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Grown-ups love figures.

—Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, The Li�le Prince

Part One

Star�ng Out

© Image Source/Corbis

Chapter 1: Studying the Child: Maps and Guides

Chapter 2: Theories of Development: Map Makers

Chapter 3: Concep�on, Heredity, and Environment: Many Paths

Chapter 4: Prenatal Development and Birth: On the Road

"When you tell them that you have made a new friend," the li�le prince con�nues, "they never ask you any ques�ons about essen�al ma�ers. They never say, 'What does his voice sound like? What games does he love best? Does he collect bu�erflies?' Instead, they demand: 'How old is he? How many brothers has he? How much money does his father make?' Only from these figures do they think they have learned anything about him."

Science, too, asks "grown-up" ques�ons that are impersonal and objec�ve. It asks, "How do average 4-year-olds think?" "What path will they take on their journey to maturity?" "How can they be made to understand reality?" "In what ways must they change to be more like adults?" It seldom asks

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ques�ons like "What does Marilyn feel about rainbows?" "What does Cindy know of spiders and sugar and silver strings?" "Why does Robert some�mes cry in the middle of the night?"

As is made clear in the four chapters that make up Part One, the grown-up science that studies children deals mainly with the composite, average child. But in this text, we pause o�en to remind ourselves that there is no average child—that the concept is simply an inven�on made necessary by our need to make sense of children. And although we ask many ques�ons that require figures as answers, we are always aware that every child is on a very personal journey, that each may take very different routes and look at very different things along the way. So we stop occasionally to no�ce that Marilyn sings when she sees rainbows, and that Cindy has dreamt the magic that binds spiders and sugar and silver strings. And we ask, too, what it is that makes Robert cry.

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Studying the Child: Maps and Guides

© Baerbel Schmidt/Thinkstock

1 Focus Ques�ons

1. How have ideas about childhood changed over the years?

2. What are some of the "universal" rights of children?

3. How do we study children?

4. What are some of the criteria that should be used in evalua�ng developmental research?

1.1 Organiza�on of Children's Journeys: Exploring Early Childhood

Historical and Current Views of Childhood

Snapshots of Childhood

Why Look at History?

1.2 Children's Rights

Research with Children

United Na�ons Conven�on: Children's Rights

1.3 Developmental Psychology

Early Explorers of Child Development Later Explorers

Why Study the Development of Children?

Recurring Issues and Beliefs

1.4 Methods of Studying Children

Observa�on

Correla�onal Studies

Experiments

Longitudinal and Cross-Sec�onal Research

Sources of Developmental Varia�on: Age and Cohort Influences

1.5 Evalua�ng Developmental Research

Are the Samples Representa�ve?

What Do Intergroup and Cultural Differences Really Mean?

Do Conclusions Rely on Autobiographical Memory?

Do Results Depend on Subject Honesty?

Is There a Possibility of Experimenter Bias?

Might There Be Subject Bias?

Is the Research Ethical?

Sec�on Summaries

Focus Ques�ons: Applica�ons

Possible Responses to Thought Challenges

Study Terms

Li�le Miss Muffet sat on a tuffet Ea�ng her curds and whey Along came a spider and sat down beside her And frightened Miss Muffet away

Chapter Outline

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—Anonymous Nursery Rhyme

When it was Jason's turn to share during circle �me in Marie's kindergarten class, he brought to class something none of the children had ever seen before: a live black widow spider which he had go�en from an uncle. "Where my uncle lives," he informed the class, adjus�ng his glasses, "there's things that can kill you, like snakes and black widows."

Jason is a solemn li�le guy, dead serious about most things. When he wears his glasses, he looks like a small professor.

It was a very large female black widow spider in a glass jar; the en�re class crowded in to have a closer look. "Just the lady ones can kill you," Jason explained. "See the red thing on her belly? That means she can kill you if she wants. My uncle got bit by one and he nearly died."

"Is there anything else you want to say about your spider before we put her away?" the teacher asked. "Yes," Jason announced solemnly. "My uncle keeps my aunt under his bed."

There were gasps of amazement; nobody laughed.

"I'm sure he was just joking," said Marie. "Nobody keeps his wife under their bed."

"My uncle does," said Jason, very gravely. "I heard her voice under the bed."

He's such a sober li�le child, so honest, so serious. What if his uncle really . . . ? Shouldn't someone do something?

Later that week at the parent-teacher mee�ng, Marie checked with Jason's mother about the story. Jason's mother laughed. Apparently the uncle wanted to discourage Jason and his sister from playing under the bed so he told them that's where their aunt was. And when they went to look, he projected his voice and croaked in a high-pitched tone, "If you come any closer, li�le children, I'll eat you!"

So they didn't go any closer and nothing ate them.

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1.1 Organiza�on of Children's Journeys: Exploring Early Childhood You and I are grown up; we're not scared of things under the bed, are we? Unlike li�le children, we know there's nothing there. We can look all we want and nothing will eat us. You can't fool us just by projec�ng your voice. We recognize lies and we know that magic isn't real. Don't we?

Li�le children don't know these things. Part of growing up is learning them—learning what to expect, becoming familiar with what's out there, sor�ng fact from fancy, reality from wishes, tears from laughter.

Describing differences among infants and children, and explaining how these differences come about, is mostly what this text is about.

Children's Journeys is divided into three parts (Table 1.1). Part One is a four-chapter introduc�on. Chapter 1 is, in a sense, about maps and guides. It explains what developmental psychology is and how psychologists study children. Chapter 2 introduces the mapmakers—those who developed the theories that guide our a�empts to understand developmental change. Chapter 3 looks at the many paths the human journey makes possible: It deals with our gene�c origins and with the influence of environmental context. Chapter 4 puts our subject, the developing child, on the road: It looks at systema�c changes that occur from concep�on through birth and at important influences on the unborn child. Parts Two and Three look at physical,

intellectual (cogni�ve), social, and emo�onal changes and processes during infancy1 (birth to age 2) and early childhood (ages 2 to 7 or 8).

1 Boldfaced terms are defined in the glossary at the end of the book.

Historical and Current Views of Childhood

Strange as it may seem to us, childhood as we generally understand it is not a universal phenomenon. What is universal is the fact that in all cultures infants are born at similar levels of biological immaturity. Also, pa�erns of biological matura�on—such as learning to walk—are highly similar in all social groups.

Table 1.1: Organiza�on of Children's Journeys: Exploring Early Childhood

Part Ages Chapters

One: Star�ng Out — 1. Studying the Child: Maps and Guides 2. Theories of Development: Map Makers 3. Concep�on, Heredity, and Environment: Many Paths 4. Prenatal Development and Birth: On the Road

Two: Infancy Birth to 2 years 5. Physical and Cogni�ve Development in Infancy: First Excursions 6. Social and Emo�onal Development in Infancy: Li�le Forays

Three: Early Childhood 2 to 7 or 8 7. Physical and Cogni�ve Development in Early Childhood: Side Expedi�ons 8. Social and Emo�onal Development in Early Childhood: Happy Jaunts

But the experience of being a child can vary drama�cally in different social contexts, as shown by studies in ethnography (studies of different cultures). For example, in the box Across Cultures: Mari: A Mayan Child: Liam, A North American Child, we see how Mari's life is unlike the lives of most children in the industrialized world. Much of the reason for this difference, explains Gaskins (1999), is that this Mayan society has different views of childhood. Among other things, these Mayans believe that adult work ac�vi�es are so important that all childhood ac�vi�es must be structured around them. Play is given li�le importance, and parents spend li�le �me speaking with their children other than to admonish them or give them direc�ons. This is in sharp contrast with the predominant North American view that emphasizes and caters to the child's wishes and interests, and that stresses the importance of play and of verbal and social interac�on.

It is partly because the experience of childhood is not universal that our views of childhood, and the theories that we use to explain human growth and development, are o�en valid only for children from social groups similar to our own.

Snapshots of Childhood

Much of this text reflects North America's contemporary a�tudes toward childhood—a�tudes that are loving, nurturing, concerned. That she shares these a�tudes is partly why Liam's mother so willingly abandons her chores to read to him or to play with him, and lets him determine when she will speak on the phone and when she will take him to the beach and to the zoo and perhaps even to Disneyland or the moon—or maybe just into the back yard. His journey through early childhood will be vastly different from Mari's.

It has not always been so. In fact, even today it isn't always and everywhere en�rely so, as the following historical snapshots of children show.

We should note at the outset that historical snapshots are not always very accurate. For one thing, there are few records of what life might have been like before the "print cultures"— those socie�es that leave wri�en records. When Ariès (1962) a�empted to uncover what the lives of medieval European children were like, he was forced to put together fragments gathered from many sources such as historical pain�ngs, school and university regula�ons, and people's diaries. Relying on records such as these might result in a biased view of what childhood was really like for medieval children.

Snapshot 1: An�quity

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© Karen Kasmauski/Science Fac�on/Corbis

© Hemera/Thinkstock

Thought Challenge 1.1

The main point of Ariès' account of the lives of medieval children is that childhood is a concept that is invented and elaborated by socie�es. What sort of evidence is there in this pain�ng that the concept of childhood had not yet been invented?

Please see Possible Responses to Thought Challenges at the end of this chapter.

Our view of childhood during an�quity—the historical period before the Middle Ages—is even less reliable than that rela�ng to medieval �mes. Nevertheless, some writers have concluded that prior to the Middle Ages, and perhaps even into the seventeenth century, children were not really considered human beings. There are some who believe that infan�cide—legally defined as the killing of infants soon a�er birth—might have been rela�vely common in an�quity (Harris, 1982; deMause, 1975). Others argue that the examina�on of the skeletal remains of infants who lived during that �me suggests that this was not likely the case (Engels, 1980).

Across Cultures: Mari, A Mayan Child; Liam, A North American Child

Mari is 18 months old. During a typical morning of a typical day, explains Gaskins (1999), she spends all her �me in or close to the small compound where her family lives. Her parents are both busy, as are all her older siblings. No one plays with her; no one even speaks with her except to tell her not to do things—like going into the mud or dropping a rock into her sister's washtub. To stop her from interfering with important household chores, she is told to feed the chickens. She takes a gourd filled with dried corn and sca�ers it near the house. For a while she watches as the chickens eat. Later her mother tells her and her 3- and 5-year-old siblings to go and feed themselves. They spend most of the next hour picking, cleaning, and slowly ea�ng the fruit that grows in and around the compound. "From the beginning to the end of this scene," writes Gaskins (1999), "Mari has said nothing to anyone" (p. 32).

Liam is also 18 months old. During his typical morning, his father is away at work, but his mother is at home. She, too, like Mari's mother, has important household chores to perform. While she works, Liam plays with his toy car, driving it around the kitchen floor. When he bangs into his toy box, a book falls out. He picks it up and toddles over to his mother. "Read it," he says, and his mother cheerfully puts her work aside and sits to read the book to Liam. But she doesn't just read: She asks ques�ons; she explains and elaborates; she fills her reading with startling visions of magic. "What's this?" "What's that?" "Is that a blue fish or a red fish?" "What would you do if you had a truck like that?" "Let's pretend you're the �ger."

While they're reading, Liam's father phones. "I wanna talk," Liam says. His mother hands him the phone. When Liam �res of his dad, his mother takes the phone again, but Liam will not wait. "Read," he says. "I have to go," Liam's mother explains on the phone, "Liam wants me to read to him." Smiling, she returns to the book.

To Think About: Young Mayan children, says Gaskins (1999), spend very li�le �me in imagina�ve or "pretend" play. Most of their play �me involves large-motor ac�vi�es such as climbing trees, chasing each other, or chasing bugs. In contrast, as we see in Chapter 8, North American children spend a great deal of �me in various forms of pretend play.

What sorts of beliefs do you think these cultural differences reflect? How important are cultural beliefs about childhood?

Snapshot 2: The Concept of Childhood in Medieval Europe

By the Middle Ages there had been some improvements in the treatment of children. But McFarland (1998) notes that these improvements required centuries, and, in retrospect, were some�mes not all that significant. In contrast, improvements in how the world currently treats its children can be measured in decades rather than in centuries.

That improvements in the treatment of children were not very drama�c is implicit in Ariès' account of medieval childhood. For example, he describes a mother who has just given birth to her fi�h child and who is very depressed at the thought of having one more mouth to feed, one more body to clothe. A neighbor consoles her: "Before they are old enough to bother you," she says, "you will have lost half of them, or perhaps all of them" (1962, p. 38).

That the idea of childhood was s�ll largely undeveloped is evident in the many ways in which children appeared to be viewed as nothing more than miniature adults. Thus they were seldom given toys designed especially for them. And they were quickly sent to work or given adult-like responsibili�es. Perhaps, suggests Ariès, parents and society didn't see them as innocent and helpless creatures in need of nurturing and guidance.

Snapshot 3: Childhood in Eighteenth-Century Europe

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© Ge�y Images

What we know of how children were viewed and treated in the past is o�en based on highly unreliable records— such as this seventeenth-century pain�ng.

Click here for a possible response (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/f

Ariés notes that there seemed to be a tendency for early European ar�sts to portray children as miniature adults rather than as children, evident in that the dress, the ac�vi�es, and the facial expressions of the children o�en seem more adultlike than childlike. Also, it was almost as though no one had yet no�ced that young children's heads are larger than those of adults rela�ve to the rest of their bodies, that their legs and arms are somewhat shorter, that their expressions are o�en less serious, less preoccupied. In fact, however, using the way children were depicted in old pain�ngs as evidence of a lack of apprecia�on of childhood would probably not convince a judge in a court of law. Science, too, needs more evidence.

© Be�mann/Corbis

Children working in an American tex�le mill, surrounded by dangerously spinning machinery. Those who worked in mines had an even more difficult lot.

Historical accounts of the lives of eighteenth-century European children are o�en shocking descrip�ons of abuse and cruelty—perhaps because, like today, the most flagrant and horrible abuses are the most sensa�onal and the most likely to have been recorded.

For example, Siegel and White (1982) report the case of a 7-year-old Bri�sh girl who stole a pe�coat—which doesn't seem like that terrible a crime. S�ll, she was brought to trial, convicted, sentenced—and hanged!

Eighteenth-century European a�tudes toward children were reflected not only in the ways children were treated by the courts, but also in the ways many were treated by their parents. Kessen (1965) reports that in the crowded and disease-riddled slums of eighteenth-century European ci�es, thousands of parents abandoned unwanted children in the streets or on the doorsteps of churches. Foundling homes—so-called because they looked a�er found children— sprang up all over Europe in an a�empt to care for these children. But most of them died in infancy (before the age of 2 years). Kessen (1965) reports that of 10,272 infants admi�ed to one foundling home in Dublin in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, only 45 survived to the age of 5. In fact, before 1700, even if a child were not abandoned, the chances of surviving �ll the age of 5 were less than one in two. Most died of diseases, including the plague.

The high mortality rate of abandoned children was not restricted to eighteenth-century Europe but was characteris�c of the other side of the Atlan�c as well, even into the nineteenth century. It seems that with few excep�ons, children in infant asylums in the United States before 1915 died before the age of 2 (Bakwin, 1949). This was mostly because many were sick before they were abandoned, or if not, they later succumbed to one of many serious contagious diseases such as scarlet fever, whooping cough, or diphtheria.

Snapshot 4: Child Labor in the Nineteenth Century

The nineteenth century brought some improvement in the status of children in Europe, and abandonments decreased dras�cally. Sadly, this appears to have been at least partly because of children's increasing economic value as workers. In thousands of factories and mines, children as young as 5 or 6 years, male and female, worked 10 hours a day or more at grueling labor in condi�ons so hazardous that many became ill and died (Kessen, 1965).

Condi�ons in North America were, in some instances, not very different from those that prevailed in parts of Europe. Clement (1997) reports that in ci�es and industrialized areas, many children were employed in factories and co�on mills. In rural farm families, female children were expected to sew and cook and clean even when they were only 4 or 5. Male children were expected to work around the barn and in the fields as soon as they were physically able.

Snapshot 5: The Developing World Today

The twen�eth century, too, s�ll has its share of ignorance, cruelty, needless pain, and suffering. More than 50 of the world's developing na�ons have under-5 mortality rates (U5MR) greater than 70 per 1,000 children born alive—a rate many �mes higher than is common in developed countries (Tracking progress in child survival, 2005). In Afghanistan, for example, about 257 of every 1,000 newborns die before age 5, a rate 32 �mes higher than in the United States and more than 60 �mes higher than in Japan or the Scandinavian countries (see Figure 1.1).

The United Na�ons reports that as recently as 1990, some 4,500 infants died each day from measles, tetanus, and whooping cough, and another 7,000 from diarrheal dehydra�on (Grant, 1992). Pneumonia added significantly to this total, and starva�on more than doubled it. As a result, even in 1990 more than 30,000 children died each day from preventable causes. That was about 10 million preventable child deaths a year, almost 2 million of them from vaccine-preventable diseases.

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Have condi�ons for the world's children improved very much in recent decades? In some ways, yes. Following massive worldwide efforts, coverage rates for immuniza�on have increased drama�cally. As a result, deaths from the six major diseases for which children are immunized (measles, tetanus, whooping cough, tuberculosis, polio and diphtheria) have been greatly reduced (Figure 1.2). Sadly, however, as many as one-third of the world's children are born in poverty, especially in areas such as Sub-Saharan Africa (Gordon, Nandy, Pantazis, Pemberton, & Townsend, 2003). Many of them have limited access to shelter, inadequate nourishment, scarce clean water, and li�le or no medical care.

Source: UNdata

Figure 1.1: Under-5 Mortality Rates for Selected Countries per 1,000 Live Births in 2008

Higher mortality rates are associated with the least developed countries.

Source: UNdata World Popula�on Prospects: the 2008 Revision. United Na�ons Popula�on Division. Retrieved July 21, 2011 from h�p://data.un.org/Data.aspx?d=PopDiv&f=variableID%3A77

Figure 1.2: Declining World Infant Mortality Rates from 1950 to the Present with Projec�ons to 2050.

Infant mortality has declined drama�cally since 1950 and is projected to con�nue doing so, but at a slower rate, un�l at least 2050.

Snapshot 6: The Industrialized World Today

The vast majority of children who are born into rela�ve affluence are born to parents living in the world's industrialized countries. These children come into a world astonishingly rich in resources; they have access to a staggering wealth of informa�on and entertainment.

Sadly, this doesn't mean that all is perfect with children of the industrialized world. For example, even in North America, immuniza�on is not universal even though it is mandated for all children prior to star�ng school. Some parents are afraid of the possible adverse effects of immuniza�on—which are very rare. Some believe it might cause au�sm—a supposi�on now largely discredited (Rudy, 2009). Others believe that it might damage the child's immune system, that it might cause diabetes, or that the diseases it is meant to prevent are no longer sufficiently common to be dangerous. Some even believe it doesn't work and that the scien�fic community is divided about the wisdom of immuniza�on. Others object on religious, moral, or ethical grounds.

Although the possibility of adverse reac�ons to immuniza�on cannot be completely discounted, the medical and scien�fic community unanimously believes in its effec�veness and its enormous health benefits (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2011). Yet many parents seek and obtain exemp�ons for their children—an act that not only exposes their children to unwarranted dangers, but also endangers other children, especially those who have compromised immune systems. As a result there are s�ll outbreaks of preventable and some�mes fatal childhood illnesses in certain areas.

Even in industrialized countries, many children are shockingly poor. For example, in the United States, nearly 20% of all children live in families whose incomes are below the poverty level and about twice that number live in low-income families (Na�onal Center for Children in Poverty¸ 2011).

There have been drama�c social changes in recent decades. For example, the percentage of never-married 25- to 29-year-old women increased from 27 in 1986 to more than 46 in 2009 (Number, Timing, and Dura�on of Marriages and Divorces: 2009). Also, divorce rates increased enormously during the last century. At any given �me, about 1 in 10 children in the United States lives in a one-parent family. In about 80% of these families, the mother is the single parent (America's families and living arrangements, 2010). Coupled with this, demographic (popula�on) changes have resulted in smaller

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families, reduced birthrates, more childless couples, and greater propor�ons of young adults (resul�ng from previous increases in birthrates) and elderly people (resul�ng from medical advances).

Another important change, the effects of which are discussed in Chapter 8, is associated with the role of the media in people's lives, especially children's.

Some observers argue that the net effect of these changes is that recent decades are less child-centered than had been an�cipated. Among other things, childhood in our industrialized �mes brings with it a high probability of being looked a�er by a series of strangers, most likely outside the child's home. It includes, as well, the probability of losing a father or a mother for much of the �me of growing up—or at least of losing some of their interest and a�en�on, and perhaps some of their affec�on as well. Childhood now brings the possibility of major adjustments if one or the other of the parents remarries, par�cularly if step-siblings are brought into the family.

There was a �me, not very long ago, when the things that most children feared were highly predictable: pain, death, spinach, supernatural beings, and things that go bump in the night. Recent decades have added some new fears: concerns over whether or not parents will divorce; anxie�es related to being le� alone; worry associated with the likelihood of having to make new adjustments; and, too o�en, dread associated with wars.

But this paints too bleak a picture. The challenges and the changes of recent decades don't overwhelm all children and are not always a source of loneliness or despair. For many children, these are challenges and changes that result in strength rather than in weakness, in a sense of community rather than aliena�on, in joy rather than sadness.

Why Look at History?

These historical snapshots are important not so much for what they tell us about the lives of children (although that, too, is interes�ng and important in its own right), but because they emphasize the extent to which we are products of our par�cular social, cultural, and historical reali�es. In today's jargon, we are products of our contexts. So, to understand the lives of children, we need to know something of their contexts—that is, something of their families, their schools, the economic and poli�cal reali�es of their �mes, their place in history and in culture. It's a point that is repeated o�en in this text and emphasized in the "Across Cultures" inserts, which look at the lives of children whose contexts are not the average North American context.

In a sense, we are all a li�le like the children described in these inserts; none of us is the typical, average child of which this text speaks. Not only is each of us the product of an absolutely unique assortment of gene�c material (unless we have an iden�cal twin), but we are also products of experiences that are influenced more than a li�le by the social-cultural contexts of our lives.

Imagine how different your life might have been had you been born in medieval �mes.

This Concept Check is for your own study and will not affect your grade.

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Many of the world's children live in poverty and are abused and exploited. But in North America, we live in a kinder age marked by a variety of child protec�on systems that focus on the wellbeing of children and on their op�mal development— as this budding scien�st well illustrates.

1.2 Children's Rights If you had been born in early medieval �mes, there is a chance that you might have been used as a plaything for the game of baby tossing—one of the sports by which the gentry amused themselves. Basically, baby tossing involved throwing infants from one gamesman to another. One unlucky baby- tossing vic�m was King Henry IV's infant brother, who was killed when he fell while being tossed from one window to another (deMause, 1974).

Throughout history, children have died not only in sport but for other causes, too. Had you been a parent in Massachuse�s in 1646, you would not have had to put up with unruly offspring. Say you had a son who wouldn't listen to you, who was making your life miserable. All you would have had to do was drag him before a magistrate, establish that here was a defiant and rebellious kid, and, as long as he was 16 or more, they'd put him to death for you! That was the law (Westman, 1991).

By the twen�eth century, the courts would no longer hang or shoot problem children; the once- absolute control that parents and various agencies had over the lives of children had been weakened considerably. Yet it was s�ll possible for parents and teachers to get rid of the worst troublemakers. One way of doing this was to "voluntarily" commit them to mental ins�tu�ons ("voluntarily" because parents and guardians simply "volunteered" them) (Farleger, 1977). Un�l recently, such children had no legal recourse, no ma�er how badly they felt they had been treated. Now, however, the courts have determined that children cannot be brought in for "treatment" without their "informed consent" (Informed consent, 2011).

In the twenty-first century, evidence of increasing concern with the rights of children is apparent not only in court decisions but also in two other important events: (1) the adop�on of ethical principles to guide research concerning children; and (2) the formula�on and widespread interna�onal acceptance of a code of children's rights. Now most industrialized countries have developed a variety of child protec�on systems that typically focus on improving the well-being of children and ensuring their op�mal development (Gilbert, Parton, & Skivenes, 2011). (See In the Classroom: No Child Le� Behind for an illustra�on of some of the implica�ons of children's rights for teachers.)

Research with Children

The Society for Research in Child Development (SRCD) provides an important list of principles for research with children (SRCD Ethical standards for research with children, 2007). These principles recognize that research is unethical when procedures are stressful or poten�ally harmful, when a child is coerced into par�cipa�ng, when a child's privacy is invaded, and when unfair incen�ves or decep�on

are used. The principles specify that permission of children and their parents must be obtained before conduc�ng child research. Furthermore, consent must be "informed" in the sense that all are fully aware of any aspect of the research that might affect their willingness to par�cipate.

In the Classroom: No Child Le� Behind

The School: Wes Morland Elementary

The Situa�on: Third-grade students Sam Plotkin, Sarah Benny, Josh Edwards, Josefina González, and Cheekie Liu have requested transfers to Harriet McKinley Elementary School with transporta�on to be paid for by the district. The parents of five other third-graders have asked for free tutoring; several others have demanded a�er-school programs. Although the district is dangerously short of funds, it must agree to each of these requests.

Explana�on: Wes Morland Elementary has failed to meet Adequate Yearly Progress (AYP) targets three years running. These are targets mandated by a law signed into effect in 2002, known as the No Child Le� Behind Act. The main purpose of this act is to ensure that all students meet specific state-wide standards in mathema�cs and reading. It also formalizes the right of students to be taught by highly qualified teachers. It requires that all publicly funded schools improve each year, demonstra�ng their improvement by mee�ng AYP targets so that by the year 2014, all students will have achieved mandated levels of proficiency. Schools such as Wes Morland Elementary that do not meet AYP targets are required to take specific steps to improve. If AYP targets are not met two or more years in a row, students are given the op�on of transferring to another school. Schools that don't meet AYP targets for a third consecu�ve year must offer free tutoring and supplementary educa�onal programs for their students. Missing AYP targets yet a fourth year can lead to "correc�ve ac�on," including the possibility of replacing staff and school programs. Con�nuing failure to meet targets can lead to a restructuring of the en�re school or even to the school's closure.

To Think About: Cri�cs agree that the goals of NCLB are beyond reproach. But many are concerned about the possible nega�ve consequences of what is termed "high-stakes" tes�ng, where student performance on tests can have profound repercussions for schools and teachers. What do you suppose some of these nega�ve consequences might be?

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Thought Challenge 1.2

How many ways can you think of in which the Monster Study violated accepted ethical principles of child research?

Click here for a possible response (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/f

Viola�ons of ethical principles in this study include: (1) the fact that there was possibility of harm to the children; (2) use of par�cipants who, because they were orphans, would not have the op�on to decline without nega�ve consequences; (3) lack of informed consent in that children were not told what the purpose and possible effects of the research would be; (4) use of decep�on in that all children thought they were receiving speech therapy; (5) use of research methods that demeaned par�cipants. Further Reading: The main details of the study can be found at h�p://www.ny�mes.com/2003/03/16/magazine/the- stu�ering-doctor-s-monster-study.html? src=pm. But for other research that suggests that the ini�al study did not support the hypothesis that non-stu�erers can be "talked into" becoming stu�erers, see Ambrose, N. G., & Yairi, E. (2002). The Tudor Study. American Journal of Speech-Language Pathology, 11(2), 190-203.

Thought Challenge 1.3

In spite of the wide-scale acceptance of the Charter of Children's Rights, thousands of children die needlessly each day—mainly of vaccine-preventable diseases, starva�on, diarrheal dehydra�on, and wars. What should be done about this situa�on? What can be done?

Click here for a possible response (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/f

What should be done is a ma�er for our consciences; what can be done is clearer. Each of these causes of child mortality can be prevented or reversed through a combina�on of global immuniza�on, distribu�on of food supplies, and oral rehydra�on therapy (for diarrheal dehydra�on). Further, the effects of each of these causes of infant and child death— vaccine-preventable diseases, diarrheal infec�on, and poor nutri�on—can be lessened enormously through something as simple as breast-feeding. For wars, the solu�ons are not quite so simple.

A 1939 study of stu�ering among children is o�en used as an illustra�on of unethical research. Some�mes called the Monster Study, it was conducted on 22 orphan children, some of whom had normal speech, but 10 of whom were iden�fied as stu�erers (Reynolds, 2003). Half of each group received "posi�ve" speech therapy: Experimenters praised their verbal fluency and their pronuncia�on. The other half received "nega�ve" therapy: They were ridiculed and beli�led. Those who had been iden�fied as stu�erers were told their speech was even worse than other people thought. And those whose speech had been normal were told that the staff had concluded they had all the symptoms of a child who is beginning to stu�er, that they would eventually wind up like so-and-so who was the worst stu�erer in the orphanage. Sadly, these fic��ous predic�ons and diagnoses apparently became true in some cases—a fact that has allegedly ruined some lives and led to a number of lawsuits.

United Na�ons Conven�on: Children's Rights

A United Na�ons conven�on on the rights of the child held in 1989 culminated in the formula�on of an extensive charter of children's rights (Conven�on on the Rights of the Child, 2011).

The interna�onal charter of children's rights is based on the following four general principles:

The rights are to apply to all of the world's children equally, without discrimina�on or dis�nc�ons of any kind.

In all ac�ons that involve children, their best interests shall be the most important considera�on.

All the world's states shall do their utmost to ensure child survival and op�mal development.

Children have the right to be heard.

These four principles are reflected in the specific rights discussed in the charter (Table 1.2).

Table 1.2: The Charter of Children's Rights

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Six-year-old Elvira has many rights of protec�on—but fewer of choice. Her parents may well allow her the right to choose not to eat her broccoli. But it is their responsibility to make sure her nutri�onal choices are not harmful.

A universally accepted proclama�on of the United Na�ons asserts that, among other things, every child has specific birthrights.

Category of Rights Examples of Rights

Civil rights and freedoms

A name and a na�onality from birth Freedom of thought, conscience, and religion Protec�on of privacy Protec�on from torture or other degrading treatment or punishment Protec�on from capital punishment and life imprisonment

A family environment Parents having the primary, but state-assisted, responsibility for care and upbringing of children From which children cannot be taken unless it is clearly in their best interests The responsibili�es of which will be assumed by the state should the child be deprived of a family

Safeguarding of health and welfare

The right to life The right to the highest a�ainable standard of health The provision of special care for those with special needs The right to an adequate standard of living

Educa�on, leisure and recrea�on

Free and compulsory educa�on for all children School discipline that respects the child's dignity School programs geared toward social and physical as well as mental development

Special protec�on measures

The assurance that no child under 15 shall take direct part in war or be recruited into armed forces Special treatment by courts of law, taking into considera�on the child's age, and directed mainly toward rehabilita�on rather than punishment Freedom from fear of exploita�on

Rights of Protec�on versus Rights of Choice

As Jones and Welch (2010) point out, children's rights as outlined by the United Na�ons Commi�ee on Rights of the Child are geared toward (1) providing op�mal, growth-fostering condi�ons for them; (2) protec�ng them from abuse and exploita�on; and, (3) allowing them to par�cipate in decisions that affect them. Note that the first two of these are essen�ally rights of protec�on whereas the third is a right of choice.

In many instances, as Runeson, Proczkowska-Bjorklund, and Idvall (2010) note, gran�ng children rights of choice as though they were mini-adults is a misuse of the concept of children's rights. Young children lack the maturity and the knowledge required for making the best choices in their own lives. Six-year-old Elvira has the right to adequate nutri�on, medical care, and educa�on. But, understandably, she does not have the right to make all her own nutri�onal, educa�onal, and medical choices. Many of those choices are her parents' responsibility. And even if her parents are unable to convince her that she should eat her broccoli because it's good for her, they can at least ensure that she doesn't eat only candy bars.

It's important to note that these United Na�ons "rights" of the child are principles and not enforceable laws. As a consequence, there are uncounted viola�ons of children "rights" throughout the world—and at home, too. (See Figure 1.3 and Across Cultures: Children and War for examples of viola�ons of children's rights.)

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Manzanar na�onal historic site monument—site of one of the best-known World War II "reloca�on" camps.

Source: U.S.Census Bureau, 1011, Table 711

Figure 1.3: Children Living In Poverty in the United States

This figure includes only children under 18 living at home. Black and hispanic children are more likely to live in poverty than are white children.

Across Cultures: Children and War

My good friend, Joseph Minimoto, died in 1987. He died largely as a result of World War II, although he was only a child when that war started and he lived in California, where none of the figh�ng took place. But when the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor in 1941, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, caught up in the general hysteria that swept the United States, issued order number 9066 giving the U.S. military the right to exclude from certain areas and ac�vi�es all U.S. ci�zens of Japanese ancestry. It also established the right to detain these ci�zens, without legal recourse, in what were termed "reloca�on camps." Ten such camps were set up in the United States and some 120,000 people of Japanese ancestry—some no more than one-eighth Japanese—were imprisoned in remote encampments surrounded by barbed wire. Joe and his family were sent to Heart Mountain Camp in Wyoming. It opened on August 12, 1942, and didn't close un�l November 10, 1945.

Joe never forgot those sad, frightened, and hungry years. Both of his Japanese grandparents and his father died in the camp. All three suffered from tuberculosis. His mother, a descendent of the Cheyenne Dog Soldier tribe of Wyoming, was heartbroken and never recovered. She died a few years a�er their release from the camp.

Joe survived another four decades. He spent his last years figh�ng the ravages of a long-undiagnosed case of tuberculosis. The doctors guessed he had contracted the disease in the camp.

One year a�er Joe died, the U.S. government passed the Civil Liber�es Act of 1988—popularly referred to as the Japanese-American Redress Bill. It provided for a wri�en apology, signed by the president of the United States, for every person of Japanese ancestry who had been interned during the war. It also awarded monetary compensa�on of $20,000 per person.

Joe received neither.

To Think About: During the twen�eth century alone, more than 60 million people have been killed in wars—of which there are approximately 30 ongoing as of this wri�ng. Nearly a dozen of these are described as major conflicts, in which more than 1,000 people are killed each year ( GlobalSecurity.org, 2011). In medieval �mes, wars typically killed only soldiers. Even as recently as the First World War, 95% of those killed were military personnel. But now, wars kill about four �mes more civilians than fighters, and the majority of those killed are women and children (Bellamy, 1996). During the last decade of the twen�eth century, more than 1.5 million children have been killed by wars. Even if they are not killed or physically wounded, many children who are exposed to war or interned in war camps subsequently manifest a variety of psychological symptoms, including depression and behavioral problems (Jordans, Tol, Komproe, & de Jong, 2009).

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1.3 Developmental Psychology Psychology is the science that studies human behavior and mental processes. Developmental psychology is the division of psychology concerned specifically with the journey through the lifespan, beginning with concep�on and prenatal development, and ending with death. It looks at changes that occur over �me and at the processes and influences that account for these changes. Development itself includes all the processes and changes whereby individuals adapt to their environment. Because adapta�on involves growing, maturing, and learning, these processes are important concepts in the study of development.

Growth refers to physical changes such as increasing height and weight. Note that these are mainly quan�ta�ve changes: they involve increments (addi�ons) rather than transforma�ons. Matura�on describes changes that are more closely related to biology and heredity than to a child's environment. Sexual unfolding during pubescence is an example of matura�on.

Learning refers to changes that occur as a result of environmental influences. Learning is defined as all rela�vely permanent changes that result from experience rather than simply from matura�on, growth, or the temporary effects of factors such as drugs or fa�gue.

Note that in almost all aspects of human development, matura�on, growth, and learning interact to make adapta�on possible. This is especially evident in early childhood. For example, learning to walk requires not only that the child's physical strength and muscular coordina�on be sufficiently advanced (growth and matura�on) but also that there be an opportunity to prac�ce the different skills involved (learning).

Developmental psychology undertakes two important tasks: observing children and their progress in adap�ng to the world, and trying to explain that adapta�on. (See Concept Summary: Important Defini�ons in Child Development.)

Concept Summary: Important Defini�ons in Child Development

Term Defini�on

Psychology The science that studies human thought and behavior

Developmental psychology

Division of psychology concerned with changes that occur over �me and with the processes and influences that account for these changes

Development involves: Growth Matura�on Learning

Physical changes; primarily quan�ta�ve Naturally unfolding changes, rela�vely independent of the environment (for example, physical changes of the brain during prenatal development; the changes of pubescence that lead to sexual maturity) Rela�vely permanent changes in behavior that result from experience (rather than from matura�on, fa�gue, or drugs)

Early Explorers of Child Development

The study of children is a rela�vely recent enterprise, closely �ed to social changes that occurred in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century a�tudes toward children and to intellectual movements reflected in the wri�ngs of philosophers and early scien�sts. In addi�on, advances in biology and medicine and the increasing availability of elementary educa�on contributed significantly to the development of child psychology.

Closely associated with the beginnings of the study of children were people such as the Bri�sh philosopher John Locke and the French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau.

John Locke

The child is basically a ra�onal creature, Locke informed his late seventeenth-century colleagues. Children have nothing in their minds when they are born: Their minds are like blank slates—the tablets on which ancient philosophers wrote before there were chalkboards and smartboards. This belief is known as the doctrine of the tabula rasa. It holds that at first there is nothing in the infant's mind. But experience changes that, said Locke, because children quickly absorb the knowledge and habits that are given to them. Furthermore, he explained, children are highly responsive to rewards and punishments and must be carefully and firmly disciplined.

In the highly puritanical age in which Locke lived, discipline and self-control were considered absolutely fundamental to successful child rearing. And discipline tended to be harsh and unforgiving. In Locke's (1699) words, "If you take away the Rod on one hand, and these li�le Encouragements which they are taken with, on the other, How then (will you say) shall Children be govern'd? Remove Hope and Fear, and there is an end of all Discipline" (p. 33).

Jean-Jacques Rousseau

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G. Stanley Hall believed that children's interest in climbing trees (or crawling into small spaces) is evidence that individual development parallels the development of the en�re species. This belief (ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny) has been largely discredited.

Rousseau's child, described in his book Émile (first published in 1762), is not at all like Locke's child. This is not a child who is a "blank slate," neither good nor bad un�l the rewards and punishments of experience exert their influence. The child is "naturally good" (a "noble savage"), Rousseau insists: If children were allowed to develop in their own fashion, untainted by the corrup�on and evil in the world, they would undoubtedly be good when grown: "God makes all things good; man meddles with them and they become evil" (Rousseau, 2004/1762, p. 3).

Although both Locke and Rousseau are closely associated with the beginning of the study of children, their ideas led to very different concep�ons of childhood. Locke's descrip�on of the child as a passive creature molded by the rewards and punishments of experience parallels B. F. Skinner's theory (Chapter 2). Rousseau's view of an ac�ve, exploring child developing through deliberate interac�on with the environment is reflected in the work of Jean Piaget (also Chapter 2).

Later Explorers

Although the science of child psychology owes much to early "child philosophers" such as Rousseau and Locke, its beginnings are usually a�ributed to the first systema�c observa�ons and wri�en accounts of children, undertaken by people such as G. Stanley Hall, Jean Piaget, and John Broadus Watson.

G. Stanley Hall

The American, G. Stanley Hall (1891), who became the first president of the American Psychological Associa�on, was profoundly influenced by Charles Darwin's theory of evolu�on. "Ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny," Hall insisted, borrowing a phrase popularized by German scien�sts such as Haeckel (Richards, 2008). This one short phrase summarizes Hall's convic�on that the development of each individual in a species (ontogeny) parallels the evolu�on of the en�re species (phylogeny).

As evidence for this theory, Hall described the evolu�on of children's interest in games, no�ng how these seem to correspond to the evolu�on of human occupa�ons and lifestyles. No�ce, said Hall, how a child becomes progressively interested in games corresponding to each of the major periods in human evolu�on: an arboreal existence (for example, climbing on chairs and tables); a cave-dwelling existence (crawling into small spaces, making �ny shelters with old blankets); a pastoral existence (playing with animals); an agricultural existence (tending flowers and plants); and finally an industrial existence (playing with vehicles).

One of Hall's most important contribu�ons to the study of children was his pioneering use of ques�onnaires, lists of ques�ons designed to uncover the thoughts, the emo�ons, and the behaviors of children. He o�en presented his ques�onnaires to adults, asking them to remember what they had felt and thought as children. Always, he tabulated, summed, averaged, and compared the results of his ques�onnaires, a true pioneer of the applica�on of scien�fic procedures and principles to the study of human development. Also, Hall wrote extensively for the lay public, and was highly regarded as one of the important "popularizers" of psychology and purveyors of child-rearing advice (Brooks-Gunn & Duncan Johnson, 2006).

Jean Piaget

Like G. Stanley Hall, the Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget was heavily influenced by Charles Darwin. Piaget's early training was in biology, a field in which he received a PhD at the age of 22. Uncertain about what to do next, he spent a year wandering around Europe, working at a psychoanaly�c clinic

and in a pair of psychological laboratories, one of which was under the direc�on of Théodore Simon, the originator of the famous Stanford Binet intelligence test. While working with Simon, Piaget became fascinated by children's responses to test ques�ons, and especially by their incorrect answers. This marked the beginning of his very long and enormously produc�ve career as an inves�gator of the development of children's minds.

Children, Piaget explains, are born with a small repertoire of reflexive behaviors and corresponding mental underpinnings. As a result of interac�ng with the world, exercising these behaviors (assimila�ng, in Piaget's terminology) and modifying them (accommoda�ng), the brain structures that underlie them change. These changes are reflected in a series of stages that describe the systema�c development of the child's capabili�es. At each stage, the child's ability to reason and understand becomes progressively more logical, culmina�ng in the intellectual power of the adult. Piaget's model of the child's cogni�ve development became one of the most highly researched and applied descrip�ons of child development in the twen�eth century.

John B. Watson

A well-known American pioneer of child psychology was John B. Watson (1914), who introduced an experimental, learning-based approach to the study of development. His influence, as well as that of Skinner, shaped a model that came to dominate child study through the early part of the twen�eth century. This model looked for the causes of developmental change among the rewards and punishments of the environment and viewed the child as the passive recipient of these influences, much as had Locke.

The theories of Watson and Piaget, along with other important contributors to the study of children, such as Sigmund Freud, Erik Erikson, Burrhus F. Skinner, John Bowlby, Lev Vygotsky, Urie Bronfenbrenner, and Albert Bandura, are discussed in Chapter 2. (See Concept Summary: Pioneers in the Study of Children.)

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In Peter Pan, James Barrie informs us that "When the first baby laughed for the first �me, its laugh broke into a thousand pieces, and they all went skipping about, and that was the beginning of fairies." This is not one of the beliefs that currently drives developmental research— although it's not hard to imagine that this urchin's laughter might well awaken fairies.

Concept Summary: Pioneers in the Study of Children

Pioneers Iden�fying Belief

John Locke (1632– 1704)

Tabula rasa: Children are like empty vessels, passive recipients of the effects of experience, in need of direc�on and discipline.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712– 1778)

The natural child: Children are ac�ve, inquiring, and basically good unless society corrupts them.

G. Stanley Hall (1884–1924)

Ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny: The development of the individual mirrors the development of the human race.

Jean Piaget (1896– 1980)

Stage-bound cogni�ve development: Development progresses through a series of stages as a result of assimila�ng (using the environment for already-learned ac�vi�es) and accommoda�ng (changing behaviors—and mental structure—in the face of environmental demands).

John Broadus Watson (1878–1958)

Give me a dozen healthy infants and I will make of them what I will: Children are shaped by the rewards and punishments of their environments

Why Study the Development of Children?

In this child-centered age, we study children for various reasons, not least because we want to understand how we become what we are. Our study of child development is intended to provide us with informa�on about (1) the sorts of behaviors we might expect from children at different ages, (2) the op�mal experiences for children at different developmental levels, and (3) the nature of developmental problems and the best treatments for them.

As a result, the study of children provides a wealth of informa�on that is of tremendous prac�cal importance for teachers, nurses, counselors, physicians, child welfare professionals, clergy, and parents. With greater understanding, we become be�er parents, be�er teachers, be�er clinicians— and the children in our care have a be�er chance of becoming happy, produc�ve, healthy individuals.

Recurring Issues and Beliefs

A number of important ques�ons have served as recurring themes in developmental psychology. The issues that underlie these ques�ons have guided much of its research and theorizing, and are reflected in its most important beliefs.

Is it best to view the child as an ac�ve, exploring organism, discovering or inven�ng meaning for the world, as Rousseau argued? Or is it more useful to emphasize, as did Locke, the effects of rewards and punishments on a more passive child? Today, the predominant view is of an ac�ve, exploring child deliberately a�emp�ng to create meaning out of the world (Rousseau's view, reflected in Piaget's theory). At the same �me, most psychologists recognize the importance of reward and punishment (Locke's view, reflected in learning-based approaches such as Skinner's).

What are the rela�ve effects of gene�cs and environments on the developmental process? This ques�on has been the source of one of the main controversies in psychology: the nature-nurture controversy. Extreme points of view on this issue maintain either that the environment is mainly responsible for whatever children become (nurture) or that gene�c background (nature) determines the end result of the developmental process. The dominant posi�on today is that nature and nurture aren't forces that act in opposi�on; rather, their interac�on determines developmental outcomes.

Is development a con�nuous, rela�vely uninterrupted process, or does it consist of separate stages? As is true for most of the recurring ques�ons in human development, there is no simple answer. Stages in developmental psychology are a dis�nct sequence of age-based steps in the development of understanding or competencies. Many important developmental theories are stage theories (for example, those of Piaget or Freud). But it has been difficult to iden�fy abili�es or competencies that invariably appear at a predetermined age and develop in a fixed, predictable sequence. We don't develop like caterpillars—cocoon to bu�erfly to egg to caterpillar to cocoon to bu�erfly, each stage undeniably different from the one that precedes or follows it. Many of our characteris�cs appear to be subject more to con�nuous development than to stages. Nevertheless, stage theories are useful in organizing the facts of human development and in helping us understand and talk about them.

None of these issues has been completely resolved. Perhaps they cannot be, and perhaps history will show that they weren't very important in any case. What is important is to keep in mind that what we think and say about children—the ques�ons we ask and some�mes the answers we are prepared to accept—are strongly influenced by our assump�ons and beliefs.

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This Concept Check is for your own study and will not affect your grade.

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Thought Challenge 1.4

Some argue that basic research, while interes�ng, is largely a waste of �me. What arguments can be made for and against funding basic, as opposed to applied research?

Click here for a possible response (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er#)

Advocates of applied research cau�on that because there are so many pressing problems that urgently require solu�ons, research funding should go to prac�cal, applied research. Otherwise, they argue, the human journey as we know it is in danger of ending. Others counter that basic research is an essen�al precursor to applied research. If we had done only applied research, they insist, we would s�ll be inves�ga�ng how to improve our clubs and our spears.

1.4 Methods of Studying Children In all scien�fic fields, there is basic research and applied research. Basic research, also called pure research, is driven by curiosity and is designed to expand our fundamental knowledge. Its goal is not to invent or produce something. In early childhood research, for example, basic research might try to answer ques�ons such as: What happens in children's brains when they look at colors? What can the child hear at birth?

In contrast, applied research is mo�vated by a desire to solve prac�cal problems. Applied research in early childhood development might be designed to find ways of teaching language skills to children with au�sm, or of improving social rela�ons among kindergarten children.

Research in early childhood is both basic and applied: Some of it is designed to expand our knowledge, and some is aimed at very prac�cal ques�ons. But doing research with children is not always an easy undertaking.

As we shall see in Chapter 5, most of us are vic�ms of a curious phenomenon labeled infan�le amnesia: We remember virtually nothing—at least consciously—of our infancies or even of our early preschool days. So powerful and general is infan�le amnesia that Newcombe and Fox (1994) found that 9- and 10-year old children were generally completely incapable of recognizing photos of their preschool classmates. Yet, years later, most adults can iden�fy photos of over 90% of their elementary school classmates.

As a result of our infan�le amnesia, when we try to make sense of the mind and emo�ons of infants, we can't rely on our memory of what it was like to be an infant. Nor can preverbal infants speak of their own thoughts and feelings. Hence, much of what we know of the private lives of young children is based on inferences we make. However, these are scien�fic inferences: They are based on careful, controlled, and replicable observa�ons.

Observa�on

Observa�on is the basis of all science; so the study of children always begins with observa�on. Child development researchers use two types of observa�on: naturalis�c and nonnaturalis�c.

Naturalis�c Observa�on

Naturalis�c observa�on occurs when children are observed without interference in natural (rather than contrived) situa�ons—for example, at home or on the playground or in school. Psychologists who observe children and write diary descrip�ons of their behavior (sequen�al descrip�ons of behavior at predetermined intervals) are using naturalis�c observa�on. Similarly, psychologists might describe con�nuous sequences of behavior (specimen descrip�ons), behaviors observed during specified �me intervals (�me sampling), or specific behaviors only (event sampling). All are examples of naturalis�c observa�on. Note that in each of these methods, children's behavior remains unaffected by the observa�on (Table 1.3).

Table 1.3: Naturalis�c methods of observing children

Method Descrip�on Main uses Example

Diary descrip�on

Regular (o�en daily or weekly) descrip�ons of important events and changes

Detec�ng and understanding major changes and developmental sequences in specific areas

Inves�gator makes daily notes about child's behavior, no�ng specific changes such as increases in vocabulary

Specimen descrip�on

Detailed descrip�on of sequences of behavior, detailing all aspects of behavior

Studying individual children in depth; not restricted to only one or two predetermined characteris�cs

Inves�gator makes video records of uninterrupted sequences of child's behavior for later analysis

Time sampling Behaviors are recorded intermi�ently during brief, regular �me periods

Detec�ng and assessing changes in specific behaviors over �me

Inves�gator records kindergarten child's disrup�ve behaviors during 5-minute spans, once every 30 minutes

Event sampling Specific behaviors (events) are recorded during the observa�onal period; other behaviors are ignored

Understanding the nature and frequency of specific behaviors (events)

Inves�gator notes each �me child bangs her head on the wall

Source: Based in part on Wright, 1960.

The methods of naturalis�c observa�on may be used in combina�on. For example, �me and event sampling are o�en used together. Time sampling specifies when observa�ons will be made; event sampling specifies what behavior will be observed. For example, in a study of preschoolers' playground

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behavior, an inves�gator might use a checklist to record instances of specific behaviors such as laughing, yelling, figh�ng, or coopera�ng (event sampling), and observe each child for five-minute periods at two-hour intervals (�me sampling).

Nonnaturalis�c Observa�on

Nonnaturalis�c observa�on involves methods and situa�ons designed to have an effect on children's behavior—in contrast with naturalis�c observa�on, where children are observed in natural se�ngs and the inves�ga�on is designed not to affect ongoing behavior. Nonnaturalis�c observa�ons are some�mes termed clinical if they involve the use of interviews or ques�onnaires. When inves�gators a�empt to manipulate or change a child's environment, the resul�ng studies are experimental. Experiments are described later in this chapter.

Correla�onal Studies

Many studies in child development try to discover whether there is a rela�onship between two variables (characteris�cs that can vary). Does parental divorce affect first-graders' school performance? Are a�rac�ve children be�er liked by teachers?

Studies designed to answer ques�ons such as these typically result in a measure of correla�on—a mathema�cal indica�on of rela�onship. Say, for example, you look at the rela�onship between physical child abuse and later criminality, and you find, as did Currie and Tekin (2006), that about twice as many abused children—compared with those who aren't abused—are later charged with criminal offenses. This would be an example of a posi�ve correla�on: As incidence of physical abuse increases, incidence of criminal behavior also increases.

Similarly, if two variables decrease jointly, that too is a posi�ve correla�on. For example, a Swedish study indicates that programs that are effec�ve in decreasing alcohol consump�on also have the effect of decreasing instances of violence toward officials (Mansdo�er, Rydberg, Wallin, Lindholm, & Andreasson, 2007). Hence there is a posi�ve correla�on between declining alcohol consump�on and declining violence.

Now suppose you look at the rela�onship between social phobia (an intense fear of social situa�ons and interac�ons) and paren�ng styles, and you find, as did Bitaraf, Shaeeri, and Javadi (2010), that authorita�ve (as opposed to authoritarian) paren�ng is closely associated with social phobia. This would be an example of a nega�ve correla�on: The more authorita�ve the paren�ng, the lower children's scores on measures of social phobia (Figure 1.4). (The effects of paren�ng styles are discussed in Chapter 8.)

Many correla�onal studies in developmental psychology are retrospec�ve studies. They are retrospec�ve because they try to iden�fy rela�onships by looking back at a child's history (retro means backward) to see how factors in the past are related to present behavior.

Figure 1.4: Graphic Representa�on of Correla�on

In A (high posi�ve correla�on), those who scored well on test 1 also scored well on test 2 —and vice versa. In B (high nega�ve correla�on), those who did well on test 1 did poorly on test 3. And in C, there is li�le rela�onship between scores on the two tests.

What Does Correla�on Mean? The Correla�on Fallacy

The Currie and Tekin (2006) study found a high posi�ve correla�on between child abuse and criminal charges in adulthood. Is this evidence that abuse causes criminal behavior?

The simple answer is no, there is no proof of causa�on here: To conclude that there is illustrates the correla�on fallacy. A high correla�on between two variables never tells us what causes what. Nor does it exclude the possibility that an unexpected, confounding variable—termed a third variable— might be involved. In this study, for example, one possible third variable might be that the personality characteris�cs of children who later engage in criminal acts contribute to parents abusing them. It is also possible that the personality characteris�cs of abusive parents, rather than the abuse itself, is a more direct cause of criminality—as might also be the economic and social condi�ons of the abusive home. Each of these is a possible, confounding, third variable.

As an example of the occasional absurdity of determining causa�on solely on the basis of correla�on, consider that there is a clear, posi�ve correla�on between the number of teeth young children have at any given �me and their language sophis�ca�on. That, of course, does not prove that having

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Thought Challenge 1.5

The "immuniza�on causes au�sm" experiment has been conducted in a number of ways and by a variety of people. The hypothesis has been firmly rejected (see Rudy, 2009). Yet many have no�ced a correla�on between immuniza�on and au�sm. How might this be explained?

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Au�sm is o�en diagnosed at around the age of 2—which is about the �me that most children have recently been vaccinated. Hence the correla�on—but not the causa�on.

For Further Explora�on: Psychology, Experiments and Research Design

For Further Explora�on: Developmental Psychology

many teeth helps youngsters speak and understand languages—nor that increasing language skills leads to the growth of new teeth! Instead, other third variables related to learning and matura�on account for this correla�on.

Even though correla�onal studies cannot establish that one thing causes another, the presence of a correla�on is a necessary condi�on for inferring causality—necessary but insufficient. If child abuse does lead to criminality, there will be a posi�ve correla�on between measures of the two. So, though a correla�on may be highly sugges�ve, only a carefully controlled experiment can come close to establishing causa�on.

Experiments

The experiment is science's most powerful tool for gathering observa�ons. An experiment is dis�nguished from naturalis�c observa�ons in that it requires the systema�c manipula�on of some aspect of a situa�on. In an experiment, the observer controls certain variables (characteris�cs that can vary)—called independent variables—to inves�gate their effect, or lack of effect, on other variables, termed dependent variables.

For example, researchers wan�ng to conduct an experiment to examine the hypothesis (scien�fic predic�on) that immuniza�on causes au�sm would need to immunize a large group of children. The incidence of au�sm in this group would later be compared with that in another group of children who were not immunized but are comparable to the first group in all important ways. In this illustra�on, immuniza�on is the independent variable; it is under the experimenter's control. Incidence of au�sm is the dependent variable.

A simple experiment of this kind uses an experimental group made up of par�cipants who are treated in some special way (for example, immunized). The object is usually to discover whether the special treatment (independent variable) has a predictable effect on some outcome (dependent variable). To ensure that any changes in the dependent variable are due to the treatment, the experimental group is compared to a control group. The control group must be as similar as possible to the experimental group in all relevant ways except that it does not experience the special treatment (Figure 1.5).

Figure 1.5: A simple experimental design.

In this illustra�on, inves�gators are tes�ng the hypothesis, labeling items in the home fosters language skills in 4- and 5-year-olds. Note that hypotheses can generally be worded as "if- then" statements. The "if" part of the statement is the independent variable (if I label items in the home . . .); the "then" part is the dependent variable (then children will develop more advanced language skills).

It is important to recognize that the results of experiments can be believed with confidence only when those results have been replicated—that is, when the same outcome can be observed in repe��ons of similar experiments. In addi�on, the measurements that are used need to have validity (they need to measure what they claim to measure) and reliability (they need to measure accurately).

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An experiment is a controlled test of a hypothesis. Independent variables are manipulated under controlled condi�ons to see if there is a change in the dependent variable. Proper research design is cri�cal to achieve reliable results.

Design an experiment to test the outcome of soy-based infant formula versus dairy-based infant formula. Name the independent variable and iden�fy at least one dependent variable.

Developmental psychologists study growing children in longitudinal studies. They repeat assessments of a child's func�oning or the experiences they are having over �me.

What kinds of variables would be effec�ve to study in a longitudinal design? What are some drawbacks?

Measuring personality characteris�cs or developmental progress is not like measuring weight or height. Much of our measurement is indirect, and our measuring instruments are o�en crude and inexact. Even measures of characteris�cs such as intelligence, which has been extensively inves�gated, theorized about, and for which there are hundreds of different tests, have limited validity and reliability. This always needs to be taken into account when looking at developmental research.

Longitudinal and Cross-Sec�onal Research

There are two broad approaches to studying human development: A longitudinal study observes the same subjects over a period of �me; a cross- sec�onal study compares different subjects at one point in �me. For example, there are two ways of inves�ga�ng differences in the rules used in games played by 2-year-olds and 6-year-olds. One way is to observe a group of 2-year-old children at play, and then four years later observe the same children again. This is the longitudinal approach, which, for these purposes, is more �me-consuming than necessary. Similar results could be obtained by simultaneously observing several groups of 2- and 6-year-old children and then comparing them directly.

Some�mes a longitudinal inves�ga�on is designed to con�nue beyond the life�me of a single inves�gator (or team of inves�gators). For example, the Terman study of gi�edness began in the early 1920s and con�nues today (Terman, 1925; Millar, 2010). This can present problems and disadvantages, among which are the following:

Higher cost in money and �me

The fact that instruments and methods may become outdated before comple�on

The possibility that some of the research ques�ons will be answered in some other way before the project is finished

The loss of par�cipants over �me

It should be noted that many of the problems associated with longitudinal research apply only to longer-term research. But not all longitudinal research is very long-term. Longitudinal studies of infant development might span only weeks, or perhaps only days or hours.

Cross-sec�onal and longitudinal approaches are both essen�al for studying human development. For some ques�ons, a longitudinal approach is necessary despite the �me and cost involved. If inves�gators want to discover whether intelligence test scores change with age or remain stable, they need to observe the same children at different �mes. A cross-sec�onal approach cannot give us informa�on about changes that occur over �me within a single individual because it looks at each individual only once.

Sources of Developmental Varia�on: Age and Cohort Influences

Human development is defined as change over �me. Developmental researchers are mainly interested in changes related to age: For example, how are 5-year-olds different from 3-yearolds? However, change in human development isn't always related only to age: It can also be related to other influences.

Cohort-Related Effects

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A longitudinal study of development follows the same people over a period of �me. It is highly useful for providing informa�on about changes that occur within individuals over �me. To study the development of this li�le girl from the first photo to the second photo would have taken more than two decades.

For example, let's say that in 1970, I gave a vocabulary test to eight groups of 5- year-olds represen�ng all geographic, ethnic, and social dimensions in my country. Then, 10 years later, I retest the same eight groups (a longitudinal study) and I find that there has been a 300% increase in vocabulary size. Can I conclude that this 300% increase is a normal age-related change?

Perhaps not. Maybe something quite unrelated to age has happened between 1970 and 1980 to account for this 300% increase in vocabulary (like the prolifera�on of computers, startlingly effec�ve educa�onal television programming, changes in nutri�on, or other factors). The observed changes might be a func�on of factors related to experiences specific to this birth cohort (individuals born during the same period).

Birth cohorts are always of a specific ini�al size and composi�on. But the size decreases as members die, un�l it finally disappears completely. And before it disappears, its composi�on o�en changes as well. For example, because men die sooner than women, the male-female ra�o of a cohort usually changes over �me. Similarly, racial composi�on might also change as a result of different mortality rates.

What is especially important for the developmental psychologist is that a cohort may be subject to a variety of experiences that are very different from those to which members of other cohorts are exposed. For example, my grandmother's cohort dates to the turn of the twen�eth century and includes people who were born into a world without electricity, television, computers, and airline travel. These cohort-related influences might be important in explaining why an 8-year-old in 2015 might be quite different from an 8-year-old in either 2025 or 1925.

Separa�ng the Effects of Age and Cohort

One of the challenges that developmental researchers face is that of separa�ng the effects of age and cohort. For example, because two different cohorts are involved, a cross-sec�onal study doesn't allow the inves�gator to determine whether differences between age groups are due to age- or cohort-related factors. Similarly, generaliza�ons based on a longitudinal study might apply only to the specific cohort under inves�ga�on and not to other cohorts who have had different historical experiences.

Figure 1.6: Representa�on of Three Research Designs

Years inside the figure indicate �me of tes�ng. Ver�cal columns represent possible �me-lag studies (different birth cohorts; different �mes of measurement; same age). Horizontal rows represent possible longitudinal studies (same birth cohorts measured at different �mes). Diagonals represent possible cross-sec�onal studies (different birth cohorts examined at one point in �me).

One way of overcoming these problems is to use what are termed sequen�al designs (Tudge, Shanahan, & Valsiner, 1997). Essen�ally, these studies involve taking series of samples at different �mes of measurement. One well-known sequen�al design is the �me-lag study in which different cohorts are compared at different �mes. For example, a �me-lag study might compare 10-year-olds in 2006 with 10-year-olds in 2008, 2010, and 2012 (Figure 1.6). Because subjects are of the same age when tested but were born in different years, they belong to different cohorts. Consequently, observed differences among the groups might reveal important cohort-related influences. (See Concept Summary: Methods of Studying Children.)

Concept Summary: Methods of Studying Children

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Method Main Characteris�cs

Observa�on The basis of all science. Observa�on is naturalis�c when children are observed without interference in natural rather than contrived situa�ons (�me or event sampling, diary descrip�ons, or specimen descrip�ons). Nonnaturalis�c observa�on may involve structured interviews or ques�onnaires, and may be experimental.

Correla�onal study Looks for rela�onships between two (or more) variables. A correla�on exists when changes in one variable are accompanied by systema�c changes in another. The existence of a correla�on is necessary but insufficient for inferring causality.

Experiment Involves systema�c a�empts to manipulate the environment to observe the effects of independent variables on dependent variables. Science's most powerful means of establishing cause-and-effect rela�onships.

Longitudinal study A study in which the same par�cipants are followed over a period of �me. Disadvantages: Time-consuming; expensive; possibility of subject loss; looks at only one cohort. Advantages: Essen�al for studying change within individuals.

Cross-sec�onal study

A study in which par�cipants of different ages are studied at one point in �me. Disadvantages: Not sensi�ve to change within individuals; cannot separate the effects of age from cohort effects. Advantages: Less �me consuming; less expensive; provides clear answers for some ques�ons rela�ng to group differences.

Time-lag study A study in which par�cipants of the same age are compared to each other at different points in �me (hence comparisons of different birth cohorts when they are the same age).

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Research samples need to represent the popula�on to which results are to be generalized. Inves�gators limi�ng their research to this convenient sample of bright li�le infants a�ending a private educa�onal center might discover amazing cogni�ve and social achievements by age two. But those results would tell us li�le about how average 2-year-olds develop.

Thought Challenge 1.6

How many plausible explana�ons can you think of for apparent interna�onal differences in achievement— such as in mathema�cs? How might you a�empt to determine whether these differences are real?

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The group that achieves at the highest level might do so for a variety of reasons: they are more intelligent; they have higher levels of the ability or talent being measured; their teachers are be�er; they spend more �me studying the tested subjects; their mo�va�on

1.5 Evalua�ng Developmental Research In prac�ce, research methods are determined by the ques�ons researchers want to answer. If you are interested in knowing whether children have more affec�on for cats than for dogs, you might simply compare the number of children who have dogs with the number who have cats (naturalis�c observa�on). Alternately, you might ask a sample of children which they like best (interview technique). Or you might arrange for different children, alone and in groups, to meet different cats and dogs and assess the children's reac�ons (perhaps through simple visual observa�on, or by measuring their heart rates and other physiological func�ons).

Note that each of these approaches might lead to somewhat different answers for the same ques�ons. Even if there are more cats than dogs in the homes of your subjects, children might really like dogs be�er (but their parents do not). And maybe, even if they do like dogs be�er, more would be afraid of dogs than of cats because strange dogs are somewhat more frightening than strange cats. An important point to keep in mind as you evaluate some of the studies described in this text is that answers are some�mes partly a func�on of research methods used.

Truth in psychology, as in most disciplines, is rela�ve. The validity of research conclusions can seldom be judged as absolutely right or wrong, but must instead be evaluated in terms of how useful, clear, consistent, and generalizable the conclusions are. If research results apply only to the situa�on in which they were obtained, they are not very valuable.

When evalua�ng psychological research, there are a number of important ques�ons you should ask.

Are the Samples Representa�ve?

As we just saw, the conclusions of developmental research are usually intended to be generalized to an en�re popula�on—that is, to the en�re group of individuals (or objects, or situa�ons) with similar characteris�cs. For example, all fi�h-grade American children defines a popula�on; all le�-handed, brown-eyed 4-year-olds make up another popula�on.

In most cases, the popula�ons that are of interest to a researcher are too large to be en�rely included in the study. What the inves�gator does, instead, is select a representa�ve sample from this larger popula�on. One of the simplest and most effec�ve ways of ensuring that the sample is representa�ve is to use random sampling. Chances are that a large enough sample picked at random from a popula�on will be very similar to the popula�on in all important ways.

In many cases, however, experimenters are limited to samples that are convenient and available. Psychologists who want to study vocabulary development among 3- year-olds seldom have access to a random sample of 3-year-olds drawn from the en�re popula�on. Their sample will more likely be limited to one or two local pre- school groups. And although their findings might have far-ranging applicability, there is always the possibility that these convenient samples differ in important ways from the general popula�on.

What Do Intergroup and Cultural Differences Really Mean?

There is a large body of research indica�ng that some Asian groups perform be�er than American students on measures of mathema�cs achievement (for example, Liu, 2009). Does this mean that Asian students are more intelligent than American students? That their educa�onal system is be�er? That their curriculum is more deliberately aimed at producing good "test- takers"? That they are more highly mo�vated?

The fact that children from different cultures, or from different groups within one culture, o�en perform differently on various tests and in different situa�ons underlines the importance of asking two ques�ons: (1) Are the tests and assessment procedures we're using suitable for different cultures? and (2) What might cause the observed differences? Conclusions based on research conducted only with North American samples may not be valid in Western Europe or in third-world countries—that is, they may lack ecological validity. Similarly, research conducted only with white middle-class subjects in North America should not be generalized to the en�re popula�on. (See In the Classroom: Hiroki's About Average, Like Everybody Else.)

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is higher; parents help them more; they spend less �me watching television or playing video games; they spend less �me working outside of school; they have be�er test-taking skills; the tests are biased…and on and on. There are always many plausible reasons for believing, or not believing, what we think (want?) to be correct.

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Children from different cultures some�mes perform very differently on the same test, a fact whose meaning is o�en completely unclear.

In the Classroom: Hiroki's About Average; Like Everybody Else

The Place: Komatsudani preschool

The Situa�on: A group of American educators has come to observe this East-side Tokyo preschool. A�er school, they meet with the teacher, Fukui-sensei.

Observer 1: The li�le boy with the yellow shirt, over on that side . . .

Fukui-sensei: His name is Hiroki.

Observer 1: He's so intelligent compared to the others.

Observer 2: Yes, wow, so quick . . .

Fukui-sensei: Oh no, he's average like everybody else.

Observer 1: But he seems so gi�ed.

Observer 2: Yeah, he always finished his work first. And then he sang that song for everybody.

Fukui-sensei: But surely you don't think speed is the same thing as intelligence. And he sings not because he's so intelligent, but because of his great need for a�en�on.

(Source: Based in part on Tobin, Wu, & Davidson, 1989, p. 24.)

To Think About: Different cultures some�mes have drama�cally different views of important characteris�cs such as intelligence—and very different a�tudes toward compe��on, coopera�on, and achievement. How might these differences impact the behavior of children from different cultures?

Do Conclusions Rely on Autobiographical Memory?

When Hampsten (1991) studied the diaries and le�ers of American pioneer women, she found that life had been harsh and difficult for their children. Most children had to work hard at very young ages, many were exposed to a variety of physical dangers, and many died or were maimed. But when the children, as adults, wrote accounts of their childhoods, they described tons of happy experiences—and almost no bad �mes. Would the accounts have been different had they wri�en them when they were children?

Perhaps. We don't really know. But we do know that autobiographical memory is highly unreliable. Researchers who use people's recollec�ons to understand the past must take into considera�on the possibility of uninten�onal distor�ons.

Do Results Depend on Subject Honesty?

Researchers must also consider whether subjects might distort the facts inten�onally, especially when personal ma�ers are being researched. Comparisons of adolescent sexual behavior today with behavior characteris�c of adolescents several genera�ons ago are typically unreliable, at least partly for this reason. Given prevailing a�tudes toward sexual behavior, it is not unreasonable to suppose that today's adolescents are more likely to be more open about sexual behavior than adolescents of the 1920s might have been.

Is There a Possibility of Experimenter Bias?

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Some research indicates that inves�gators some�mes unconsciously bias their observa�ons to conform to their expecta�ons. One way of guarding against experimenter bias is the double- blind procedure, where experimenters, examiners, and par�cipants remain unaware of either the expected outcomes of the research or of which par�cipants are members of experimental and control groups.

Might There Be Subject Bias?

Subject bias may also affect the outcomes of an experiment. In a highly publicized experiment, two psychologists compared ways to increase produc�vity among workers in the Hawthorne plant of the Western Electric Company in Chicago. In successive experiments, workers were subjected to shorter working periods, longer working periods, be�er ligh�ng condi�ons, poorer ligh�ng condi�ons, long periods of rest, short periods of rest, bonuses or no bonuses, and a variety of other condi�ons. Under most of these condi�ons, produc�vity apparently increased, an observa�on that led to the conclusion that if subjects are aware that they are members of an experimental group, performance may improve simply because of that fact (Roethlisberger & Dickson, 1939).

Although the Hawthorne effect, as it is now called, is usually accepted as fact in social science research, more recent research has shown that it is not always apparent or very significant (Chiesa & Hobbs, 2008). Nevertheless, the possibility that the outcome of an experiment might be affected by par�cipants' desire to please inves�gators should always be taken into account.

Is the Research Ethical?

Finally, as an informed and concerned consumer of research, you need to ask how ethical the research is. Were par�cipants informed or were they duped into par�cipa�ng? Was their privacy safeguarded? Was the research jus�fied by its poten�al contribu�on to basic or applied research?

Developmental psychology no longer tolerates research that in any way jeopardizes the physical or mental well-being of children, or that fails to recognize their uniqueness and worth. And it recognizes more clearly than ever that each child's journey is different. Some take a direct, highly predictable passage to their des�na�on; others saunter along different paths. (See Concept Summary: Evalua�ng Developmental Research.)

Concept Summary: Evalua�ng Developmental Research

Issues Checklist of Important Ques�ons

Sampling Is the sample a good representa�on of the popula�on to which the observa�ons and conclusions are meant to apply?

Ecological validity Is there something special or unique about the social, cultural, or historical context in which observa�ons are made that might reduce the generalizability of the findings?

Subject memory Does the inves�ga�on rely on human memories and has the possibility of systema�c or random distor�on been taken into account?

Subject honesty Does the validity of the observa�ons depend on the honesty of par�cipants who might have a reason to distort the facts?

Experimenter or subject bias

Is there a possibility that experimenters' or subjects' research-related knowledge and expecta�ons have influenced observa�ons?

Ethical issues Have the rights of all par�cipants been considered and safeguarded?

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Chapter Summary Sec�on Summaries

1.1 Organiza�on of Children's Journeys: Exploring Early Childhood: This text deals with human development, the processes by which children adapt to their environment. The no�on and worth of childhood is not universal and has changed historically (for example, there is evidence of selec�ve infan�cide during an�quity, high infant mortality in medieval �mes, widespread child labor in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and increasing concern with the social, physical, and intellectual welfare of children in recent decades—but not everywhere).

1.2 Children's Rights: Children's rights include assurances of ethical standards for research with children, as well as the nearly universal adop�on of a United Na�ons Charter of children's rights. The legal rights of children in today's industrialized socie�es are primarily rights of protec�on rather than choice (the right to adequate medical and educa�onal care, to affec�on and love, to a peaceful environment, to the opportunity to develop).

1.3 Developmental Psychology: Psychology is the study of human behavior and thought; developmental psychology is concerned with systema�c changes over �me including growth (physical changes), matura�on (biologically based changes), and learning (changes due to experience). Early pioneers of child study included John Locke (tabula rasa) and Jean-Jacques Rousseau (noble savage). Later pioneers were G. Stanley Hall (ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny), Jean Piaget (stage-bound cogni�ve development), and John B. Watson (we become what we are as a func�on of our experiences). Recurring issues concern the rela�ve influence of heredity and environment and the ques�on of whether development is con�nuous or occurs in discrete stages.

1.4 Methods of Studying Children: The basis of the science of child development is observa�on, which may be naturalis�c (nonintrusive) or nonnaturalis�c (clinical ques�onnaires or interviews, or experiments). Correla�onal studies look at rela�onships among variables, and are o�en retrospec�ve (go back in �me). Correla�on does not prove causa�on. In an experiment, an inves�gator controls independent variables to determine whether they affect dependent variables (outcomes). Developmental studies can be longitudinal (the same children studied at different �mes), or cross- sec�onal (different children compared at the same �me). Developmental psychologists are mainly interested in changes associated with age rather than with cohort effects related to historical influences.

1.5 Evalua�ng Developmental Research: The value of research results depends on sample representa�veness, ecological validity, subject memory and honesty, lack of experimenter or subject bias, and considera�on of ethical issues.

Focus Ques�ons: Applica�ons

1. How have ideas about childhood changed? Compare inferred medieval a�tudes toward children with the most common current North American a�tudes.

2. What are some of the "universal" rights of children? Research the ques�on: When, if ever, should the state interfere in the home with respect to the care and upbringing of children?

3. How do we study children? Ask a simple, specific, important ques�on about the development of children. Outline how you might find an answer for your ques�on.

4. What are some of the criteria that should be used in evalua�ng developmental research? Write out a checklist of ques�ons you might use to evaluate a child development study described in a published ar�cle.

Study Terms

Click on each study term to see the defini�on.

Adequate Yearly Progress (AYP) (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A measurement of the annual progress schools and school districts are making with respect to mathema�cs and reading proficiency targets mandated by the No Child Le� Behind Act.

An�quity (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The historical period that preceded the Middle Ages, generally considered to be before 500 AD.

Applied research (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Research designed to answer prac�cal ques�ons.

Baby tossing (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The medieval prac�ce of tossing infants from one player to another in a bizarre sort of game in which the object was to throw accurately and not to drop the baby. Someone usually lost.

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Basic research (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Research driven purely by curiosity, designed to expand knowledge.

Birth cohort (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A group of individuals who have in common the fact that they were born within the same range of �me.

Context (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

That which surrounds and influences; the totality of environmental and circumstan�al influences on development and behavior.

Con�nuous development (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A view of human development that emphasizes its rela�vely smooth, addi�ve nature in contrast with a stage view, which looks for sharp discon�nui�es in the acquisi�on of skills and abili�es.

Control group (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Par�cipants who are not subjected to an experimental treatment but are used as comparisons to the experimental group to ascertain whether the outcomes were affected by the experimental procedure.

Correla�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A mathema�cal measure of a rela�onship among variables, usually expressed as a number ranging from 1.00 (a perfect posi�ve rela�onship) through 0 (no rela�onship) to -1.00 (a perfect inverse rela�onship).

Correla�onal studies (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Studies that a�empt to determine the extent to which two or more variables covary.

Correla�on fallacy (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The apparently logical but o�en false assump�on that if two events are related (correlated), one causes the other.

Cross-sec�onal study (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A technique in the inves�ga�on of child development that involves observing and comparing par�cipants of different ages at one point in �me.

Dependent variable (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The variable that may or may not be affected by manipula�ons of the independent variable in an experimental situa�on.

Development (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The total process whereby individuals adapt to their environment, including processes of growth, matura�on, and learning.

Developmental psychology (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

That aspect of psychology concerned with the development of individuals from concep�on to death.

Diary descrip�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A method of child study that records sequen�al descrip�ons of a child's behavior at predetermined intervals (daily or weekly, for example).

Doctrine of the tabula rasa (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The belief, associated with John Locke and with behaviorists such as Watson, that children are born with no (or few) predetermined characteris�cs, tendencies, or habits and that developmental outcomes result mainly from the effects of experience.

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Double-blind procedure (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

An experimental method, used as a safeguard against experimenter and subject bias, in which neither subjects nor experimenters involved in data collec�on or analysis are aware of which par�cipants are members of experimental and control groups.

Early childhood (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

An arbitrary developmental period beginning a�er infancy (age 2) and ending at around age 7 or 8, when middle childhood begins.

Ecological validity (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The extent to which theories and findings are applicable in specific environmental circumstances (ecologies).

Ethnography (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The scien�fic study of behaviors and characteris�cs of different cultures.

Event sampling (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A method of child study in which specific behaviors are observed and recorded and unrelated behaviors are ignored.

Experiment (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A procedure for scien�fic inves�ga�on requiring manipula�on of some aspects of the environment to determine what the effects of this manipula�on will be.

Experimental group (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A group of par�cipants who undergo experimental manipula�on to observe its effects.

Growth (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Ordinarily, physical changes such as increasing height or weight.

Hawthorne effect (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The observa�on that members of experimental groups some�mes seem to improve their performance simply because they know they are par�cipa�ng in an experiment.

Hypothesis (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

An assump�on, predic�on, or tenta�ve conclusion that may be tested through the applica�on of the scien�fic method.

Immuniza�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

To render immune to a disease or disorder, typically by inocula�on.

Independent variable (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The variable in an experiment that can be manipulated to observe its effect on other dependent variables.

Infancy (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A period of development that begins a few weeks a�er birth and lasts un�l approximately 2 years of age.

Infan�cide (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The murder of an infant shortly a�er birth.

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Infan�le amnesia (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A mysterious but apparently universal human phenomenon evident in the fact that most people do not remember events of infancy or of the early preschool period.

Learning (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

All rela�vely permanent changes in behavior that are due to experience but not brought about by drugs, fa�gue, or matura�on and growth.

Longitudinal study (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A research technique in the study of child development that observes the same subjects over a long period of �me—as opposed to cross-sec�onal study.

Matura�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A developmental process defined by changes that are rela�vely independent of a child's environment, but result more from gene�c predisposi�ons.

Naturalis�c observa�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The study of children in natural se�ngs; an inves�ga�on in which the observa�on has li�le effect on the behavior of those observed.

Nature-nurture controversy (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A very old argument in psychology about whether gene�cs (nature or heredity) or environment (nurture) is more responsible for determining development.

Nega�ve correla�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A rela�onship where increases or decreases in one variable are associated with opposite changes in another.

No Child Le� Behind Act (NCLB) (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A U.S. act designed to ensure that all students and teachers achieve specified standards, that all students become proficient in English, and that all graduate from high school.

Nonnaturalis�c observa�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Involves methods and situa�ons designed to have an effect on children's behavior—in contrast with naturalis�c observa�on, where children are observed in natural se�ngs and the inves�ga�on is designed not to affect ongoing behavior.

Ontogeny (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Systema�c changes that occur in the lives of individuals, defining lifespan development.

Phylogeny (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Changes that occur in a species over genera�ons; evolu�onary changes.

Popula�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Collec�on of individuals (or objects or situa�ons) with similar characteris�cs.

Posi�ve correla�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A rela�onship in which increases or decreases in one variable are associated with corresponding increases or decreases in another.

Psychology (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

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The science that examines human thought and behavior.

Ques�onnaires (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Sequences of carefully structured ques�ons o�en used in social science research.

Random sampling (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A sampling procedure in which each member of the popula�on has an equal chance of being selected for the sample.

Reliability (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The extent to which a test measures accurately whatever it measures.

Retrospec�ve studies (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Inves�ga�ons that a�empt to iden�fy causes and precursors of current situa�ons by looking at preceding historical condi�ons.

Sample (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A subset of a popula�on, consis�ng of a group with characteris�cs similar to those of the larger group from which it is drawn.

Sequen�al designs (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Research strategies that involve taking a sequence of samples at different �mes of measurement in order to reduce or eliminate biases that may result from confounding the effects of age with influences rela�ng to the �me of tes�ng and the subject's cohort.

Specimen descrip�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A method of in-depth child study in which detailed specific instances of a child's behavior are recorded.

Stages (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Iden�fiable, discon�nuous phases in the development of human beings.

Third variable (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A variable that can confound the results of an experiment, leading to false inferences about causa�on.

Time-lag study (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A developmental study in which subjects of one age are compared to other groups who are also the same age, but at a different point in �me (for example, comparing 12-year-olds in 1995 with 12-year-olds in 1990 and in 1985).

Time sampling (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A method of child observa�on in which behavior is observed during specific �me intervals, o�en with the aim of recording instances or frequency of specific behaviors.

Under-Five Mortality Rate (U5MR) (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Death rates for children under 5 who are born alive.

Validity (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The extent to which a test measures what it is intended to measure.

Variables (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

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Proper�es, measurements, or characteris�cs that are suscep�ble to varia�on.

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Theories of Development: Map Makers

© Ariel Skelley/Blend Images/Corbis

2 Focus Ques�ons

1. What are the purposes and characteris�cs of good theories in child development?

2. How does Erikson's theory relate to child development?

3. What are the main assump�ons and explana�ons of behaviorism?

4. What do children learn through imita�on?

5. What are the basic ideas underlying Piaget's theory?

6. What is self-actualiza�on?

2.1 Theories in Psychology

Purposes of Psychological Theories

Characteris�cs of Good Theories

Models Underlying Theories of Child Development

2.2 Psychoanaly�c and Psychosocial Approaches

Basic Freudian Ideas

Freud's Psychosexual Stages

Erik Erikson's Psychosocial Stage Theory

2.3 Behavioris�c Approaches

Basic Assump�ons of Behavioris�c Approaches

Classical Condi�oning

Operant Condi�oning

Social Cogni�ve Theory: Albert Bandura

Effects of Imita�on

Triadic Reciprocal Determinism

Self-Efficacy

2.4 Cogni�ve Approaches

Piaget's Basic Ideas

Piaget's Stage Theory

Informa�on-Processing Approaches

2.5 Biological and Ecological Approaches

Bowlby's Biological A�achment Theory

Vygotsky's Ecological Approach

Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Theory

2.6 Dynamic Systems Theory

Basic Ideas Underlying Dynamic Systems

Implica�ons of Dynamic Systems Theory

2.7 A Humanis�c Approach: Abraham Maslow

Maslow's Humanis�c Need Theory

Self-Actualiza�on

Peak Experiences

2.8 A Final Word about Theories

Sec�on Summaries

Focus Ques�ons: Applica�ons

Possible Responses to Thought Challenges

Study Terms

Chapter Outline

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The moment a person forms a theory, his imagina�on sees in every object only the traits which favor that theory.

—Thomas Jefferson

My grandmother was like that; she tended to no�ce things that fit her theory. I learned this when my parents sent me to live with her so that I could con�nue school. We had been si�ng on the porch one June evening, gazing out over her garden.

"Nice potatoes," she commented, which they were.

"Nice carrots too," I responded, which would have been a poli�cally wise thing to say even if it weren't true.

"Horse manure," said the old lady ma�er-of-factly. "I use horse manure."

"But your neighbor, Bou�n, uses manure too," I said, "and his potatoes aren't nearly as good as yours."

"Cow manure. That's what he uses," said grandma. "All wrong for potatoes."

"Why?"

"I have a theory about that," said my grandmother.

That's when I was given my first lesson on Grandma Francoeur's theory of wastes. (My cousins and I were less polite then; we called it Grandma's theory.) Among other things, the theory explained why horse manure favors potatoes and carrots; why chicken droppings— though not those of roosters—invigorate cabbages; why fla�ened and dried pa�es of cow dung excite flowers.

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Theories are important maps for research. And they can also have very prac�cal applica�on. If a theory describes what it is that makes infants thrive and be happy, and if the circumstances it describes are under our control, it might suggest many useful things we can do – perhaps like giving our li�le urchins milk and fat dogs.

2.1 Theories in Psychology My grandmother's ramblings were a lesson in theory building—a lesson that I now pass on. A theory need not be an exo�c collec�on of obscure pronouncements; nor does it subs�tute for facts in the absence of the la�er. In its simplest sense, a theory is an explana�on of facts. As Thomas (2005) explains, to theorize is to speculate about which facts and which rela�onships among these facts are most important for understanding children.

Purposes of Psychological Theories

A theory is a collec�on of related statements intended to organize and explain observa�ons. In psychology, as in other sciences, explana�on is very important. If we can explain something, we can not only make predic�ons about it, but also control it. That my grandmother understands why specific manures affect certain crops in given ways allows her to predict these effects and to exercise a high degree of control over her garden.

Similarly, if a theory explains why it is that some children are happy and others are not, then it should be possible, given relevant facts, to predict which children will be happy. And if the circumstances affec�ng happiness are under our control, it should also be possible to bring happiness to saddened lives. Thus theories can be very prac�cal.

Theories are also one of science's most important guides for doing research. It is a theory that tells the medical researcher where to look for a cure for cancer, what the cure will look like when it is found, and how it might be used. In the same way, psychology's theories tell the psychologist where and how to look for change in the course of development. They suggest as well what some of the causes of change might be and how change might be predicted and perhaps even controlled.

A theory of child development is very much like a detailed map. It guides our study and our understanding. It tells us what routes to follow if we are to understand children's journeys. And it points out what we should look for during our travels.

Scien�fic theories are seldom based on the kinds of observa�on that were of such interest to my grandmother. Science, if nothing else, insists on objec�vity, precision, and replicability (repeatability). The classic "scien�fic method" (state the problem, make a predic�on, select methods and gather required materials, make observa�ons, and reach conclusions) is simply a way of ensuring that observa�ons are made under sufficiently controlled circumstances that they can be replicated and confirmed by other scien�sts.

Characteris�cs of Good Theories

We cannot easily determine whether a theory is right or wrong. But we can at least decide whether or not it is useful. The best theories, says Thomas (2005), are those that

accurately reflect the facts

are expressed in a clearly understandable way

are useful for predic�ng future events as well as explaining past ones

can be applied in a prac�cal sense (have real value for counselors, teachers, pediatricians, and so on)

are not based on a large number of assump�ons (unproven beliefs)

provide reasonable answers for the ques�ons they address

Models Underlying Theories of Child Development

Theorists don't all share the same views of people, of human nature, and of the child's developmental voyage. Some�mes they make very different assump�ons about what is involved in that journey. For example, some theorists think it useful to view people as though they were machines. This mechanis�c model suggests that in the same way as machines are highly predictable, so too might it be possible to predict—and control—human behavior given sufficient knowledge about the condi�ons that affect it.

Other theorists insist that it is more useful to emphasize the biological, highly ac�ve, selfdirected aspects of humans. This organismic model describes development as resul�ng from self-ini�ated ac�vi�es. It looks for regulari�es in behavior to understand the uniqueness of the individual.

A third model, the contextual model (some�mes labeled the ecological model), emphasizes the role of society, culture, and family in shaping the outcomes of development.

The organismic model is reflected in theories such as those of Freud, Erikson, and Piaget; the mechanis�c model is evident in early behavioris�c learning theories such as that of Watson; and the contextual model is apparent in the theorizing of Bronfenbrenner, Bandura, Vygotsky, Thelen, Maslow, and behaviorists such as Skinner.

This Concept Check is for your own study and will not affect your grade.

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© Joe Bator/Corbis

The forces that drive human behavior, our darkest and deepest urges (the Id) are largely unconscious, claimed Freud—but they might be revealed in dreams. Do the beasts this lad now dreams reflect unconscious desires or fears? Or are they simply creatures loosed from the magical pages on which he sleeps?

2.2 Psychoanaly�c and Psychosocial Approaches One of the best known and most influen�al of all psychological theories is that of Sigmund Freud, the psychoanaly�c approach. This theory is based on the assump�on that the most important causes of human behavior and personality are deep-seated, usually unconscious forces within individuals. Freud believed that these forces, some of which are in conflict with each other, are at the root of mental disorders. Hence psychoanalysts (Freudian therapists) can help restore mental health, argued Freud, by helping pa�ents understand their unconscious drives and resul�ng conflicts (Freud, 1940/2003).

Basic Freudian Ideas

Perhaps the most basic of all Freudian ideas is the no�on that the human odyssey is driven by two powerful drives: the drive toward life (Eros) and an opposing drive toward death (Thanatos). Of special importance to child development is the drive toward life. It is evident in our basic urge to survive and to procreate (Freud, 1940/2003). The urge to survive is not usually threatened by our environments, but the urge to procreate is constantly being discouraged and prevented—especially in the Victorian period during which Freud lived. As a result, sexual urges are so important in Freud's descrip�on of development that they are given a special term: libido. Libidinal urges refer not only to ac�vi�es that are clearly associated with sex but to all other ac�vi�es that may be linked with body pleasure, however remotely (for example, behaviors such as thumb sucking or smoking cigare�es).

Three Levels of Personality

There are three sequen�al stages of personality development, says Freud, apparent in the development of id, ego, and superego (Lear, 2005).

ID The Freudian infant is all ins�ncts (unlearned tendencies) and primi�ve reflexes seeking almost desperately to sa�sfy urges based on the drive to survive and to procreate. These urges, labeled id, are a life�me source of mo�va�on for all we do. But, unlike older children and adults, the infant has no idea of what is possible or impossible nor any sense of right and wrong. As a result, the infant is driven by an almost overwhelming urge to sa�sfy impulses immediately. An infant who is hungry does not wait; right now is the �me for the nipple and the sucking!

EGO But life is not always kind. Almost from birth, there is a clash between these powerful libidinal urges and reality. For example, hunger, perhaps the most powerful of the survival-linked drives, can't always be sa�sfied immediately. Repeated conflict between id impulses and reality results in the development of the ego, the ra�onal level of personality that grows from a realiza�on of what is possible and what is not. Although the id wants immediate gra�fica�on, the ego tries to channel desires in the most profitable direc�on for the individual.

SUPEREGO There is no conflict between the goals of the id and the ego: Both work toward sa�sfying the needs and urges of the individual. But the third level of personality, the superego, acts in direct opposi�on to the first two. The superego is essen�ally the person's conscience. Like the ego, it develops from repeated contact with reality, but it reflects social rather than physical reality. As such, it is concerned with right and wrong.

The superego (or conscience) begins to develop in early childhood, says Freud, and results mainly from the child's iden�fying with parents, and especially with the same-sex parent. Iden�fica�on involves a�emp�ng to become like others— adop�ng their values and beliefs as well as their behaviors. By iden�fying with their parents, children learn the religious and cultural rules that govern their parents' behaviors; these rules then become part of a child's superego. Because

many religious, social, and cultural rules oppose the urges of the id, the superego and the id are generally in conflict. Freud assumed that this conflict underlies many mental disorders and accounts for much deviant behavior (Figure 2.1).

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Source: Nathan Lefrançois

Figure 2.1: Freud's Three Components of Personality

The part of which we are conscious is represented by the por�on that is above the wavy blue line (like the �p of an iceberg, claimed Freud; most is unconscious). Ins�nc�ve urges (the id) are present from the beginning. The superego (conscience) builds as a result of contact with social reality and is typically in conflict with the id. The ego develops as the individual becomes aware of what is possible and what is not, and tries to act as a mediator between the conflic�ng id and superego.

Freud's Psychosexual Stages

Freud's descrip�on of the development of these three levels of personality—the id, ego, and superego—traces the child's progression through a series of five psychosexual stages. Because Freud believed that the main underlying source of energy for human behavior and development is sexual, stages in psychosexual development are iden�fied and dis�nguished mainly in terms of the objects or ac�vi�es necessary for the sa�sfac�on of basic urges during that stage.

The Oral Stage

The oral stage, which lasts to about 18 months, is characterized by the infant's preoccupa�on with the mouth, with sucking, and with ea�ng. During this first stage, children constantly seek to sa�sfy their urges and are incapable of deliberately delaying gra�fica�on.

The Anal Stage

During the second year, the area of sexual gra�fica�on shi�s from the oral region to the anal region. In the early part of the anal stage, says Freud, the infant derives pleasure from bowel movements. But later, as the child acquires control of sphincter muscles, pleasure may come from withholding bowel movements to increase anal sensa�on. Both of these behaviors oppose the mother's wishes, crea�ng a conflict that leads to the development of the ego—a sense of reality, an awareness that some things are possible and others are not, coupled with the ability to delay gra�fica�on to some extent.

Freud believed that development some�mes becomes stuck at a par�cular level (fixa�on) or goes back to a more primi�ve level (regression). The anal- reten�ve personality (s�ngy, self-centered) is one example of fixa�on or regression at the anal stage. Similarly, the oralaggressive personality (loud, boorish, insistent) might result from developmental problems linked with the oral stage (Agmon & Schneider, 1998). In a sense, it's as though the child's journey runs into roadblocks that are difficult to get around (fixa�on), or as though the child turns around and goes back to a more familiar, more comfortable stretch of road (regression).

The Phallic Stage

In the Greek legend, King Oedipus, who has been abandoned by his parents and then adopted, ends up unwi�ngly killing his father and marrying his mother. Each of us who is male, claims Freud, is a li�le like Oedipus: As we progress through the phallic stage (roughly ages 2 to 6), our increasing awareness of the sexual meanings of our genitals leads us to desire our mothers and to wish to replace our fathers—all unconsciously, of course. This is our Oedipus complex. Healthy resolu�on of this complex depends on being able to iden�fy closely with our fathers, at the same �me renouncing the lust we sense unconsciously for our mothers.

For girls, too, there is a similar developmental progression marked by what Halberstadt-Freud (1998) describes as vehement rejec�on of the mother based on an unrecognized jealousy of her. This jealousy results from the girl's sexual feelings for her father, and is labeled the Electra complex.

The Latency Stage

The resolu�on of the Oedipus or the Electra complex marks the transi�on from the phallic stage to a period of sexual latency (roughly ages 6 to 11). This period is marked by a loss of sexual interest in the opposite-sex parent and a con�nued iden�fica�on with the same-sex parent. The process of

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iden�fica�on is very important in Freud's system because it not only involves a�empts to behave like the parent with whom the child is iden�fying but also implies a�emp�ng to be like the object of iden�fica�on in terms of beliefs and values. In this way, the child begins to develop a superego. Note that iden�fica�on, like many other significant phenomena described by Freud, is largely an unconscious rather than a conscious process.

The Genital Stage

At about age 11, following a lengthy period of sexual neutrality, the child enters the stage of adult sexuality. The hallmark of this stage is typically the beginning of heterosexual (or homosexual) a�achments. Also, during this last developmental stage the superego (conscience), which has previously been very rigid, becomes progressively more flexible as the adolescent matures (Figure 2.2).

Figure 2.2: Freud's Stages of Psychosexual Development

Freudian stages are differen�ated mainly in terms of sources of sexual gra�fica�on. Age boundaries are approximate.

Erik Erikson's Psychosocial Stage Theory

Of the theories inspired by Freud's psychoanaly�c views, that developed by Erik Erikson (1956, 1959, 1961, 1968) is the most important and influen�al in human development. Although Erikson's theory draws heavily from Freud's work, it rejects his emphasis on the role of sexuality (libido). Instead, Erikson describes how children's journeys are influenced by their social environment. His is a theory of psychosocial development—not of psychosexual development. Unlike Freud's theory, it is concerned with the development of a healthy personality rather than with the resolu�on of powerful internal conflicts.

There are eight broad developmental stages that span our lives, says Erikson. The first five of these stretch from infancy through adolescence; the final three cover the period from adulthood to death.

Each of Erikson's stages is iden�fied in terms of a basic conflict brought about mainly by the need to adapt to the social environment—hence psychosocial rather than psychosexual. At each level, new competencies are required of the individual if that stage's conflicts are to be resolved.

Trust versus Mistrust

For example, in the first year of life, the infant has to learn how to trust. Trust is one of the basic components of a healthy personality. But, says Erikson (1959), the infant has a strong tendency to mistrust the world because so li�le is known about it. This presents a conflict with the infant's inclina�on to develop a trus�ng a�tude and to become more independent—hence trust versus mistrust.

The most important person in an infant's life at this stage is the primary caregiver—usually the mother. Successful resolu�on of the conflict between trust and mistrust depends largely on the infant's rela�onship with this caregiver and on the gradual realiza�on that the world is predictable, safe, and loving. If the world is unpredictable and the caregiver rejec�ng, says Erikson, the infant may grow up to be mistrus�ul and anxious.

Autonomy versus Shame and Doubt

In the beginning, infants have no sense of themselves as authors of their own ac�ons: They react rather than act. But during this second stage, they gradually realize that some inten�ons can be acted upon—that, for example, the nipple can deliberately be sucked. As a result, they begin to develop a sense of autonomy. However, this autonomy is threatened by an inclina�on not to accept responsibility for personal ac�ons, but instead to return to the comfort and security that characterized the first stage—hence the autonomy versus shame and doubt conflict (Erikson, 1961). If children are to resolve this conflict successfully and develop a sense of autonomy, it's important that parents encourage a�empts to explore and that they provide opportuni�es for independence. Overprotec�veness can lead to doubt and uncertainty in dealing with the world later. What the child needs, according to Erikson (l959), is a balance between parental firmness and flexibility.

Note that here, as in all of Erikson's stages, the resolu�on of the psychosocial conflict is never absolutely final. The conflict between the urge to be both dependent and autonomous con�nues throughout the lifespan. But it is a conflict that, at least in the case of normal, healthy development, provides li�le unhappiness or turmoil.

Ini�a�ve versus Guilt

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Thought Challenge 2.1

Erikson was very op�mis�c and posi�ve in his analyses of contemporary socie�es, notes Smelser (1996). He had visions of a highly ethical, peaceful, harmonious world.

As a thought challenge, phrase the contemporary world's (or your na�on's) developmental stage as an Eriksonian type of conflict and, as is done in Figure 2.3, specify what developmental tasks and competencies might be involved in resolving this conflict, and what influences might be important for a posi�ve outcome.

Click here for a possible response (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/f

Possibili�es include developmental conflicts such as advanced morality versus violence and destruc�on; global altruism versus "me first"; fair distribu�on of na�onal wealth versus economic dominance, etc. Resolving each of these implied conflicts requires different ac�ons, different competencies. Their resolu�on, says Smelser (1996), and the realiza�on of Erikson's vision of a peaceful and harmonious world seems improbable given inescapable evidence of humanity's propensity for violence and destruc�on.

By the age of 4 or 5, children have resolved the crisis of autonomy: They have discovered that they are autonomous and independent, that they are somebody. During this next stage they establish a wider physical and social environment, made possible by their greater freedom of movement and by their increasingly advanced language development. And with their increasing explora�on of the environment, they develop a sense of ini�a�ve: Not only are they autonomous, but they are also responsible for their behavior.

Because the central process involved in resolving the ini�a�ve versus guilt conflict is one of iden�fica�on, parents and family con�nue to be the most important influences in a child's development. It is important for parents to encourage young children's sense of ini�a�ve and to nurture a sense of responsibility.

Industry versus Inferiority

The fourth developmental stage, industry versus inferiority, is marked by an increasing need to interact with and be accepted by peers—mainly same-sex peers. It now becomes crucial for children to discover that their selves, their iden��es, are significant and that they can do things —in short, that they are industrious and competent. Children now take advantage of opportuni�es to learn things they think are important to their culture, hoping that by so doing they will become someone. Successful resolu�on of this stage's conflict depends greatly on the responses of significant social agencies—especially schools and teachers—to children's efforts. If the child's work is con�nually demeaned and seldom praised, the outcome may be a las�ng sense of inferiority.

Iden�ty versus Role Confusion

The most highly researched and widely discussed of all of Erikson's ideas relates to his no�on of iden�ty development during adolescence. At a simple level, the forma�on of an iden�ty involves arriving at a no�on of who one is and can be. The source of conflict lies in the various possibili�es open to adolescents—possibili�es that are magnified by the variety of cultural models in the environment. Conflict and doubt over choice of iden�ty lead to what Erikson terms role confusion. It is as though adolescents are torn between early acceptance of a clearly defined self and the dissipa�on of their energies as they experiment with a variety of roles. One of the primary func�ons of adolescence is to serve as a period during which the child need not make a final decision concerning the self (as a moratorium, in Erikson's words).

Adult Stages

Erikson's descrip�on of development does not end with adolescence but con�nues throughout the en�re lifespan. He describes three addi�onal psychosocial conflicts that occur during adulthood and old age and require new competencies and adjustments. These are included in Figure 2.3.

Figure 2.3: Erikson's Developmental Tasks

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Each task requires overcoming a challenge and developing some new competence.

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2.3 Behavioris�c Approaches Freud and Erikson's psychoanaly�c approaches have a number of important things in common: First, they are developmental theories (they are concerned with changes that occur over �me); second, they are stage theories (development consists of progression through sequen�al stages); and third, they make important assump�ons concerning the biological (inherited) aspects of behavior and personality.

Basic Assump�ons of Behavioris�c Approaches

Behavioris�c approaches do not share any of these characteris�cs to any important extent. They present an en�rely different kind of map of children's journeys—one that makes few assump�ons about biological predisposi�ons or about unconscious forces, and that doesn't describe sequen�al stages of increasing capabili�es and competencies.

As the term implies, behaviorism focuses on actual behavior. Behavioris�c theory is especially concerned with rela�onships between experience and behavior; consequently it makes extensive use of concepts such as reinforcement and punishment, which describe how behavior may be encouraged or discouraged.

Behavioris�c approaches to development (also referred to as learning theory approaches) make two fundamental assump�ons: (1) behavior consists of responses or ac�ons that can be observed, measured, and analyzed; and (2) behavior is highly responsive to reinforcement (usually rewards) and punishment. Accordingly, the main goals of behavioris�c theorists have been to discover the rules that govern rela�onships between a s�mulus (plural: s�muli: condi�ons that lead to behavior) and a response, and to learn how responses can be controlled through the administra�on of rewards and punishments.

The behavioris�c approach was introduced into American psychology through the work of John B. Watson and B. F. Skinner and led to a drama�c upheaval in psychology. Both theorists believed strongly in the importance of the environment as the principal force in shaping development. Watson is associated with a learning theory based on a model of classical condi�oning; Skinner developed a model of operant condi�oning. Condi�oning refers to a simple kind of learning whereby certain behaviors are affected by the environment, becoming more or less probable.

Classical Condi�oning

The name of the Russian physiologist, Ivan Pavlov (1927), will probably be forever associated with classical condi�oning. Ironically, however, he stumbled upon his most famous observa�on almost by accident while studying the diges�ve processes of dogs—work for which he was awarded no less than the 1904 Nobel prize in medicine and physiology!

While studying diges�on, Pavlov no�ced that the more experienced animals in his laboratory began to salivate even before they had any food in their mouths. In fact, they began to drool as soon as they saw their keeper approaching. Pavlov reasoned that they were saliva�ng because they had formed some sort of associa�on between the sight of the keeper and the presenta�on of food—an associa�on that defines classical condi�oning.

In a well-known demonstra�on of this phenomenon, food powder is injected into a dog's mouth. The food powder is termed an uncondi�oned s�mulus (US) because it leads to a response (saliva�on) without any learning (any condi�oning) having to take place. Because the saliva�on occurs in response to an uncondi�oned s�mulus, it is an uncondi�oned response (UR). Now the food powder is paired with another dis�nc�ve s�mulus, such as the sound of a bell. The bell is ini�ally a neutral s�mulus: It does not lead to saliva�on. But a�er the bell has been paired o�en enough with the food, it becomes a condi�oned s�mulus (CS) which now leads readily to saliva�on—now termed a condi�oned response (CR) because it occurs in response to a condi�oned s�mulus (Figure 2.4).

An Example: Li�le Albert

Watson believed that in the same way as behaviors can be condi�oned in animals, so, too, might they be in humans. For example, he reasoned, infants typically react with fear when they hear a sudden, loud noise. The noise is an uncondi�oned s�mulus for an uncondi�oned fear response. It follows from what we know about classical condi�oning that if a frightening noise were paired o�en enough with a neutral s�mulus, the neutral s�mulus might eventually become a condi�oned s�mulus that would reliably lead to a condi�oned fear reac�on.

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Thought Challenge 2.2

Whatever happened to Li�le Albert? How did the li�le tyke turn out? Write up some possibili�es.

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It's possible that Li�le Albert grew up with a debilita�ng fear of rats, of people wearing white, of loud noises, of steel bars, of clinics, of psychologists, of female assistants . . . It's possible, too, that he suffered from none of these condi�ons. The fact is we really don't know what happened to Li�le Albert. An impressive number of psychologists have reported that Albert was later decondi�oned (or, more precisely, countercondi�oned) by Watson and Rayner so that he would no longer fear rats. But the truth is that Li�le Albert was taken away from the hospital before Watson could cure him. That he would have a�empted to do so is clear from the original ar�cle (Watson & Rayner, 1920; see also Prytula, Oster, & Davis, 1977). A condi�oning procedure could have been used for that as well, as Jones, Albert, and Watson (1974) later demonstrated with Peter, a boy who was afraid of rabbits. Ethical guidelines for child research being

© Ge�y Images; © Comstock/Thinkstock; © iStockphoto/Thinkstock

Figure 2.4: Classical Condi�oning

In A, an uncondi�oned s�mulus leads to an uncondi�oned response whereas in B a condi�oning s�mulus does not. In C, the US and the CS are paired a number of �mes so that in D, the CS alone leads to the CR.

In a widely known demonstra�on of this possibility, Watson and his assistant, Rosalie Rayner, presented an 11-month-old infant, Li�le Albert, with a white rat (Watson & Rayner, 1920). In the beginning, Li�le Albert played fearlessly with the rat. But then Watson (or Rayner, the point isn't clear from Watson's notes) pounded a 3-foot long, 1-inch steel bar just behind Albert. But Albert, being a brave li�le fellow, didn't immediately start crying. So again, someone banged the bar. This �me, Albert began to whimper. "On account of his disturbed condi�on," wrote Watson, "no further tests were made for one week" (1930, p. 60).

A week later, Albert was brought back into the lab and the banging and the rat were paired a total of five �mes. A�er that, whenever Albert saw the rat, he started to cry and tried to crawl away. "Surely," claimed Watson, "this is proof of the condi�oned origin of a fear response. It yields an explanatory principle that will account for the enormous complexity in the emo�onal behavior of adults" (1930, p. 161).

Although Watson and Rayner's demonstra�on with Li�le Albert is more systema�c than most situa�ons in which we acquire emo�onal responses, Watson believed that the results could be generalized and that classical condi�oning accounts for much of our emo�onal learning. My brother is a case in point. When he was five, he ran over a snake with his tricycle and ended up crying in the ditch. Now, years later, when we tour strange countries on our bicycles, he constantly watches for snakes. And if he sees one, he jumps off his bike and walks as far around it as he can. He is condi�oned to fear snakes; he has li�le control over his physiological reac�ons when he sees one.

Operant Condi�oning

Classical condi�oning is some�mes useful for explaining simple learning such as my brother's reac�on to snakes. But, as Skinner (1953, 1957, 1961) points out, many human behaviors are not evoked by obvious s�muli such as snakes (elicited responses), but are simply produced by the organism (emi�ed responses). In Skinner's terms, an emi�ed behavior is an operant; an elicited response is a respondent. Skinner's work is mainly an a�empt to explain how operants are learned.

Skinner's most widely known experiments were with rats. When placed in specially equipped cages, they quickly learned to depress a lever as a result of being reinforced for doing so. Similarly, pigeons

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what they now are, it's unlikely that this experiment would be approved today.

© Be�mann/Corbis

B.F. Skinner with a rat in a "Skinner box." Skinner's theory of operant condi�oning has been applied widely in fields as diverse as educa�on, paren�ng, psychiatry, the armed forces, and animal training.

can easily be condi�oned to peck—or not to peck —at a disk depending on the consequences of pecking. It seems clear, says Skinner, that the likelihood of a response being repeated has a lot to

do with its consequences. Behaviors that are reinforced tend to be repeated; those that are not reinforced or that are punished are less likely to be repeated.

Reinforcement and Punishment

That which increases the probability of a response occurring is said to be reinforcing. A reinforcer is the s�mulus that reinforces; reinforcement is the effect of a reinforcer.

Reinforcement is posi�ve when the addi�on of something, such as a reward, leads to an increase in behavior. It is nega�ve when the removal of something, such as an unpleasant (aversive) s�mulus, leads to an increase in behavior. The important point is that both posi�ve reinforcement and nega�ve reinforcement increase the probability of a response occurring. Whereas posi�ve reinforcement involves a reward for behavior, nega�ve reinforcement involves relief from something unpleasant.

Figure 2.5: Reinforcement and Punishment

The four combina�ons of s�mulus effects that define the two kinds of reinforcement and two kinds of punishment.

In the same way as there are two kinds of reinforcement, there are two corresponding kinds of punishment. One kind involves the introduc�on of an unpleasant consequence (for example, physical punishment). This is some�mes referred to as presenta�on punishment because it involves presen�ng an aversive s�mulus (cas�ga�on). Another kind of punishment involves taking away something that is pleasant, such as being prevented from watching television (called a �me-out procedure), or having to give up something desirable such as money or privileges (called response-cost punishment). This type of punishment is some�mes labeled removal punishment.

Dis�nc�ons among the various kinds of reinforcement and punishment are illustrated in Figure 2.5. As the illustra�on makes clear, both reinforcement and punishment may involve s�muli with pleasant or aversive effects, but whether these s�muli are added to or removed from the situa�on determines whether they are reinforcing or punishing. It is worth emphasizing again that both reinforcement and punishment are defined by their effects. Many types of reinforcers, some of which are described in Figure 2.6, can be used systema�cally in childrearing and in the classroom.

Shaping

Using reinforcement and the principles of operant condi�oning, it is rela�vely easy to teach a rat to depress a lever, a pigeon to peck a disk, or a dog to fetch a s�ck: These are some of the things rats, pigeons, and dogs do. But, as Guthrie (1935) observes, "We cannot teach cows to retrieve a s�ck because this is one of the things that cows do not do" (1935, p. 45).

Guthrie may have been wrong. Although no normal cow is likely to emit spontaneous s�ckfetching behavior—as might a dog—Skinner describes a technique that just might work with this problem. Clearly, you cannot simply wait around for the cow to pick up a s�ck and then reward her—say with

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Thought Challenge 2.3

Watson firmly believed that what we become is mainly a result of the experiences we have

a nice bale of new-mown hay. What you have to do, Skinner explains, is reinforce responses that are progressively closer approxima�ons to the final, desired behavior. In the beginning, for example, you might reinforce the cow every �me she turns toward the s�ck. Later, you would reinforce her only when she takes a step in that direc�on. Li�le by li�le, you might eventually succeed in shaping the cow's behavior to such an extent that she will gladly run and fetch a s�ck every �me you throw one. Or not. (See In the Classroom: The Bubble-Gum Machine.)

Figure 2.6: Types of Reinforcers

Shown are different classes of reinforcers with examples appropriate for younger children.

In the Classroom: The Bubble-Gum Machine

The School: Westland Primary

The Situa�on: Miss White's second grade classroom

Miss White: You've all been really good today, so now it's reward �me! There is much cheering, talking, smiling and laughing. . .

Miss White: Bobby, it's your turn to pick the reward gum today.

Bobby rushes to the "gum machine," a large, transparent plas�c globe. The "gumballs" it contains are colorful circles, on the backs of which are wri�en various rewards. Bobby reaches into the globe and pulls out a large red circle.

Bobby: Can I read it? Huh? Can I?

Miss White: Yes you may read it, Bobby. Go ahead.

Bobby: Mi. . Miss White. It says Miss White reads. . .What. . . Where, where

Miss White: You're doing very well, Bobby, Miss White reads where. . .

Bobby: Where the Wild Things Are!!

Miss White: Who has the book finding job today?

Jenny: Me. She finds the book and brings it to Miss White. The children rush to their on-the-tummy posi�ons in front of the "reading chair."

Miss White: Where were we? Ah, Here. . . "Max says: Carol, did you know the sun was gonna die? Miss White changes her voice for Carol: "What? I never heard that. . .Oh, come on. That can't happen. . ."

To Think About: Miss White's reading of this famous Maurice Sendak story is a wonderful example of a whole class reward system. In this class, there are many other applica�ons of the bubble-gum machine theme. For example, at different �mes, the machine has contained silhoue�es of the children's heads with their names on the back, "bubbles" assigning jobs for the week, reward bubbles for individual accomplishments. During spelling lessons, the backs of the bubble gums some�mes have new words wri�en on them; these are used in coopera�ve spelling exercises. Can you think of other applica�ons of this theme? Of other themes that might be used in similar ways?

Social Cogni�ve Theory: Albert Bandura

Yet another map maker, Albert Bandura, presents a somewhat different emphasis. Operant learning, he explains, might be a highly inefficient and ineffec�ve way of learning if all we could do is gradually shape behavior through successive reinforcements, or, worse yet, wait for a fully formed behavior (operant) to be emi�ed and then hope it will be reinforced. Would it be

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as we develop. "Give me a dozen healthy infants," he said in what may well be his most widely quoted (and longest) sentence, "well-formed, and my own specified world to bring them up in and I'll guarantee to take any one at random and train him to become any type of specialist I might select—doctor, lawyer, ar�st, merchant-chief and yes, even beggar-man and thief, regardless of his talents, penchants, tendencies, abili�es, voca�ons, and race of his ancestors" (1930, p. 104).

Elsewhere he wrote, somewhat less op�mis�cally, "The world would be considerably be�er off if we were to stop having children for twenty years (except for experimental purposes) and were then to start again with enough facts to do the job with some degree of skill and accuracy" (Watson, 1928, p. 16).

What is your reac�on to each of these statements?

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Both of these statements are clear examples of Watson's environmentalism, the belief that what we become is en�rely a func�on of environmental forces. Though psychologists con�nue to accept that environmental forces are cri�cal in shaping developmental outcomes, and many con�nue to debate (some�mes very emo�onally) the rela�ve contribu�ons of heredity and environment in human development, it's likely that none would agree completely with either of Watson's statements.

reasonable to expect that an inexperienced learner, given keys and a car, would learn to drive as a result of, by chance, emi�ng the right sequence of operants and being sufficiently reinforced before running up against a tree?

Not likely. But the fact is that there are few inexperienced 15-year-olds. Most have seen others driving; many have read instruc�ons and listened to peers talk about how you start and drive cars. In Bandura's terms, they have been exposed to many different models.

Much of our learning, says Bandura, is observa�onal learning (learning through imita�on). It results from imita�ng models. But learning through imita�on, Bandura (1977, 1997) points out, is really a form of operant learning. That's because an imita�ve behavior is much like an operant; it's not just a response to a specific s�mulus. And imita�ve behaviors are o�en reinforced in one of two ways. Direct reinforcement occurs when the consequences of an imita�ve behavior lead to reinforcement—as, for example, when a child learns to say milk as a result of imita�ng a parent and is then given milk. Vicarious reinforcement involves a kind of second-hand reinforcement—as when observing someone else being rewarded leads to further imita�on (Bandura & Walters, 1963).

Effects of Imita�on

In Bandura's theory, a model may be either an actual person or a symbolic model (for example, characters in books, television, or film; oral or wri�en instruc�ons; photos, cartoon characters, star athletes, and so on). Nor are models always examples of more advanced skills and competencies displayed by older people, as might be the case when children imitate adults. As Flynn and Whiten (2010) note, even preschoolers imitate and learn all sorts of behaviors from each other, including social behaviors, games, and even important elements of language.

Through imita�on, explain Bandura and Walters (1963), young children (and adults) learn three different classes of behavior:

1. They learn new behaviors (the modeling effect). For example, in one of Bandura's experiments, (described in Chapter 8), 3- to 7-year old children exposed to violent models bea�ng up and being verbally aggressive with an inflated "bobo" doll later displayed precisely imita�ve aggressive behaviors (Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1961).

2. They learn to suppress deviant behaviors (the inhibitory effect) usually as a result of seeing a model being punished for a similar behavior. Or they learn to engage in previously suppressed behaviors (the disinhibitory effect), o�en as a result of the model's being reinforced for similar behaviors. For example, if 7-year-old Edward's friends steal the neighbor's forbidden apples, the amount of reinforcement he thinks they receive (in terms of the "fun" and pres�ge they seem to gain) may disinhibit his refusal to join them. That Edward now steals apples does not mean that he has learned something new, as in modeling; it simply illustrates that his previously suppressed "deviant" behavior has been disinhibited. But if Edward later sees his friends apprehended and punished, he might quickly stop stealing apples (the inhibitory effect).

3. They learn to engage in behaviors similar but not iden�cal to those of the model (elici�ng effect). In this case, the behavior is neither novel (as in the modeling effect) nor deviant (as in the inhibitory-disinhibitory effect). It's as though the model's behavior suggests some related response to the observer and therefore elicits that response. The elici�ng effect is evident when a kindergartener's "ac�ng up" elicits a range of other misbehaviors in his classmates (Figure 2.7).

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Figure 2.7: Bandura's Three Effects of Imita�on

Through imita�on, children learn new behaviors (modeling effect), they learn to inhibit or engage in deviant behaviors (inhibitory/disinhibatory effect), and they learn to engage in behaviors similar but not iden�cal to those of the models (elici�ng effect).

Triadic Reciprocal Determinism

Some behaviors (such as our classically condi�oned fears) are under the control of s�muli (snakes, for example), explains Bandura. Others (such as our love of material possessions) are controlled more by their reinforcing consequences (like praise for our shiny new toys). And a third group, such as our dedica�on to work and study, are controlled by cogni�ve ac�vi�es (like imagining the eventual consequences of our sacrifices). Bandura refers to these behavior control systems as s�mulus control, outcome control, and symbolic control.

In the end, although the reinforcements and punishments that children's environments provide clearly affect their behavior, it is the symbolic control system that is most important in Bandura's theory. We are not simply pawns, he explains, reac�ng unconsciously to s�muli, pushed this way and that by rewards and punishments. We are in control, Bandura (1997) insists: We are agents of our own ac�ons.

Being agents of our ac�ons requires three things: inten�on, forethought, and self-reflec�on. That is, we can't be in control of our ac�ons unless we intend them, an�cipate their consequences, and have some no�on of the likelihood of accomplishing what we intend.

That we are agents of our ac�ons is reflected in our habit of deliberately arranging our environments to try to control the consequences of our ac�ons. Even 4-year-old Jenna chooses aspects of her environment: She deliberately avoids her cousins, Michael and Jack, who like to play rough games that some�mes hurt. On the other hand, she runs to play with Jessica, who always tells her how pre�y she is.

Even at this age, as Bandura explains, we both affect and are affected by our contexts (social and physical environments). This no�on is summarized in Bandura's phrase triadic reciprocal determinism. As shown in Figure 2.8, the three main factors that affect who we are and what we do are personal factors (our personali�es; what we know, feel, and intend); our ac�ons (what we do); and our contexts (the social and physical aspects of our environments). These three factors affect each other reciprocally. For example, a frustra�ng environment might change 5-year-old Harry's personality, leading him to loud and violent "meltdowns." These ac�ons might change his rela�onship with his parents, affec�ng their behavior toward him, thus changing important aspects of his social rela�onships. And the changing social environment might, in turn, increase the frequency and severity of his meltdowns.

On the other hand, instead of leading to violent outbursts, a frustra�ng environment might increase Harry's pa�ence and determina�on, and might lead him to enlist the help of his parents for difficult undertakings. The reciprocal influence of person, ac�on, and environment might be no less in this case, but the outcomes will be very different (Figure 2.8). (See Across Cultures: Ellen De Luca, The Fat Girl for an illustra�on of environment-person interac�on.)

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©iStockphoto.com/Thinkstock

Figure 2.8: Bandura's No�on of Triadic Reciprocal Determinism

Behavior, the person, and the environment all mutually influence and change each other. The descrip�ons provided in the arrows represent only a few of many possible interac�ons and influences.

Across Cultures: Ellen De Luca, The Fat Girl

Her name was Ellen De Luca. But I never thought of her with a name un�l the day I made her cry," says Jeff of the girl who arrived at his first high school ceramics class at the same �me he did (Sachs, 1984). The girl was easily twice as wide as Jeff, so he had to stand back to let her through. "What a bu�!" said the guy behind him.

The girl moved off to a corner, away from the others, and Jeff promptly fell in love with Norma, a slim and gorgeous blond, the kind of girl, he says, "I had been dreaming about ever since I started dreaming about girls."

In ceramics class, the beau�ful Norma threw exquisite pots and vases; Ellen's were clumsy and ugly. She kept bumping into things, breaking po�ery, slamming doors—and also watching Jeff, wis�ully catching him kissing Norma or rubbing her back. But Jeff didn't even know Ellen's name, no�cing only how big she was as she waddled down the aisles, or how she would some�mes eat two cheeseburgers in the school cafeteria and then as many as six chocolate bars. And she threw the wrappers under the table.

"Somebody should tell her," said Jeff.

"Tell her what?"

"That she'd do herself and the rest of us a big favor if she'd go bust up another class. It's a real drag having her around."

Suddenly Jeff realized that Ellen de Luca, standing silently behind him, had heard every word. Crying, she turned and shuffled away. Next day, and the next, and the one a�er that, she didn't return to class. In the end, Jeff went to her home and tried to apologize, but Ellen de Luca would hear none of it. "I'm going to kill myself," she said.

"I didn't mean it, Ellen. Honestly," Jeff insisted.

"It's everybody else too." she answered. "Nobody likes me. I'm going to kill myself."

To Think About: Norma and Ellen share many important aspects of context: They a�end the same school and classes, they know many of the same people, and their families live in the same neighborhoods and have similar lives and values. What is it that makes their lives so different? Can you think of other situa�ons in which cultural rules and expecta�ons interact with people's characteris�cs to determine important aspects of context?

Based on Sachs, M. (l984). The fat girl. New York: Du�on.

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Self-Efficacy

To be successful and effec�ve agents of our own ac�ons, we must think well of our personal competence—in Bandura's (1997) terms, our self-efficacy judgments. Efficacy means competence in dealing with the environment. The most efficacious people are those who can most effec�vely deal with a variety of situa�ons. Thus self-efficacy has two separate but related components: the skills that are required for the successful performance of a behavior, and an individual's beliefs about personal effec�veness. From a psychological point of view, it is not so much the skills component that is important, but rather people's percep�ons of their own self-efficacy.

The Development of Self-Efficacy in Early Childhood

Not long ago my oldest son said something that surprised and alarmed me. We were talking about the various foolish things each of us had done when we were very young. I didn't have much to say. He did.

"Remember that house we had in California?" he asked. "Well, I used to think I'd be able to fly from the upstairs window if I held a really clean sheet over my head like Superman's cape. And I almost tried it one day but I didn't know where the clean sheets were. So I didn't jump."

Young children don't have very good no�ons of their personal capabili�es. Their self-judgment, and their corresponding self-guidance, is less than perfect. As a result, without external controls they, like my son, would o�en be in danger of severely hur�ng themselves. Instead of imposing on themselves the internal self-judgment, "I can't do that," they require the external judgment, "You can't do that." As Harter (1988) reports, most young children have an exaggerated and unrealis�c no�on of self. For example, when asked if they think they are "smart" or "not smart," there is a definite bias in the direc�on of "smart."

The sense of personal control over behavior, essen�al for judgments of personal efficacy, begins to develop very early in infancy. Some of its roots lie in an infant's discovery that looking at the mother makes her look back in return; that smiling or crying draws her a�en�on; that waving a hand makes her smile. Later, as infants begin to move around freely, they begin to learn more about the effects of their behaviors—and also more about their own effec�veness.

Importance of Self-Efficacy Judgments

As Bandura phrases it, "Perceived self-efficacy refers to beliefs in one's capabili�es to organize and execute the courses of ac�on required to produce given a�ainments" (1997, p. 3). This aspect of self-knowledge is cri�cally important, says Bandura. Among other things, it's an important determiner of what we do and don't do. Under most circumstances, children don't seek out and undertake ac�vi�es in which they expect to perform badly. "Efficacy beliefs," says Bandura (1993, p. 118), "influence how people feel, think, mo�vate themselves, and behave."

Judgments of personal efficacy affect not only children's choices of ac�vi�es and se�ngs, but also the amount of effort they are willing to exert when faced with difficul�es. The stronger their beliefs about their personal efficacy, the more likely they are to persist and the greater will be the effort expended. But if their no�ons of self-efficacy are not very favorable, they may abandon challenging ac�vi�es a�er very li�le effort and �me.

Perceived self-efficacy influences thoughts and emo�ons as well as behaviors. Those who believe that their effec�veness is low are more likely to evaluate their behaviors nega�vely and to see themselves as being inadequate. Not surprisingly, nega�ve evalua�ons of personal effec�veness have been shown to be related to depression and emo�onal problems in children (Bandura, Pastorelli, Barbaranelli, Caprara, & Gian, 1999).

Finally, as illustrated in In the Classroom: Yay, Jennifer!, no�ons of self-efficacy are in�mately linked with what children think and feel about their selves. Children want to mean something. They want others to think they are worthwhile, important, effec�ve. And they're not likely to believe that is the case if they don't have posi�ve evalua�ons of their personal effec�veness. That's why parents, schools, and peers are so important: Each tells children a great deal about how well they can do things—or how badly. (See Concept Summary: Behavioris�c Approaches to Development.)

In the Classroom: Yay, Jennifer!

The Place: Mrs. Gupta's Kindergarten class

The Situa�on: Special person day!

The children have se�led on the carpet, ready to welcome today's "special person." In this class, this is a rota�ng privilege.

Mrs. Gupta: Today, you're the special person, Jennifer!

Jennifer, smiling from ear to ear, takes the pointer, walks to the front of the room, and points to the big "J" on the smart board.

Jennifer: Give me a "J!"

Class: "J." "J." The chorus echoes through the room.

Jennifer, poin�ng to the E: Give me an "E!"

Another chorus as the pointer moves. Now an "N", another "N" and on, un�l, finally, the "R"

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Jennifer: And what do we have?

Loud class chorus and clapping: Jennifer! Yay Jennifer!

Man, it feels good to be Jennifer today.

To Think About: We know that our judgments of our effec�veness—our self-efficacy—are in�mately involved in what we think and do, and in how we feel about ourselves. Can you develop other ac�vi�es and games that might be helpful in building children's no�ons of competence. Is it enough simply to be told "You're the special person, today," or should you be allowed to do something more challenging than spelling your name—something that would allow you to demonstrate some real competence?

Concept Summary: Behavioris�c Approaches to Development

Behavioris�c approaches to development look at the rela�onship between the individual's experiences and behavior, paying special a�en�on to the consequences of behavior (reinforcement or punishment, for example).

Pavlov, Watson, and Skinner

Classical Condi�oning ↔ Operant Condi�oning associated with Watson and Pavlov ↔ associated with Skinner

deals with respondents ↔ deals with operants which are elicited by s�muli ↔ which are emi�ed by the organism

as reac�ons to the environment ↔ as ac�ons upon the environment

Bandura's Social Cogni�ve Theory

Much learning is based on the consequences of observing and imita�ng models—a process in which the ability to symbolize and to an�cipate consequences is central.

Important Concepts Explana�ons, Illustra�ons, Examples

Observa�onal learning Learning through imita�on of models that can be symbolic (like fic�onal heroes or wri�en instruc�ons) or real-life. Evident in acquisi�on of new behaviors (modeling effect), suppression or reappearance of deviant behavior (inhibitory/disinhibitory effect), or emission of behaviors related to those of model (elici�ng effect)

Triadic reciprocal determinism Children's personali�es, behaviors, and contexts interact and affect each other in important ways

Self-efficacy Judgments about personal effec�veness and competence; fundamentally important in determining what children do and how they feel about themselves

This Concept Check is for your own study and will not affect your grade.

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2.4 Cogni�ve Approaches Psychoanaly�c theories are concerned mainly with personality development; behavioris�c theories emphasize behavior and its consequences; and cogni�ve theories focus on children's intellectual development. Cogni�on is the art or faculty of knowing. Cogni�ve theories are concerned with how we obtain, process, and use informa�on.

For many decades, the most widely cited and most influen�al of all theories of cogni�ve development has been that of Jean Piaget—a map maker who developed his complex, farreaching theory over a career spanning more than half a century.

Piaget's Basic Ideas

Probably the most basic of all of Piaget's ideas is this: Human development is a process of adapta�on. And the highest form of adapta�on for humans involves cogni�on (or knowing). This idea stems directly from the fact that Piaget was trained as a biologist rather than as a psychologist. As a biologist, he asks two ques�ons about child development: (1) What are the characteris�cs and capabili�es of children that allow them to adapt? and (2) What is the most useful way of classifying or ordering child development? Assimila�on and accommoda�on lead to adapta�on is his highly abbreviated answer for the first ques�on; development can be ordered in stages answers the second. Piaget's answers for these two ques�ons are the basis for his theory.

Adapta�on through Assimila�on and Accommoda�on

The newborn infant, says Piaget, is in many ways a helpless li�le organism, unaware that the world out there is real, lacking any storehouse of thoughts with which to reason or any capacity for inten�onal behaviors, and having only a few simple reflexes like sneezing, swallowing, and sucking. But these reflexes allow the child to assimilate important aspects of the environment. Assimila�on, Piaget explains, involves making a response that has already been learned, or that was present at birth.

But previously learned responses and reflexes aren't always sufficient. The newborn's sucking reflex may be adequate for ordinary nipples but might not work quite as well for fingers and toes; the preschooler's understanding of numbers might serve for keeping track of toys but may not impress kindergarten teachers. Assimila�ng these situa�ons to old learning is not sufficient. In Piaget's words, the child is in a state of disequilibrium. There is a lack of balance between the child's capabili�es and the requirements of the situa�on.

This state of disequilibrium leads to changes in knowledge and behavior—changes that define accommoda�on. And if the changes are appropriate—for example, the infant can now suck the toe or finger, and the preschooler learns what 2 + 2 equals—there is a new state of equilibrium. Put another way, there is now a balance between assimila�on (using old behaviors and knowledge) and accommoda�on (making changes in response to the environment). Finding this balance involves what Piaget calls equilibra�on.

Equilibra�on, the balancing of assimila�on and accommoda�on, along with matura�on, ac�ve experience, and social interac�on, are the forces that lead to change and adapta�on (see Chapter 5 for more informa�on and for an illustra�on of assimila�on and accommoda�on).

Piaget's Stage Theory

The second of Piaget's ques�ons asks what is the most useful way of organizing and describing child development. His answer is found in a descrip�on of the four major stages through which children pass. Each stage is marked by strikingly different percep�ons of the world and different adapta�ons to it; each stage is the product of learning that occurred in earlier stages; and each is a prepara�on for the next stage.

As we see in later chapters, not all researchers agree that Piaget has accurately described child development. He is o�en accused of having underes�mated the abili�es of younger children—and perhaps of having overes�mated those of older children (Sutherland, 1992).

The stages are summarized briefly in Figure 2.9 and are discussed in more detail in chapters 5 and 7.

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Figure 2.9: Piaget's Stages of Child Development

There is some evidence that Piaget might have underes�mated the achievements of very young children—and perhaps overes�mated those of adolescents and adults.

Informa�on-Processing Approaches

Informa�on-processing approaches are an important subset of cogni�ve theories. In a sense, these are less theories of cogni�ve development than a general framework for studying how we process informa�on mentally. Unlike Piaget's theory, which is mainly concerned with describing changes in children's cogni�ons—that is, what they can and cannot do; what they understand and don't understand—informa�on processing approaches try to iden�fy the processes and the mental representa�ons that are involved in cogni�ve ac�vity. As we see in later chapters, researchers in this area inves�gate topics such as memory, problem solving, reasoning, and language. They are less interested in whether children can solve problems or remember concepts, but more in how they accomplish these tasks.

Informa�on-processing approaches are o�en based on a computer analogy: They assume that to the extent that both humans and computers manipulate symbols, one can serve as an analogy for the other. Some informa�on-processing theorists try to simulate human cogni�ve processes with computers, assuming that by so doing, they might discover unexpected things about the human mind.

Informa�on-processing theorists also assume that the human cogni�ve system has discoverable proper�es, and that its func�oning can be understood in terms of these proper�es. For example, as we see in Chapter 7, memory has limita�ons in terms of capacity and accuracy. Why and how this is the case is a ques�on for informa�on-processing research. Put another way, informa�on-processing theory focuses on the specific processes and mental representa�ons involved in ac�vi�es such as thinking, perceiving, sensing, and remembering. Much of the research and many of the conclusions we look at in later chapters are based on informa�on- processing research.

This Concept Check is for your own study and will not affect your grade.

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2.5 Biological and Ecological Approaches Biological approaches to understanding human development emphasize innate behavior pa�erns or tendencies. These approaches are o�en based on research with nonhuman animals in which gene�c influences are some�mes more readily apparent than among humans. In contrast, ecological approaches emphasize the importance of the individual's context (social, cultural, historical, and physical environment). Ecology is concerned with rela�onships between individuals and their environments.

Bowlby's Biological A�achment Theory

The role of biology (of heredity) in determining nonhuman animal behavior is clear. I fully expect my English Se�er to be reasonably adept at sniffing out birds precisely because she has the gene�c ancestry of all English Se�ers. We know that many of the behaviors and habits characteris�c of animals such as my dog aren't acquired primarily as a func�on of experience. A moth doesn't fly into a flame because it has learned to do so; dead moths don't fly. We can therefore assume that the a�rac�on light has for a moth, like the overpowering urge of a Canada goose to fly south in the fall or a salmon to swim upriver, is the result of inherited tendencies.

Are we, in at least some ways, like moths and salmon? If so, what are our flames, our rivers? Ethologists (scien�sts whose principal concern is ethology, the study of behavior in natural situa�ons) think that yes, we are a li�le like moths. And although the flames that en�ce us might be less obvious than those that a�ract the moth, they are perhaps no less powerful.

Imprin�ng and A�achment

Our mothers, says Bowlby, might be one of those flames because, in some ways, we are a li�le like baby ducks or chickens who almost inevitably imprint on their mothers. Imprin�ng is the tendency of some newly hatched birds such as geese to follow the first moving object they see. They do this, explains Lorenz (1952), as long as they are exposed to this moving object during a cri�cal period of �me. If they are exposed to the same moving object (a releaser) before or a�er this cri�cal period, imprin�ng does not ordinarily result (Figure 2.10).

Although the search for imprinted behaviors among humans has not led to the discovery of behaviors as obvious as "following" among geese, some theorists, such as Bowlby (1982), suggest that there are important parallels between the findings of ethologists and the development of a�achment between human mothers and their infants. As we see in Chapter 6, Bowlby believed that young infants have a natural (inherited) tendency to form emo�onal bonds with their mothers or with some other permanent caregiver during what he terms a sensi�ve period. Such bonds, Bowlby argues, would clearly have been important for an infant's survival in a less civilized age. The need for bonds is evident in an infant's a�empts to maintain physical contact, to cling, and to stay in visual contact with the mother. It is evident as well in the effects of separa�ng mother and infant—effects that, in Bowlby's (1979) words, are marked by "emo�onal distress and personality disturbance, including anxiety, anger, depression, and emo�onal detachment" (p. 127).

© Hemera/Thinkstock; © iStockphoto/Thinkstock; © John Foxx/Thinkstock

Figure 2.10: Imprin�ng

Under appropriate environmental condi�ons, exposure to a releaser during the cri�cal period leads to predictable behaviors.

Vygotsky's Ecological Approach

Vygotsky was "the Mozart of psychology," its "child genius" writes Davydov (1995). At the age of 28, (sadly, he died of tuberculosis only 10 years later), he had assimilated all the relevant informa�on then current and he had begun to map out a theory of development that dominated the field in the former Soviet Union for more than 70 years (Thomas, 2005). Two main themes unify this theory: the importance of culture, and the role of language.

The Importance of Culture

We are not like other animals, says Vygotsky. Why? Because we can use symbols and tools; as a result, we create cultures, and a culture has vitality, a life of its own (Vygotsky, 1986). Cultures grow and change and exert a very powerful influence on their members. They determine the end result of competent development—the sorts of things that their members must learn, the ways they should think, the things they are most likely to believe. As

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Bandura's no�on of reciprocal determinism emphasizes, we are not only culture-producing beings, but also culture-produced. This is one of the most fundamental themes underlying the current study of child development.

The importance of culture, explains Vygotsky, is that it allows us to go beyond elementary mental func�ons, eventually making higher mental func�ons possible. Elementary func�ons are our natural, unlearned capaci�es. They are evident in a newborn's ability to a�end to human sounds and to discriminate among them; and they are apparent in the ability to remember the smell of the mother, or in the capacity to goo and gurgle and cry.

Higher mental func�ons are sophis�cated mental func�ons such as thinking and imagining. These, explained Vygotsky, are not evident in nonhuman animals. They come about in humans as a result of interac�on with adults and competent peers—that is, with exposure to a human culture and especially with the learning of powerful symbol systems such as language.

The Role of Language

Language, a�er all, is what makes thinking possible. Language is not only the basis for human culture, but is essen�al for consciousness. Thus, during the preverbal stage of development, children's intelligence is much like that of, say, an ape, says Vygotsky (1986). It is purely natural, purely prac�cal— elementary, in other words. But language changes all that. Why? Because language makes human social interac�on possible.

Language is a cultural inven�on. It is one of the most important ways in which cultures influence and shape the course of development. For Vygotsky, development is a func�on of the interac�on between culture and children's basic biological capaci�es and matura�onal �metables. But, insisted Vygotsky, it is the environmental context (the culture) that is most important, not biological matura�on.

Development (or growth) takes place when environmental opportuni�es and demands are appropriate for the child. In a sense, culture instructs the child in the ways of development. But the instruc�on is effec�ve only if the child's biological matura�on and current developmental level are sufficiently advanced. For every child, says Vygotsky, there is a zone of proximal development—a sort of poten�al for development. This zone of development spans what the child can do alone and what might be accomplished with the help and guidance of others. Davydov (1995) explains the concept as follows: "What the child is ini�ally able to do only together with adults and peers and then can do independently, lies exactly in the zone of proximal development" (p. 18).

The challenge is to present children with tasks that lie within this zone, and then to provide them with the help they need to accomplish the tasks successfully. Demands that are beyond children's capaci�es—that are beyond their zone of proximal development—are ineffec�ve in promo�ng growth. Similarly, demands that are too simple are wasteful. Thus, one of the important techniques for teachers and parents is what is labeled scaffolding— providing support by ini�ally limi�ng the complexi�es of a task and then progressively increasing demands as children's competence increases.

There are a tremendous number of different types of scaffolds—of supports, in other words— that teachers can build for learners. For example, Pen�mon� and Jus�ce (2010) describe how preschool teachers use scaffolds such as generalizing, reasoning, predic�ng, coopera�ng, and reducing choices. Other scaffolds include demonstra�ng how to do things, explaining procedures, providing models, systema�cally developing prerequisite skills, correc�ng errors, and asking ques�ons that lead to important realiza�ons.

Table 2.1: Some Scaffolds for Early Childhood Educa�on

Scaffold Explana�on Illustra�on

Generalizing Applying a concept to a variety of situa�ons; poin�ng out similari�es

See how the moon is round when it's full. Now look at all those balls. . .

Reasoning Using rules of logic to increase understanding

Look at the baby's eyes. Why do you think they called her "Owl?"

Predic�ng Encouraging the use of plausible guesses What do you think will happen when I let go? Will all the water spill?

Coopera�ng Arranging for groups to work toward common goals with individual responsibility

You'll be working in li�le tribes to color and decorate your face masks.

Correc�ng errors Guiding learners by poin�ng out errors— and correct responses

No, if the answer were 20, Dick couldn't put all the puppies in one basket, could he?

Reducing choices Focusing efforts by elimina�ng alterna�ves

Let's say you can't use your fingers to solve the problem. What else can you use?

Demonstra�ng Showing how certain tasks and problems can be approached

Watch. See how I hold the racket? See where my thumb is?

Providing models Use of symbolic or real-life examples of desired behaviors

Robert is going to show us how to do a triple somersault.

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Asking ques�ons Leading learners in desired direc�ons through series of ques�ons

What color was the thief's coat? How about her eyes? Do you think she was as tall as the man?

Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Theory

The importance of cultures and of changing social environments is the central theme of an important map presented by Bronfenbrenner (1979, 1989, 1998a, 1998b). The emphasis in his theory is on understanding development as the product of interac�ons between the person and the environment. Hence Bronfenbrenner's model has three components: the individual, the context in which behavior occurs, and the processes that account for developmental change. It is, in Bronfenbrenner's words, a process-person-context model, and development is simply the processes through which ". . . proper�es of the person and the environment interact to produce constancy and change in the characteris�cs of the person . . ." (p. 191).

One of Bronfenbrenner's most important contribu�ons to our understanding of early childhood development is his descrip�on of the various levels of context in which a developing child interacts. Children's environments—the ecological systems in which development occurs—go far beyond the ac�vi�es and events that affect them directly, Bronfenbrenner insists. Many things happen in the wider community, in the country, perhaps even in the world, that influence development in important ways. One way of looking at the child's ecology, suggests Bronfenbrenner, is to look at the characteris�cs of the different ecological systems that compose the child's total environment.

The Microsystem

For example, many important interac�ons occur at an immediate, face-to-face level. These define the microsystem. The complex pa�erns of behaviors, roles, and rela�onships within the home, the school, the peer group, and the playground that include the child in actual interac�ons are all part of the child's microsystem. Everybody in the microsystem influences the child.

le�: © Kimmasa Mayama/epa/Corbis right:© Patrick Frilet/Hemis/Corbis

We tend to look at the world, and understand children, through our cultural blinders. For example, we find it difficult to believe that "baby tossing" would ever have been a sport among medieval gentry. Yet here we have, in 2006, an amateur sumo wrestler trying to get a baby to cry louder during a baby crying contest at Sensoji temple in Asakusa, Japan—a compe��on that seems strangely inappropriate to us. But would a li�le lad riding a sheep seem more appropriate to the sumo wrestler?

The Mesosystem

In turn, microsystems may influence each other in important ways. For example, how Ronald's mother treats him may be influenced by her interac�ons with his father. Perhaps she is less likely to be gentle and loving with her son if she has just had an argument with her husband. Similarly, how Ronald interacts with his sister, Nan, may reflect how his mother interacts with Nan. Interac�ons between microsystems that include the developing child define what is meant by the mesosystem.

The Exosystem

The home does not exist in isola�on. How parents treat children is influenced by schools, by teachers, perhaps by the church, and by employers and friends. In short, it is influenced by all the rela�onships that exist between members of a child's microsystems and ins�tu�ons or individuals with which they interact. For example, interac�ons between Ronald and his father may be influenced by the father's rela�onships with his colleagues or his fishing buddies. Interac�ons between an element of the microsystem that ordinarily includes the developing child and an element of the wider context that does not include the child define the exosystem.

The Macrosystem

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All the interac�ve systems—micro-, meso-, and exo-—that characterize cultures define the macrosystem. Macrosystems are describable in terms of beliefs, values, customary ways of doing things, expected behaviors, social roles, status assignments, lifestyles, religions, and so on, as these are reflected in interac�ons among systems. In Bronfenbrenner's (1989) words, the macrosystem "may be thought of as a societal blueprint for a par�cular culture, subculture, or other broader social context" (p. 228).

Chronosystem

All of the ecological systems in which children develop change over �me. Chronosystem is the term Bronfenbrenner uses to describe this fact. Many of these important changes will occur in microsystems. They might involve events such as the birth of a sibling, parental divorce, loss or introduc�on of pets, and so on. Some�mes changes involve wider aspects of the macrosystem. For example, within the last few decades, there have been profound changes in family employment pa�erns (from one to two wage earners), in family structure (from two- to one-parent families), in child-rearing styles (from home-rearing to other child-care op�ons), in age of marriage (from younger to older), in age of childbearing (also from younger to older), and in range of expected school a�endance (from rare and op�onal to quasi-compulsory kindergarten). Clearly, many of these macrosystem changes over �me directly affect the microsystems of which the child is a part—the family, the home, the school. (See Concept Summary: Ecological Systems in Bronfenbrenner's Theory. For an illustra�on of how contexts are shaped by cultural expecta�ons and beliefs, and of how important they can be in the life of a developing child, see Across Cultures: Goyaalé, An Apache Boy.)

Usefulness of Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Theory

Although most contemporary developmental theorists pay lip service to the importance of taking context, person, and interac�on between the two into account, many researchers con�nue to operate within one of the two models that have dominated much of our thought and research. One model says that the causes of developmental change are to be found primarily within the individual; the other insists that the individual's environment is a more important cause of change. It's the old nature-nurture debate (about which we say more in Chapter 3).

The model that underlies our thinking is tremendously important to our research and our conclusions. One model says that if Johnny turns out to be an unmanageable scoundrel, we should look for the cause and the explana�on in his temperament and his personality characteris�cs; the other says we should look to his environment. But neither of these models says that we should look at how Johnny's characteris�cs influence his environment, and at how, in turn, his environment influences him. Neither insists that the cause is at least partly to be found in the changing interac�ons that occur between Johnny and his alcoholic mother, his overworked and indifferent teachers, or his peers (the microsystem). Neither suggests that the animosity between Johnny's father and his kindergarten teacher is of consequence (the mesosystem). Neither is concerned with interac�ons that might have occurred between Johnny's mother and her employer, leading to a reduc�on in her pay and increasing her chronic ill humor (the exosystem). Neither asks the researcher to look at how society's encouragement of the changing structure of the family affects Johnny's well-being (the macrosystem and the chronosystem). That neither model asks these ques�ons is a weakness of some of our tradi�onal approaches to understanding child development; that Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory does is among its strengths.

Concept Summary: Ecological Systems in Bronfenbrenner's Theory

Level Defini�on Example

Microsystem Child in immediate, face-to-face interac�on Mother singing to child

Mesosystem Rela�onships between two or more microsystems

Mother and father interac�ng

Exosystem Linkages and rela�onships between two or more se�ngs, one of which does not include the child

Father's rela�onship with employer

Macrosystem

The totality of all other systems, evident in the beliefs, the op�ons, the life-styles, the values, the mores of a culture or subculture

Society's child-care legisla�on; expecta�ons and requirements of culture; school a�endance laws; immuniza�on policies

Chronosystem Changes, over �me, in ecological systems that affect the child

Parental divorce; birth of new sibling; war; famine

Across Cultures: Goyaalé, An Apache Boy

Goyaalé was born on an Arizona reserva�on on July 12, 1906. He was named a�er the great Apache warrior, Geronimo, who was then 77 years old. Geronimo's real name was Goyaalé—which, in the Apache language, means one who yawns. It was not a very appropriate name for Geronimo, whose struggles to save his people from the reserva�on system le� him li�le �me for sleeping or yawning.

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© Yale Collec�on of Western Americana, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library

Carlisle School students, 1879. Note the European dress and haircuts.

It was far more appropriate for the young Goyaalé who, when he was only 8, was torn from his home and herded to Carlisle Indian Residen�al School. When he realized he could no longer return home, all he wanted to do was sleep, but the dreams kept him awake and, every day, he yawned through early mass. And every morning, Father Paradise strapped him and then sent him out to chop wood for two hours while the others ate their breakfast porridge: One has to learn to pay a�en�on.

When he first arrived, they had taken Goyaalé's clothes and burned them.

They burned his sweetgrass bundle, holding it gingerly to throw it in the fire, as though it might be dirty.

They gave him a suit of heavy wool so that he would now be dressed "white."

They cut his long hair in the current European style.

They took away his language and made him watch the nightly ritual when they strapped those who had forgo�en themselves and spoken the language of the Na'isha

Worst of all, they threw away his name and chose another, drawn randomly from the Rector's hat. They said he was now Joseph Stone.

To Think About: The U.S. government was determined to assimilate the "Indians" and Americanize them, explains Hoxie (1984), so tens of thousands of Na�ve American children were rounded up and sent to missionary-run boarding schools to be immersed in the English language and Chris�an religion. "Kill the Indian and save the man," said Captain Richard H. Pra�, founder of the Carlisle Indian Residen�al School which, between 1879 and 1918, saw some 12,000 "Indian" children slowly lose their culture, their language, their na�ve iden�ty (Paul, 2006).

Explained in terms of Bronfenbrenner's ecological theory, why do you suppose residen�al schools might have been effec�ve in "Americanizing" Na�ve Americans?

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2.6 Dynamic Systems Theory Ecological theory is an example of what von Bertalanffy (1950) calls open systems theory (also called general systems theory). An open system is one that depends on interac�ons—on ac�vity. It is a system that is con�nually affected by its context and by the changing interac�ons that occur in that context. Such a system is termed an open system because its iden�fying feature is its openness to change. It is a dynamic (changing) rather than sta�c system. Ac�vity and outcomes in an open system are highly variable. In contrast, closed systems are based on ac�vi�es within the system; outcomes in such systems are highly predictable.

Basic Ideas Underlying Dynamic Systems

Human behavior and development, too, is dynamic, insists Esther Thelen (Thelen and Smith, 2006; Smith and Thelen, 2003). Like Bronfenbrenner, Thelen believes that development can only be understood in terms of con�nuous, mutual interac�on among all levels of the developing system. According to this view of children, any change in one aspect of the system—rapid biological growth, for example—leads to disequilibrium and a readjustment in other aspects of the system—social reac�ons, for instance. The result is a con�nual process of reorganizing behavior to make it more effec�ve and more appropriate. It is one of the fundamental tenets of a dynamic system that it has to reach a state of disequilibrium—of instability— before there is change and developmental progress.

If we look closely at human behavior, say Smith and Thelen (2003), we see that its main characteris�c is its tremendous variability, its dynamism. As they put it, "children from the same family grow up to be amazingly different from one another. Children with social and economic advantages some�mes fail in life, whereas those from impoverished backgrounds some�mes overcome them" (p. 347).

Although the explicit use of dynamic systems theory (or general systems theory) is rela�vely new in developmental psychology, recogni�on of the variability of human behavior, of the importance of interac�on, and of the role of instability is not at all new. For example, Piaget based much of his theory on the no�on that instability (disequilibrium) is one of the great forces that shapes development. And the cornerstone of both Bronfenbrenner's and Vygotsky's theories is their recogni�on of the importance of the individual's interac�ons within changing social environments, and their emphasis on the variability of human experiences as well as of developmental outcomes. But recognizing the complexity of development is not the same thing as analyzing it. As Fischer and Bidell (1998) put it, "Dazzled by all this complexity, scien�sts o�en retreat into oversimplifica�on and stereotyping" (p. 468).

Dynamic systems approaches are complex approaches, o�en based on advanced mathema�cal models and predic�ons. But the two core ideas on which they are founded are simple (Thelen & Smith, 2006):

Development can only be understood in terms of mul�ple, con�nuous, and mutual interac�ons of all levels of the developing system;

Development can only be understood as a product of processes that unfold over periods of �me that can range from milliseconds to many years.

Implica�ons of Dynamic Systems Theory

As an illustra�on of the applica�on of dynamic systems theory, Thelen (2005) describes how it might be used to understand something as apparently simple as an infant learning to reach. According to dynamic systems theory, this ac�vity does not simply depend on the brain pu�ng into ac�on some sort of "reaching" program that sends out messages to the various muscles involved. Among other things, the infant needs to develop the mo�va�on to reach for the object. And the mo�va�on, or desire, to do so needs to be coordinated with the infant's percep�on of the object, with certain cogni�ons related to it, and with the necessary motor ac�vi�es. Thus development can only be understood in terms of mul�ple interac�ons of all related systems.

But learning to reach might be an event that occurs over a very short period of �me, explains Thelen (2005), much as the infant learning to take the first steps might occur within a single day. Yet these are events that have implica�ons for developmental change over very long periods of �me. Hence Thelen's interest in dynamic interac�ons that span milliseconds as well as days, months, and years.

Although dynamic systems theory presents a new way of looking at development, it readily accepts that knowledge of child development needs to build on the theories of those who have come earlier. "We must not scu�le the past masters—Freud, Piaget, Erikson, Bowlby—who were likely wrong in some of the details and perhaps in some of their assump�ons," writes Thelen (2005). "Rather, we must use as models their bold visions to probe deeply into the mystery and complexi�es of human development and to ar�culate general principles that give meaning to so many details" (p. 256).

Dynamic systems theories, notes Thomas (2005), emphasize changes within interac�ng components of a system. They recognize that physical, emo�onal, social, and intellectual growth are linked in complex ways, that changes in func�oning in one area can have profound effects on func�oning in other areas. They agree, as well, that the human organism carries its own sources of mo�va�on and energy; it doesn't simply respond to external forces. Dynamic systems theories introduce new metaphors for human development. These metaphors replace machine models that see humans as highly reac�ve to external forces. They also replace metaphors that view development as a series of steps or stages, or perhaps as a mountain to climb (and then to tumble down?). One of the new metaphors proposed by Thelen (2005) compares development to the pa�erns of water flow in a mountain stream, with its constantly changing eddies and whirlpools, its currents, and its riffles, its responsiveness to storms and droughts and mel�ng snows and winds and maurauding bears, and geological changes over many eons.

It is a complex—and wonderful—thing to understand the pa�erns of water movement in a stream; so too, is it complex—and wonderful—to understand the interwoven pa�erns of change that mark children's journeys.

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This Concept Check is for your own study and will not affect your grade.

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2.7 A Humanis�c Approach: Abraham Maslow Had I spoken of Piaget or Freud, of Skinner or Bandura, of biology or ecology or dynamic systems in my grandmother's kitchen, the old lady would have listened politely. But in the end she would probably have said, "That's all very nice, but it's just theory. What about Frank?" Why Frank? Simply because he was a unique child. And although there is li�le doubt that Freud, Skinner, and Piaget might each have had something very intelligent and even useful to say about Frank, they would have been hard-pressed to convince my grandmother that they knew more about him than she did. My grandmother was a humanist.

In a sense, humanis�c psychologists would have us throw away all our detailed maps and simply follow the child's rambling. Their concern is with the en�re, unique individual. One of the basic beliefs of the humanis�c orienta�on is that, as deRober�s (2011) put it, "a child is never looked upon as the mere sum of diverse interac�ng parts" (p. 6). Our theories need to be holis�c, the humanists insist: They need to be concerned with the whole child. This means taking into account all the systems with which the child interacts (Bronfenbrenner's micro-, meso-, exo-, and macro- systems).

But it is difficult to describe these systems in a truly meaningful way because what cons�tutes the important features of the environment is different for every child. Accordingly, humanism emphasizes the importance of each person's view of the world and of themselves. To understand the behavior of children, this view says, we need to perceive the world as they see it—from the perspec�ve of their knowledge, their experiences, and their goals and aspira�ons (deRober�s, 2008). This orienta�on underscores that the individual is unique rather than average.

Maslow presents a well-known, intriguing humanis�c theory. Its relevance to child development is twofold: It describes what mo�vates the child's development; and it speculates about what the end goal of development is. These are drama�c departures from other theories we have discussed.

Maslow's Humanis�c Need Theory

The child is moved by two systems of needs, Maslow (1970) informs us. The basic needs are physiological (food, drink) and psychological (security, love, esteem). These needs are deficiency needs because when they are not sa�sfied, the child needs to fill a deficiency. For example, hunger represents a deficiency that can be sa�sfied by ea�ng.

The metaneeds are higher-level growth needs: Ac�vi�es that relate to them don't fulfill a lack but instead lead to growth. Metaneeds show themselves in the desire to know, in apprecia�on of truth and beauty, and in a tendency toward growth and fulfillment—or, in Maslow's terms, a tendency toward self-actualiza�on.

Our needs are hierarchically arranged, says Maslow, in the sense that the metaneeds will not be a�ended to unless the basic needs have been reasonably well sa�sfied. That is, we pay a�en�on to beauty, truth, and the development of our poten�al when we are no longer hungry and unloved (Figure 2.11).

Figure 2.11: Illustra�on of Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs

Maslow's hierarchy of needs. The open pyramid suggests that self-actualiza�on is a never-ending process, not an easily achievable goal.

Self-Actualiza�on

The most important of Maslow's metaneeds is self-actualiza�on—a not en�rely clear concept. Even Maslow (1970) admi�ed that the concept is difficult and that finding examples of self-actualized people seemed nearly impossible.

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© Photolibrary/Ge�y Images

Children, too, can have peak experiences—as this young lass would gladly tell you. These intensely emo�onal, unforge�able experiences can have a profound influence on development.

Self-actualiza�on is most o�en viewed as a process rather than a state. It is a process of growth, of becoming, of fulfillment. Because it is a process, suggests Rowan (1998), the triangle that has typically been used to illustrate the hierarchy of needs is misleading because it suggests that there is an end point—a goal. But we never reach that goal because self-actualiza�on is not an end state but a con�nuing process.

Maslow (1970) suggests that self-actualiza�on is characterized by absence of "neurosis, psychopathic personality, psychosis, or strong tendencies in these direc�ons" (p. 150). More posi�vely, he claims that self-actualized people "may be loosely described as [making] full use and exploita�on of talents, capaci�es, poten�ali�es, etc." (p. 150). Using this loose defini�on, Maslow's examina�on of 3,000 college students revealed only one person he considered to be actualized (although there were several dozen "poten�als").

Peak Experiences

In Maslow's wri�ngs, the concept of peak experience is an intriguing and important aspect of self-actualiza�on. Peak experiences are profoundly moving experiences that, in many instances, come close to defining what it might be like to be fully actualized. Maslow researched the dimensions of the peak experience by asking 190 college students to describe for him the "most wonderful experience of your life" (1970, p. 67). The resul�ng composite picture of a peak experience suggests that it is a rela�vely rare but profoundly moving experience that might have to do with work, human rela�onships, athle�cs, nature, mys�cism, and so on. Studies with children suggest that they, too, are capable of peak experiences. The most common of these include feelings that accompany being in places of overwhelming beauty, neardeath experiences, crises involving danger or fear, spontaneous moments of euphoria, or even unforge�able dreams (Hoffman, 1998). Peak experiences are o�en associated with wilderness se�ngs (McDonald, Wearing, & Pon�ng, 2009).

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2.8 A Final Word about Theories We began this chapter by insis�ng that facts and theories are not worlds apart in terms of "truthfulness"—that theories are intended to be explana�ons of facts. From these explana�ons, scien�sts strive for understanding, for the ability to predict, and some�mes for control. But theories do more than explain facts. As Thomas (2005) notes, they suggest which facts we should look at. In effect, they map and guide our inven�on of "facts" and give them meaning. Theories lead us to accept certain things as true—specifically, those things that fit our beliefs and expecta�ons. By the same token, theories also lead us to ignore contradictory or apparently irrelevant observa�ons.

Theories also tend to "normalize" the child. That is, theories give us a picture of what a "normal" or average child is like, and then we compare real children to this some�mes very unreal picture. Also, the pictures that our theories draw for us vary enormously. Thus learning theories give us a picture of a highly malleable, "condi�onable" child; Piaget draws a picture of the child as a thinker; Freud shows us the "ins�nctual" child; Bandura, Vygotsky, Bronfenbrenner, and Thelen describe a child in the midst of dynamic interac�ons that include the child at the center of other interac�ng influences; and Maslow emphasizes the uniqueness, wholeness, and poten�al of each individual child.

Concept Summary: Approaches to Developmental Theory summarizes much of this chapter. History, as is so o�en its custom, may one day inform us about the usefulness and accuracy of the maps these makers have drawn for us.

Concept Summary: Approaches to Developmental Theory

Approach Representa�ve Theorist

Main Underlying Model

Major Assump�ons (theore�cal beliefs)

Key Terms

Psychoanaly�c Freud Organismic Individual is mo�vated by ins�nctual urges that are primarily sexual and aggressive.

Id, ego, superego, psychosexual, fixa�on, regression

Erikson Organismic Child progresses through stages by adap�ng to the sociocultural environment.

Competence, developmental tasks, psychosocial

Behavioris�c Pavlov, Watson

Mechanis�c Child learns through condi�oning of reflexive behaviors.

Reflex, condi�oned s�mulus and response

Skinner Mechanis�c/ Organismic

Changes in behavior are a func�on of reinforcement and punishment.

Reinforcement, punishment, shaping

Bandura Contextual/ Organismic

Observa�onal learning leads to developmental change; our ability to an�cipate the consequences of our behavior is fundamental.

Imita�on, self-efficacy, social/cogni�ve, reciprocal determinism

Cogni�ve Piaget Organismic Child develops cogni�ve skills through ac�ve interac�on with the environment.

Stages, assimila�on, accommoda�on, equilibra�on

Informa�on Processing

Mechanis�c/ organismic/ Contextual

Development is a process of learning to represent, process, store, and retrieve informa�on.

Memory, percep�on, thinking, symbolic representa�on, computer models

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Biological Ecological Approaches

Bowlby Organismic Social behaviors have a biological basis understandable in evolu�onary terms.

A�achment bonds, imprin�ng, sensi�ve period

Vygotsky Organismic/ Contextual

Human development is highly dependent on culture and language.

Culture, language, zone of proximal growth, scaffolding

Bronfenbrenner Organismic/ Contextual

Development results from a complex series of interac�ons and accommoda�ons between a person and the systems in which the person is embedded.

Micro-, meso-, exo-, macro-, and chronosystem

Dynamic Systems

Thelen Organismic/ Contextual

A change in any part of the system (mind, body, environment) leads to disequilibrium, readjustment, and growth

Integrated systems, interac�ons, dynamism Stability/instability

Humanis�c Maslow Organismic/ Contextual

All individuals are unique and whole, and strive toward the fullest development of their poten�al.

Meta- and basic needs, self-actualiza�on, peak experiences

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Chapter Summary Sec�on Summaries

2.1 Theories in Psychology Theories a�empt to organize observa�ons, explain them, and predict future outcomes. Good theories reflect "facts" and are understandable, useful for explaining and predic�ng events, prac�cal, internally consistent, and s�mula�ng. Models on which they might be based include the mechanis�c, organismic, and contextual.

2.2 Psychoanaly�c and Psychosocial Approaches In Freud's psychoanaly�c theory, the causes of behavior are deep-seated, unconscious, primarily sexual (libido) and aggressive forces (the id). The second level of personality, the ego, is reality-based and typically in conflict with the id; the third, the superego, reflects conscience. Freud describes five developmental stages (oral, anal, phallic, latency, and genital) differen�ated in terms of main sources of sexual gra�fica�on. Erikson's psychosocial theory is concerned more with healthy adjustment to social requirements. His childhood stages, each iden�fied by a basic conflict, the resolu�on of which results in the manifesta�on of some new social competence, include trust versus mistrust (birth to 18 months); autonomy versus shame and doubt (18 months to 2 or 3 years); ini�a�ve versus guilt (2 or 3 to about 6 years); and industry versus inferiority(around 6 to 11 years).

2.3 Behavioris�c Approaches Behavioris�c theories focus on actual behavior. Classical condi�oning (Pavlov and Watson) describes how repeated pairing of s�mulus or response events leads to learning. Operant condi�oning (Skinner) explains how the probability of a response changes as a func�on of its consequences (reinforcement or punishment), and how outcomes shape behavior. Observa�onal learning theory (Bandura) describes how imita�on leads to new learning (the modeling effect), the suppression or appearance of deviant responses (inhibitory or disinhibitory effect), or to behaviors related to that of a model (elici�ng effect). We are agents of our ac�ons whose sense of competence (self-efficacy) is important in determining how we affect and are affected by our environments.

2.4 Cogni�ve Approaches Piaget's theory of cogni�ve development describes adapta�on through balancing (equilibra�ng), assimila�on (using already- learned ac�vi�es), and accommoda�on (changing behavior). The four major stages of cogni�ve development are sensorimotor, preopera�onal, concrete opera�ons, and formal opera�ons. Informa�on processing approaches are concerned less with whether and when a child develops some capability, but more on how the capability is put into play. They are especially concerned with topics such as remembering, problem solving, perceiving, and concept forma�on.

2.5 Biological and Ecological Approaches Ethologists are biologically oriented scien�sts who study behavior in natural situa�ons. Bowlby uses principles of ethology to explain a�achment bonds. Vygotsky emphasizes the importance of culture and especially language. Vygotsky's zone of proximal growth is the child's poten�al for development reflected in what the child can accomplish with guidance from more competent peers and adults. Bronfenbrenner looks at interac�ons between children and various systems (micro-, exo-, meso-, macro-, and chrono-) with which they interact directly or indirectly.

2.6 Dynamic Systems Theory This approach views development as the product of an open system, which can be understood only in terms of complex, con�nuous interac�ons at all levels of the system over both very brief and very long periods of �me.

2.7 A Humanis�c Approach: Abraham Maslow Humanis�c theory is concerned with the whole, unique individual mo�vated by two sets of needs: deficiency (basic) needs, which are psychological (safety, esteem, love) and physical (food, drink); and metaneeds (growth) needs, such as the drive toward self-actualiza�on—a never-ending process tending toward the development of "full humanness." Peak experiences (monumental, life-changing events) may be an important part of self-actualiza�on.

Focus Ques�ons: Applica�ons

1. What are the purposes and characteris�cs of good theories in child development? Describe what an ideal theory of child development might tell us.

2. How does Erikson's theory relate to child development? Give examples of children's behavior that illustrate each of Erikson's psychosocial stages.

3. What are the main assump�ons and explana�ons of behaviorism? Devise a classroom procedure that applies some principles of condi�oning theory for reducing a behavior problem in a kindergarten class.

4. What do children learn through imita�on? Iden�fy examples in children's behavior of each of the three principal effects of imita�on.

5. What are the basic ideas underlying Piaget's theory? Illustrate the twin processes of assimila�on and accommoda�on in a preschooler's behavior.

6. What is self-actualiza�on? Analyze your own life in terms of the extent to which you think you are on your way to self-actualizing.

Study Terms

Click on each study term to see the defini�on.

Accommoda�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The modifica�on of an ac�vity or an ability that a child has already learned, to conform to environmental demands. Piaget's descrip�on of development holds that assimila�on and accommoda�on are the means by which an individual interacts with the world and adapts to it.

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Anal stage (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The second of Freud's psychosexual stages of development, beginning at approximately 8 months and las�ng un�l around 18 months, and characterized by children's preoccupa�on with physical anal ac�vi�es.

Anal-reten�ve (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Freudian term for a personality type described as s�ngy, hoarding, selfish, and linked with fixa�on or regression at the anal stage of development.

Assimila�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

In Piaget's theory, the exercising of previously learned responses To assimilate is, in a sense, to ingest or to use something that is previously learned. (See Accommoda�on.)

Autonomy versus shame and doubt (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The second Erikson stage, about ages 18 months to 2 or 3, when the preschooler faces the challenge of developing a sense of mastery and control (autonomy) but has to give up some of the security of relying on parents.

Basic needs (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Unlearned physiological requirements of the human organism; specifically, the need for food, drink, and sex.

Behaviorism (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A general term used to describe approaches to learning and development that are concerned primarily with the observable, objec�ve components of behavior (such as s�muli and responses).

Behavioris�c theory (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Theories of learning concerned primarily with the observable components of behavior (s�muli and responses), also called S-R learning theories, exemplified in classical and operant condi�oning.

Chronosystem (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Bronfenbrenner's term for his recogni�on that important aspects of environments (of ecologies) change over �me.

Classical condi�oning (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Pavlovian condi�oning, also called learning through s�mulus subs�tu�on because it involves the repeated pairing of two s�muli so that a previously neutral (condi�oned) s�mulus eventually comes to elicit the same response (condi�oned response) that was previously evoked by the first (uncondi�oned) s�mulus.

Cogni�ve (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Having to do with mental processes such as thinking, knowing, remembering, and an�cipa�ng.

Condi�oned response (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A response that is elicited by a condi�oned s�mulus.

Condi�oned s�mulus (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

An ini�ally neutral s�mulus that, as a result of being paired with an uncondi�oned s�mulus and its response, has acquired the capability of elici�ng that same response. For example, a s�mulus that is always present at the �me of a fear reac�on may become a condi�oned s�mulus for fear.

Condi�oning (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A simple type of learning whereby certain behaviors become associated with specific situa�ons. (See also Classical condi�oning, Operant condi�oning.)

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Conscience (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

An internalized set of rules governing an individual's behavior.

Consciousness (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Awareness of one's self and surroundings; awareness of one's existence; awareness of one's awareness.

Context(s) (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

That which surrounds and influences; the totality of environmental and circumstan�al influences on development and behavior.

Contextual model (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A developmental model that emphasizes the importance of the individual's interac�on with environmental context.

Cri�cal period (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The period during which an appropriate s�mulus must be presented to an organism for imprin�ng (learning) to occur.

Culture (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Signifies the totality of shared customs, beliefs, achievements, art, literature, and so on, which is par�cular to a dis�nct group of people.

Developmental theory (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Psychological theory concerned with systema�c changes that define human development.

Direct reinforcement (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Reinforcement that occurs as a direct consequence of a behavior—like ge�ng paid to work. (See Vicarious reinforcement.)

Disinhibitory effect (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The appearance of previously suppressed deviant behavior as a func�on of observing a model.

Dynamic systems theory (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

An approach to understanding development that emphasizes the dynamic (changing and o�en unpredictable) nature of human development, and the extent to which it depends on complex interac�ons among a large variety of biological, social, and cogni�ve factors.

Ecology (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The study of the interrela�onships between organisms and their environment. The social and environmental contexts in which behavior and development occur.

Ego (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Freud's ra�onal, reality-oriented level of human personality. It serves as a damper to the id, which urges immediate gra�fica�on of impulses whereas the ego imposes restric�ons that are based on environmental reality.

Electra complex (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A Freudian stage occurring around the age of 4 or 5 years, when a girl's sexual feelings lead her to desire her father and to become jealous of her mother.

Elementary mental func�ons (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

In Vygotsky's system, simple, unlearned behaviors such as reflexes.

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Elicited response (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A respondent; a response brought about by a s�mulus.

Elici�ng effect (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

That type of imita�ve behavior in which the observer does not copy the model's responses but simply behaves in a related manner.

Emi�ed response (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

An operant; a response not elicited by a known s�mulus but simply emi�ed by the organism.

Equilibra�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A Piage�an term for the adap�ve process by which we maintain a balance between assimila�on (using old learning) and accommoda�on (changing behavior; learning new things).

Ethologists (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Scien�sts who study the behavior of animals (including humans) in their natural habitats.

Exosystem (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Interac�ons between a system in which a child is involved (microsystem) and another system that does not ordinarily include the child (father's rela�onship with employers, for example).

Fixa�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A Freudian term for the arres�ng of development at an immature developmental stage.

Higher mental func�ons (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

In Vygotsky's system, learned behaviors such as are evident in thinking and speaking.

Humanist (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A person with a philosophical and psychological orienta�on primarily concerned with the worth of humans as individuals and with processes that augment their human quali�es.

Id (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The Freudian personality level defined as all the ins�nctual urges to which humans are heir and which serve as the source of all human mo�ves.

Iden�fica�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The process of assuming the goals, ambi�ons, mannerisms, and so on of another person—of iden�fying with that person. (See Imita�on.)

Iden�ty (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A clear no�on of who one is—including commitment to goals, values, and beliefs—the development of which is an important adolescent developmental task.

Imita�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The complex process of learning through observa�on of a model.

Imprin�ng (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

An ins�nct-like type of learning that occurs shortly a�er birth in certain species and that is seen in the "following" behavior of young ducks or geese.

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Industry versus inferiority (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Erikson's label for a developmental period spanning middle childhood, characterized by emphasis on interac�on with peer.

Inhibitory effect (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The suppression of deviant behavior as a result of observing a model.

Ini�a�ve versus guilt (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The third of Erikson's stages (2 or 3 to 6 years), marked by a developing sense of self and of responsibility, and a greater independence from parents.

Ins�ncts (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Unlearned tendencies.

Libido (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A general Freudian term deno�ng sexual urges.

Macrosystem (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

All interac�ve social systems that define a culture or subculture.

Mechanis�c model (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A model in human developmental psychology based on the belief that it is useful to view human beings in terms of their reac�ve, machinelike characteris�cs.

Mesosystem (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Interac�ons among two or more microsystems (for example, family and school).

Metaneeds (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Contrasted with basic needs, Maslow's term for growth needs, which are concerned not with physiological but with psychological func�ons and include the need to know truth, beauty, and jus�ce, and to self-actualize.

Microsystem (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Defined by immediate, face-to-face interac�ons in which everybody affects everybody (for example, child and parent).

Modeling effect (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Imita�ve behavior involving the learning of a novel response.

Models (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Pa�erns for behavior that can be copied by someone else.

Needs (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A lack, deficiency, or strong desire in the organism that may be unlearned (the need for food and water) or learned (the need for money or pres�ge).

Nega�ve reinforcement (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A s�mulus that, when it is removed from the situa�on, increases the probability of occurrence of the response that precedes it.

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Observa�onal learning (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Learning through imita�on.

Oedipus complex (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A Freudian concept deno�ng the developmental stage (around 4 years) when a boy's increasing awareness of sexual feelings leads him to desire his mother and envy his father.

Open systems theory (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A theory that recognizes the interac�ve nature of biological, psychological, and social systems, and the impossibility of predic�ng final outcomes with absolute confidence (in contrast with a closed system, which is completely predictable).

Operant (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The label used by B. F. Skinner to describe a response not elicited by any known or obvious s�mulus.

Operant condi�oning (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A type of learning, linked with B. F. Skinner, in which the probability of a response changes as a result of reinforcement.

Oral-aggressive (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Freudian label for a personality characterized as loud, obnoxious, demanding, and thought to be associated with fixa�on at or regression to the oral stage of development.

Oral stage (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The first stage of Freudian psycho-sexual development, characterized by preoccupa�on with the immediate gra�fica�on of desires, accomplished primarily through the mouth.

Organismic model (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Assumes that people are ac�ve rather than simply reac�ve and that they are therefore more like biological organisms than like machines.

Peak experience (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Label introduced by Maslow to describe an intensely moving and unforge�able experience that has a profound effect on an individual's life.

Phallic stage (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The third stage of Freud's theory of psychosexual development (ages 2 to 6), marked by concern with the genitals and some�mes evident in the much- discussed complexes labeled Oedipus and Electra.

Posi�ve reinforcement (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A s�mulus that increases the probability of a response recurring as a result of being added to a situa�on a�er the response has occurred.

Psychoanaly�c (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Rela�ng to Freudian theory or to clinical or therapeu�c procedures based on Freudian ideas, and especially on ideas related to the subconscious.

Psychosexual (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Psychological phenomena or theories, such as Freud's, based on sexuality.

Psychosocial development (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

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Erikson's descrip�on of human development as a sequence of stages involving the resolu�on of crises that are primarily social.

Punishment (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The presenta�on of an unpleasant s�mulus or the withdrawal of a pleasant s�mulus as a consequence of behavior, some�mes leading to a reduc�on of that behavior—not to be confused with nega�ve reinforcement, the effect of which is to increase the probability of a behavior.

Regression (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A psychoanaly�c (Freudian) phenomenon of rever�ng to some of the ac�vi�es and preoccupa�ons of earlier developmental stages.

Reinforcement (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The effect of a reinforcer—an increase in the probability of a response recurring.

Reinforcer (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A reinforcing s�mulus.

Releaser (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A biological term for the s�mulus that first gives rise to ins�nct-like behaviors such as the "following" behavior of newly hatched chicks.

Replicability (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A crucial quality of scien�fic or experimental procedures reflected in the extent to which they can be repeated and lead to iden�cal (or highly similar) results.

Respondent (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Skinnerian term for a response elicited by a known specific s�mulus—as opposed to an operant.

Response (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Any organic, muscular, glandular, or psychic process that results from s�mula�on.

Response cost (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A form of punishment involving the loss of a previously earned reward.

Rewards (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Objects, s�muli, events, or outcomes that are perceived as pleasant and may therefore be reinforcing.

Role Confusion (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Conflict and doubt over choice of iden�ty.

Scaffolding (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A Vygotskian concept to describe the various types of support that teachers need to provide for children if they are to learn.

Science (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

An approach and an a�tude toward knowledge that emphasize objec�vity, precision, and replicability. Also, one of several related bodies of knowledge.

Self-actualiza�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

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A central humanis�c concept referring to the process or act of becoming oneself, developing one's poten�ality, achieving an awareness of one's iden�ty, fulfilling oneself.

Self-efficacy (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Es�mates of personal effec�veness in dealing with a variety of situa�ons, especially those that are ambiguous or stressful.

Sensi�ve period (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A period during which specific experiences have their most pronounced effects—for example, the first six months of life during which an infant forms strong a�achment bonds to the mother or caregiver.

Sexual latency (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A Freudian developmental period, from about ages 6 to 11, during which sexual interest is dormant (latent).

Shaping (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A Skinnerian technique whereby animals and people are taught to perform complex behaviors by systema�cally reinforcing responses that are increasingly closer approxima�ons to the desired behavior.

S�mulus (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

(plural s�muli) Any change in the physical environment capable of exci�ng a sense organ.

Superego (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The third Freudian level of personality, reflec�ng the moral or ethical aspects of personality and therefore in constant conflict with the id.

Symbolic model (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Nonhuman models such as movies, television programs, oral and wri�en instruc�ons, or religious, literary, musical, or folk heroes.

Theory (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

An organized, systema�c account of observa�ons useful for explaining and for predic�ng.

Time-out (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A form of punishment in which the transgressor is removed from ongoing (and presumably rewarding) ac�vi�es.

Triadic reciprocal determinism (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Bandura's no�on that personal characteris�cs, behavior, and the environment all affect each other reciprocally and that individuals are both products and producers of their environments.

Trust versus mistrust (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

The first of Erikson's stages (to age 2), marked by a conflict between the infant's need to develop trust and an urge to remain dependent.

Uncondi�oned response (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A response elicited by an uncondi�oned s�mulus.

Uncondi�oned s�mulus (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

A s�mulus (such as food) that elicits a response (such as saliva�on) prior to learning.

Vicarious reinforcement (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

8/24/2018 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUECE332.12.1?sections=front_matter,part01,ch01,sec1.1,sec1.2,sec1.3,sec1.4,sec1.5,ch01summary,ch02,sec2.… 73/73

A second-hand type of reinforcement o�en seen in imita�ve behavior, where the reinforcement observers assume the model is receiving serves to reinforce their own behavior.

Zone of proximal development (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE332.12.1/sec�ons/front_ma�er/books/AUECE3

Vygotsky's phrase for tasks which the individual cannot ini�ally accomplish alone but is capable of with assistance from others.