially memory, brain development, and emotional regulation.

Children in poverty face unusual stressors that children living in middle-class

do not know about because they live in a contextual environment perceived as

safe and nurturing. Amatea and West (2007) declared that children living in

poverty are considerably more likely than children from the middle-class to

report increased levels of anxiety and depression, exhibiting a higher

frequency of behavioral and academic difficulties, and a lower level of

positive academic interaction and engagement in the school system. Collins,

Connors, Donohue, Gardner, Goldblatt, Hayward, Kiser, Strieder, and

Thompson (2010) reported that children who grow up in urban poverty display

symptoms of complex posttraumatic stress disorder; "complex trauma is a

varied and multifaceted phenomenon, frequently embedded in a matrix of

other psychosocial problems (e.g., neglect, marital discord, and domestic

violence that carry ongoing threat)" (p. 12). As reported by Gabrielli, Gill,

Koester, and Borntrager (2013), it takes a thorough understanding of the

ramifications of trauma and the unfolding developmental processes of

childhood as it is experienced in a particular culture, without neglecting to

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understand the nature of historical trauma, as aggregated spiritual, physical,

emotional, and psychological wounding over the lifespan and across

generations.

Studies show that the ability to sense touch occurs around eight weeks

of gestation, and fetal development of the other sensory organs begin around

five weeks of conception and continue to refine through birth and early

childhood (Uhernik, 2017). While in utero, the fetus can hear and respond to

sounds and noises outside of the womb. Many parents play music, read books,

and talk to their fetuses throughout the pregnancy, interacting by touching

certain spots of the mother's belly by poking or grabbing a hand or foot when

it is visible. At birth, the newborn can only see eight to ten inches, and research

denotes this short distance is "precisely the range required for gazing into the

caregiver's eyes when held and for beginning the visual and interactive dance

of attachment and bonding" (Uhernik, 2017, p. 54). Establishing a bond and

attachment between the mother and the baby is the first step in psychosocial

development, which is vital for successful progression throughout life. As

reported by Kim, Fonagy, Allen, and Strathearn (2014),

Maternal sensitivity to infant distress and non-distress as predictors of

infant-mother attachment security. Maternal attachment trauma, particularly

when unresolved, presents to the mother's attunement to and management of

her infant's distress. Although this has not yet been the subject of direct

empirical scrutiny, attachment researchers have long speculated that infants'

distress signals may activate unresolved traumatic memories in their

respective mothers, thereby initiating a cascade of compromised maternal

responses. (p. 354)

The maternal reactions manifest traumatic memories for the mother

and can affect memory and cognitive abilities for the newborn.

Erik Erikson was a renowned psychologist and anthropologist who

identified eight stages of psychosocial stages of development, from birth to

old age. Everyone must discover her sense of regulation as she interacts with

the environment and the biological, emotional, and psychological

idiosyncrasies in life. Infants must establish trust so that they feel safe in

knowing that their needs will be met, and they will not be neglected. Stability

and a sense of security allow infants to see the world as secure and a

dependable place, encouraging optimism about the future and having

confidence in themselves and other people. Mounting research postulates that

fetuses can learn and have short term memory, which is believed to help the

fetus bond with his or her mother. When researchers used vibroacoustic

stimulation, Gonzalez-Gonzalez, Suarez, Perez-Pinero, Armas, Domenech,

and Bartha (2006) asserted that newborns in utero recognized the stimulus.

Newborns habituated sooner than babies who were not stimulated before birth.

This evidence suggests that babies encouraged during fetal life were able to

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learn, recall, and memorize. Fetuses demonstrate advancement in cognitive

abilities throughout the fetal development period because the brain is this

amazing organ that has the potential for plasticity, neurogenesis, and the

creation of new neural pathways. Researchers like Otto Rank and Wilfred

Bion hypothesized that being born is a traumatizing experience because the

brain becomes bombarded by outside stimuli, causing the infant to experience

chaos and traumatization.

The hypothesis is not too far-fetched, considering that research

postulated that learning and memory formation occur in utero. Memory and

cognitive abilities learned inside the womb clash with the new environment

when the infant is removed from the womb. The baby takes in an array of

sounds, light, and different touches and smells that were limited in utero. If

the trauma of being born is significant, it is the caregiver's responsibility to

ensure that a secure attachment is formed, because this lessens the "traumatic

experience" by providing a contextual environment where the infant can

establish trust instead of mistrust. The strength of the mother's attachment,

mentally and physically, predicates the extensiveness of the trauma or

determines if the traumatic birthing experience will be lessened and managed

by providing love and trust instead of neglect and mistrust. Aside from the

possible functions of recognition and attachment to the mother, the

significance of fetal memory and cognition are necessary for the promotion of

breastfeeding and language acquisition (James, 2010).

Lipina, Colombo, and Jorge (2010) postulated that SES levels are

associated with a degree of hemispheric specialization and gray/white matter

volumes, concluding that reduced language skills were associated with lower

SES and related to less underlying neuronal specialization. According to

James (2010), "A large amount of evidence from habituation, classical

conditioning and exposure learning in humans substantiate that the fetus can

learn; however, there is no sound evidence showing that extra auditory

stimulation is of benefit to child development" (p. 52). Chronic poverty adds

a different variable to how newborns learn; the implications poverty has on

babies as they develop through the various stages of life impact their

education, increase stress levels, exposure to violence, and put them at a higher

risk of being traumatized.

Mounting studies show the detrimental impact of poverty on brain

development in children and adolescents, revealing how and why there is an

achievement gap in education between Blacks, Latinos, and their white

counterpart. Cortisol is the stress hormone needed when there is distress and

the fight and flight response catapults into high gear when the body senses

imminent danger or significant stress. High levels of cortisol affect the

amygdala that regulates emotions, and it can cause coronary heart disease,

hypertension, and high cholesterol levels. Children living in poverty have

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higher levels of cortisol and other stress markers that have disadvantageous

effects on emotional intelligence, regulation, academics, and executive

functioning. According to Blair and Raver (2016),

Executive function is essential for self-regulation and school readiness

and is a fundamental building block of early cognitive and social competence.

Available evidence indicates that the effects of socioeconomic and early

psychosocial disadvantage on cortisol and brain structure partially mediate

effects of poverty on the development of executive function in childhood.

Impact of poverty on brain development and executive function are likely one

critical pathway, along with reduced stimulation for learning, through which

poverty is associated with gaps in school readiness and achievement and

positive life outcomes. (p. 4)

Taylor and Barrett (2018) professed that "the impact of developmental

trauma in the early years can have a disproportionate effect on the growth,

day-to-day functioning and life chances of a young person" (p.73).

Other studies have shown how nonhumans' neural pathways evolve,

creating new and advanced channels when placed in environments where they

were stimulated and challenged to interact with devices and manipulatives that

promoted higher levels of cognitive functioning. According to Lipina and

Colombo (2009), elements of executive function, memory, and self-

monitoring tend to be lower in children who live in poverty. The researchers

used basic tasks to "assess skills related to dorsolateral prefrontal (working

memory), anterior cingulate (cognitive control), and ventromedial (reward

processing) prefrontal systems, the results showed a consistent disparity

between children from lower and middle SES groups" (p. 583). As various

studies report, poverty-stricken children are placed at a disadvantage from

birth throughout the different stages of life. If preventive measures,

interventions, and programs are not tailored to meet this demographic, the

cycle of generational poverty will continue, creating a new environmental

DNA passed down to its offspring. How do society and educational systems

close the divide in education, learning, and development? According to Ladd

(2012), "Addressing the educational challenges faced by children from

disadvantaged families will require a broader and bolder approach to

education policy than the recent efforts to reform schools" (p. 204).

Chronic Poverty and Trauma

The majority of psychological research on the consequences of trauma,

poverty, and education has been conducted at the level of the individual,

typically studying the persons' trauma histories, and trauma exposures with

their symptoms, demographics, and contextual environment (Klest, 2012). As

reported by Collins et al. (2010), there is critical evidence suggesting that

children, adolescents, and families growing up in poverty are more likely to

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experience multiple traumas, significant adverse life events, and develop

convoluted symptoms of traumatic distress at disproportionate rates. The

research presented in this literature explores trauma from a specific group that

it impacts and consists of a subset or region of individuals, instead of looking

at trauma as a single catastrophe but a subset of issues or deficiencies that

culminate into traumatic experiences from living a life of generational curses

and chronic poverty. It is no secret that Blacks, Latinos, and other minorities

constitute most of this vulnerable and underserved group. As reported by

Collins et al. (2010), "Efforts to explain the severity and chronicity of reactions

to repeated traumas traditionally focus on the cumulative effects of multiple

traumatic episodes" (p. 11). Trauma can be experienced or witnessed

vicariously, and second-hand trauma can be worse for the person who is

helping the survivor or the one who saw the event from a different perspective.

After the 911 attack in New York, people suffered from posttraumatic stress

as far as Texas and Oklahoma; it is understood as a profoundly disrupting

experience that can threaten the well‐being and safety of those involved

(Gabrielli, Gill, Koester, & Borntrager, 2013).

Many psychologists and researchers describe trauma differently,

characterizing a common thread that ties the theories together, but a definitive

definition of trauma is difficult to establish because tragedy can be subjective.

A clinician and client can disagree about an episode being traumatic or not,

because of the client's apperception, resiliency, and personal growth. Scott and

Briere (2015) discussed the ambiguous description of trauma that is

characterized by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Disorders, 5th

edition (DSM-5), which provides a broad definition with limitations, causing

conflicting information in determining if an event satisfies statistical

definitions of trauma. Scott and Briere (2015) denoted their interpretation and

professed that "an event is traumatic if it is extremely upsetting, at least

temporarily overwhelms the individual's internal resources, and produces

lasting psychological symptoms" (p. 10). If the definition defined by the DSM-

5 is adhered to strictly, many clients would not be classified as a trauma

survivor.

There is a fallacy that a traumatic event must be a devastating isolated

experience that keeps resurfacing in a person's life. Trauma does not have to

be a single catastrophe but a culmination of small, insignificant issues that

converge together until all the pieces of life's problems connect like the perfect

jigsaw puzzle. The mental symptomology of traumatic experiences can

debilitate people from being able to access coping skills to keep intrusive

thoughts at bay, and they lack the cognitive abilities to manage and process

the traumatic experience and the possible manifestation of psychological

disorders. It takes a thorough understanding of the ramifications of trauma and

the unfolding developmental processes of childhood as it is experienced in a

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particular culture to understand the nature of historical trauma, as aggregated

spiritual, physical, emotional, and psychological wounding over the lifespan

and across generations (Gabrielli, Gill, Koester, & Borntrager, 2013). Trauma

that affects poverty-stricken cultures covers a broad range of atrocities that

destroys the sense of safety within the individuals' community, including

neighborhoods, schools, churches, towns, and other places where people

conjugate together but separately ("Center for Substance Abuse," 2014).

Studies have identified the problem and determined that increased

trauma is associated with poverty and deprivation. The consistent restriction

and limited opportunities that characterize poverty can lead to daily hassles

and unexpected traumatic events like the lack of food or disconnection from

water, electricity, and other supplies (Shamai, 2017). It is normal to experience

trauma across the lifespan; for most people, individuals and communities

usually respond to tragedy with resilience, because many influences shape the

effects of trauma among individuals and families. Due to other factors and

circumstances, it is not just the traumatic episode that predicts the outcome,

but also the episode's context and the interactions between family support, first

responders, counselors, psychological first aid providers, and community

leaders ("Center for Substance Abuse," 2014). Severe childhood adversity, in

the form of traumas such as physical and sexual abuse, alters young people's

transition into adulthood due to social and behavioral reasons, but also due to

the physiologic and neurobiological changes that occur due to chronic

stressors. Considering the impact and effects of poverty and trauma, Myers et

al. (2015) proclaimed that numerous studies refute the results expected

because both African Americans and Latinos(as) appeared to be rather

resilient, despite their higher than normal stressors and burdens of adversities

and traumatizing experiences. It is safe to infer that people who have lived a

life of trauma and lack resources all of their lives have become conditioned to

become content in whatever state they find themselves in their contextual

world. They do not know the hidden rules of the middle-class, so what appears

to be poverty and trauma for the middle-class is healthy everyday living for

people residing in poverty.

Research substantiates that fifty percent of people will experience

trauma in their lifetime. This traumatic experience for only fifty percent of the

population is up for debate if we believe in the work of Otto Rank who

proclaimed that being born is a traumatic experience, beginning when the

infant inhaled his or her first breath. Stewart (2014) purported that Arthur

Schopenhauer and Otto Rank discussed suffering because of birth itself,

referring to being born as a traumatic experience. Aside from birth, people in

poverty are exposed to the daily hassles that cause stress. Klest (2012) reported

that models of trauma and coping include the erosion of family processes and

dynamics (structure, relations, coping) in the context of community violence

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and poverty, explaining the higher likelihood of family violence in the

contextual environment of poverty. The traumatic experience by one family

member can create a traumatic stress reaction in other family members through

association and proximity to the danger or the catastrophe (Kiser & Black,

2005).

The Domino Effect: Chronic Poverty, Trauma, and Bullying

Today, school violence is nothing new, and it continues to become

more frequent and deadly in the school systems. Across the globe, educational

institutions have active-shooter drills protocols and prepare students, faculty,

administrators, and staff what to do when this vicious act of violence occurs.

No matter the amount of preparation, no one is ever prepared for the time a

school shooting happens in their contextual framework. This type of school

violence is evident, reported by newspapers, talk shows, television, social

media, and other mediums, repeatedly. As published by Levers (2012), it took

the U.S. Department of Education and the U.S. Secret Service to define the

parameters of school violence, but one of the most critical findings was

"defining school violence as consisting of two sorts: lethal and nonlethal."

This research focuses on the nonlethal violence that does not get the attention

warranted, and protocols are not protecting the children and ensuring their

safety sufficiently. Nonlethal school violence consists of all forms of bullying

threats, intimidation, harassment, assault, and sexual assault, constituting

physical, verbal, social, and cyberbullying (Levers, 2012). According to

Skaine (2015), "bullying is an unwanted, aggressive behavior that involves a

real or perceived power imbalance that is repeated, or has the potential to be

repeated, over time" (p. 40). Bullied children and adolescents have PTSD, and

they need to be treated for the symptoms because traumatized children grow

up to become traumatized, broken adults. Herman (2001) reported the

significance of abuse in childhood, and how later in life, childhood abuse can

contribute to increased risk for cancer, heart disease, stroke, and obesity –

increasing the risk of alcoholism, depression, suicide attempts, self-harm, and

absenteeism from work in adulthood. Bullying is a form of complex

posttraumatic stress disorder (CPTSD). Herman (2012) reported that "CPTSD

was specifically associated with early-onset and long duration of trauma; it

was very rarely found in survivors of natural disasters, and very commonly

found in survivors of childhood abuse" (p. 25).

The reoccurrence of the same traumatic experience is what

distinguishes CPTSD from PTSD. An individual might have PTSD after a

horrific car accident, an isolated sexual assault, or natural disaster, but CPTSD

is characterized as having the same traumatic experience repeated on several

occasions. Research substantiates that CPTSD symptoms account for the

functional impairment of trauma survivors who endured prolonged and

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repeated tragic episodes exceeding the damage attributed to PTSD alone

(Herman, 2012). Bullying falls under the category of complex trauma, and it

attributes to the psychological effects in adulthood. Children living in poverty

can stand out from the crowd because of dirty clothes, holes in shoes, unkempt

hair, and poor personal hygiene. Bilic (2015) reported that almost all

socioeconomic variables that suggest that a family is poor correlate

significantly with victimization, and the results from the same study denoted

that 34.8% of those living in poverty responded violently toward peers because

of their more inferior financial status, and 45.7% were bullied and victimized

for being poor. Some bullied children might retaliate by taking extreme violent

means of retaliation. In the 1990s, 12 of the 15 school shooting cases that

occurred, the shooters had a history of being bullied (Skaine, 2015).

Trauma is an occurrence when an intense experience stuns a child like

a bolt out of the blue, overwhelming the child, leaving him or her altered and

disconnected from body, mind, and spirit (Steele & Malchiodi, 2012).

Bullying is not harmless; bullying is not child's play; bullying is not a rite of

passage. A rite of passage insinuates that bullying is part of life and the school

experience, so children should expect to be bullied. Children go to school to

learn about history, science, arithmetic, spelling, and using correct grammar,

so being bullied is one of the soft skills or indirect learning experiences

embedded in the school curriculum. In the academic subjects, students receive

a letter grade of pass or fail as they matriculate through school. What grade do

students get for enduring four, six, eight, or twelve years of bullying? How do

teachers indicate if their students passed or failed? If the student never

attempts suicide, is that a passing score?

If the student only has low self-esteem and depression and anxiety, is

that considered acceptable to be promoted to another year of punishment? If

the individual only has non-suicidal injuries – such as cutting or burning – is

that enough for promotion? However, when the person dies by suicide, it is

safe to say that he or she failed the rite of passage. Many children believe that

when they get older, they will grow up and out of the bullying environment,

but the psychological effects and ramifications follow them into adulthood.

Tariq (2011) purported that the problem of most significant concern is

the stifling effects produced by the survivor of bullying. Staggering numbers

of investigators have asked whether victims of peer aggression experience

psychosocial maladjustments, such as depression, anxiety, and low self-

esteem, and "it is clearly important to know the answer to this question, so that

children's distress does not go unrecognized" (p. 23). Suicide rates have

increased tremendously over time in schools, contributing to the fact that those

who are being bullied and lack evidence of physical scars, but they suffer away

in silence until victimization becomes overbearing, losing hope, and deciding

that the only solution for them is to die by suicide (Hendricks & Tanga, 2019).

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Bullying is not a rite of passage – even though children are steadfast in

believing that their trials and tribulations will be over when they become

adults. Unfortunately, the research does not predict a happily ever after but a

possible lifetime of physical and psychological problems – leaving mental,

spiritual, emotional, and physical wounds. Parents and educators must

recognize the signs and symptoms of bullying. Often, the physical signs are

evident – like unexplained injuries, bruises, broken bones, and the black eye.

Bullied children tend to isolate themselves from family and friends, become

depressed, and become overly anxious. Vanderbilt and Augustyn (2010)

identified several red flags that an individual is being bullied. Some of the

more common indications are stomachaches, headaches, insomnia, social

problems, lack of friends, and academic failure. It is critical that bullying is

considered on an extensive list of differential diagnoses because bullying may

overlap with other conditions such as medical illness, learning problems, and

psychological disorders (Vanderbilt & Augustyn, 2010).

Adults who were bullied as a child or adolescent may have a lower

socioeconomic status (poverty), engage in risky behaviors, suffer from anxiety

and depression, and experience psychosis and have suicidal ideations or

attempts. Blad (2016) stated that children should be assessed from birth to

understand the extent of bullying on psychosis later in their adult life – with

some groups to be nearly five times more likely to suffer from episodes of

psychosis by the age of 18. In adulthood, bullied children have higher rates of

suicidal thoughts and plans than children who had not been bullied (Wagner,

2016). There is no escape when bullied children grow up to be high school

dropouts and experience long-term effects (depression, relationship problems,

psychosis, substance use disorder, risky behaviors, and suicide). When the

psychological effects of bullying accompany children into adolescent and

adulthood, not only did the children fail the rite of passage, but parents failed;

educators failed; church leaders failed; the school system failed; society failed

these children.

Why is it critical that bullying is discussed trauma and the chronicity

of poverty? It is the psychological effects of bullying that warrants the nation's

attention if the educational gap is going to be closed. Being bullied as a child

or experiencing bullying behaviors have the propensity to continue the cycle

of chronic poverty, so the generational curse continues with no end if a cultural

shift does not happen soon.

• Children who live in poverty experience higher rates of trauma and

bullying.

• Children who are bullied are more likely to drop out of school,

continuing to expand the educational divide and the continuation of chronic

poverty.

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• They have a lower social, economic status, suffer from mental

disorders, engage in risky behaviors, experience psychosis, and have a higher

risk of having a substance use disorder.

• Bullied children have a difficult time keeping a job at the age of 24 to

26, and men who were bullied in high school had a significant chance of being

unemployed at the age of 50 (Brimblecombe, Evans-Lacko, Knapp, King,

Takizawa, Maughan, & Arsenault, 2008).

Matthews, Jennings, Lee, & Pardini (2017) discussed research

showing that bullied children had a low SES, and they are less likely to have

a high school diploma or GED. Throughout their lifetime, they have lower

adult family income and lack adequate resources with lower social status in

their community. Brimblecombe et al. (2008) reported that "four decades after

the bullying occurred, both men and women who were bullied in childhood

were less likely to be in employment and accumulated less wealth in the form

of home-ownership or savings than participants who were not bullied" (p.

138). Research depicting those results can only strengthen chronic poverty

with a new generation of people who will continue to reinforce and ensure

generational poverty advances for the foreseeable future.

TF-CBT

The best method for treating bullying is prevention and having a zero-

tolerance in school and at home. McAdams and Schmidt (2007) purported that

teachers have indicated feeling underprepared to recognize and manage bullies

and bullying behaviors in their classroom. Their lack of knowledge causes

them to ignore serious aggressive behaviors, or they identify bullying but feel

inadequate or too afraid to intervene and address the problem. Parents and

guardians are not equipped to train their children and convey the dangers of

bullying, model a bully-proof home, and they lack the knowledge of teaching

their children how to become resilient. Bullying that happens in the home is

often overlooked by everyone involved because it is family-oriented. Bowes,

Wolke, Joinson, Lereya, and Lewis (2014) proclaimed that sibling bullying is

a specific type of aggressive behavior that is repeated over time (complex

trauma) - intending to cause harm and dominate the weaker sibling. Studies

show a strong correlation between sibling bullying and increased internalizing

symptoms – resulting in the emergence of depression and self-harm in

children, adolescent, and adulthood. It is essential to protect children in the

two most important places where they spend a significant amount of time–

home and school.

Children must become emotionally intelligent, develop coping skills,

and use assertive communication (verbal and non-verbal) to deescalate and

disengage from bullying behaviors and bullies. If a child is not safe within

one's mind, he is not safe anywhere. The renewing of their mind must

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transform children by becoming bully-proof. Bullying survivors may have

PTSD, and they do whatever it takes to escape the intrusive thoughts, shame,

and humiliation of being demoralized. Steele and Malchiodi (2012) professed

that "PTSD is more common in children than most physicians believe;

therefore, the diagnosis can often be missed. Children being treated for

behavioral problems may be suffering from PTSD" (p. 15). Black,

Woodworth, Tremblay, and Carpenter (2012) proclaimed that "TF-CBT is a

component-based model and can be summarized using the acronym

"PRACTICE" (p. 196). Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is an empirically

supported approach to treating PTSD and CPTSD. According to Levers

(2012), through the method, clients learn how to reduce negative emotional

and behavioral responses that follow a traumatic event, because "the treatment

is based, fundamentally, on learning and cognitive theories that address

distorted beliefs and attributions related to the traumatic events experienced

by an individual" (p. 496). As reported by Black et al. (2012),

In relation to treating trauma-related symptoms, there are a number of

CBT-like treatments that involve most aspects of the therapy but do not

actually present themselves specifically as CBT, such as multimodal trauma

treatment (MMTT), as well as different variations of CBT, such as trauma-

focused cognitive behavioural therapy (TF-CBT). (p. 194)

TF-CBT is the treatment modality discussed in this paper as an

efficient approach to treating bullying survivors suffering from symptoms of

CPTSD. Johnson (2012) reported that trauma-focused care is done

professionally and thoughtfully. It is informed of the overall construct

showing great concern not only for the survivor's emotional safety but it is

focused on the reassessment and restructuring of the treatment system to

evaluate how the traumatic experience may affect the survivor's role and

interaction with certain aspects of the entire systematic approach for treatment.

One of the many benefits of TF-CBT is that multimodalities can be applied to

reach the desired goals of hope, recovery, and resiliency, and the approach is

substantiated by years of empirical and evidence-based research and

advancing theories to wellness. As explained by Black et al. (2012),

During treatment, the traumatized child is provided with

psychoeducation, taught relaxation skills, affective expression and

modulation, and cognitive coping skills. In addition, they are encouraged to

use trauma narration and cognitively process the trauma, use in vivo exposure

to master trauma reminders, have conjoint parent-child sessions, and enhance

safety and the trajectory of development. (p. 196)

Johnson (2012) stated that TF-CBT is the most studied of all the

treatments for trauma-related symptoms among children and adolescents, even

though many professionals do not recognize the advantages. Black et al.

(2012) asserted that regardless of the specific treatment protocol that is

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adhered to, it is crucial to keep in mind that psychoeducation, coping skills,

trauma narratives, cognitive restructuring, and creating an action plan for after

the cessation of therapy are all typically integral practices of the trauma-

informed treatment programs. By implementing some or all of these critical

practices, it should be possible to reduce trauma-related symptoms among

trauma survivors. Even resilient children show distress following trauma

exposure, and their reactions cause them to increase monitoring of their

environment for potential dangers, experiencing anxiety when they are

separated from trusted adults, or heightened need for affection, support, and

reassurance because trauma re-enactments may resurface again in their lives

(Kiser & Black, 2005). Therefore, treating the psychological effects of

bullying is critical to living a life free of chronic poverty. It is estimated that

160,000 school-aged children miss school because of bullies or bullying

behaviors (Skaine, 2017). If children are too afraid or too humiliated to go to

school, how will they ever learn the hidden rules of the middle-class and

become educated, productive members of society?

Chronic Poverty and the Educational Divide

Individuals who live in poverty present a profound challenge in school

systems, homes, and communities. Brito and Noble (2014) asserted that

socioeconomically disadvantaged children tend to experience less linguistic,

social, and cognitive stimulation from their caregivers and home environments

than children from higher Socioeconomic Status (SES) homes" (p. 2). Hair,

Hanson, Wolfe, and Pollak (2015) proclaimed that there is strong evidence

that poverty influences language (temporal lobe) and executive functioning

(frontal lobe). Deficits in the executive functioning of individuals in poverty

have been found during the life course in studies conducted during infancy as

well as in childhood, adolescence, and adulthood (p. 823). Mending the issues

associated with chronic poverty and breaking generational curses is a massive

undertaking, but several educational programs are intervening at an early age

in the child's psychological and psychosocial development, but those

initiatives alone do not alleviate the problems or lessen the psychological

effects of poverty and trauma. Hair, Hanson, Wolfe, and Pollak (2015)

reported that "children living in poverty have lower scores on standardized

tests of academic achievement, more mediocre grades in school, and lower

educational attainment (p. 823).

Parents must be taught and trained to become self-sufficient, improve

self-esteem and self-compassion and learn to have high self-efficacy and the

will and desire to change. Before tackling the trauma that is interwoven in

poverty that causes a reoccurring cycle, society has to take an aggressive

approach to improve the physical conditions, educate and train parents, and

combat hunger and other lack of resources. Ruby Payne wrote a book entitle,

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A Framework for Understanding Poverty. According to Payne (1996), if

people around a person has similar circumstances, and the problems attached

to poverty, the notion of poverty and wealth is vague. Individuals bring the

hidden rules of their environment, placing poverty-stricken communities at a

disadvantage because schools and society operate from the middle-class

norms and use the arcane rules of the middle class. The two most important

conditions to help people move out of poverty are education and relationships

(Payne, 1996).

How is it possible for parents to teach their children the hidden rules

of common cultural patterns when all they know is the exposed rules of

poverty? There must be a cultural shift to train parents to become

knowledgeable and educated because education is the vehicle that will drive

them away from poverty. The effects of generational poverty cannot be

obliterated in an instance. It takes significant time to unravel generations of

neural pathways that have been programmed to accept poverty. Society and

educators must be willing to be patient, teach, and reprogram a culture of

people by transforming their mental faculties. Amatea and West (2007) stated

that rather than viewing poverty from society's perspective, inclusive of

systemic influences and class privilege, many of these educators believe that

poor people are intrinsically inferior because of their innate flaws such as lack

of motivation or poor decision making. Parents and children living in poverty

cannot be held accountable for their intrinsic defects. Until the generational

narrative of poverty has been retold psychologically, spiritually, and

emotionally, the problem will remain in today's societies. Poor people will

always exist in the world; however, educators and society must be willing to

lead, follow, or get out of the way, because if they are not ready to be part of

the solution, their patronizing demeanor is part of the problem.

The educational gap between Blacks and Latinos and Whites has

nothing to do with the intellectual abilities of the poverty-stricken minority

population. In many minority families, getting a good education is not

emphasized because survival is more important than learning. Children living

in poverty do not receive support or challenges that are necessary to be

successful in high school, college, and life. Since education is not essential to

their parents, why should they make it vital for themselves? Some minority

students overcome the odds and become successful; however, for the majority,

these neglected students fall between the cracks.

There is a need to train parents on how to educate and instill the value

of education in their children. van der Veen and Preece (2005) asserted that

"the trend in adult education policies (where they exist at all) has been to focus

on literacy or basic education. Research has shown that basic literacy skills

are not in themselves sufficient to make a significant impact on poverty

reduction, though they do help" (p. 381). Therefore, it would be beneficial to

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provide workshops, seminars, and hands-on training for parents of minorities

living in poverty, but more is required in areas where a tremendous impact can

be made to improve living conditions. van der Veen and Preece (2005) stated

that targeting the real needs of the poor will take a collaborative approach

between all stakeholders, employers, businesses, and employees. Poverty is an

eyesore, and it does not benefit society, families, education, and the economy.

Many parents do an excellent job rearing respectful citizens; however, they

fail to train them to be self-sufficient, self-motivated, and educationally

prepared to attend school, college, and productive members of society. When

children are prepared at home, they come to school at an advantage, and they

are eager to learn. A healthy family with solid values is the foundation for

academic and personal success. Through adult education, what better way to

model the importance of learning and to work to improve living conditions.

The evidence on adult education in the public economic domain leads to the

hypothesis that a "more extended and more targeted system for basic

education, agricultural extension, and vocational training is urgently needed

to help people to generate income" (van der Veen & Preece, 2005, 390). If the

root (family) is not nurtured and watered, the possibility for success and

motivation will wither and die.

Teacher’s Perception and Stereotype Threats

According to Dye (2014), research from previous studies revealed that

teachers often doubt that education is vital for low-income students of color,

and they have feelings of inadequacy when teaching minorities who live in

poverty. The confident educator influences students' lives in ways

unimaginable until many years later, when the former students share their

experiences about that one instructor who made a difference. Many influential

people contribute their success to a memorable teacher who encouraged them

to be the best they could be in the classroom and beyond. Research has

provided enough evidence to support that minorities do not learn the same way

as their counterpart, and the same criterion does not motivate them. Educators

must create culturally diverse environments, have belief in their pedagogical

skills and abilities to connect and teach all students. Studies reported that

educators could feel unequipped to teach culturally diverse students, reporting

lower self-efficacy. Tucker, Porter, Reinke, Herman, Ivery, Mack, and

Jackson (2005) postulated that a lack of efficacy could explain the educational

divide between minorities living in poverty and the middle-class; however,

school administrators must increase efforts to improve teacher efficacy

because it is paramount to decrease the disproportionate high school dropout

rates and underperforming children in the classroom.

When children are neglected, abused, and experience trauma, teachers

are usually on the frontline, being a friend, mother-figure, and voice of reason.

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Teachers need to know their students' culture. According to Aldermann

(2004), cultural competence helps educators to become astute to verbal and

nonverbal cues from minorities, creating a classroom climate that encourages

students to express themselves and feel accepted without losing their identity.

School personnel, administrators, staff, and educators must see that there is a

need to improvise and devise a plan to address the educational needs of

culturally diverse students living in poverty. Cultural sensitivity is a process

that will prevent stereotype threats in the classroom that decrease bias,

prejudice, and demoralization that stifles the learning process.

Neuburger, Jansen, Heil, and Quaiser-Pohl (2012) purported that

"stereotype threat is the event of a negative stereotype about a group to which

one belongs becoming self-relevant and to being at risk of confirming, as self-

characteristic, a negative stereotype about one's group" (p. 62). Stereotype

threat can disrupt educational performance, causing low self-efficacy, low

self-esteem, and a significant decrease in academic motivation. Studies show

that the threat of stereotype causes minorities to not only struggle

academically, but it asphyxiates personal growth and social development.

Stereotype threat is indoctrinated in the belief that anyone in a stereotypical

group can feel pressure to avoid fulfilling negative expectations. The pressure

of becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy bolsters underperformance, which is

the most detrimental barrier to achievement. There is no doubt that minorities

have equal potential to perform as well as their counterpart; however, when

minority students know that they are being compared, they tend to perform

discouragingly.

As reported by Neuburger et al. (2012), stereotype threat debilitates

performance because it initiates three different mechanisms that reduce the

capacity of working memory (physiological stress, monitoring processes, and

emotion-suppressing efforts). The mechanisms evoke a cognitive imbalance

between the person's concept of self, ability domain, and group. Stereotype

threat accentuates minorities perception of being inferior; therefore, they take

on an inferiority complex of their own, contributing to their lack of confidence

in their abilities, accepting the façade that white students are smarter than they

and educators view them as inept. The research does not support that

stereotype threats occur in white teachers only but any educator who feels a

particular population, such as those living in poverty, is beneath them and they

hold poverty-stricken people responsible for a life of deprivation. Amatea and

West (2007) proclaimed that Many educators view poor people as morally and

culturally deficient. Believing that poor families have attitudes, values, and

behaviors that sustain their position at the bottom of the economic ladder, these

educators often blame parents for passing on these traits to their children

instead of transmitting the middle-class cultural patterns they believe are

necessary to succeed in school and in life. (p. 83)

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Research supports that students who can identify with their academics

and self-esteem have a better chance of being successful. Minority students

try to accomplish goals and achieve a sound education as everyone else, but

chronic poverty and teacher's perception cause them to struggle and fall

behind. To succeed, minorities living in poverty are trying too hard because

they are dealing with the threat of stereotype and disidentification. It could be

assumed that hard work, dedication, and commitment to educational

endeavors would close the gap and help minorities excel; however, trying

harder adds an extra burden, causing more problems such as higher levels of

stress, anxiety, and depression. What options are left for minority children

living in poverty?

Implications and Conclusion

Living a life of chronic poverty that increases the risk of trauma,

victimization, bullying and its psychological effects, becoming a high school

dropout, and being educated by a system that was not designed for people

living in deprivation is not a situation that anyone would choose. Trauma plays

a significant role in the lives of people living in poverty. Traumatic

experiences are subjective, but the concept of trauma suggests that the

wounded is confronted by an enormous life-changing event, such as divorce,

death of a loved one, unemployment or terminated, diagnosis of illness or

disease, or culture shock; however, trauma is generally referred to a severe or

psychological injury sustained as a result of a life-threatening or horrific

experience (Stebnicki, 2017). Bullying is a significant problem for children,

and the epidemic warrants the attention of policymakers, educators, parents,

church leaders, and community stakeholders. Society is doing a poor job of

protecting and educating children. Vanderbilt and Augustyn (2010) discussed

the significance of people being more vigilant and aggressive by not tolerating

bullying and modeling that it is not welcomed in the home, community, and

school. Particular focus must be placed on children or adolescents who have

chronic medical illnesses like acne, being medically obsessed, severe eczema,

physical deformities like cleft lip and palate, or some who suffer from

neuropsychological disorders like learning disabilities, down syndrome, and

autism spectrum disorder, making them potential targets for bullying and

demoralization. School bullying is a widespread phenomenon not only in the

United States of America but in many countries around the world, signifying

that bullying should be considered a significant international public health

problem (Collier, 2013).

Research proclaims that today's school counselors can bring unique

skills to help educators working with students in high-poverty schools who

experience bullying and the psychological effects. Working with this

population provides a significant opportunity for school counselors to broaden

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their role with educators, staff, office personnel, and administrators beyond

only delivering services to individual students but taking a collaborative

approach (Amatea & West, 2007). Poverty-stricken minorities can accomplish

great things academically when teachers and others in the learning

environment create an atmosphere that makes them feel confident. Children

can learn and achieve at very high levels, once they gain confidence in their

abilities and accept that their thinking and efforts can help them do well. It

takes a cumulative effort to make a substantial change in the classroom, and

everyone must accept his or her role. Amatea and West (2007) declared that

These roles are (a) serving as a cultural bridge between teachers and

students and blocking the blaming that often derails efforts to work with poor

students and their families, (b) functioning as a pedagogical partner with

teachers by connecting the curriculum more directly to students' lives, and (c)

teaming with teachers to create a more welcoming, family-centric school

climate. (p. 82)

School systems and administrators must make the cultural

transformation a priority and not an afterthought or placed at the bottom of the

school's agenda. Neuburger et al. (2012) declared that stereotype threat and

self-fulfilling prophecies play an instrumental role in socialization and are part

of the hidden curriculum in schools. Adding the hidden curriculum to the

hidden rules of the middle-class, minorities living in poverty do not have a

fighting chance and will remain hidden in the classroom to continue the cycle

of generational poverty. Head Start, 2 Gen Programs, Babies "Can't" Wait,

and other programs have been established to address the disparity in the

vulnerable population; however, a tremendous amount of work must be put

into action along with robust educational reforms.

No Child Left Behind (NCLB) was designed to ensure that all schools

meet the same academic standards and achievement levels, regardless of the

school system was in an area where poverty is high or not. Research proves

that the NCLB has been nothing but an ultimate failure because state and

federal standards cannot establish guidelines on the hidden rules of education

that was designed for the middle-class. Ladd (2012) reported that under

NCLB, "each school must meet the same standard, regardless of whether it

serves low‐ or high‐SES students and must do so for all relevant subgroups

within the school defined by income, minority status, and Limited English

Proficient status" (p. 213). Poverty-stricken children will always be a general

population of people in the middle-class classroom, skewing achievement

expectations and standards. What must happen for educators to improve their

low self-efficacy and lack of confidence to teach children from lower SES?

Teachers must become culturally competent, demonstrating relevant

pedagogy techniques that encourage educators to understand local students,

cultures, demographics, and the hidden rules of poverty. It is equally crucial

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for middle-class teachers to understand children and parents living in

deprivation as it is for people living in poverty to learn the hidden rules of the

middle-class. Matsko and Hammerness (2014) suggested that multicultural

education create dialogue and relevancy to bridge the gap between educators,

students, state and federal standards, and the school's curriculum. The faculty

must understand the significance of the teacher-student relationship, their

respective cultures, and how the dynamics of education are interwoven in the

classroom. Teachers do not have to go to an elite college or university to reach,

teach, and empower children living in poverty. They must be willing to accept

the fact that these children will always be their classrooms, become flexible

and willing to change to become the best educator for all students and take

those teachable moments to learn more about those students who come from

a different geographical area. Mattsko and Hammerness (2014) cited that

educators must demonstrate how "context extends well beyond one's

immediate physical surroundings, and in doing so, we illustrate how a simple

understanding of context can be expanded to include state and federal policy,

the neighborhood, the district, and urban public school classroom" (p. 137).

This burden of educating the underserved does not fall solely on the

educational system, but the parents must take a proactive approach to improve

their education and the education of their children. Education starts at home

with family and community. Families must provide stability, the foundation

for education, and relay the importance of learning to their children. When a

family gives their children support, challenges, and stimulate their children,

minorities are more likely to choose harder subjects in high school, get better

grades, end up in better colleges, and have higher self-esteem in college and

beyond. Challenges empower minority children by giving them a vision,

direction, focus, and perseverance to succeed. A new approach called 2 Gen

helps families break the cycle of poverty by simultaneously addressing the

needs of parents and children to improve significant outcomes for the entire

family ("Two-Generation Approaches," 2018). Familial support provides the

solace that allows freedom and closes the door on stress, worries, and fears.

Parents living in poverty must become educated and learn to be their children's

first teacher. According to "Two-Generation Approaches" (2018), "Two-

generation strategies can be used in many policy areas, including human

services, education, labor and workforce, and health. They can be used to

address a myriad of policy issues, including poverty, literacy, school

readiness, and family economic stability" (p. 3).

The research presented here does not touch the surface of what it will

take to disassociate poverty from bullying, the disproportionate rate of

traumatic experiences, and the complicated process of closing the educational

divide by educating all students regardless of low socioeconomic status,

demographics, cultures, races, and ethnicities of the underserved, vulnerable

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population. Payne (1996) purported that "support systems need to include the

teaching of procedural self-talk, positive self-talk, planning, goal-setting,

coping strategies, appropriate relationships, options during problem-solving,

access to information and know-how, and connections to additional resources"

(p. 75). To make changes and see significant differences, society must be

willing to challenge the status quo and change the culture by breaking the cycle

of generational poverty - equipping people living below the poverty level to

use education as the catalyst to move from poverty to middle-class - where the

hidden rules to function in society are available for everyone.

The United States is an individualistic society, and too many people

are only concerned about their small microcosm. It is going to take a

collectivist approach to stomp out the harmful effects of bullying and its

detrimental ramifications later in life. Bullying is not a rite of passage, and if

not treated, they will carry the trauma and hidden scars into their adult life.

Society must stop considering bullying as a school ritual but recognize it as a

public health crisis. Skaine (2015) reported that 19 percent of U.S. elementary

students are bullied, and more than 160,000 kids stay home from school

because they are afraid as published by Vanderbilt and Augustyn (2010),

bullying, whether as bullies, victims and bully-victims, is correlated with

poorer outcomes in the classroom and society. Bullying involvement is

significant because it can lead to poor psychosocial adjustment, greater health

problems, poverty, and deficient emotional and social adjustment (p. 316).

Bullying behaviors and their lasting effects have the propensity to continue

the cycle of chronic poverty, so the generational curse continues with no end

if a cultural shift does not happen soon. People who live in poverty experience

higher rates of trauma and bullying. Children who are bullied are more likely

to drop out of school, have a lower social, economic status, suffer from mental

disorders, engage in risky behaviors, and substance use disorders. According

to Matthews, Jennings, Lee, & Pardini (2017), research showed that bullied

children had a low SES, and they are less likely to have a high school diploma

or GED. Throughout their lifetime, they have lower adult family income and

lack adequate resources with lower social status in their community. Studies

depicting those results strengthen chronic poverty with a new generation of

people contributing to the poverty-stricken life cycle.

Taylor and Barrett (2018) professed that raising awareness of early

trauma is a critical first step to reduce its impact, but most of the contemporary

literature focuses on the actual incidence of trauma. As denoted, trauma is not

necessarily an isolated incident but the culmination of traumatic events and

episodes in the contextual environment. Society must construct a plan that

addresses the mental, physical, psychological, and cognitive faculties of all

individuals living in poverty. 2 Gen is very promising because it focuses on

educating the parents, children, and community by working from the inside

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out. According to Taylor and Barrett (2018), educators cannot prevent

traumatic experiences from occurring; however, they can seek to mitigate their

impact by implementing a range of approaches and interventions such as

R4L," Readiness for Learning (R4L), a 'Brain-based, Attachment-Led,

Trauma-Informed Community intervention' (BALTIC) approach to

supporting learners to be settled and ready to learn" (p. 65). Collected data

indicates that R4L has made significant progress in the classroom with a

proven increase in students concerning self-regulation and executive

functioning (Taylor & Barret, 2018). In summation, Ladd (2012) reported that

policymakers must assure that children attending schools that educate large

proportions of disadvantaged children must provide them access to high-

quality teachers, principals, supports for students, and other resources, holding

school systems accountable for the quality of education provided and their

internal processes and practices.

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