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10/23/2017 Yuzu: Psychology of Gender: Fourth Edition

https://reader.yuzu.com/#/books/9781317345046/cfi/6/40!/4/2/2/12/4@0:0 1/2

I

CHAPTER 11CHAPTER 11

Relationships and Health

n 1977, James Lynch wrote The Broken Heart. The title was a metaphor for the effects of relationships on health, specifically coronary heart disease. Lynch claimed there are

few conditions in life that do not involve some type of human contact, and so in one sense it would be remarkable if human contact did not influence our hearts. Like the air we breathe, it envelops every aspect of our lives. A simple visit to your doctor, arguments, reassurance and praise, sexual activity, social gatherings, competitive sports, the loss of a friend or loved one, jealousies, humiliations, human triumphs, the cuddling of a child in your lap, the silent hand- holding between two lovers, the quiet comforting of a dying patient—all these affect the heart. (p. 12)

Lynch noted an association between markers of social isolation (e.g., high mobility) and high mortality rates from heart disease. Since then, numerous studies have demonstrated links between aspects of social relationships and health.

This chapter examines the implications of relationships for women’s and men’s health. We know the female gender role involves a relationship orientation. Does this mean women benefit more than men from social relationships? Or does men’s lack of a relationship orientation make relationships all the more important to their health? In the first part of the chapter, I describe the influence of relationships more generally on health —a body of work referred to as social support. Next, I focus on the implications of a primary social relationship for health: marriage. I focus on marriage because quite a bit of evidence suggests that marriage affects men’s and women’s health in different ways. I also focus on marriage because it is one of the most important relationships (if not the most important relationship) to men and women. I explore the health implications of the loss of this relationship through death and relationship dissolution (e.g., divorce). Next, I examine the health implications of the quality of marriage for women’s and men’s health. One central aspect of quality is how household chores and child care are divided in the family. Thus I describe the division of labor, examine predictors of the division of labor, and discuss the implications of the division of labor for relationship satisfaction and well-being. Then, I discuss another primary relationship—parenthood. I examine how women and men construe parenthood as well as its links to health. Finally, relationships also can go awry. I briefly describe the research on intimate partner violence and on rape, and then examine their implications for health.

EFFECT OF SOCIAL SUPPORT ON HEALTH We have relationships with family, friends, neighbors, and coworkers. These relationships have the potential to act as sources of social support, which can influence health. Do women and men differ in the amount of support they receive from network members? Does support from network members lead to the same health benefits for women and men? First, I review the literature that compares the nature of men’s and women’s social support. Then, I turn to the question of how support is related to health for men and women.

Sex Comparisons There are quantitative and qualitative dimensions of support. Quantitative dimensions are referred to as structural measures (of support); these measures typically assess the size of a social network or the number of social relations. Qualitative dimensions are referred to as functional measures (of support) because they address the question of what functions networks serve. Network members may provide emotional support (love,

10/23/2017 Yuzu: Psychology of Gender: Fourth Edition

https://reader.yuzu.com/#/books/9781317345046/cfi/6/40!/4/2/2/12/4@0:0 2/2

caring, concern), instrumental support (concrete assistance, such as running an errand), or informational support (guidance, advice). In an early review of the literature on gender and support, Belle (1987) concluded that women’s networks were more “intensive” but men’s networks were more “extensive.” This would suggest that women come out ahead on the functional aspects of support, but men come out ahead on the structural aspects of support.

It is unclear whether there are sex differences in structural measures of support. Some studies show that men have larger social networks compared to women (Berkman, Vaccarino, & Seeman, 1993), but other studies show just the opposite (Pugliesi & Shook, 1998). Sex differences in support functions are more clear. Women are more likely than men to perceive that support is available from network members (Kendler, Myers, & Prescott, 2005) starting in early adolescence (Rueger, Malecki, & Demaray, 2010), and this is especially the case for emotional support. Women are more likely than men to have someone available to talk to when they are distressed (Matthews, Stansfeld, & Power, 1999). These findings generalize across many cultures (Okamoto & Tanaka, 2004). These sex differences may have more to do with the female gender role than female sex. Femininity, or communion, is related to perceived support more than sex (Helgeson & Fritz, 1998; Reevy & Maslach, 2001).

There are a number of reasons why men lack support compared to women. One reason is that men are more reluctant than women to ask for help. The male gender role’s emphasis on independence and invulnerability inhibits men from asking for help when they need it. Another reason has to do with the perceptions others hold about women’s and men’s needs for support. People assume that men do not want or need support and may be less likely to offer support to men. Men also may not be as skilled as women in activating support. Because men have been reluctant to ask for help in the past, they may be unsure about how to obtain help when they really need it. Determine why men and women at your school do not seek support in Do Gender 11.1.