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Immigrant Families 4

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Learning Objec�ves

By the �me you reach the end of this chapter, you should be able to do the following:

1. Discuss the history and implica�ons of immigra�on policies for families and young children. 2. Describe immigrant families and children living within the United States. 3. Explain the strengths and challenges of immigrant families and children. 4. Discuss early educa�on programma�c and instruc�onal prac�ces to support immigrant families.

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The percentage of immigrants in the U.S. popula�on was highest at the beginning of the 20th century, and it saw a decline from 1920 to 1970. In the past 30 years, we have seen a doubling of the percentage of the popula�on of immigrants in the United States.

The number of immigrants in the United States increased by almost 10 million between 2000 and 2011.

Introduction Bianca, a 3-year-old Spanish and English bilingual preschooler who recently emigrated from the Dominican Republic, has joined Ms. Tonia's classroom this week. Bianca's parents have described her as shy, and they explain that she misses her abuela (grandmother) dearly. Bianca and her abuela had a strong rela�onship, and this is the first �me she has ever been away from her for an extended period of �me. Ms. Tonia overhears Laura, another student, asking Bianca, "Why do you sound like that? Why are you wearing a sweater when it is warm inside? Why do you like to eat fried bananas?" Bianca looks like she is about to cry. Ms. Tonia knows that Laura is showing natural curiosity and that she is interested in befriending Bianca. How can Ms. Tonia help Bianca and Laura develop a friendship?

In this chapter, we will focus on immigrant families and children and the role that early care and educa�on programs and teachers can play in ensuring that their challenges, strengths, and experiences are considered in the classroom and across instruc�onal prac�ces. Key instruc�on prac�ces and strategies that enhance immigrant children's learning and development and promote home-school partnerships will also be discussed.

4.1 The Changing Face of U.S. Families Our na�on is becoming more diverse, and recent trends in immigra�on are the most important driver of U.S. diversity. As shown in Figure 4.1, the percentage of immigrants in the United States has waxed and waned over the last century, but has steadily grown in the last 30 years. More specifically, Figure 4.2 shows that the number of immigrants in the United States has increased by 9 million over the past decade, while the number of unauthorized immigrants—individuals who entered the United States illegally or are staying longer than permi�ed—has slowed down during the same period (Pew Research Center, 2013).

We are a na�on of immigrants, as well as, in the case of African and Na�ve Americans, cap�ve and conquered people. All areas of the United States experience different levels of immigra�on; the majority of immigrant children reside in California, New York, New Jersey, Florida, Nevada, Hawaii, Texas, Massachuse�s, Illinois, Arizona, and New Mexico (Hernandez, 2004; Iruka & Gárcia, 2012). However, over the past decade, there have also been large increases in southern states' immigrant popula�ons. The na�onal average change in popula�on from 2000–2011 has been a 29.8% increase in immigrants; however, five southern states—Alabama, South Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Kentucky—have seen the greatest increases in immigra�on, with 75%–93% increases (Migra�on Policy Ins�tute, 2013). Immigrant families may be a�racted to these states poten�ally due to low cost of living, job opportuni�es, be�er educa�on, and low violence and crime rates. However, the experience of being an immigrant in these states presents different challenges, given that state governments and residents are not accustomed to providing educa�on, health, or social services to this popula�on. For more informa�on on immigrants by state, you can visit the Migra�on Policy Ins�tute website (h�p://www.migra�oninforma�on.org/datahub/acscensus.cfm) .

Figure 4.1: Immigrants as a Percentage in the U.S. Popula�on, From 1900 to 2010

Source: Camarota, S. A. (2012). Immigrants in the United States: A profile of American's foreign-born popula�on. Washington, D.C.: Center for Immigra�on Studies.

Figure 4.2: Immigra�on Trends

http://www.migrationinformation.org/datahub/acscensus.cfm

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Immigra�on policies are largely responsible for the predominately White European popula�on of the United States.

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Source: Pew Research Center. (2013). A na�on of immigrants: A portrait of the 40 million, including 11 million unauthorized. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, Pew Hispanic Center.

U.S. Immigration Policy

When and why a family immigrated to the United States has an impact on the child's development and learning; it even affects whether the child a�ends an early childhood program. A child whose family emigrates to the United States for economic opportunity or seeking asylum, which is a special form of protec�on from a foreign government (sought by poli�cal ac�vists, refugees, and whistleblowers, for example), may have no family connec�ons when the family first arrives. In comparison, a child whose family emigrated to the United States 70 years ago may have genera�ons of family members and networks in the United States and in his family's home country; in fact, this par�cular child may not iden�fy himself as an immigrant because he, and his parents, were born here, but his family's culture and tradi�ons, such as its religious and holiday prac�ces and celebra�ons, may s�ll be based on those from his family's home country.

Typically, when such children have a family history of immigra�on and they are from one of the pan-ethnic groups in the United States, they are s�ll considered part of an ethnic or cultural minority, even though they are not first-genera�on immigrants ("foreign-born")—or even second-genera�on. So you will be�er understand these differences in immigrant lives, we present a brief history of U.S. immigra�on.

Defining the Waves of Immigrant Popula�ons

In the 1700s, the early immigrants from England, France, Germany, and other countries in northwestern Europe came to the United States in search of economic opportuni�es and poli�cal freedom, yet they o�en relied upon the labor of African slaves working on land stolen from Na�ve Americans (Ewing, 2012). These northwestern Europeans then mistrusted and mistreated later immigrants who came from Italy, Poland, Russia, and other parts of southeastern and western Europe during the 1800s. Subsequently, European immigrants have in turn mistrusted and mistreated the most recent wave of immigrants from La�n America, Asia, and Africa who have come to the United States in the 1900s and 2000s.

Although the recent wave currently makes up our largest group of immigrants, it is important to understand that their level of emigra�on, and the �me period for immigra�on, is, and has always been, lower than the level of emigra�on for Europeans (Ewing, 2012). Throughout the course of history, the vast majority of U.S. immigrants have been people of European descent; thus, the fact that European Whites are the majority of the U.S. popula�on is due to immigra�on policies within this country.

Restric�ons on Immigra�on

The �ght restric�on on immigra�on began in 1875 with a law that banned the importa�on of Asian laborers and pros�tutes and immigra�on of foreign criminals to the United States (Ewing, 2012). In 1921, the United States created immigra�on quota laws that excluded Asians and Africans and favored northern and western Europeans over southern and eastern Europeans. In 1965, the Immigra�on and Na�onality Act abolished the na�onal origins quota system and replaced it with a preference system that focused on immigrants' skills and family rela�onships with U.S. ci�zens and residents (Ewing, 2012).

Although there remained some policies and prac�ces that limited immigra�on into the United States, there was also an economic need for immigrants. As men were dra�ed during World War II, the United States. experienced a shortage of farm workers. This resulted in the influx of agricultural workers from Mexico in 1942. Many of these workers who were in the United States for several years or longer put down roots and had children. It was expected that these immigrants would return to their country or apply for legal status a�er this temporary employment; however, the cost and process of becoming a legal immigrant was cumbersome for many of these poor, uneducated workers.

The federal government launched "Opera�on Wetback," rounding up and depor�ng about one million Mexican immigrants, as well as some legal immigrants and U.S. ci�zens of Mexican descent (Ewing, 2012). Children's lives were disrupted, either because they were separated from their parents or they were sent back to a country they did not know. This trauma for children in their early lives affected how they connected with adults and peers

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The Immigra�on and Control Act of 1986 allowed families, like the one pictured here, to apply for legal status instead of being deported.

Richard Drew/AP/Associated Press

and how they behaved in the classroom, including genera�ng a fear of change and a need for strict rou�nes (Androff et al., 2011; Brabeck, 2010).

Policies limi�ng immigrants con�nued with the Immigra�on Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986 (Ewing, 2012). The purpose of the IRCA was to allow unauthorized immigrants to apply for legal status, punish employers who knowingly hired unauthorized immigrants, and increase funding for border security and enforcement. In 1996, three laws passed that had a devasta�ng impact on immigra�on. These laws did the following: (a) expanded the defini�on of aggravated felony, retroac�vely allowed deporta�on of those with nonviolent offenses, expedited the deporta�on of individuals without formal hearings, established mul�year bans for re-entry into the United States, and enhanced border security; (b) restricted immigrants from gaining access to public benefits, such as Medicare and Social Security, for ten years; and (c) expedited the removal of individuals suspected of terrorism, allowed deten�on and deporta�on based on "secret evidence," and created a more stringent criteria for gran�ng asylum (Ewing, 2012). The September 11, 2001 terrorist a�acks created an addi�onal layer of immigra�on control by linking it with na�onal security. This singled out individuals from Muslim, Arab, and South Asian

countries.

Though the U.S. immigra�on policies have tried to control illegal immigra�on, U.S. employers have encouraged it, implicitly and explicitly, by con�nuing to rely on illegal immigrants as a low-wage labor force. This conflict between law and economics has led some locali�es and states, such as Arizona, to ins�tute laws that allow police officers to be "de facto immigra�on agents" and arrest any suspected unauthorized immigrants.

Families Facing the Threat of Deporta�on

Children in families living under fear of deporta�on are likely to have challenges in rela�on to a�achment, sleep, anxiety, and other emo�onal problems (Brabeck & Qingwen Xu, 2010). The families themselves are less likely to provide the consistent and responsive environment that children may need, including interac�on with schools and teachers (Leidy, Guerra, & Toro, 2012). O�en, immigra�ng to the United States means leaving some loved ones behind due to costs and restric�ons on how many people from a family can travel, as was the case with Bianca in our opening vigne�e.

To minimize retrauma�zing children in these situa�ons, early childhood programs and educators need to provide safe and nurturing environments for children. This may entail providing individual �me or ways for children to share how they are feeling, and finding ways for other children to empathize with the child through story books that talk about how people feel when they have to leave their home or "favorite" rela�ve behind. Programs and teachers can also be clear in their communica�ons with parents and families that their role is to support families and not to be an "enforcer" of immigra�on laws. ECE programs can ascertain how they can be further suppor�ve through focus groups and conversa�ons with families (this is discussed further in Chapter 5).

Who Is an Immigrant?

Thinking about the children in your class, who would you consider an immigrant? Would it be a child who moved to the United States three years ago? What about a child with a mother whose family has been in the United States for 100 years and a father who arrived to the United States five years ago? Recall in Chapter 1 that an immigrant was defined as either first-genera�on or second-genera�on. First-genera�on immigrants are children who have immigrated to the United States themselves, and second-genera�on immigrants are children whose parents immigrated.

Here is an example, Peter and Jill emigrated to the United States as a young married couple, and they brought their older daughter, Sarah. As the years went by, Peter and Jill had two other daughters, Stephanie and Michelle, who were born in the United States. In this example, Peter, Jill, and Sarah would be classified as first-genera�on immigrants, and Stephanie and Michelle are U.S. ci�zens who would be described "socially" as second-genera�on immigrants. The reason they are defined "socially" as immigrants is because legally, the two daughters are not immigrants at all; they are U.S. ci�zens. Thus, second-genera�on immigrants are immigrants that have only a cultural, ethnic, na�onal, or familial �e to another country, yet they are actually legal U.S. ci�zens. People who are "social" immigrants typically have very strong emo�onal �es to their country.

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Mexicans make up the largest immigrant popula�on in the United States, followed by immigrants from East Asia. While immigrants from Mexico have remained stable over the past decade, there has been an increase in immigrants from countries in Africa, Asia, and Europe.

4.2 Characteristics of Immigrant Families and Children We all probably know individuals who were born in a different country and have lived in the United States for decades, and maybe have even obtained U.S. ci�zenship, who s�ll consider themselves immigrants. Knowing whether a child is a first-genera�on or a second-genera�on immigrant may help determine how the child and her family have acclimated to and are familiar with U.S. culture. It may also provide a clue about the child's home language and learning style, as well as knowledge about U.S. customs and tradi�ons. Knowing children's connec�ons to their family's na�ve country, including tradi�ons and values, helps teachers develop a rela�onship with the child, and also helps the child acclimate and navigate American customs and norms, including the expecta�ons of the classroom and interac�ng with peers.

Country of Origin, Education Level, and Socioeconomic Status

There are many differences among immigrants who relocate to the United States, including their country of origin, educa�on level, extended family, and support networks in the United States. Immigrants are less likely to have a high school educa�on than na�ves, though immigrants and U.S. na�ves are comparable with respect to college degrees. This means that there are groups of immigrants who are less educated and others who are highly educated. Immigrants from Asia, Europe, and Africa are likely to be of higher income and more educated compared to their Mexican counterparts, which means they are more likely to be able to support themselves without social services.

Figure 4.3 shows immigrants by the regions of the world from which they come and by decade. The largest numbers of current immigrants are coming from Mexico—almost 12 million out of 40 million total (Camarota, 2012). In addi�on, 53% of immigrants came from Mexico and La�n America (e.g., Central America, South America, and the Caribbean). While the percentage of immigrants from Mexico has decreased from 33% to 29% from 1980 to 2010, the percentage of immigrants from South Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and Europe has increased. The top immigrant-sending countries in the past decade have been Mexico, India, China, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Guatemala. This immigra�on pa�ern means that you will likely have children in your classroom who are from La�n America and speak Spanish.

Figure 4.3: Percentage of Immigrants by Region and Year of Arrival in the United States

Source: Camarota, S. A. (2012). Immigrants in the United States: A profile of America's foreign-born popula�on. Washington, DC: Center for Immigra�on Studies.

Being sensi�ve to the needs of children from immigrant families requires understanding the resources and values their families have, such as their educa�on level and employment skills, as well as their challenges. Research has found that the socioeconomic status (SES) of the family—which includes parental educa�on, employment status, income, wealth (such as owning a home)—and the richness of the language environment at home have an effect on children's school readiness and future school success (Mistry, Biesanz, Chien, Howes, & Benner, 2008). About 28% of immigrants 25 to 65 years of age have not completed high school, compared to about 7% of U.S. na�ves. However, there is only a 4% difference between immigrants (29%) and U.S. na�ves (33%) who have a bachelor's degree or higher. Overall, immigrant families earn an average of $10,000 less than U.S. na�ves ($44,000 vs. $34,000) (Camarota, 2012, p. 20).

This income difference may mean that immigrant parents are not able to provide their children with high quality early educa�on experiences. Parents may also have to work mul�ple jobs, which can limit their �me with their children. More importantly, the income difference may increase the likelihood of children from immigrant families living in poverty, needing public assistance, and poten�ally being exposed to crime and other trauma. Na�onal data shows that over 32% of children of immigrants are likely to be in poverty, compared to 19% of children of U.S. na�ves (Camarota, 2012, p. 27).

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The longer immigrants are in the United States, the more likely they are to own a home, have insurance, not live in poverty, and not use any welfare program.

The majority of immigrants who are living in poverty are from Honduras, Mexico, Guatemala, Hai�, and the Dominican Republic (poverty rates range from 20%–33%). In contrast, immigrants from the Philippines, India, Germany, the United Kingdom, Poland, and Canada are less likely to live in poverty (poverty rates range from 5–9%). Overall, immigrants from Asia, Africa, and Europe are less likely to be in poverty than those from Mexico and La�n America. This suggests that though immigrant families are more likely to have less educa�on and to live in poverty than U.S. na�ves, this does not apply to all immigrants.

The biggest reason for many immigrants reloca�ng to the United States is economic opportunity. Employment not only provides income for families, but it also exposes immigrant families to U.S. culture. Though immigrants are concentrated in certain industries, such as farming, housekeeping, construc�on labor, and butchering, they also work as computer programmers, engineers, and physicians. However, since the majority of immigrant families work as laborers and have nonstandard hours, teachers should consider how communica�on and interac�on with families may be limited or varied because of the work schedules and stress families experience. Further, the stress of the work environment and hours may also affect parents' styles and interac�ons with their children.

As a sign of accultura�on and middle-class SES, over 52% of immigrants are homeowners, compared to 68% of na�ves. While home ownership is a sign of integra�on and economic success, immigrant families are more likely to live in overcrowded condi�ons than U.S. na�ves. The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development defines a household as overcrowded when there is more than one person per room. Approximately 13% of immigrants, especially immigrants from Mexico and Central America, are considered to be in overcrowded households. This is in comparison to 2% of U.S. na�ves (though Asian and Hispanic American na�ves are considerably higher at 7%) (Camarota, 2012).

Overcrowding is a concern for the well-being of young children when they do not have a dedicated space to play, learn, or do homework. A lot of noise may prevent children from concentra�ng and focusing. Children may not have dedicated space for sleeping or res�ng, which can lessen their ability to focus while in school.

The vast majority of immigrants coming to this country are hard-working and eager to become part of the fabric of American life. However, many immigrant families face major stressors and challenges. Those immigrants who come to the United States with li�le income and educa�on and limited English work mul�ple low-paying jobs, live in dangerous neighborhoods, and use social services such as food stamps, if they have the proper documents, while learning the culture, language, and norms of their new country. This may mean that children do not spend a lot of �me with their parents, they may not experience consistent child care arrangements, and they may feel anxious because of the lack of familiarity with the sounds, smells, and language.

Even with the challenges faced by immigrant families, na�onal data shows that the longer immigrants are in the United States, the less likely they are to be in poverty and lack health insurance and the more likely they are to own homes. These are key indicators of economic progress (Figure 4.4).

Figure 4.4: Indicators of Success by Length of Time in the United States

Source: Based on data from Camarota, S. A. (2012). Immigrants in the United States: A profile of America's foreign-born popula�on. Washington, DC: Center for Immigra�on Studies.

However, the use of welfare programs, such as cash and food assistance and subsidized housing, par�cularly during the ini�al decades living in the United States, indicates that many immigrant families are not secure in their living condi�ons, even though they may not be living in dire poverty. These unstable living condi�ons, o�en found in poor and working families, and possibly due to lower educa�onal a�ainment, household income, and language ability, may cause food and housing insecurity. Food and housing insecurity occur when adults or children perceive that hunger and homelessness are quite possible if just one factor changes—e.g., the loss of a job or the loss of food stamp benefits—because there are few or no other op�ons to replace the lost income or benefits.

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The longer immigrants are in the United States, the be�er their ability to speak English. However, about 20% of individuals who have been in the United States for over 60 years s�ll report not speaking English only or very well.

These family insecuri�es have been associated with poor outcomes for children (Eckenrode, Rowe, Laird, & Brathwaite, 1995; Rose-Jacobs et al., 2008; Simpson & Fowler, 1994). Food and housing insecuri�es can affect children's mood and a�en�on. A child who is hungry, who is living in a temporary shelter, or who is con�nually moving may find it a challenge to concentrate and engage in classroom ac�vi�es and may display signs of anxiety or problem behavior.

Approximately 34% of immigrants do not have health insurance compared to 14% of U.S. na�ves, with this number being higher for Hispanics and African Americans (Camarota, 2012, p. 42). Further, over 50% of immigrants from Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, and El Salvador have no insurance, in contrast to less than 10% of immigrants from wealthier countries, such as Germany, Japan, and the United Kingdom. The lack of health insurance may mean that immigrant children are unable to get adequate health care, which may prevent them from a�ending school regularly, and this may hinder their learning and their socio-emo�onal development. It may also mean that children's health issues, such as fever and asthma, as well as vision, hearing, and dental problems, may not be addressed soon enough—if at all—which can have serious consequences.

Failure to meet children's health care needs and ensure they get proper nutrients and vitamins can harm their brain development, especially during the cri�cal periods of young childhood. Though programs such as Head Start provide health screenings and dental care, ECE teachers and programs can connect families to organiza�ons that assist with providing health insurance for children, as well as ensuring that families have access to a regular doctor.

Language Proficiency of Immigrant Families and Children

Immigrant families' familiarity and comfort with the English language varies, as does that of their children. Some of the families are likely mul�lingual, meaning they speak three or more languages. The majority (97.8%) of immigrants from English-speaking countries, such as the Caribbean countries of Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, as well as the United Kingdom and Guyana, are likely to report that they speak English well, and 85% of African, Asian, and European immigrants speak English (Camarota, 2012, p. 39). In contrast, almost 50% of immigrants from Spanish-speaking countries, such as Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, and El Salvador, report that they do not speak English well or at all. The longer immigrants are in the United States, the more likely they are to speak English very well (Figure 4.5).

Figure 4.5: English-speaking Ability and Length of Time in the United States

Source: Camarota, S. A. (2012). Immigrants in the United States: A profile of America's foreign-born popula�on. Washington, DC: Center for Immigra�on Studies.

Approximately 21% of school-age children are from immigrant households and almost 80% of these children speak a language other than English (Camarota, 2012). Lack of fluency in English may limit parents' ability to find employment, because English is a requirement for most jobs. Children who do not know English may have difficulty interac�ng with teachers, other adults, and peers in the classroom, as well as engaging in classroom ac�vi�es and lessons without accommoda�ons for their language. Though the ability to speak English makes it easier to succeed in the United States, whether in preschool or the workplace, it is not beneficial for children to lose fluency in their home language or dialect. Research indicates that different parts of the brain, such as those for spa�al awareness and problem solving, may develop more when children learn different languages (Thomas & Johnson, 2008). Strategies by which teachers and family members can maintain and value home languages for the benefit of children's learning were discussed in Chapter 1.

Comparison of Immigrant Children to U.S.-Born Children

In comparison to their White U.S.-born peers, immigrants show a disadvantage on several key indicators of children's health and well-being (Hernandez & Napierala, 2012; Iruka & Gárcia, 2012): Lower rates of health insurance coverage, lower a�endance in early educa�on programs, lower rates of high school gradua�on, lower household incomes, and higher poverty rates. However, immigrant children show be�er outcomes compared to their U.S.-born peers from the same ethnic/racial group and socioeconomic status, a characteris�c known as the immigrant paradox. For example, Black and La�no immigrant children have be�er outcomes related to child health indicators, such as being less likely to be born at a low birth weight or with chronic health problems, and they are more likely to be breas�ed (Crosby & Dunbar, 2012). Although De Feyter and Winsler (2009) found that children of

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For a number of reasons, dual language learners, many from immigrant families, have lower academic achievement in reading and math compared to children learning only English.

immigrants scored lower than their U.S.-born peers from the same racial/ethnic groups on academic outcomes, Crosby and Dunbar (2012) report that this is not true when comparing Black immigrants with U.S.-born Blacks in the area of classroom behaviors and academic skills. When socioeconomic status indicators, such as family income, are accounted for, Black immigrants actually outperform even White na�ves in such skills as reading.

The Child and Youth Well-Being Index (CWI), funded by the Founda�on for Children Development, is the most comprehensive measure of how well America's children are faring (Hernandez & Napierala, 2012). This index includes measures of family economic well-being (levels of poverty, employment, family income, health insurance), health (rates of infant mortality, low birth weight, mortality, child health, obesity), safe/risky behavior (rates of teen birth, cigare�e smoking, use of alcohol or drugs, being a vic�m of crime, being a crime offender), educa�onal a�ainment (reading and math test scores), community engagement (rates of high school dropout, preschool enrollment, achieving a high school diploma, achieving a bachelor's degree, vo�ng), social rela�onships (single parent households, mobility), and emo�onal/spiritual well-being (rates of suicide, religious a�endance, importance of religion). This informa�on can help ECE teachers determine how well the families in their classrooms and program are doing compared to other children in areas such as health insurance and living in a poor household.

Presented below are some summary sta�s�cs for the well-being of children of immigrant families in comparison to children from na�ve families, based on the CWI (Hernandez & Napierala, 2012).

Achievement Scores. The Na�onal Assessment of Educa�onal Progress (NAEP, also known as our "Na�on's Report Card") does not collect data on whether children are from immigrant families, but by using the term "Dual Language Learners" as a proxy for children from immigrant families and "English Only Learner" as a proxy for children from na�ve families, one can approximate the level of immigrant children's achievement and learning compared to their na�ve peers. NAEP dis�nguishes students who are performing at or above the proficient level for their grade in reading and math from students who are performing below grade level. Results from the 2011 NAEP assessment indicate that fewer Dual Language Learners than English Only students were proficient in the fourth-grade reading and math tests (Figure 4.6). This low achievement may be linked to the par�cipa�on rates of immigrant and DLL children in pre-K programs or to the quality of programs children are likely to a�end (Hernandez, 2004; Vandell, Belsky, Burchinal, Steinberg, & Vandergri�, 2010).

Figure 4.6: Academic Proficiency in Reading and Math by Language

Source: Hernandez, D. J., & Napierala, J. S. (2012). Children in immigrant families: Essen�al to America's future, FCD Child and Youth Well-Being Index (CWI) Policy Brief. New York, NY: Founda�on for Child Development.

Family Income and Poverty Rates. The median family income in 2010 for immigrant families was 29% lower than for U.S.-born families. This translates to a median income for immigrant families of approximately $41,500 compared to U.S.-born families at $58,862. This discrepancy in median income exists despite comparable employment; it is also related to the poverty rates of children in immigrant families compared to children in U.S.-born families (30% vs. 19%). These poverty rates are high for both groups.

Overall Child Well-Being. Children in immigrant families experience a somewhat lower level of overall well-being than children with U.S.- born parents—99 vs. 103 points. This lower general well-being is due to specific factors, such as immigrant children's lower health insurance coverage, reading and mathema�cs test scores, preschool enrollment, high school gradua�on, and median family income, as well as higher poverty rates than U.S. na�ves. These life challenges have implica�ons for children's learning and development.

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In Hispanic cultures, there is a high value placed on strong rela�onships between immediate and extended family members, as well as contact between mul�ple genera�ons of the same family.

Siri Stafford/Lifesize/Thinkstock

Toddler teacher, Kyoko Uchida, describes the benefit of having immigrant children in the classroom. Immigrant children and families bring different languages and customs, which provide different experiences for children, opening up their mind to different possibili�es.

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons

1. Kyoko says that exposing children to different cultures can happen naturally, even outside of formal classroom instruc�onal ac�vi�es. What natural occurences in everyday classroom interac�ons might you use to help children appreciate and value cultural diversity?

2. How might you use such an opportunity to encourage children to think about diversity?

Cultural Competence in Prac�ce

4.3 Immigrant Families' Strengths and Unique Needs To make progress, immigrants need social capital, the collec�ve or economic benefits derived from the coopera�on between individuals and groups. Indicators of social capital include educa�on, economic resources, and language ability, as well as networks that improve the lives of families and children. People with networks can tap into them when they need a job or want to get their child into a be�er school. Think about how the networking

site LinkedIn® works. One connec�on leads to others who may have access to employment or other helpful informa�on. Teachers and schools and other ins�tu�ons can help build immigrant families' social capital by providing opportuni�es to connect with other immigrant families and U.S. na�ves.

Family Networks as a Strength

O�en�mes, people immigrate to loca�ons where they have family or close friends that can support them economically, at least temporarily, and help them adjust to their new surroundings. To minimize the isola�on of leaving family behind, many immigrants relocate to areas of the United States where they can connect with individuals or other families from their na�ve country.

In Hispanic cultures, the term familismo denotes the close kinship and �es within immediate and extended families. A high value on family is also common in other cultures. You o�en hear Black immigrants, and also na�ve-born Blacks, refer to non-blood rela�ves as cousins, sisters, aunts, or uncles; anthropologists call this fic�ve kinship. This type of kinship provides families with social capital, which are opportuni�es and resources to help them become economically self-sufficient, as well as offering emo�onal support and deeper social rela�onships, which is o�en helpful to prevent the nega�ve effects of isola�on.

Strong family �es are key survival mechanisms for all families, but especially for immigrant families. Many share housing because they are seeking ways to help one another while also pooling resources (e.g., money, food) and support (e.g., child care).

Though overcrowding has drawbacks, as men�oned earlier, shared housing also has some protec�ve benefits. Some studies have found that being surrounded by family can protect against depression and isola�on because it provides individuals with security and minimizes the impact of stress (Kawachi & Berkman, 2001).

The importance of family �es and bonds for immigrant families is represented in the low rates of divorce among certain immigrant groups and the fact that children of immigrant families are more likely to live in two-parent households compared to U.S. na�ves (Hernandez, 2004).

Funds of Knowledge: Incorporating Culture in Environment and Instruction

The term funds of knowledge (FoK) is an anthropological term first coined by Wolf in 1966; it means "resources and knowledge that households manipulate to make ends meet in the household economy. These include caloric funds, funds for rent, replacement funds, ceremonial funds, and social funds" (Hogg, 2011, p. 667). Researchers from the University of Arizona recognized the importance of this concept in school se�ngs and with minority children, par�cularly immigrant children in the United States. In order to indicate its implica�on for minority families, Moll and Greenberg (1990) defined FoK as "the essen�al cultural prac�ces and bodies of knowledge and informa�on that households use to survive, to get ahead, or to thrive" (p. 321).

Thus, immigrant children and families have knowledge and resources that teachers can use to support children's learning. For example, some of the immigrant parents in your classroom may have exper�se in a skill like hun�ng. This skill could be used to teach students different parts and types of animals, as well as how human body parts differ from animals'. In other words, families can contribute "intellectual resources" to classroom instruc�on and provide resources to teachers "to draw on student experiences and priori�es in schooling, thus valida�ng student knowledge and life values, and enabling them to scaffold student learning from the familiar" (Hogg, 2011, p. 667).

To learn about these family resources, teachers can conduct home visits that focus on learning and observing family rituals. During these visits, teachers can also observe how parents and children communicate, how children communicate with their siblings or other children in the household, how families deal with challenges, what children enjoy doing, children's roles in the family, and rituals and rou�nes of families. The Cultural Reflec�on feature, "Exploring the Funds of Knowledge of an Immigrant Family," will give you a chance to see how this works.

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Cultural Reflec�on: Exploring the Funds of Knowledge of an Immigrant Family

You are at the home of Mariela and Manuel Paez and their son Michael, who is in your class. During this home visit, the Paezs have a few friends who drop by unexpectedly, which Mariela explains happens o�en. You also meet other rela�ves, including Michael's grandfather, grandmother, and cousin. You observe that Michael and the other kids play with marbles and some homemade wood toys. You also no�ce that the children are quiet when they come near the adults. They do not interrupt the adults when they are talking; the parents acknowledge the children by a slight touch or look.

You no�ce that the family members and their friends take their �me in saying good-bye, as if they are not in a rush. You also no�ce that there does not seem to be a place in the living area for Michael to do his school work. You see a lot of musical instruments in the corner, and you see Spanish-language newspapers in the living room. At one point, you no�ce the grandmother telling a story to the kids. At the end of the story, she expresses its moral: If you promise to do something, you must keep your word.

Reflec�on Ques�ons:

1. What fund of knowledge can you ascertain from this home visit and your observa�ons of Michael in the classroom? 2. Do you understand be�er a�er this visit why Michael does not always come to school on �me and does not always adhere to the

precise schedule you set? How might you incorporate the homemade wooden toys into a class ac�vity? What about the musical instruments? What do they tell you about the family's interests and skills? How might the family share these with the class? What do the Spanish-language newspapers in the home indicate about the family?

3. What other funds of knowledge do you see, and how can you incorporate them in your classroom?

Needs and Challenges of Immigrant Families

Along with their many strengths and resiliencies, immigrant families have unique needs and challenges. They may not understand some subtle�es of the U.S. English language, including sarcasm, even if they come from an English-speaking country. This may create difficul�es and misconcep�ons during interac�ons. Beyond language, there are also poten�al differences in caregiving and paren�ng, such as whether children should always obey all adults without disagreeing or whether children learn best from listening rather than doing.

Many of the types of jobs open to immigrants (e.g., farming, housekeeping) are low wage. This leads to immigrants making less per hour than their na�ve counterparts, so o�en they need more than one job. Low-paying jobs also o�en require working varying shi�s, including overnights, weekends, and holidays. These types of jobs are hourly and do not provide insurance or benefits, such as sick or vaca�on hours (Or�z, 2002), resul�ng in immigrant families taxing their bodies, health, and minds. Low-wage jobs are likely one reason that children of immigrants are more likely to live in poverty than children of na�ve families (23% vs. 14%) (Camarota, 2012, p. 27).

There are further implica�ons of working low-wage jobs, including the stress of not being able to engage with children's early educa�on programs and communicate regularly with teachers. (See the Real World Dilemma feature, "Children of Migrant Workers.") The child's cogni�ve and emo�onal development may be affected by the parents' stress level and unavailability to support their learning and emo�onal health. In turn, this may have an effect on the child's rela�onships and interac�ons with the teacher and peers in the classroom. Studies have shown that parents who face economic difficul�es are less sensi�ve and nurturing, which is associated with children's lower cogni�ve and emo�onal outcomes (Cabrera, Shannon, West, & Brooks-Gunn, 2006; Iruka, LaFore�, & Odom, 2012).

Real World Dilemma: Children of Migrant Workers

The Migrant Health Promo�on (2013) website defines a migrant farmworker as "someone who has le� his or her permanent residence . . . to work for months or an en�re season in agriculture" ("Who are. . .?" para. 1). Migrant farmworkers generally leave their homes and move to follow the growing season, usually during the months of February to June, and the harves�ng season, usually during the months of July to September. This may require that migrant families relocate several �mes during the year (U.S. Department of Labor, 2000). In addi�on to not having much formal educa�on, over the past decade migrant workers have faced less stable work condi�ons and earned low wages, resul�ng in the likelihood of their living in poverty.

Migrant workers of all kinds also face many job hazards, substandard working and living condi�ons, long hours, and isola�on. They suffer poorer-than-average health and have a lower life expectancy than other workers due to the stresses of their job (Migrant Health Promo�on, 2013).

Children of migrant families have many challenges, including increased mobility and chaos. The federal government funds programs such as Head Start to provide developmental and educa�on programs to migrant children to help minimize the impact of school disrup�ons, family poverty, cultural and linguis�c barriers, and lack of resources. The mobility of families may limit children's language and socio- emo�onal skills because of inconsistent learning opportuni�es.

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4.4 Programmatic and Instructional Practices and Considerations for Immigrant Children and Families ECE programs and teachers can effec�vely support immigrant children's and families' integra�on into U.S. society. Based on Vesley and Ginsberg's (2011) framework, Table 4.1 summarizes the roles of early educa�on programs and teachers in poten�ally minimizing the challenges and future dispari�es experienced by immigrant families and children.

Table 4.1: Ways That Early Childhood Educa�on can Minimize Dispari�es for Immigrant Children

Value Descrip�on

Economic func�on Availability of affordable, quality ECE allows both parents to be employed outside of the home, providing more economic stability, poten�ally reducing the poverty rates. Increase in economic stability would also support more posi�ve and engaged paren�ng prac�ces, as well as strengthen health and emo�onal well-being.

Educa�onal func�on

Early educa�on programs that are of high quality with developmentally appropriate prac�ces are associated with posi�ve outcomes for children's reading, math, and language skills, as well as socio-emo�onal outcomes. Language skills are par�cularly important as many immigrant children o�en reside in households where parents have limited English proficiency. These early cogni�ve outcomes are associated with be�er school outcomes and gradua�on rates and children being able to be�er integrate into U.S. society.

Social func�on Early educa�on environments help children learn how to interact in the United States. Early educa�on teachers can help immigrant families integrate into U.S. culture through their rela�onships with the families. Early educa�on programs and teachers can bridge the cultural gap between immigrant families and other families by providing opportuni�es for connec�ng through specific events and mee�ngs.

Source: Adapted from Vesley, C. K., & Ginsberg, M. R. (2011). Explora�on of the status of services for immigrant families in early childhood educa�on programs. Washington, DC: Na�onal Associa�on for the Educa�on of Young Children.

In their NAEYC report focused on ways to strengthen ECE programs for immigrant families, Vesely and Ginsburg (2011) iden�fy four core principles that support immigrant families: (1) increasing the availability of high-quality ECE to immigrant families, (2) programs building rela�onships with and understanding immigrant families, (3) strengthening immigrant parents' iden�ty development as well as representa�on and advocacy in the local community, and (4) programs providing ongoing ECE staff development and well-being. We will discuss these principles one by one in the following sec�ons.

Providing Access to Quality ECE Programs for Immigrant Families

ECE programs and staff can be instrumental in ensuring that immigrant families and their children have access to high-quality experiences. Staff can connect families to community programs that service immigrant families; offer to visit and talk with families about their programs and classrooms; and post informa�on at specific events, loca�ons, and online community forums.

ECE programs and staff can also ask immigrant families of children in the program to provide informa�on to other families in their network about their ECE programs, as well as talk about how their child's high quality ECE program benefits them and their child. This informa�on sharing will likely minimize the reluctance that some immigrant families have about using ECE programs, because their reluctance may be due to their lack of understanding and ability to access high quality programming in their communi�es.

In addi�on to increasing the number of immigrant families that can access high quality ECE programs, early childhood educators must also be educated about social services in the community. Recommenda�ons for ECE teachers and programs are provided in Table 4.2.

Table 4.2: Recommenda�ons for Providing Access to Quality ECE Programs for Immigrant Families

Se�ng Prac�ce

Classrooms Teachers understand what high-quality ECE and developmentally appropriate prac�ces are. Teachers consistently consider how their classroom quality may be improved. Teachers use available resources to improve quality.

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In this video, toddler teacher Kyoko Uchida discusses the value and importance of developing a rela�onship with diverse groups of families for both the family and teacher.

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons

1. Kyoko says that she enjoys working with immigrant families because it "keeps her learning." What are some examples of the types of things she might be referring to?

2. What do you think she means when she says the challenges are mostly for the teacher?

Cultural Competence in Prac�ce

Programs Program staff provide outreach to and educa�on of parents of young children. Teachers across all classrooms in a program are convened to discuss best developmentally appropriate prac�ces for working with immigrant families.

Community High-quality programs (center- or home-based) are developed in all communi�es. Programs develop rela�onships with local public schools. Programs partner with immigrant-serving organiza�ons to enroll families in programs.

Source: Vesely, C. K., & Ginsberg, M. R. (2011). Explora�on of the status of services for immigrant families in early childhood educa�on programs. Washington, DC: Na�onal Associa�on for the Educa�on of Young Children.

Building Relationships With Immigrant Children and Families

Researchers have found that parents are very interested and invested in their children's ECE experiences; they welcome and seek out opportuni�es to discuss their children's progress with their teachers, but teachers receive li�le guidance or prepara�on for working with immigrant children and families (Tobin, 2009). As discussed earlier, the reasons o�en given for immigrant children's lower achievement are their language ability, poverty, lack of mo�va�on, and family challenges. "Commi�ed and dedicated teachers may truly believe in, and despair of, their students' perceived constraints," says educa�on professor Linda Hogg, "but tragically this deficit theorizing mindset ul�mately leads to expecta�on and acceptance of low academic achievement" (2011, p. 666).

Researchers have challenged this deficit perspec�ve by asking teachers to self-reflect on how their biases and cultural experiences may affect the experiences they provide for children, and how they can incorporate children's cultures in their school experiences (see the Cultural Reflec�on feature, "Checking Our Biases"). Teachers need to become involved in and aware of the lives and resources of immigrant children and their families.

Cultural Reflec�on: Checking Our Biases

Respond to the following ques�ons and reflect on how your percep�ons may affect your views of and interac�ons with immigrant children and families. How can you improve your cultural competence and sensi�vity towards immigrant children and families? What are some key steps you can take?

1. When you think about immigrant families, who do you see? What do they look like, what language(s) do they speak, what is their educa�on level, where do they work, where do they live, what are their normal rou�nes?

2. When you think about an immigrant child, who do you see? What does he or she look like? How does the child interact with you, and how does the child interact with peers? How "smart" is the child? Is she or he aggressive, shy, talka�ve, quiet, coopera�ve? What will the future be like for this child?

3. What similari�es do you see between your family and your image of an immigrant family? What are the differences? 4. Have a conversa�on with someone who has immigrated to the United States. How similar or different is this individual from your

imagined "immigrant"? What percep�ons were validated? What percep�ons were ques�oned?

For ECE programs and teachers to be most effec�ve with children and families, there has to be a founda�on of trust, which emerges from a strong rela�onship. That is, in order for children to experience the rich benefits of the classroom, they have to feel comfortable and engaged. Similarly, families must also feel comfortable and value the work of ECE programs and teachers. For example, immigrant families may view the "play-based child- centered approach" of many high quality ECE programs as an�the�cal to how they view schooling (Tobin, 2009).

Programs that have found success in building a strong connec�on with immigrant families and children started this rela�onship before school started, during the enrollment or registra�on period. During these early periods, as well as during orienta�on or Open House, program staff can learn more about families and children, a common prac�ce with Head Start programs. This not only allows programs and teachers to learn about the child and family, but is also an opportunity for families and children to learn about the program and perhaps meet the teacher for the upcoming school year. The rela�onship between families and children and teachers and programs can be further strengthened through conversa�ons during pick-up or drop-off �mes or through specific periods during the school year.

In some ECE programs such as Head Start, family support specialists are linked to specific families. They usually have a human service background, such as social work or psychology, and their role is to support families (e.g., providing support for health, employment, educa�on, housing) and to support the teacher in developing a strong rela�onship with the family and child. This means that family support specialists spend �me in the classroom

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observing and interac�ng with the children, as well as �me in the home with families. This helps them provide informa�on to the teacher about how to build a closer rela�onship with the parent and child, as well as make the classroom environment and instruc�on more culturally relevant for the child.

Other methods to develop a strong rela�onships with immigrant families include home visits, which allow teachers to learn more about parents' rou�nes and tradi�ons and poten�ally trigger ideas for materials and ac�vi�es for the classroom; parent-teacher mee�ngs; and workshops that can be geared toward immigrant families' needs with informa�on gathered through surveys, focus groups, or informal conversa�ons. Recommenda�ons for ECE teachers and programs are provided in Table 4.3.

Table 4.3: Building Rela�onships with Families

Se�ng Prac�ce

Classrooms Teachers and family service workers have daily interac�ons with individual parents. Teachers incorporate ar�facts provided by families into the classroom décor and curriculum.

Programs Program has family service workers on staff. Home visits are conducted by both teachers and family service workers. Materials for families are translated. Staff diversity is promoted in order to be�er understand the linguis�c and cultural needs of parents.

Community Programs are centrally located in immigrant neighborhoods. Individuals from the neighborhood are hired and trained to work in the program. Teachers are encouraged to par�cipate in community ac�vi�es (e.g., cultural fes�vals).

Empowering Immigrant Families Through Leadership Opportunities

Head Start programs have a parent policy council that governs and monitors the programma�c prac�ces of programs and classrooms. Parents are the leaders of this council. Though other ECE programs do not have this structure, other leadership and governing roles can be provided to families through the advisory boards or commi�ees that likely exist. These leadership opportuni�es can provide a way for immigrant parents to gain a be�er sense of how the ECE program func�ons, and they also provide an opportunity to incorporate their culture into the program.

Leadership avenues are also a way for families to advocate for their children, which is empowering. In addi�on to the informa�on about social services, ECE programs and teachers can help families learn how to navigate social service agencies and other ins�tu�ons (e.g., public schools, clinics, and immigra�on), further empowering families. Immigrants can use these experiences to advocate for themselves and their children, as well as other immigrant families and children. Recommenda�ons for ECE teachers and programs are provided in Table 4.4.

Table 4.4: Recommenda�ons for Empowering Immigrant Families

Se�ng Prac�ce

Classrooms Parents and families are encouraged to observe and help in classroom. Staff meet with parents about goals for themselves and their children. Teachers and staff take �me to learn about parents' everyday lives, including employment, economic situa�on, assets and constraints, social networks, and poli�cal par�cipa�on.

Programs Provide a structure whereby teachers and staff can come to understand each family's unique situa�on (e.g., through home visits or regular conferences focusing on the whole family).

Community Programs create links with or house other community programs (health care, social services) to provide services to immigrant families.

ECE Staff Development

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A key part of ECE staff development is to ensure that the demographics of ECE staff match the demographics of children and families served, or at least include staff who have some credibility with the community. When it is not possible to have a diverse staff represent the program, parents and other members of the community can serve as resources for the ECE program and teachers. They can begin by volunteering in the program and classrooms, so they become accustomed to the structures and expecta�ons. Ideally, these parents and community members can be trained to be employed by the program as teachers, assistant teachers, family specialists, and directors.

Having a diverse staff can help in many ways, including developing the rela�onships among teachers and families and children and understanding cultural norms and tradi�ons (e.g., cultures where women are not allowed to talk or be around men who are not their rela�ves). A diverse staff can also help with language and communica�on challenges, such as teachers needing a translator to communicate with parents and children.

In addi�on, cultural competence of all staff must be developed, regardless of their cultural or ethnic backgrounds. Cultural competence is par�cularly important for teachers to ensure that their instruc�onal prac�ces and approaches are culturally relevant and meaningful for all children, especially for children from immigrant families. This means going beyond the no�on of having a "doll of color"; it means using books, music, and ar�facts that represent children's culture and asking parents about things they do at home that can be incorporated into classroom ac�vi�es (i.e., inves�ga�ng and employing their funds of knowledge). Recommenda�ons for ECE teachers and programs are provided in Table 4.5.

Table 4.5: Recommenda�ons for ECE Staff Development

Se�ng Prac�ce

Classrooms Program provides in-classroom mentoring and coaching using a master teacher. Program provides co-teaching among teachers of diverse backgrounds.

Programs Program provides all staff and teachers with adequate �me away from children for reflec�on. Teachers receive trainings on various issues, including race, implemen�ng curriculum with ELL children, second- language acquisi�on, u�lizing the local social welfare system, understanding what different documenta�on statuses mean for immigrant families. Program provides language, communica�ons skills, and cultural competence training for staff.

Community Other community programs collaborate with ECE programs to teach staff how to find local services for families. Local universi�es and colleges collaborate with ECE programs on pre- and in-services, as well as ongoing evalua�ve research of programs.

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Chapter Summary

Discussion Ques�ons

1. How can early childhood educa�on programs make access to high-quality educa�on easier for immigrant families? 2. Describe the stressors that immigrant families face and how these stressors may affect children in the classroom. 3. Describe the posi�ve func�ons that early childhood programs can have on the lives of immigrant families and their young children.

Further Reading

Immigra�on Policy Center (2008, November 25). De-roman�cizing our immigrant past: Why claiming "my family came legally" is o�en a myth. Retrieved from h�p://www.immigra�on policy.org/just-facts/de-roman�cizing-our-immigrant-past-why-claiming-my-family-came -legally-o�en-myth (h�p://www.immigra�onpolicy.org/just-facts/de-roman�cizing-our-immigrant-past-why-claiming-my-family-came-legally-o�en-myth)

Johnson, A., Baker, A., & Bruer, L. (2007). Interdependence, garbage dumping, and feral dogs: Exploring three lifeworld resources of young children in a rural school. Early Childhood Educa�on Journal, 34(6), 371–377. doi:10.1007/s10643-007-0160-0

Souto-Manning, M. (2007). Immigrant families and children (re)develop iden��es in a new context. Early Childhood Educa�on Journal, 34(6), 399–405. doi:10.1007/s10643-006-0146-3

Key Terms

Click on each key term to see the defini�on.

asylum (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cove

A form of protec�on from their own governments that some immigrants seek when coming to the United States (e.g., refugees, poli�cal ac�vists, whistleblowers).

Child and Youth Well-Being Index (CWI) (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cove

The most comprehensive measure of how well America's children are faring.

familismo (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cove

Chapter 4 Summary

http://www.immigrationpolicy.org/just-facts/de-romanticizing-our-immigrant-past-why-claiming-my-family-came-legally-often-myth

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Spanish term referring to the strong rela�onship within families, including extended family.

fic�ve kinship (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cove

Forms of kinship or social �es that are not based on blood �es or marriage.

funds of knowledge (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cove

Essen�al cultural prac�ces and bodies of knowledge that households use to survive, to get ahead, or to thrive.

immigrant paradox (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cove

U.S. immigrants showing be�er outcomes compared to U.S.-born peers from the same ethnic/racial group and socioeconomic status.

mul�lingual (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cove

Ability to speak three or more languages.

overcrowded (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cove

In housing, when there is more than one person per room in a household.

social capital (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cove

Collec�ve or economic benefits derived from the coopera�on between individuals and groups.

socioeconomic status (SES) (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cove

Indicators of family resources that support children's learning and development, such as levels of educa�on, employment, income, and wealth (such as a home or investments).

unauthorized immigrants (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cove

Individuals who entered the U.S. illegally or are staying longer than permi�ed.

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Building Partnerships With Culturally Diverse Families Across Home, School, and Community

Ingram Publishing/Thinkstock

Learning Objec�ves

By the �me you reach the end of this chapter, you should be able to do the following:

1. Discuss the changing structure of families in the United States. 2. Explain how teachers can promote cultural socializa�on. 3. Describe ways teachers can connect to culturally diverse families and promote family engagement. 4. Describe how early educa�on teachers and programs can leverage community resources to support children's

learning.

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While the majority of children live in a two-parent household, since the late 1960s there has been a significant increase in single-parent, female-headed households.

Introduction Natasha has been a Head Start teacher for almost three years, and she really enjoys interac�ng with the families; she tries hard to find ways to involve them in the classroom, such as having parents be a classroom aide for a day, chaperone field trips, or provide supplies and snacks. Even with all of her outreach to families, she is s�ll a bit frustrated that many fathers are not involved—and some even seem hos�le or indifferent to her a�empts to involve them. For example, David, a recently divorced father who does not come to school o�en, told her, "You don't understand my life, and asking me to bake cookies and cut paper does not make me want to come to this classroom."

How can Natasha begin to get more fathers involved in the classroom? How can she provide support for David's son during this �me of major family transi�on?

In this chapter, we will discuss the diversity of and changes to the structures and living situa�ons of American families. We will discuss what it means for early educa�on teachers when a child in their classroom comes from a single-parent, male-headed household; has two mothers; is raised by a grandmother; or has a mother in prison. We will discuss how family culture, including tradi�ons and communica�on style, influences children's development, learning, and interac�ons and rela�onships with adults in their lives—including teachers. The final sec�on of this chapter will discuss how a teacher can foster family and community engagement in a way that is culturally meaningful and sensi�ve.

5.1 The Changing Structure of American Families and Communities Chapters 1 and 4 focused on the diversity of children and families in the United States, including immigrant families. Just as there has been a change in U.S. racial and ethnic demographics in the past 50–60 years, there has also been a change in the American family— or what is considered a "family." According to the U.S. census, a family is a group of people who are related by birth, marriage, or adop�on, but social scien�sts have broader defini�ons of families that are not necessarily dependent on biological or legal rela�ons. For example, they might define a family as a group of people who are emo�onally connected and commi�ed to the development and care of one another.

The Rise of "Nontraditional" Families

The "nuclear family," consis�ng of a married mother and father and their biological and/or adopted children, has long been considered the "tradi�onal" family. However, in the last half of the 20th century, economic factors and changes in views of marriage and love have led to many different kinds of families. Women no longer have to marry for economic reasons; many can now choose whether they want to be married (Coontz, 2005). Many people now marry or live in cohabita�ng households for emo�onal reasons—love—and they divorce or separate for emo�onal reasons— lack of love.

This flexibility and acceptance of choice has resulted in more single-parent, gay and lesbian, grandparent, step-family, non-rela�ve, and nontradi�onal households (Organisa�on for Economic Coopera�on and Development, 2011). As shown in Figure 5.1, over the past 50 years there has been a decrease in two-parent families and an increase in single-parent families, especially female-headed households, for all children. There are also racial and ethnic differences in the types of families that young children are likely to live in. As shown in Figure 5.2, less than a third of African American or Black children are likely to live with two married parents, compared to 85% of Asian American children.

Figure 5.1: Living Arrangement of Children From 1960 to 2012

Sources: U.S. Census Bureau. (2012). 1960 Census of Popula�on, PC(2)-4B, Persons by Family Characteris�cs (Tables 1 and 19). Current Popula�on Survey, Annual Social and Economic Supplements, 1968–2012. Retrieved from h�p://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/children.html (h�p://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/children.html)

http://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/children.html

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Asian children are most likely to live in a tradi�onal family se�ng with two married parents, while only one–third of African American children live in a two-parent family.

Toddler teacher, Kyoko Uchida, describes how best to respond to children who have ques�ons about different types of families.

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�on

1. Kyoko shares how she would respond when another child asks why a child is making two Mother's Day cards. How would you respond to this child? Why?

Cultural Competence in Prac�ce

Figure 5.2: Living Arrangements of Children by Race and Ethnicity in 2011

Source: U.S. Census Bureau. (2012). America's Families and Living Arrangements: 2011 (Table C-2). Retrieved from h�p://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/cps2011.html (h�p://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/cps2011.html)

Single-parent families, gay/lesbian, and step-families are also becoming more common, but the collec�on of data for these types of families are not as precise as other types of families (Brown, 2004). For example, if a child lives with a biological father who has remarried, then her living arrangement will s�ll be captured under "living with two married parents," rather than with a step-family. In a blended family (step-family), either one or both parents have children from a previous rela�onship. Children from a step-family may live with one biological parent and visit their other biological parent, or they may live with each biological parent for a period of �me. Thus, the arrangements of blended families vary.

Reflecting the Diversity of Nontraditional Families

In their brief, en�tled, "Crea�ng Welcoming and Inclusive Environments for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered Families in Early Childhood Se�ngs," Burt, Gelnaw, and Lessner (2010) stress that though teachers may have a personal discomfort with, general bias against, or nega�ve assump�ons about the LGBT community, or have a moral/religious belief about homosexuality being improper, it is important that teachers perform the du�es of their job by teaching and interac�ng with all families in a respec�ul and inclusive manner. Children from all different types of families view their own families in comparison to their peers' families and what they see in books or on television. Consequently, it is important that the books and artwork in classrooms reflect the diversity of the children's families.

The family type can also affect how early educators and families collaborate to support each child's development, even in the school environment and materials that are provided. The nuclear family is s�ll assumed to be the norm in many ways. For example, when families enroll children in school or early childhood programs, the forms o�en ask for mother's and father's name and offer only one line for contact informa�on, based on the assump�on that the child has two parents who live in the same home. A mother who has had her child through sperm dona�on may feel uncomfortable with the assump�on that there should be a known father in her child's life, and she may see the program and its teachers as poten�ally insensi�ve and non-inclusive.

The variety of today's family structures should be reflected in how early childhood programs engage families during enrollment and throughout the school year, the materials and visuals used by the program and in learning ac�vi�es in the classrooms, the types and �ming of events held for families, and communica�on with families.

Ways that early childhood teachers can show sensi�vity to the diversity of family structures include the following:

Forms. Ensure that forms asking about family informa�on do not assume a mother and father who live in the same home. Provide space for informa�on about the child's family and primary caregiver without assump�ons about rela�onships and the structure of the household. Communica�on. When communica�ng with a child's caregiver, do not assume a specific family type. Use of the term "family" instead of "mother and father" may be most appropriate. Elici�ng feedback about family needs. Focus groups with specific types of families (e.g., single mothers/fathers, adop�ve parents) can help to ensure that the program is being inclusive and respec�ul and to determine unique challenges within the different types of families. For example, a single father may have thoughts about how the program may be more responsive to his needs as they differ from those of single mothers.

Ways to support diverse families and children in the program and classroom include the following:

http://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/cps2011.html

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Early childhood educators need to pay special a�en�on to the family structures of the children in their classrooms so they can understand poten�al stressors that might affect the children.

iStockphoto/Thinkstock

Materials. Ensure that materials and visuals represent diverse families. This may require adap�ng materials, such as making new pictures to replace standard pictures. Songs that exclude some types of families can be revised or adapted to be more inclusive. Storybooks can be chosen to portray a variety of family types. Interac�ons. Discuss similari�es and differences among families, focusing on the uniqueness, value, and importance of different kinds of families. These classroom interac�ons can occur through children's story-telling, drawing and pos�ng pictures, etc. Ensure that children and staff do not nega�vely discuss children who come from different types of families. Ques�ons. Find out from children who they consider to be their family, such as who takes care of them most of the �me.

Differences in Outcomes Among Family Types

Though nontradi�onal families are no longer as s�gma�zed as they once were, studies have shown that family types are associated with differences in outcomes for children. Children who reside in single-parent households, for example, are more likely than children in two-parent households to exhibit poor outcomes, especially problem behaviors.

Researchers suggest several reasons that some family types, especially single-parent, female-headed households, may be correlated with nega�ve child outcomes: youth, limited educa�on, lack of parental resources, parental mental health problems such as higher rates of depression or stress, poor rela�onship quality between child's parents, lower paren�ng quality, and lack of father involvement (Carlson & Corcoran, 2001; Iruka, 2009; Lansford, Ceballo, Abbey, & Stewart, 2001; Waldfogel, Craigie, & Brooks-Gunn, 2010). Compared to two-parent households, single-parent households are less likely to have resources—namely income, books, clothes, and extracurricular ac�vi�es. These families are also more likely to live in poorer school districts and neighborhoods, which means that children will likely be a�ending lower quality elementary schools and early childhood programs.

Poorer paren�ng quality is strongly associated with limited resources, stress, and feelings of depression. Single mothers are more likely to report depression than married mothers, and depression o�en results in parents being less emo�onally available for their children; however, single mothers are not necessarily insensi�ve or ina�en�ve to their child's needs.

Examina�on of other family structures, such as adop�ve and step-families, shows some minimal differences in terms of father engagement, family cohesion, and child externalizing problems compared to two-parent households, but there were no differences in children's well-being and rela�onships or parental well-being and rela�onship (Lansford et al., 2001).

Supporting Nontraditional Families

Early childhood teachers should seek to determine the stressors that families may be experiencing and how they may impair children's cogni�ve and socio-emo�onal well-being. For example, highly stressed families may not return forms or phone calls in a �mely fashion, volunteer in the classroom, engage in learning ac�vi�es sent home, or a�end school events or mee�ngs. Though it is important to understand how family structure is associated with paren�ng behaviors and child outcomes, including parents' engagement in children's learning, it is even more cri�cal to focus on the sensi�vity and quality of interac�ons between children and their parents (Lansford et al., 2001; McLanahan, 1983); these are things that early childhood teachers and programs can strengthen and improve upon.

In the opening vigne�e Natasha, a preschool teacher, has a communica�on incident with a father who is going through a divorce. This father is facing dras�c changes in his life, including having to move out of the family home and no longer being able to see his child every day. These life changes have resulted in anxiety, stress, anger, and isola�on, which have damaged his rela�onships with friends, coworkers, and now his son's teacher. The change in the family structure is likely to lessen his involvement and engagement in his child's school.

Some things that Natasha can do for him, as well as other parents who do not seem to be involved or engaged, include the following:

At the first mee�ng, or at any mee�ng with parents, Natasha can find out the best form of communica�on, including use of technology, such as text, Skype®, or e-mail, and the frequency of communica�on that is most comfortable for them. Natasha can determine from parents the best �me for mee�ngs or home visits, such as evenings or weekends. She should also find out if parents have any conflicts that will prevent them from a�ending school events; for example, if they are working mul�ple jobs or are unable to take �me off to a�end school events. Rather than focusing on the parents' a�endance at school func�ons, Natasha can focus on what they are doing at home to support their child's learning. Natasha can provide addi�onal support with supplemental ac�vi�es and ideas. Such an offer would likely have shown the father that Natasha cares about the development of his child and is willing to help in any way possible. Natasha can make sure that she reaches out to both the mother and father during classroom communica�ons, and that the parental involvement ac�vi�es she plans include things fathers are likely to be interested in.

The Effects of Poverty

Chapter 1 explains how poverty and economic hardship limit families in various ways, including access to materials and resources like food, clothing, adequate housing, and health care. Poverty also limits children's access to high-quality elementary schools and early care and educa�on programs, as

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A ques�onnaire like this one can shed light on poten�al reasons for changes in a child's behavior at school.

well as to academically-enriching community ins�tu�ons such as libraries and museums. They miss out on s�mula�ng and rich experiences that enhance their language development and prepara�on for school.

If families do not have the economic ability to live in more advantageous communi�es, the children may be subject to chronic stressors that harm them physically, emo�onally, and socially. Though many poor urban communi�es provide resources to families, such as clinics, social service agencies, and schools, many of them are also prone to violence and other trauma�c experiences (Beyers, Bates, Pe�t, & Dodge, 2003; Brooks-Gunn, Duncan, Klebanov, & Sealand, 1993; Duncan, Brooks-Gunn, & Aber, 2000). Being a vic�m of violence or witnessing violence (Dahlberg, 1998) is likely to lead to anxiety and other psychological issues for both adults and children (Graham- Bermann & Seng, 2005).

Children who live in poor and disadvantaged communi�es are also more likely to be exposed to health hazards, such as toxic materials in substandard buildings (e.g., lead paint, asbestos, mold), which can have dire health and cogni�ve effects, including development of learning disabili�es and asthma (Aber, Benne�, Conley, & Li, 1997). Living in a poor and disadvantaged community can also mean children are less likely to receive proper nutri�on and health care, which can limit their a�endance in the early childhood classroom, which in turn limits their readiness for school.

Early childhood teachers and programs can play a key role in diminishing some of the nega�ve effects that poor families and children experience. In addi�on to providing educa�on, health and nutri�on services, some Head Start programs help families manage stressors (Curenton, McWey, & Bolen, 2009) through parent support groups and referrals to mental health agencies. Programs and teachers can provide services to support families' well- being and self-sufficiency, as well as an environment where children feel protected, safe, and s�mulated through a variety of nurturing learning ac�vi�es and sensi�ve interac�ons.

Although not every child from a low-income household lives in a poor community or a family with unmanageable stress, it is important for early childhood educators who work with children from low-income families and other disadvantaged families to be aware of children's emo�onal state and any life events that may affect children's normal rou�ne. For instance, if the family structure has changed due to a separa�on or divorce or new family members, if the family has moved to a new home, if the primary caregiver's work hours have changed, or if the child has witnessed violence, these events may impair the child's func�oning and feeling of safety. Behavioral signs include feelings of anxiety before and a�er school, less energy, limited concentra�on or a�en�on, frequent absences, and moments of outbursts.

Early childhood teachers can communicate with parents about poten�al changes in the family that may cause changes in the child's func�oning. Figure 5.3 provides examples of ques�ons to ask caregivers about factors that can affect children's func�oning.

Figure 5.3: Life Events Scale

Source: © Educare Implementa�on Study, Frank Porter Graham Child Development Ins�tute, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.

The Real World Dilemma feature, "The Case of Undocumented Students," describes a par�cular type of family in poverty and some of the stressors that can exacerbate the problems of poverty.

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Real World Dilemma: The Case of Undocumented Students

Undocumented students are those who live in the United States illegally, with or without their parents or guardians. Approximately 1.5 million, or 15%, of undocumented immigrants are children (Gonzales, 2007). Over two-thirds of undocumented students are from Mexico or La�n America, but the next largest group of undocumented students are from South or East Asia.

Children under the age of 5 may be U.S. ci�zens themselves, but live with families who are undocumented. In situa�ons such as this, the child may be legally able to a�end the program, but the family may be unable to meet the expense, par�cularly if members are having difficulty finding employment because of their documenta�on status. What can teachers and programs do in this case? How can they help families access resources and funding to ensure children a�end high-quality programs?

In Sec�on 5.3, we will discuss how early educa�on teachers can support parents' social capital and network by providing access to informa�on, services, and resources. In the case of undocumented families, teachers can find out which agency is able to help parents, especially those in immigrant families, find financial support for full-�me childcare. They can also find out from other families which contacts and resources have been helpful to secure financial support for their childcare needs.

In some instances, families may not need financial support, but instead a sense of safety and security that their documenta�on status will not be released or used against them. In one example from East Harlem, New York, a partnership between an Early Head Start/Head Start program and a local precinct was formed. This was prompted by the need to strengthen the rela�onship between Mexican parents and the local precinct to address community safety. The parents ini�ally did not want to get involved because of deporta�on fears. However, through two-way collabora�on and the help of Head Start programs, parents took tours of police precincts, and police spent �me in the Head Start programs in non-threatening ways. Further, the Head Start program and police held community forums to educate families about their rights, and parents organized trainings for police to be sensi�ve to the needs of the community.

Since undocumented parents are unlikely to engage with community agencies and organiza�ons, including social services, collabora�ons like these can help ensure that young children from undocumented families receive access to services. To read more about this example and ways early childhood programs can support undocumented families and children, see the Harvard Family Research Project. (h�p://www.hfrp.org/)

http://www.hfrp.org/

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The Plains Indian Museum Powwow, pictured here, is a gathering of Na�ve American dancers, drum groups, and ar�sts. For a child, exposure to an event such as this can aid in their cultural socializa�on.

Nomad/SuperStock

5.2 Cultural and Racial Socialization Parents ins�ll values, morals, and ethics in their children through many mechanisms. Parents decide how, when, and why children are exposed to certain things and what these things are. All parents, whatever their ethnic or heritage groups, adopt a cultural model of paren�ng that includes the goals, ideology, values, and beliefs of their par�cular cultural group (Super & Harkness, 1986).

Many ethnic minority parents choose to ins�ll pride in their ethnic culture and history (Crowley & Curenton, 2011; Hughes, 2003; Hughes et al., 2006), called cultural socializa�on. Cultural socializa�on prac�ces are deliberate or implicit paren�ng prac�ces and interac�ons that teach children about their ethnic/cultural heritage and history; these prac�ces encourage the sharing of cultural customs and tradi�ons and that promote children's cultural, racial, and ethnic pride (Hughes et al., 2006).

There are many ways that families culturally socialize their children, including discussions about important historical and cultural figures (e.g., Rosa Parks, Mar�n Luther King, Jr., Sacajawea, Cesar Chavez, Geronimo). Families may also expose children to cultural tradi�ons and celebra�ons (e.g., Cinco de Mayo, Mar�n Luther King Holiday, El Dìa de los Muertos [Day of the Dead], Caribbean Fes�val, Calle Ocho Fes�val, Pow- Wows, Chinese New Year), and visit their ancestral homeland and extended families. Exposing children to aspects of their culture by a�ending family events, such as weddings, and community events reinforces cultural tradi�ons, beliefs, and values, as well as the language of the culture.

On a daily basis, ethnic minority families might engage in cultural socializa�on by exposing children to culturally relevant books, music, art, and stories; by ea�ng ethnic foods; and by using their home language. Parents differ to the extent with which they may engage in ac�vi�es that promote cultural pride, depending on the relevance of their culture in their life experiences, the child's age and gender, current events, and other issues in their life.

How Families Protect Their Children From Discrimination

Because some parents from certain "racial" groups understand that society may have nega�ve stereotypes about their group and because their group has first-hand experience with ins�tu�onal oppression, discrimina�on, and prejudice, they may focus not only on ensuring that the child has a posi�ve view about their group and themselves, but also that the child has the social and emo�onal tools to confront discrimina�on. Parents and guardians, especially in racial minority families, o�en try to protect their children from discrimina�on and bias that they have directly or indirectly experienced. This is o�en called "prepara�on for bias."

One of the things that families do to prepare children for bias include sharing informa�on about how their group has had a history of being oppressed and denied opportuni�es through individual and ins�tu�onal ac�ons, such as segregated facili�es or internment camps. Families may also share current events, such as the shoo�ng of unarmed Black males or the Border Patrol's deten�on of individuals who look La�no. Such events may propel parents to prepare children for poten�al bias and similar treatment by police officers and authori�es.

Bias prepara�on ac�vi�es that parents engage in vary, based on the child's developmental level, age, and gender, as well as parents' experiences and comfort with discussing nega�ve, and poten�ally trauma�c, events with their children. Especially with young children, bias protec�on o�en takes the form of encouraging children to do well in school and be well behaved (Suzzio, Robinson, & Pahlke, 2009).

Racial Socializa�on

Several studies have found that African Americans have a specific cultural model of paren�ng referred to as racial socializa�on (Hughes, 2003; Hughes & Chen, 1997; Hughes & Chen, 1999; McAdoo, 2002; Suzzio, Robinson, & Pahlke, 2009), "in which values and ideologies about freedom and equality are intertwined with the short-term goal of teaching children about their heritage and the long-term goal of rearing healthy children who are resilient enough to thrive in a racist society (Crowley & Curenton, 2011, p. 2)."

Racial socializa�on includes mul�ple dimensions: (a) providing children with the social and emo�onal tools they need to confront bias and discrimina�on, (b) teaching children to have pride about their cultural heritage and history, and (c) teaching them about the commonali�es (and some�mes differences) among other ethnic groups (Hughes, 2003; Hughes & Chen, 1997; Hughes & Chen, 1999). Parents communicate racial socializa�on ideals through conversa�ons (e.g., specifically those concerning equality or jus�ce, discrimina�on, stereotypes, and cultural heritage), modeling their own behavior to their children, and exposing children to cultural history, ar�facts, and tradi�ons (Murray & Mandara, 2002; Thornton, Cha�ers, Taylor, & Allen, 1990). Children whose parents report using racial socializa�on techniques have stronger cogni�ve skills (Caughy, O'Campo, Randolph, & Nickerson, 2002), a more posi�ve sense of self (Murray & Brody, 2002; Tantum, 2004), and fewer behavior problems (Caughy, O'Campo, & Muntaner, 2004).

Ins�lling Ethnic Pride

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An example of a child who has posi�vely internalized messages about racial socializa�on, par�cularly as it relates to ins�lling a posi�ve self-image, is Shemeca, a 3-year-old, who clutches her chocolate brown baby doll during sociodrama�c play, and who proudly exclaims, "I'm a pre�y brown girl like Princess Tiana!" Shemeca's statement is an expression of her ethnic pride and self-esteem, and as many African American parents know, ins�lling this type of ethnic pride in one's child is no small feat. Recall the Clark Doll Experiment that was described in Chapter 2, which found that African American children favored White dolls over Black dolls. African American parents, as well as minority researchers, interpret children's preference for White dolls as an indica�on of nega�ve self-esteem and nega�ve a�tudes toward themselves and their group.

One of the challenges African American mothers report facing is ins�lling a posi�ve self-image in their children, par�cularly girls (Crowley & Curenton, 2011). For example, one mother's concern centered on stereotypical no�ons of beauty, which are primarily defined by a White standard:

Representa�on in the media in terms of females is something that we struggle with. Because I know [that in] some Mocha [moms' families], the Disney Princess does not exist in their households . . . [I mean not] any of the Disney Princesses [because none of them are African American] . . . They are all Caucasian females . . . [But]this year, . . . they are supposed to introduce their first African American princess (pp. 9–10).

This mother refers to the Disney Princess Tiana (the same character represented by Shemeca's doll), and based on the popularity of the products �ed to the movie The Princess and the Frog, it appears that many families see the appearance of Princess Tiana as a posi�ve; she shows children that Black women (and girls) can be princesses too.

Handling Situa�ons of Discrimina�on and Bias

Young children experience discrimina�on and bias. For example, Crowley and Curenton (2011) relate a story that one African American mother, Melissa, shared to explain what her son experienced at school:

The rule at their school is that four kids can be on the �re swing at once. So, [my son] tried to get on the �re swing and [another] boy told him that the �re swing was only for people with light skin. [My son was told] to go . . . with [two other children] who are the only African American children in the class besides [my son]. The reason why this is disturbing to me is, one, the [two other African American children], they were not even trying to get on the �re swing, and two, there are other ethnici�es in the class who have brown skin, but they are not Black and he did not men�on them. So, I feel like this li�le boy has a lot more going on, where he knows what he is saying (p. 8).

In seeking some type of resolu�on to this incident, Melissa reached out to the teacher and explained what had happened. The teacher, in turn, spoke with the parents of the young boy who had originally told Melissa's son that he was banned from the �re swing due to the color of his skin. What transpired next, however, upset Melissa even further. When the offending child's parent called Melissa at home to apologize, he said, "Well, I am really sorry that this [incident] happened to us." In Melissa's mind, this father took no responsibility for the racist ac�on itself, instead pain�ng it as an incident that unfortunately inflicted damage equally on both of the par�es. Her heart, consequently, remained painfully broken for her son (Crowley & Currenton, 2011, p.8).

Though the teacher appropriately no�fied the parents of their son's inappropriate behavior, the teacher should have also followed through with Melissa to ensure that the ma�er was appropriately addressed with the boy's parents. Considering the seriousness of the behavior, the teacher should have also had a conversa�on with the boy's parents to reiterate the importance of respect and the value of diversity.

How Teachers and Programs Can Enable Cultural Socialization

The 2005 NAEYC Code of Ethical Conduct states: "Above all, we shall not harm children. We shall not par�cipate in prac�ces that are emo�onally damaging, physically harmful, disrespec�ul, degrading, dangerous, exploita�ve, or in�mida�ng to children." This means that early childhood programs, teachers, and staff must ensure that the history, tradi�ons, and values of all children and their families are respected and, most importantly, integrated into the curriculum and experiences of the classroom.

As part of mee�ng this Code of Ethics, early educa�on professionals must partner with families to understand their heritages, tradi�ons, values, morals, and viewpoints. Even if some of a family's values and viewpoints—about issues such as religion, sexuality, or poli�cs—conflict with those of the program or an individual teacher, the ethical responsibility of early childhood programs and staff is to create a safe and nurturing place for children to grow and for families to feel supported and respected. This requires understanding, valuing, and incorpora�ng parents' cultural prac�ces into the program so children feel valuable and validated as human beings.

The Cultural Reflec�on feature, "Religion as a Source of Cultural Diversity for Children," provides an opportunity to consider how learning about religions might be incorporated into the classroom.

Cultural Reflec�on: Religion as a Source of Cultural Diversity for Children

Religion transcends race, ethnicity, and language. As an exercise in observing cultural diversity throughout many aspects of our lives, select and research one of the world's major religions (e.g., Chris�anity, Buddhism, Hinduism, Judaism, Islam). In what ways can you find and express the diversity within this religion and its believers, as well as the elements that its believers tend to have in common?

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Preschool teacher Sonia Sandoval describes the importance of honoring different types of famlies, and of being inclusive when celebra�ng families' tradi�ons and cultures.

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons

1. What different types of family structures are you likely to encounter in your early childhood classroom?

2. How will you help ensure that all families feel included in all aspects of the classroom and program?

Cultural Competence in Prac�ce

Addressing the ques�ons below will help teachers explore the cultural diversity within and across religions and incorporate it into classroom instruc�on and ac�vi�es. For example, classroom ac�vi�es can focus on various aspects of a religion or spiritual group, such as language, ritual, dress, celebra�on, loca�on, and so on.

Reflec�on Ques�ons:

1. Are the race and ethnicity of individuals who prac�ce this religion homogeneous or heterogeneous? In what ways are they physically similar or different?

2. Do all the individuals who prac�ce this religion come from the same country? 3. Do all the individuals who prac�ce this religion speak the same language? 4. Do all the individuals who prac�ce this religion wear similar clothing or is dress flexible? 5. Do all the individuals who prac�ce this religion a�end the same loca�on, use the same materials, adhere to the same religious

holidays or celebra�ons, perform the same rituals, a�end at the same day and �me?

As emphasized by Banks, teachers go through stages of transforming their curriculum and classroom instruc�on to be culturally relevant and an�-bias (Banks & Banks, 1993). These stages begin with acknowledging the inherent bias of curriculum that includes only the perspec�ve of the majority culture —namely, European Americans—and devalues others, including some informa�on about diversity during specific �mes (e.g., ac�vi�es and readings during Black or Hispanic History Month). They end with a curriculum that is truly transforma�ve, in which cultural diversity is integrated in all aspects of the instruc�on and environment, and issues are addressed explicitly. This process of transforming the curriculum and teaching provides a way for all children to feel valuable and connected to instruc�on, and it also supports parents' goal of ins�lling cultural pride in their children.

Teachers can show respect for families' tradi�ons and values by invi�ng family members to develop and par�cipate in classroom lessons and ac�vi�es and provide ideas for events and trips that engage children, teachers, and staff in the families' tradi�ons. However, culturally competent teachers who are aware of their students' cultures not only provide such "special event" opportuni�es, but they also integrate students' cultures and tradi�ons into all aspects of the classroom by means of visuals, books, events, ac�vi�es, and interac�ons with the children. Doing so ensures that children and families feel that their cultures and tradi�ons are valuable and worth experiencing.

Teachers should strive to avoid minimizing children's cultural tradi�ons and heritages. This can some�mes occur by simple omissions, such as when teachers do not ask children and families about their celebra�ons or inquire about the books and other materials they have at home that show people from their culture; or by not considering their family tradi�ons and home experiences when planning ac�vi�es or trips. Teachers are not expected to know everything about every culture, but they are expected to treat children as individuals, and part of a child's individuality is his or her tradi�ons and culture. And, of course, at the most basic level, cultures should not be minimized or disrespected by showing stereotypical or nega�ve imagery of them (e.g., "black face," Na�ve American war bonnets, subservience).

Early childhood teachers can support parents' prepara�on for bias through developing rela�onships with families and understanding the fears and concerns parents have for their children. These conversa�ons can happen not only during home visits and conferences, but also through focus groups with families about their goals for their children.

In their work helping administrators, staff, and teachers understand how schools can form a stronger rela�onship with African American and La�no families in order to find ways to

respect and integrate their cultural heritage and tradi�ons, Gillanders, McKinney, and Ritchie (2012) helped schools and teachers gather data from parents through focus groups and surveys. First, a series of focus groups were conducted with African American and La�na mothers. A facilitator was matched to each group based on their race and ethnicity; an African American facilitated the African American focus group, and a La�na facilitated the La�no focus group. In the first session, they focused on key goals that parents had for their children and how they and the schools supported those goals.

The second session focused on understanding what families did at home to support their children's learning and development, including some of their daily rou�nes and what they did to promote their culture. The third session focused on the rela�onships between schools and families, including the types of invita�ons parents received, challenges inherent in the ways the schools communicated and interacted with them and their child, and strategies schools can use to be�er partner with minority families.

From these focus groups, schools and teachers were able to understand the goals and priori�es for families; what families were doing at home that they could support or integrate into school ac�vi�es; cultural tradi�ons and prac�ces in the home; ways to effec�vely interact and communicate with families; and strategies to incorporate into the programs, schools, and classrooms.

As one example, the La�na mothers, mostly from Mexico, wanted more opportuni�es for networking with each other and more opportuni�es for their children to engage with each other because they felt a bit isolated. The mothers men�oned the joy they and their families o�en felt during soccer games while living in Mexico, so they suggested a soccer team, which the school implemented the next year. The soccer team served mul�ple

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By listening and interac�ng with their elders, such as a grandmother, children are exposed to familial and cultural tradi�ons that support their cultural socializa�on.

Fuse/Thinkstock

purposes: It provided an ac�vity that diverse children and families could engage in, allowing the La�na mothers to connect and network, and it brought an aspect of their lives in Mexico into their child's current life in an American school and community.

The informa�on from the focus groups also resulted in schools developing more effec�ve home visits and professional development sessions that focused on how to communicate clearly about children's performance. These types of focus groups, and the poten�al they have to lead a school to develop a more culturally competent community, can ensure that mothers like Melissa and their children are not re-trauma�zed by the ac�ons of schools and parents with limited informa�on about subtle instances of racism and prejudice.

Language and Other Means of Cultural Socialization

Though ac�vi�es, food, and celebra�ons are important, language remains the key method parents use to transmit cultural informa�on. Language plays a role in cultural transmission in a variety of ways. First, each cultural group has a specific language with which it communicates. Within these languages, there are dialects and varia�ons that provide informa�on about educa�on, region, and family of origin.

For example, African American English Vernacular (AAEV) is o�en discussed as a single language that many African Americans use as a subculture, but the use of this vernacular varies by part of the country, level of accultura�on, and socio-economic status. African Americans' use of AAEV is a communica�on style that provides a way for them to iden�fy and connect with each other on a deeper level due to shared experiences in the United States (Ogbu, 1999; Thompson, Craig, & Washington, 2004).

In addi�on to use of home language or dialect, parents transmit cultural informa�on to children through communica�on prac�ces such as listening, talking, telling, watching, showing, exposing, and involving in ac�vi�es (Cheshire, 2001). These socializa�on prac�ces provide informa�on to children about tradi�ons, customs, roles, expecta�ons, and rules about social engagement. Children learn a lot about their culture from listening to older adults, such as elders, who are the oldest members of a cultural group and hold substan�al historical and contextual knowledge about it. They are o�en highly respected because of their extensive knowledge about their group's history.

Through listening, children o�en learn moral and prac�cal guidelines, including the value of not burning bridges, cherishing family, and being spiritual as a coping mechanism. In some cultures, children's ques�ons and speech provide another way of transmi�ng informa�on. Through talking with parents, children receive informa�on about their culture and tradi�ons. Through asking ques�ons, children learn why some tradi�ons exist and why some are more valued than others. However, in other cultures, children are o�en expected to listen and observe rather than talk as a way to learn.

Language is also a vehicle to transmit the "culture" of an early childhood program. Teachers use language to communicate the classroom's culture, par�cularly how they expect children to behave, including interac�ons with teachers, adults, and peers. For example, some classrooms have a culture in which adults are referred to by their first names; in others, adults are referred to as "Ms." or "Mr." In some programs, the culture allows children to speak in their home language; in others, children are encouraged to use only Standard American English.

The culture of the classroom is not an expression of a wrong or right way, but expecta�ons for how children should behave and relate to others. See the Cultural Reflec�on feature, "What is Your Communica�on Style in the Classroom?" to gain more insight into your communica�on style in the classroom.

Cultural Reflec�on: What is Your Communica�on Style in the Classroom?

We all have a par�cular way of communica�ng. Some people primarily communicate explicitly and directly; others communicate primarily through providing exposure and experiences. Some communicate differently based on the se�ng (at home vs. at work), the social role (student vs. boss), or the degree of familiarity (stranger vs. family member).

Imagine it is Monday at 10:00 a.m., and you have fourteen 3- to 5-year-old children who are s�ll full of energy and who have just started preschool. You are trying to corral them into picking sta�ons to play at. Some are �mid, some are boisterous, and others are confused. You have conducted home visits with many of the children, with the excep�on of three who were just admi�ed into your classroom. You know some of the children from the neighborhood and a�ending local churches and community events. Others you know because you had their siblings.

How will you communicate the schedule and rules of the classroom to the children? Below are some ques�ons to help you think about your communica�on style and what informa�on and approaches affect your communica�on style with children.

Reflec�on Ques�ons:

1. How can you use your knowledge about each child, such as the child's level of familiarity with preschool or their language skill?

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2. How does knowing some of the children's family members in a more in�mate way, such as through community events and church services, affect how you communicate with them?

3. How does children's demeanor, such as their boisterousness or anxiousness, affect how you communicate with them? 4. Do you think communica�ng by showing or by poin�ng out examples of what children should be doing helps them follow direc�ons,

or is there a benefit to le�ng them figure it out? What are the reasons for your answer? 5. Is your communica�on style similar to the style you have observed their families use to communicate with them? If it is similar, how

do you think the children will react? If it is different, how do you think the children will react?

Because young children may be nego�a�ng different cultures at home and at school, it is cri�cal that the teacher's expecta�ons be expressed clearly, and not be contradictory or confusing. For example, for a child who is the oldest in the household and expected to be somewhat independent and autonomous, a classroom that is rigidly structured with limited opportuni�es for independence may be a challenge. A classroom where children are expected to express their thoughts will be difficult for those who live in homes where they are expected to listen to the adults and only respond when they are addressed. When there is a conflict between messages in the different se�ngs, a child may display disregard for the teacher's expecta�on, poten�ally harming the child-teacher rela�onship, and subsequently the child's experience in the classroom.

Home-school partnership and communica�on enables teachers to learn not just about cultural tradi�ons and beliefs, but also about prac�ces and expecta�ons that may be different in the two se�ngs. This cross-se�ng partnership helps minimize the conflict of behavior expecta�ons and values that children experience in the two se�ngs.

As discussed in Chapter 4, there are ways to incorporate family resources and culture into classroom instruc�onal prac�ces, such as using children's home language as part of the curriculum (Bohn, 2003). This informa�on can be gathered through natural observa�ons and parent-teacher communica�on during home visits, pick-up and drop-off, teacher conferences, school and community events, and so on. This can help parents and teachers understand how the "cultures" in the different se�ngs may complement and contradict each other, which can be problema�c for children's adjustment and learning.

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In this video, preschool director and teacher, Donna Wilson describes how to foster families' involvement in the school via collabora�ve efforts.

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons

1. What does Donna mean when she talks about a collabora�ve effort between the school and families?

2. Why do you think she feels a collabora�ve effort is so important?

Cultural Competence in Prac�ce

5.3 Fostering Family Engagement One of the biggest challenges you will face as an early childhood teacher is encouraging your students' family members to be ac�vely involved and engaged. Teachers are o�en frustrated when parents do not return forms or par�cipate in program ac�vi�es. It is natural for teachers to be frustrated by what they view as parents' lack of engagement in their child's educa�on and learning, but teachers need to consider the challenges many families face and devise ways to adapt to the diversity of families.

Common Barriers to Engagement

Many parents today, especially those who are low-income and single, are highly stressed by balancing working and caring for children. Some of the hardest groups to engage in the classroom are not only low-income single parents—and parents who are working mul�ple jobs or doing shi�-work in which their work hours change daily or weekly—but also families who have mul�ple children and families who have limited English skills. Table 5.1 describes barriers to parents' involvement, especially low-income and DLL parents, and strategies to overcome these barriers.

Table 5.1: Parent Engagement: Barriers and Solu�ons

Barriers Strategies to Overcome Barriers

Barrier 1: School staff and teachers' bias and stereotyping of parents, especially low-income and non-English-speaking parents, as not wan�ng to be involved or lacking the ability to be involved.

Provide staff and teachers with cultural sensi�vity training. Encourage reciprocal communica�on that allows parents to become partners in decision making rather than just recipients, such as making decisions about class trips and events.

Barrier 2: Parents' lack of English proficiency Provide all communica�on to parents in their preferred language and seek out help from parents and other program staff for bilingual support during interac�ons with parents.

Barrier 3: Parental educa�on level Provide alterna�ve forms of home learning ac�vi�es that are not solely dependent on parents' literacy skills (e.g., story- telling, drawing). Teach parents how to advocate for their children within the school system.

Barrier 4: Mismatches between the school and home cultures Provide a curriculum that focuses on the child's comprehensive development, not just academic school readiness skills. Recognize the cultural strengths of families and their home environments. Modify ac�vi�es to meet the cultural strengths of families.

Barrier 5: Logis�c issues, such as work hours and transporta�on issues, that make it difficult for parents to become involved.

Provide mee�ngs that are convenient for the parents' schedule, and, when possible, seek ways to provide transporta�on and child care for children, such as through enlis�ng help of staff.

Overcoming Barriers

We do know that families a�end school events under certain condi�ons. Specifically, Jor'dan, Wolf, and Douglass (2012, p. 22) found that parents are more likely to come if:

they helped plan the ac�vity, someone they know or cares about has asked them to a�end (more than once), they feel posi�vely about the content or purpose of the event, they feel like it is important that they be there, they have transporta�on, they promised to a�end the ac�vity with someone else,

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In this video, preschool director and teacher Donna Willson discusses how early educators can build rela�onships with diverse families. Some examples she provides include pu�ng families in leadership roles and effec�vely communica�ng with families in their home language.

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons

1. What type of leadership roles might an early childhood educator suggest for family members in order to help build the home-school rela�onship?

2. Why do you think making the effort to communicate with families in their home language is important?

Cultural Competence in Prac�ce

they feel like their contribu�ons are valued, their children can come with them, and there's dinner!

It is also important to provide translators for families whose first language may not be English. In some instances, events can even be held in the families' home language with translators provided for English-speaking families. In addi�on to building empathy for non-English-speaking families, this reversal of "power" also sends a message that one group of family is not more important.

Teachers and programs are more likely to garner par�cipa�on from parents if they encourage two-way communica�on regarding how parents should be engaged. Many teachers and schools have a compliance model of parent engagement, meaning they send home informa�on and requests and expect parents to comply with these requests, without ques�on and in the specified �me period (Espinosa, 2010). In this model, communica�on is one-way, from the teacher to the parents, and the teacher is in power, in that she has set the �me frame for compliance and she has chosen the topic of the interac�on.

An alterna�ve model is the reciprocal model of parent engagement in which both teachers and parents are viewed as capable of sharing informa�on and making requests (Compton- Lilly, 2003). In this model, communica�on is two-way and power is shared; parents are just as free to submit requests and set �me frames as teachers are. The heart of this model is the belief that all families have something to contribute, and teachers must look for crea�ve ways to involve their children's families.

To improve family engagement, NAEYC ini�ated the Engaging Diverse Families (EDF) project to (a) develop a research-based defini�on of family engagement, (b) iden�fy exemplary family engagement prac�ces in early childhood programs, and (c) share what was learned about the

field of early care and educa�on by assembling a tool kit of materials to help programs more effec�vely engage families in children's early learning. They iden�fied six principles that lead to successful family engagement prac�ces (Table 5.2). For example, one of the principles is shared decision making. To meet this principle, parents and teachers can set goals for children at home and school. For example, if the goal is to improve children's enjoyment of book reading, teachers and parents can share ideas about how best to meet this goal (e.g., selec�on of books, rou�nes for book reading).

Table 5.2: Principles and Prac�ces of Effec�ve Parent Engagement

Principle Prac�ces

Programs and teachers invite families to par�cipate in decision making and goal se�ng for their child.

Teachers and families jointly set goals for children's educa�on and learning both at home and at school.

Teachers and programs engage families in two- way communica�on.

Strategies allow for both school- and family-ini�ated communica�on that is �mely, con�nuous, and respec�ul. Conversa�ons focus on a child's educa�onal experience and families' experiences, as well as on the program. Communica�on takes mul�ple forms and reflects each family's language preference.

Programs and teachers engage families in ways that are truly reciprocal.

Programs and families benefit from shared resources and informa�on. Programs always invite families to share their unique knowledge and skills and encourage ac�ve par�cipa�on in the life of the school and classroom lessons. Teachers seek informa�on about children's lives, families, and communi�es and integrate this informa�on into their curriculum and teaching prac�ces.

Programs provide learning ac�vi�es for the home and in the community.

Programs use learning ac�vi�es at home and in the community to enhance each child's early learning. Programs encourage and support families' efforts to create a learning environment beyond the program. Programs provide informa�on about community resources and events that support learning in the home.

Programs invite families to par�cipate in program-level decisions and wider advocacy efforts.

Programs invite families to ac�vely par�cipate in making decisions about the program, such as about hiring and schedules. Programs invite families to advocate for early childhood educa�on in the wider community, such as at public forum and business events.

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Programs implement a comprehensive program- level system of family engagement.

Programs ins�tu�onalize family engagement policies and prac�ces and ensure that teachers, administrators, and other staff receive the support they need to fully engage families. Teachers and staff are rewarded and recognized for their effec�ve family engagement prac�ces.

Source: NAEYC. (2012). About the engaging diverse families project. h�p://www.naeyc.org/familyengagement/about. (h�p://www.naeyc.org/familyengagement/about) Copyright © 2012 NAEYC® . Reprinted with permission.

The NAEYC EDF project iden�fied 10 exemplary programs (h�p://www.naeyc.org/familyengagement/programs) across the country. One of these is Sheltering Arms, in Atlanta, Georgia, comprising over 16 early educa�on programs (NAEYC, 2012).

Head Start Parent, Family, and Community Engagement Framework

It is also instruc�ve to examine Head Start's Parent, Family, and Community Engagement Framework (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2011). The goal of the framework is to provide a "road map" for programs and their staff to support family well-being, strong rela�onships between children and parents, and ongoing learning and development for parents and children. The eventual outcomes of the framework are that children will be ready for school and their learning will be sustained through elementary school. The parent and family engagement outcomes and specific strategies to reach the outcomes are presented in Table 5.3.

Using Technology to Involve Families

As the country becomes more technologically savvy, there are many ways to engage families, especially families from ethnic and linguis�c minori�es who are less involved with their child's program. Mitchell, Foulger, and Wetzel (2009, pp. 46–48) provide �ps for involving families through Internet- based communica�on.

Create a website. This can be used to embed a calendar, family handbook, newsle�ers, announcements, permission slips, and volunteer lists. Post photo stories on the website. Photos can help parents focus on how their children learn and what children enjoy doing in the classroom (be sure to secure wri�en parental permission before pos�ng photos of the children). Create a family response link or form on the website to elicit comments, ques�ons, and feedback. This is a good strategy for invi�ng families to monitor and comment on their child's progress. Families can complete a short online form to provide comments and ques�ons and e-mail them directly to the teacher. Provide at-home educa�onal ac�vi�es on the website. Teachers can provide links to addi�onal resources and ac�vi�es to extend children's learning in the home with family support.

Table 5.3

http://www.naeyc.org/familyengagement/about

http://www.naeyc.org/familyengagement/programs

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Send individual e-mails to share posi�ve informa�on about a par�cular child's ac�vi�es and accomplishments. Use e-mail for posi�ve informa�on and meet face-to-face to share challenges children are facing at school. Communicate logis�cal informa�on through group e-mails. E-mails, which should be in the family home language, can be used to communicate about drop-off and pick-up, as well as remind parents about program events and parent-teacher conferences. Establish and moderate a family discussion forum. The purpose of a discussion forum is to offer a place where families can share their thoughts and ques�ons. As the forum moderator, teachers can ins�gate discussion, but work toward families becoming the major contributors. Check the forum regularly to highlight important points, pose follow-up ques�ons, and delete contribu�ons that are inappropriate.

Combatting the Digital Divide

The access and use of technology may be challenging for some families, especially those who are not English speakers. The phenomenon of some individuals and families having access to technology and others not having access due to disenfranchisement and disempowerment is known as the digital divide (Banister & Fischer, 2010).

Research points to low-income and minority popula�ons having less access to technology, as well as being unable to use technology in a meaningful way to support collabora�on or learning. Thus, while technology provides ease in communica�ng with families, early educa�on teachers and programs must recognize the challenges that may exist for some families.

Mitchell and colleagues (2009, pp. 48–49) offer these �ps for families that do not have a computer or are not comfortable using one.

Ensure families have access to technology. Con�nue to communicate through tradi�onal methods to ensure that families without access receive all communica�on. Programs or teachers with support from program directors can seek funding from various public and private sources to secure laptop computers that families can check out for home use or keep (e.g., HP Technology for Teaching Grant Ini�a�ve (h�p://www.hp.com/hpinfo/socialinnova�on/us/programs/tech_teaching/index.html) ). Provide opportuni�es for families to increase their technology skills. Provide orienta�on to the classroom website during Open House or teacher- parent conferences. Provide informa�on about community resources that can assist families in strengthening their technology skills. Set aside �me for technology-based communica�on. Teachers need �me for training, maintaining a website, keeping informa�on on the site current, and preparing regular communica�ons. This may require seeking training or hiring a consultant, which can be provided through professional development or quality enhancement funds. (Also, see Chapter 2 about how to use technology to enhance children's learning.) Program staff can also visit the NAEYC Technology and Young Children Interest Forum (h�p://www.techandyoungchildren.org/) website for more informa�on. Use alterna�ve modes of communica�on. Don't assume that all parents are comfortable communica�ng through technology, regardless of language ability. Provide op�ons for communica�ng that do not rely on digital technology, including paper newsle�ers. Con�nuously monitor whether informa�on being sent to families through the web, e-mail, or cellphone is being received and understood by all families. (Adapted from Mitchell, S., Foulger, T. S., & Wetzel, K. [2009]. Ten �ps for involving families through internet-based communica�on. Young Children, 64(5), 38–45. © 2009 NAEYC® . Reprinted with permission.)

Inviting Parents Into the Classroom

The first part of engaging families in the classroom and program is ge�ng them to come to the program and classroom. Even though the family has chosen the early educa�on program, many programs and teachers s�ll report difficulty ge�ng families to accept their invita�ons (some of the barriers were listed in Table 5.1). Programs and teachers must capitalize on parents' first visit or during Open House—the first interac�on parents have with the programs and staff.

This means that teachers and programs have to be explicit when communica�ng with families that parents are expected and always welcomed to visit the program and classroom. Parents must not get a sense that they are only allowed in certain parts of the buildings, such as being allowed only in the front office or conference room, but not in the classroom, or allowed only in the classroom during certain periods of the day, without a clear explana�on. All communica�ons should be worded so that families understand that invita�ons are not limited to mothers or whomever is perceived to be the child's primary caregiver.

Parent-teacher conferences, as well as home visits, are o�en the �me when parents and teachers are likely to communicate the most, especially about children. These are opportuni�es to strengthen the home-school connec�on and minimize confusions for children about expecta�ons in various se�ngs. Though the gaps between home and school can't always be alleviated, it is important to understand what they are. Some sugges�ons are provided below about how best to use the parent-teacher conferences as an avenue to ascertain informa�on about family and cultural prac�ces.

When se�ng up the parent-teacher conferences or home visits, present them as an opportunity for teachers and parents to learn more about each other and ways to make children's experiences in the classroom more meaningful and nurturing. During the conference or home visit, ask parents to share with you any informa�on you should know about their family, including rou�nes, prac�ces, and cultural tradi�ons and history. Teachers can also find out what parents think their child likes about school, the teacher, and other adults and peers and if there are ways to make it be�er. In addi�on, the teacher can also ask what the parents like about the school, teacher, and staff, and what can be done to improve their experiences. Teachers can ask if there are specific barriers or challenges due to their race, ethnicity, culture, language, or other aspects of their lives. Teachers can also ask parents how best to partner and engage the parents when there are challenges with the child, as well as how they view their roles and the teacher's role in the child's educa�on and learning.

http://www.hp.com/hpinfo/socialinnovation/us/programs/tech_teaching/index.html

http://www.techandyoungchildren.org/

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Male teachers, par�cularly those of Hispanic or African American descent, are rela�vely uncommon in early childhood environments.

Research has shown that there are numerous long-term benefits when a child has an involved father or male figure.

Fotosearch/SuperStock

Teachers should also plan future conferences and visits ahead of �me to show that con�nued communica�on is expected, and the parents' �me is valued.

In addi�on, families should be invited to visit the program and classroom consistently and con�nuously during the year—not only during certain �mes, such as the beginning and end of the school year. Not all family members may know the expecta�ons or the rules, especially if there has been a change in the structure of the family or the child came in during the middle of the year. Parents should not be invited to the classroom only when there is bad news, but also when there is good news to share, regardless of its importance (e.g., repor�ng that the child has been reading, being helpful, consoling a peer).

For families who do not feel comfortable visi�ng the program or classroom, a personal invita�on may be helpful, directly from the teacher, from the child, through another parent from the class, or through a parent from the same community. In addi�on, for parents who have a par�cular skill or talent, a personal invita�on to share their talent may increase their likelihood of coming to the classroom at all. Invita�ons should not just be to have parents "around," but to facilitate the important contribu�ons to the classroom that they can make, beyond cu�ng paper, buying supplies, or bringing snacks.

Some meaningful parent involvement can include asking parents to lead sessions for other parents based on their assets and strengths (e.g., financial literacy, managing child behavior, advoca�ng for services for children with special needs) or leading some aspects of the classroom ac�vity, such as working one-on-one with a child or co-developing and leading an ac�vity.

Ge�ng Fathers Involved

When we think of a child's primary caregiver, we o�en think of the mother. This is even more the case for many minority children, especially African American children, because they are less likely to live with two parents. However, even children who do not have a father in the home may have a significant male figure in their life (Fagan & Iglesias, 1999; Greene & Moore, 2000; Sarkadi, Kris�ansson, Oberklaid, & Bremberg, 2008).

Studies show that having both mothers and fathers involved and engaged in children's learning and development is beneficial for children's cogni�ve, language, and emo�onal development from the early years into the later years, with outcomes such as be�er verbal skills, higher IQ scores, higher proficiency in problem solving, and be�er behavior (Pancsofar & Vernon-Feagans, 2006; Tamis-LeMonda, Shannon, Cabrera, & Lamb, 2004). Father involvement is also associated with children enjoying school, gradua�ng on �me, and being less likely to be expelled or suspended. All these benefits result in children having a be�er quality of life in adulthood, including having higher economic and educa�onal achievement and career success, as well as be�er psychological health (Allen & Daly, 2007).

Fathers play a unique role as parents. For example, fathers ask more "where" and "what" ques�ons that require children to think and say more, developing children's verbal language and vocabulary (Allen & Daly, 2007; Shannon, Tamis-LeMonda, London, & Cabrera, 2002). Even fathers' rough- and-tumble play with children is shown to help children regulate their behavior and emo�ons (Paque�e, 2004). Many fathers also support the mental health of children by being emo�onally suppor�ve and available for children's mothers. When mothers have an emo�onally suppor�ve partner, they are more available and sensi�ve to children's needs. Thus, fathers and other male figures are important for children's overall development.

In many early childhood programs there are few males who are directors, teachers, or staff (Figure 5.4). If they are part of the program, especially large programs, they are likely the directors or custodial staff. Few teachers are males, and even fewer are minority males. This may send an uninten�onal message to children that males, including fathers, do not care about learning or consider school to be important.

Figure 5.4: Racial Distribu�on of Male Educators in Schools

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Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Sta�s�cs. (2010). Employed and experienced unemployed persons by detailed occupa�on, sex, race, and Hispanic or La�no ethnicity, Annual Average 2010. Page 7 (Table 1). Washington, D.C.: Current Popula�on Survey.

There are several strategies that programs and teachers can use to encourage father involvement and engagement, especially minority fathers:

Seek out more male teachers when the opportunity arises. Though hiring is not within the purview of teachers, they are o�en asked about poten�al individuals to hire. During these opportuni�es, they can provide insight on the value of a diverse staff, including addressing gender dispari�es. Men engage children, especially boys, differently than women do in the classroom. Men also provide a different perspec�ve. Seeing male teachers and administrators may make fathers and other men more comfortable ge�ng involved in the program and in the classroom. Be male-friendly. Similar to being child-friendly, consider the nature of an environment and interac�ons that encourage father engagement, such as pos�ng pictures that include fathers who par�cipate in field trips and school events; partnering volunteer fathers with male staff (beyond help with moving furniture and disciplining children); ge�ng their thoughts on classroom ac�vi�es, rou�nes, and events; and engaging them with certain children. Have a "Father-Child Day." This type of event will provide a specific �me for children to spend with their fathers, showing fathers what they are learning in the classroom and allowing them to observe their child's learning directly. In addi�on, this event will encourage and support the father- child bond, crucial to many aspects of children's development. This day can also be used to encourage fathers to come to the classroom to par�cipate in the lessons, such as by leading circle �me. Dad Coffee Time with Director. Staff should create opportuni�es for fathers and other significant males to provide feedback about the program and how their engagement and involvement can be supported by program staff. Teachers can suggest to program directors that providing specific opportuni�es for all fathers across the program to share their thoughts can be beneficial for teachers in partnering and collabora�ng with dads of the children in their classroom. Dad/Male Support Groups. Programs can provide opportuni�es and space for fathers to come together to discuss their struggles and challenges and form rela�onships with each other. This support can also enhance their involvement in the program and engagement in their child's learning.

Design an Ac�vity: Male- and Father-Friendly Environment

How would you know whether your classroom is male-friendly and father-friendly? Take this checklist and see how male- and father- friendly your classroom and teaching prac�ces are. If you check "No" for any of the responses, consider what you can do to make your classroom more male- and father-friendly.

My Classroom and Classroom Prac�ces . . .

Yes No Include fathers in classroom ac�vi�es. Offer programs or ac�vi�es for fathers. Provide programs and ac�vi�es for dads that focus on the strengths of dads. Use ac�vi�es, materials, individual tasks, and group exercises in classrooms that appeal to fathers. Offer paren�ng classes that use father-specific curricula and educa�onal materials. Involve fathers in decision making and deliver programs and ac�vi�es that target dads. Periodically survey fathers to determine their needs, concerns, and interests related to the program and their child. Offer or support special events that celebrate fathers. Invite fathers to par�cipate in all classroom ac�vi�es (e.g., classes, groups, par�es, childcare, field trips, ou�ngs, celebra�ons, and other events). Award/honor fathers for involvement in the classroom and in the lives of their children.

Encouraging Social Support and Networking Among Families

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Among the many benefits of engagement in family tradi�ons are deeper connec�ons with family and friends and in the growth of networks and social support. Children from families with strong cultural iden�ty have been found to be be�er adjusted and have be�er academic outcomes (Caughy, Ne�les, O'Campo, & Lohrfink, 2006; Halgunseth, Ispa, & Rudy, 2006). This indicates that children who feel connected to others are more likely to feel uncondi�onally loved and accepted, boos�ng their confidence and self-esteem.

Studies show that deep family �es can minimize stress, depression, insecurity, and isola�on, which are o�en of par�cular concern for minority groups with a history of oppression and disenfranchisement (McKay, Atkins, Hawkins, Brown, & Lynn, 2003; Mulvaney-Day, Alegrìa, & Sribney, 2007). Shared characteris�cs such as race, ethnicity, home language, religion, and na�onality make people more likely to connect with each other. This rela�onship can provide informa�on, access, and resources to a family, and in some instances alleviate burdens. Networks can reduce stress by sharing informa�on as simple as the cheapest grocery for the best food, the best childcare provider in the community, how to get into the right classroom, and �ps to access more social services.

Early childhood programs and teachers are in an excellent posi�on to enhance families' social supports and networks by (1) providing the infrastructure for mee�ngs, such as a facility, food, and childcare; (2) knowing the unique gi�s, strengths, and needs of families and children in the program; and (3) facilita�ng rela�onships among them. Specifically, some programs can provide a free space where parents can informally meet. Informal mee�ngs between parents can occur at �mes that are most convenient for them, rather than for the school and school staff. If the program does not have space available, it can reach out to community agencies for specific spaces for parents to meet.

Programs and teachers can also contact community agencies to get food and other materials. Teachers o�en conduct surveys to find out what families need or informa�on they are seeking. Teachers can also find out the gi�s and skills that families have, such as family members who can paint, cook, teach music, make toys, fix appliances, decorate homes, or speak mul�ple languages. Because families have different types of jobs in different sectors, they also have different networks and informa�on. These resources can be valuable in many ways to other families and children, as well as to the program, through providing new experiences for children and families and building lifelong connec�ons and networks.

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5.4 Leveraging Community Resources to Support Children's Learning In addi�on to providing a high-quality, safe, nurturing, and educa�onal environment for their children and caring for children while their parents work, there are several other ways in which early childhood programs can support families, as Epstein (2001) explains. For example, teachers and programs can educate parents about child development and how to arrange home condi�ons to support early learning. Programs and teachers can also support families by coordina�ng resources and services from the community so that families are be�er able to take advantage of them.

Communi�es have a lot to provide to families and early childhood programs, and teachers can play a role in connec�ng families to resources. This is especially important for families who are new to the area, including new immigrants, who are o�en isolated and may not be aware of resources they can access.

Early childhood programs serve as the se�ngs, but teachers play a cri�cal role in providing this informa�on to families. In work conducted with early childhood programs in New York City, Mario Small (2006) found that early childhood programs are ins�tu�ons that are resource brokers. This means that early childhood programs, and teachers within these programs, possess �es to businesses, non-profits, and government agencies rich in resources, which can provide families with access to these resources. In some urban communi�es, beauty salons or churches serve as a hub or central loca�on for health-related informa�on and services, jobs, educa�onal opportuni�es, and naturaliza�on services (Small, 2006).

Early childhood programs are unique resource brokers in many ways. First, they o�en serve families who live in the community. They are based in different sectors: for-profit vs. non-profit, privately- vs. publicly-funded, religious vs. secular. Thus, they have varying rela�onships with government agencies and businesses. Most importantly, a childcare program is o�en capable of being a full-service community agency that can "broker" informa�on, direct services, and goods to families. Families can receive informa�on about nutri�on, child health, housing, and educa�on, and this informa�on is o�en free. Through their early childhood programs, families may also be able to access free or low-cost services, including health and dental care, special educa�on services (e.g., speech therapy), substance or drug abuse counseling, legal counseling, work training, housing support, and English classes. Programs can also help families receive free goods such as meals, �ckets to cultural events and ins�tu�ons (e.g., circus, theater, museum), educa�onal toys, and scholarships.

Being a resource broker requires that programs and staff know what is available in the community, have mul�ple rela�onships with various organiza�ons and agencies, know the needs of families and children, and are able to align family and child needs with community resources. In instances where programs do not have knowledge about community resources—or resources are inadequate in the community—programs can facilitate connec�on between families. This means they can broker rela�onships and networks between and across families. Families in the program can support each other by serving as bridges to much-needed informa�on, services, and goods.

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Chapter Summary

Discussion Ques�ons

1. What do you see as the strengths of non-tradi�onal families (e.g., single families, gay and lesbian families, stepfamilies)? 2. What are the advantages and disadvantages of parents preparing children for discrimina�on if they have not experienced it yet? 3. How do early childhood programs benefit by providing families with resources and community connec�ons?