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Journal of Modern Chinese History
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Chiang Kai-shek and Christianity: religious life reflected from his diary
Bae Kyounghan
To cite this article: Bae Kyounghan (2009) Chiang Kai-shek and Christianity: religious life reflected from his diary, Journal of Modern Chinese History, 3:1, 1-10, DOI: 10.1080/17535650902900364
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ARTICLE
Chiang Kai-shek and Christianity: religious life reflected from his diary
Bae Kyounghan*
Silla University, Busan, South Korea
By examining the recently-publicized diary of Chiang Kai-shek, this study investigates how he accepted Christianity, what influences Christianity had on him, and how his faith was realized in his daily life. What initially prompted Chiang to accept Christianity as his personal faith, around the time he married Song Meiling, was the admonishment of Ni Guizhen, Song’s mother. Since that time, Song wielded great influence over him, which played a significant role in his final conversion. But Chiang did not truly live life as a Christian until the 20 or so days of the Xi’an Incident in December 1936, when he was imprisoned. Around 1938, his spiritual life centered on regular Bible studies and prayer sessions. After he became Christian, his goal was not only the pursuit of moral enrich- ment and cultivation on a personal level; it was also focused on help for China. Particularly after the Marco Polo Bridge Incident when China was in the crisis of perishing as a nation, Chiang prayed primarily for national salvation. As China continued to lose many battles in the war and the future became increasingly bleak, he grew increasingly reliant on God’s help, trusting to prayer for national liberation and indepen- dence. He wrote in his diary that his own sins led to the suffering of the country, and sought God’s forgiveness for them. He also advocated a reform of China based on the Christian spirit of sacrifice, service, and solidarity. Thus, Christianity provided one of the most important paths for Chiang the politician not only to become a better person but also for China to be saved and to become a better society.
Keywords: Chiang Kai-shek; diary; Christianity; Song Meiling; Xi’an Incident
Preface
It is well known that personal diaries reflect the writer’s inner life, so there is no need to dwell here on the importance of diaries for researching historical personalities. The diary of Chiang Kai-shek, recently opened to the public by the Hoover Institute of Stanford University, has attracted the attention of many scholars for the potential it offers to better understand his inner life. Whether or not Chiang always frankly revealed his inner life in his diary remains a valid question; yet, the diary records many details of his daily activities that would not otherwise have been thought appropriate to publicize. For this reason alone, there is no doubt that the diary does to some degree reflect Chiang’s inner life.1
Religious faith is a fundamental component of inner life. Questions of life and death and the spiritual quest for peace, together with the principles of morality, constitute a necessary part of life. If we focus on the period after 1930, we can see that Christianity played an important role in Chiang’s inner life. As is well known, his marriage with Song Meiling in
Journal of Modern Chinese History Vol. 3, No. 1, June 2009, 1–10
*Email: [email protected] 1Yang Tianshi, preface to Zhaoxun zhenshi de Chiang Kaishek: Chiang Kaishek riji jiedu [Seeking for Truthful Chiang Kai-shek: Interpreting the Diary of Chiang Kai-shek] (Hong Kong: Joint Publishing Co. Ltd., 2008).
ISSN 1753-5654 print/ISSN 1753-5662 online # 2009 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/17535650902900364 http://www.informaworld.com
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December 1927 was the launching point for his becoming a Christian. From that time on, Christianity was an important element in his inner life.
Not much has been done on the research of Chiang’s religious faith. Furthermore, the studies relevant to this subject often focus on explaining the political aspects of his faith, and thus fail to address broader questions about his religion.2 While understanding Chiang as a politician, it would be hard to defend the point that he chose to be Christian merely in order to serve his political purpose. Such a point rests on the dubious premise that religious faith has nothing to do with the changes of one’s inner life.
Starting from the above assumption, this paper explores Chiang’s diary to examine how he accepted Christianity, how Christianity influenced his inner life, and how religious faith was realized in his daily activities. The paper endeavors to expose Chiang’s inner life, revealing the ordinary person as well as laying the foundations for a better understanding of Chiang the politician.
Marriage and conversion
Chiang first came to know about Christianity through his marriage to Song Meiling. In his own words, he first met Song in 1922 at Sun Yat-sen’s home in Guangzhou; they subsequently exchanged correspondence several times, and Song accepted his proposal in August 1927. In mid-September 1927, soon after making plans for their wedding through the agency of Song Ailing, Meiling’s sister, Chiang went to the Arima Hot Springs near Kobe, in Japan, where he met Ni Guizhen, Song’s mother, who was vacationing there and approved the marriage.3 Since Ni’s prerequisite for approval was that he accepted Christianity, Chiang agreed to study the Bible and introductory works about Christianity. Subsequently he became a Christian.4
In his diary, however, Chiang does not confirm the theory that Ni required him to become Christian as a prerequisite for her approval of the marriage; nor indeed did he become Christian then. In addition, Song was not present when Chiang met Ni in the Arima Hot Springs. An alternative theory is that it was Song who actually required Chiang to become Christian as a prerequisite of the marriage. While this theory could offer a retrospective explanation of the event, there are several entries in his diary in January 1928, soon after his wedding, concerning his reading of The Meaning of Faith, an introductory book on Christianity.5 His December 1929 diary also reveals that he was reading the Bible, while the entries on 25 and 29 December, in particular, detail how he received explanations of Christianity from Ni Guizhen. Furthermore, in February 1930, Ni and Song invited Jiang
2Some research published in mainland China suggests that Chiang Kai-shek forged the marriage with the Song family and accepted Christianity because of its link to America, so as to get close to Anglo–American imperialists. See Zhang Qingjun and Meng Guoxiang, ‘‘Chiang Kai-shek yu jidu jiao’’ [Chiang Kai-shek and Christianity], Minguo dang’an [Republican Archives], no. 1 (1997). 3Jiang Jieshi riji [Chiang Kai-shek Diaries], October 3, 1927, Hoover Institution Archives; Li Yong and Zhang Zhongtian, eds., Chiang Kai-shek nianpu [Chronological Records of Chiang Kai-shek] (Beijing: Zhonggong dangshi chubanshe, 1995), 158–60. 4Song Meiling, ‘‘Wo de zongjiao guan’’ [My View on Religions], in Guofu zongtong Jianggong ji furen zongjiao yanlun jiyao [Key Selection of Comments on Religion by Dr. Sun Yat-sen and Generalissimo Chiang and His Wife], ed. Liu Yaozhong (Taipei: Zhongyang wenwu gongyingshe, 1986), 142. 5Jiang Jieshi riji, January 6, 7, 10, 11, 13, 1928; The Meaning of Faith is a manual of Christianity by the British H.E. Fosdick, translated and published by Shanghai Youth Association in 1921. See Beijing tushuguan, ed., Minguo shiqi zong shumu (zongjiao) [General Bibliography about the Republic Period (Religions)] (Beijing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe, 1994), 162.
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Changchuan, who was in charge of the Mu Er Church in Shanghai at that time,6 to Nanjing, and urged Chiang to get baptized. Jiang too wanted Chiang to get baptized first and then gradually understand Christian teachings, but Chiang insisted that he had to understand Christian teachings before getting baptized; he requested three months of Bible study before formal conversion.7 His diary entries in August and September, which record that he read the New Testament, confirmed that he kept his promise and studied the Bible.8 Based on this evidence, while it remains uncertain whether Ni made Chiang’s conversion a prerequisite for her approval of the marriage, it is certain that she urged him to accept Christianity around the time of his wedding, and that he took the initial steps of studying the Bible. In other words, this establishes that it was Ni’s urging that first prompted Chiang onto his path toward conversion.
Song Meiling also played an important role in Chiang’s conversion to Christianity. It is not hard to find in Chiang’s diary entries how she influenced him from the beginning of their married life. For example, for a number of reasons Chiang and Song had to live separately after the wedding. This pained Chiang. He missed his wife9 and was worried about her health.10 The diary reveals that he deeply admired Song’s personal virtues, and often blamed himself for being unable to modify his temper, despite Song’s gentle reminders.11 So the diary reveals a deep love and respect for Song on Chiang’s part, and shows his dependence on her for his psychological stability.
It is, of course, natural that a wife should receive this kind of love and respect from her husband, and some people might think such a point not worth mentioning. But as most people know, Chiang had had at least three marriages, de jure or de facto.12 It is hard to find comparable evidence of love, respect, and harmonious relations in his marriage with his first wife Mao Fumei, or other spouses. Although some may argue that their marriage was political, Chiang had certainly gained a wife he could depend on, a stable domestic arrangement, and a source of new life. His diary makes it clear that from the time of the wedding Song had more influence on Chiang than anyone else.
Chiang’s affection for and trust in Song also can be confirmed in the will that he left for his two sons, Chiang Ching-kuo and Chiang Wei-kuo, in the wake of the Xi’an Incident. In the will he urged, ‘‘In my life Madam Song is my only wife. If you consider yourselves my sons, you must obey the words of your mother Madam Song at all times, which shall allow me rest in peace.’’13 We can also read from his diary entries on August 1938 that he trusted none of the military or civilian officials in the government, other than Song.14 Song later recalled that at the time of the wedding, her own religious belief was not profound enough for her to influence Chiang religiously as much as she should have; she believed that the one who influenced Chiang’s religious orientation was her own mother.15 While this might be
6Jiang Changchuan was the pastor of the Mu Er Church and a board member of the Methodist Church. See Xu Youchun, ed., Mingguo renwu dacidian [Grand Dictionary of Eminent People during the Republic Period] (Shijiazhuang: Hebei renmin chubanshe, 1991), 227–28. 7Jiang Jieshi riji, February 21, 1930. 8Ibid., August 15, September 4, 1930. 9Ibid., January 13, February 19, April 1, 9, June 19, 1928; January 28, February 2, 1929. 10Ibid., January 8, April 25, May 9, August 4, 1928. 11Ibid., January 2, 14, February 5, March 29, April 23, June 7, 8, 1928. 12After the wedding day of Chiang and Song was publicized, a ‘‘family note’’ published in the Minguo ribao [Republican Daily News] on 28 September 1927 announced that Chiang had officially divorced his first wife, Mao Fumei. He and two other women (Yao Yecheng and Chen Jieru) had never been officially married. 13The will was written on 20 December 1936. Jiang Jieshi riji, December 13, 1938. 14Jiang Jieshi riji, August 3, 1938. 15Song Meiling, ‘‘Wo de zong jiao guan,’’ 142–43.
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true, based on the diary entries mentioned above, there is no doubt about Song’s influence on Chiang, and about her important role in his becoming a Christian.
After Chiang married Song, his mother-in-law and wife constantly urged him to become Christian. He was finally baptized in late October 1930. At that time, Chiang visited Shanghai to find that his mother-in-law was on her deathbed. He was deeply touched by her, who had treated him as her own son. Reflecting that his own mother had died early and that he needed to pray that his mother-in-law might live longer, Chiang agreed to be baptized, so that she might enjoy peace of mind and a quick recovery.16 Chiang’s baptism was thus in part an expression of Confucian filial piety, showing the dual influences on him of Confucianism and Christianity. On the day after his baptism, he wrote in his diary, ‘‘The Three-People’s Principle is the faith of my political career; the Christian teaching is the only faith in my spiritual life. I urge myself to follow Jesus as the model to help the people and the world, without falling lax for any moment of my life.’’17
This shows that he had already established his religious faith by the time of his baptism. Pastor Jiang, who baptized Chiang, once said that what prompted Chiang to become
Christian was an occasion in 1928 or 1929, when he and his army were surrounded by the warlord enemies near Kaifeng. In that dire moment Chiang prayed for the tide to turn to his favor, and the day after his prayer, an unexpected snow fell, paralyzing the enemies. Soon his reinforcements arrived and the situation did turn in his favor. Subsequently, Chiang attrib- uted the miracle to God’s assistance.18 What Jiang referred to may be the occasion in early November 1929, when Chiang went to Yuxian County near Kaifeng to oversee a battle with Feng Yuxiang’s forces.19 This story is not confirmed in his diary, and it is difficult to determine how true it is to say that he became a Christian just because his prayers were answered on this occasion. But even if this tale is true, it does not negate the fact that he accepted Christianity on the foundations laid by his mother-in-law’s repeated urgings, in conjunction with his own religious experience.
Personal salvation and cultivation
As Chiang himself acknowledged, he began to develop his faith and became a clear believer of God during the Xi’an Incident in December 1936.20 During the incident, Chiang was placed under house arrest and lived in anxiety, for his life was then put on the line. Throughout the ordeal, Chiang had been thinking about Jesus’ last prayer in Gethsemane and the humiliations that He received during his trial; with these in mind, Chiang kept his spirits high.21 In other words, Chiang considered the hardship he went through to be part of the inevitable sacrifice that God planned for him; he would overcome his adversaries because Jesus had sacrificed himself. In his diary he wrote, ‘‘Now that I am faced with death, life and death are a matter of nothing but five minutes. I am not ashamed of being baptized – for it is like the suffering on the Cross: who would take the humiliation but myself?’’22
16Jiang Jieshi riji, October 23, 1930. 17Ibid., October 24, 1930. 18Dong Xianguang, Jiang zongtong zhuan [Biography of President Chiang] (Taipei: Zhongguo wenhua daxue chubanbu, 1980), 119–20. 19Li and Zhang, Chiang Kai-shek nianpu, 180. 20Chiang Kai-shek, ‘‘Minguo ershi liu nian yesu shounan jie zhengdao ci’’ [Testimony on the Passover in the Twenty-sixth Year of the Republic of China], in Guofu zongtong Jianggong ji furen zongjiao yanlun jiyao [Key Selection of Comments on Religion by Dr. Sun Yat-sen and Generalissimo Chiang and His Wife], ed. Liu Yaozhong (Taipei: Zhongyang wenwu gongyingshe, 1986), 51–52. 21Ibid., 52–53. 22Jiang Jieshi riji, December 19, 1936.
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On 22 December, Song went to Xi’an. Chiang wrote about how sad he was when he met with her, who risked her own life to come to the rescue. He also wrote that he had happened to read Jeremiah 31:22, and quoted part of the content, ‘‘The Lord will create a new thing on earth – a woman will surround a man.’’23 This quote is usually explained as God changing the spirit of the Israelite people so that they will be restored, and God protecting them as a mother would protect her sons. But Chiang understood this paragraph as God sending Song (the woman) to come to protect him (the man). Important is the fact that he prayed every morning, read the Bible, and believed that God had enlightened him. We can conclude that during the incident, Chiang entrusted his own situation and his own fate to God’s hand, and developed a faith in Christ by experiencing God’s protection.
The fact that Chiang fully accepted Christianity as his faith after the Xi’an Incident is also confirmed by diary entries at that time. After 1937, the entries that pertain to the Christian faith gradually increase, from which one can learn how he cultivated his faith by studying the Bible and praying, his faith increasingly enhanced through his daily life. For example, between 7 and 11 March 1937, every diary entry began with one of the Ten Commandments. Starting from Passover, 1937, he began to publicize a variety of testimo- nies about his own conversion experiences;24 the publication of these testimonies became gradually less frequent, but he continued to take down in his diary passages from the Bible that gave him enlightenment.25 It is clear that he then read the Bible regularly.
In addition, Chiang prayed twice a day,26 making a great effort to cultivate his personal morality. The daily schedules that he entered in the diary confirm the great efforts he made. In the late December schedule in 1938, there were morning and evening prayer sessions on Saturdays and Sundays, morning and evening meditations on Mondays, morning and evening Bible studies on Tuesdays, and morning and evening self-examinations on Wednesdays.27 This schedule had changed by late March of 1939, to one evening Bible study on Tuesdays, morning and evening prayer sessions on Wednesdays and Thursdays, a morning meditation on Fridays and Saturdays, and a self-examination on Saturday eve- nings.28 It is not clear what the contents of the meditations and self-examinations were, or how they differed from the contents of the prayer sessions, but we can assume that they are comparable. It can be concluded that Chiang’s daily life revolved around the Bible studies, self-examinations, and praying. Toward the 1940s, his knowledge of the Bible and personal religious cultivation had reached a fairly high level, so much so that he was able to help in translating the Bible.29 By late 1938, he had adopted Bible studies and prayer as an integral part of his daily routine, and devout religious cultivation had become part of his life.
In consequence of all this, Chiang came to believe that his life was not controlled by himself, but rather, was in God’s hands, something he took as an article of faith. In the diary entries of early 1939, he looked back at 1938 and wrote, ‘‘As I am finishing my memoirs of
23Ibid. 24Ibid., March 27, 1937. 25For instance, Isaiah 62:7 in Jiang Jieshi riji, August 1, 1937; Romans 1 about the day that was granted by God, Jiang Jieshi riji, October 23, 1938. 26Jiang Jieshi riji, December 24, 1938. 27Ibid., December 31, 1938. 28Ibid., March 30, 1939. 29Chiang had directly edited Wu Jingxiong’s translation of Psalms and the New Testament, which was published in November 1949 in Hong Kong. The edited manuscript, which is under Wu’s procession, bears the suggestions that Chiang entered. See Qin Xiaoyi, ed., Jiang Zhongzheng xiansheng shou gai sheng jing sheng yong yi gao [Manuscript of the Translation of Psalms, New Testament, Personally Edited by Chiang Kai-shek], 1–6 (Taipei: Photostat copy, 1986); Jiang Jieshi riji, October 31, November 8, December 11, 1945.
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the past year, I feel that the moment is not far where pain will be over and good fortune upon us, and that God is in charge on high above.’’30
National salvation and social reform
For the Christian Chiang Kai-shek, an important goal in his faith, other than personal salvation, peace, and moral cultivation, was national salvation, especially after the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in 1937. The diary he kept after the outbreak of the Sino–Japanese War records how frequently he prayed for China’s national salvation. In August 1937, deeply worried about possible disobedience from Han Fuju, a general charged with the defense of south Shandong, Chiang wrote, ‘‘I can only pray that God bless China, and hope that there will be no betrayal.’’31 He wrote again several days later, ‘‘I believe that God will not be false to my wife’s and my piety, so that God would bless China, and would eventually spare the country from invasions and destruction.’’32
As the war continued and Japanese aggression became ever more devastating, Chiang’s faith in national salvation through prayer was also strengthened. In early October 1938, Wuhan was under siege by Japanese forces. In his diary Chiang wrote, ‘‘I have completed planning the defense, deploying all the troops available, and the timing is also already ripe. I have tried my best, and will hereafter remain in peace in my heart . . . [the better to] to carry out God’s mission.’’33 Around mid-October, Japanese forces landed in Guangdong and the national crisis deepened. After taking a walk around Donghu Lake in Wuhan and pondering the situation, Chiang wrote, ‘‘The landscape remains the same as always, but the current situation worries and saddens me greatly. I believe that God will bless China, sparing it from the crisis and leading it toward peace and safety.’’34 In mid-November, Chinese forces accidentally caused a conflagration in the densely populated downtown area of Changsha, killing tens of thousands of people. Chiang was concerned that the accident might adversely affect China not only militarily but also politically, so he wrote, ‘‘I hope to grow strength in faith and lift up hopes with the faith.’’35 Again in early December he wrote: ‘‘God’s greatness can be seen in that He often turns crisis into peace at the last moment, which is indeed a miracle at the last moment.’’36
Chiang also confessed that China’s national crisis was due to his own sins, and was penitent on this account. A diary entry from mid-December 1938 reads, ‘‘I only pray that God will soon forgive me for my sins, so that my nation will soon escape from oppression and realize independence.’’37 Chiang’s penitence certainly stemmed from the Christian idea of original sins, which in turn demonstrates his Christian consciousness of sin. In the crisis of the Sino–Japanese War, Chiang then sought God’s blessing and, through God’s blessing, he hoped for national salvation. This sort of hope through faith became more intense as the war situation became more dire, and the outlook bleaker. Chiang’s diary shows that his faith-based hope gave rise to religious penitence, with him blaming the national crisis on his own sins.
30Jiang Jieshi riji, January 1, 1939. See ‘‘Benyue dashi yu ding biao’’ [Monthly Schedule]. 31Jiang Jieshi riji, August 1, 1937. 32Ibid., August 10, 1937. 33Ibid., October 2, 1938. 34Ibid., October 16, 1938. 35Ibid., November 16, 18, 1938. 36Ibid., December 1, 1938. 37Ibid., December 12, 1938.
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Chiang’s prayers for God’s help to save the nation from crisis and his constant seeking hope for salvation were sustained through to the end of the war. In the diary entry on 13 August 1945, right before Japan’s surrender, he wrote that the war had turned in China’s favor all because of God’s grace, and he expressed his gratitude to God on this account. In late October, he wrote in great detail about some dreams he had. In one dream, his wife Song fell in a muddy river and he jumped in to rescue her; in another dream he saw a full moon, one that, in his own words, was similar to one that he had seen in an earlier dream of a year ago (1944), on his birthday. In the end, he concluded that these were signs through which God had showed him a great and enlightened future.38
Another aspect of Chiang’s prayers for the peace of the nation is that they are related to a core element of Christianity, namely, the idea of ‘‘self-sacrifice.’’ For example, in a diary entry in mid-April 1937, he wrote, ‘‘It is the only goal and greatest honor for an individual with the Christian spirit of self-sacrifice to follow one’s own faith, sacrifice oneself for mankind, and offer service.’’39 In another entry in May 1937, he wrote, ‘‘One must sacrifice everything one owns for mankind, and have no fears about carrying the Cross, in order to gain true happiness.’’40 His emphasis on self-sacrifice is apparent from his incorporation of this spirit with the spirit of revolution. He stated: ‘‘I believe that today’s Christians not only have to follow the Christian idea of fraternity, but also to develop a fearless spirit of revolution – our entire nation needs faith in revolution, honorable morality and a Christian spirit of sacrifice.’’41
In addition to his hope for national salvation, Chiang also linked the Christian spirit of self-sacrifice to his criticisms of China’s social ills and efforts to reform these ills. In a late May 1937 diary entry, he wrote down what the nation most needed: hard work, service, discipline, complete unity, hygiene and austerity, modesty and sincerity. He singled out ‘‘hard work for sacrifice’’ and ‘‘complete discipline’’ as most important of all.42 Chiang’s criticisms of China’s social ills and his attempts to change them were consistent with the New Life Movement which was started in 1934, and which well reflected his belief that Chinese people needed guidance. Nonetheless, the New Life Movement was different in that he emphasized Confucian ethnics, such as li (rites), yi (righteousness), lian (incorruption), chi (sense of honor), whereas in his later attention to the reform of social ills, a Christian spirit, self-sacrifice and so on, were emphasized.43 For Chiang, Confucianism and Christianity were basic for China; he once stated, ‘‘For the Chinese people Confucianism is the authentic source of morality and ethics, and the ancestry of political philosophy, while religion, or Jesus Christ’s spirit of service and sacrifice ought to be the spiritual doctrine.’’44
This intimate but distinctive relationship between philosophy and religion encapsulates Chiang’s outlook.
Thus, during the national crisis of the Sino–Japanese War, Chiang prayed for God’s blessing and protection while repenting his sins, which had led to the national crisis. He
38That day, according to the solar calendar, was Chiang Kai-shek’s birthday. Jiang Jieshi riji, October 31, 1945. 39Jiang Jieshi riji, April 14, 1937. 40Ibid., May 11, 1937. 41Chiang Kai-shek, ‘‘Minguo sanshi san nian yesu shengdan jie gao quanguo jiaohui shu’’ [Letter to the Nation on the Christmas in the Thirty-third Year of the Republic], in Guofu zongtong Jianggong ji furen zongjiao yanlun jiyao [Key Selection of Comments on Religion by Dr. Sun Yat-sen and Generalissimo Chiang and His Wife], ed. Liu Yaozhong (Taipei: Zhongyang wenwu gongyingshe, 1986), 54–56. 42Jiang Jieshi riji, May 27, 1937. 43Chiang Kai-shek, ‘‘Minguo sanshi san nian yesu shengdan jie gao quanguo jiaohui shu,’’ 55. 44Jiang Jieshi riji, April 18, 1937.
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welded the Christian spirit of self-sacrifice to the principle of sacrifice for the revolution, and subsequently emphasized his own spirit of sacrifice, as a political statesman and a revolu- tionary. Finally, he developed a view that Christianity be used to reform Chinese society.
Conclusion
The above discussion can be summarized as follows. Chiang Kai-shek first became exposed to Christianity through his marriage with Song Meiling, a marriage usually viewed as simply political. To be more specific, Chiang accepted Christianity as his personal faith first because Ni Guizhen urged him to do so, but in this context Song’s influence on him during the early months of their marriage also played an important role; and Song’s influence bore results because he relied on and trusted in her. What decisively prompted his baptism was filial piety to his mother-in-law. Chiang’s conversion into a Christian thus demonstrates the dual char- acteristics of Confucianism and Christianity. Finally, his experience of prayer being answered during the battle near Kaifeng also helped propel him forward on the road to Christianity.
However, Chiang’s experience of being a true Christian with profound religious faith dates from the 20 or so days in December 1936 after the Xi’an Incident, when he was placed under house arrest. In the diary then, he wrote down how, in those dire moments, he thought of the humiliations that Jesus suffered as a way of overcoming adversity. He also interpreted Song’s coming to his rescue in a biblical context. In other words, Chiang became a true believer who trusted in God’s help in the wake of the Xi’an Incident. Subsequently, around 1938, Chiang embarked on a religious life that centered on regular Bible study and prayer sessions. After all these efforts, by the 1940s he had developed a fairly solid understanding of the Christian teaching, so much so that he was able to help correct translations of the Bible.
After becoming a Christian, Chiang’s goals entailed not only the pursuit of spiritual enrichment and moral cultivation at the personal level, but also the search for national salvation. Particularly after the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, when China was in deep crisis, his prayers were focused on China’s national salvation. In the face of the repeated defeats of Chinese forces and an increasingly bleak national situation, he became increasingly reliant on God’s grace, fervently praying for China’s liberation and independence. At this time, he wrote that it was his own sins that had led to the country’s suffering, and he displayed penitence. His prayers for national salvation continued through to the end of the war. In addition to this, he also emphasized the Christian spirit of sacrifice, together with his own spirit of self-sacrifice as a political leader and a revolutionary; he proposed a reform of Chinese society with the Christian ideas of sacrifice, service, and unity as the core ethos. Thus, Christianity provided Chiang with the most important means not only for his personal religious cultivation, but also for the achievement of national salvation and social reform.
In light of this diary, one of the most important questions left to be asked about Chiang is how, as a political leader and even a politician, he manifested his Christian faith and cultivation in practice. While the question is valid, the answer is not easy. For example, in late March 1937, after the Xi’an Incident, Chiang published his testimony of how the incident took place. When he discussed what to do with the rebels under Zhang Xueliang in the aftermath, he said, ‘‘I will follow the Lord Jesus in forgiving people seventy-seven times, and will give him a chance to renew himself.’’45 But it is not easy to prove whether or not he acted in a Christian spirit in managing the incident and punishing Zhang, or even whether the Christian teaching had determined his political decisions. On the basis of his diary, however, it can certainly be
45Chiang Kai-shek, ‘‘Minguo ershi liu nian yesu shounan jie zhengdao ci,’’ 52. Here Chiang makes reference to Matthew 18:22.
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stated that Christian teaching had a profound influence on the thinking and actions, in both his political and personal capacities. This is a subject deserving further research.
(translated by Li Yi)
Glossary
Changsha 长沙 Chen Jieru 陈洁如 chi 耻 Chiang Ching-kuo 蒋经国 Chiang Kai-shek 蒋介石 Chiang Wei-kuo 蒋纬国 Donghu Lake 東湖 Feng Yuxiang 冯玉祥 Guangdong 广东 Guangzhou 广州 Han Fuju 韩复榘 Jiang Changchuan 江长川 Kaifeng 开封 li 礼 lian 廉 Mao Fumei 毛福梅 Mu Er Church 慕爾堂 Nanjing 南京 Ni Guizhen 倪桂珍 Shandong 山东 Shanghai 上海 Song Ailing 宋霭龄 Song Meiling 宋美龄 Wuhan 武汉 Wu Jingxiong 吴经熊 Xi’an 西安 Yao Yecheng 姚冶诚 yi 义 Yuxian 禹县 Zhang Xueliang 张学良
Chinese Language Bibliography Beijingtushuguan,ed.北京图书馆编:《民国时期总书目（宗教）》,北京:书目文献出版社,1994年。 Chiang Kai–shek 蒋介石, ‘‘蒋介石日记’’, 美国斯坦福大学胡佛研究所藏, 1927–1930年、
1936–1939年、1945年。 ———‘‘民国二十六年耶稣受难节证道词’’、‘‘民国三十三年耶稣圣诞节告全国教会书’’, 刘耀
中编:《国父总统蒋公暨夫人宗教言论辑要》, 台北: 中央文物供应社, 1986年, 51–57页。 Dong Xianguang 董显光,《蒋总统传》, 台北: 中国文化大学出版部, 1980年。 LiYongandZhangZhongtian,eds.李勇、张仲田编:《蒋介石年谱》,北京:中共党史出版社,1995年。 Qin Xiaoyi, ed. 秦孝仪编:《蒋中正先生手改圣经圣咏译稿（1）–（6）》, 台北, 1986年, 影印本。 Song Meiling 宋美龄, ‘‘我的宗教观’’, 刘耀中编:《国父总统蒋公暨夫人宗教言论辑要》, 台北: 中
央文物供应社, 1986年, 139–46年。 Xu Youchun, ed. 徐友春主编:《民国人物大辞典》, 石家庄: 河北人民出版社, 1991年。 Yang Tianshi 杨天石,《找寻真实的蒋介石——蒋介石日记解读》, 香港: 三联书店, 2008年。 Zhang Qingjun and Meng Guoxiang 张庆军、孟国祥, ‘‘蒋介石与基督教’’,《民国档案》, 1997年, 1
期, 77–83。
Journal of Modern Chinese History 9
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A p p en d ix
1 . S p ri n g sc h ed u le , 1 9 3 9 (C h ia n g K ai -s h ek
D ia ry , 3 1 D ec em
b er
1 9 3 8 ).
S u n d ay
M o n d ay
T u es d ay
W ed n es d ay
T h u rs d ay
F ri d ay
S at u rd ay
7 :0 0 – 9 :0 0 A M
p ra y er
se ss io n
m ed it at io n
B ib le st u d y
se lf -r ef le ct io n
ex er ci se
co rr ec ti o n
p ra y er
9 :0 0 – 1 0 :0 0 A M
m em
o ri al w ee k
re ad in g
re ad in g
re ad in g
re ad in g
re ad in g
re ad in g
1 0 :0 0 A M – 1 2 :0 0 P M
m em
o ri al w ee k
re v ie w in g ,
tr ai n in g
re v ie w in g ,
tr ai n in g
re v ie w in g , tr ai n in g
re v ie w in g ,
tr ai n in g
re v ie w in g ,
tr ai n in g
re v ie w in g , tr ai n in g
2 :0 0 – 3 :0 0 P M
tr ai n in g
re st
re st
re st
re st
re st
re st
3 :0 0 – 4 :0 0 P M
tr ai n in g
re v ie w in g
re v ie w in g
re v ie w in g
re v ie w in g
re v ie w in g
re v ie w in g
4 :0 0 – 6 :0 0 P M
tr ai n in g
m il it ar y m ee ti n g
p ar ty
m ee ti n g
m ee ti n g g u es t
re g u la r m ee ti n g
re g u la r m ee ti n g
re g u la r m ee ti n g
8 :0 0 – 9 :0 0 P M
p ra y er
se ss io n ,
d ia ry -t ak in g
m ed it at io n ,
d ia ry -t ak in g
b ib le st u d y,
d ia ry -t ak in g
se lf -r ef le ct in g ,
d ia ry -t ak in g
ap p o in tm
en t,
d ia ry -t ak in g
ap p o in tm
en t,
d ia ry -t ak in g
p ra y er
se ss io n ,
d ia ry -t ak in g
A p p en d ix
2 . S u m m er
sc h ed u le , 1 9 3 9 (C h ia n g K ai -s h ek
D ia ry , 3 0 M ar ch
1 9 3 9 ).
S u n d ay
M o n d ay
T u es d ay
W ed n es d ay
T h u rs d ay
F ri d ay
S at u rd ay
7 :0 0 – 9 :0 0 A M
ex er ci se
(r ea d in g )
ex er ci se
(r ea d in g )
p ra y er
se ss io n
(r ea d in g )
p ra y er
se ss io n
(r ea d in g )
m ed it at in g
(r ea d in g )
m ed it at in g (r ea d in g )
9 :0 0 – 1 0 :0 0 A M
m em
o ri al w ee k
re v ie w in g
tr ai n in g
re v ie w in g
o rg an iz in g
re v ie w in g
tr ai n in g
1 0 :0 0 A M – 1 2 :0 0
P M
m em
o ri al w ee k
m ee ti n g
re v ie w in g
tr ai n in g
re v ie w in g
o rg an iz in g
re v ie w in g
re p o rt -g at h er in g fr o m
en to u ra g e
3 :0 0 – 4 :0 0 P M
m em
o ri al w ee k
m ee ti n g
ap p o in tm
en t
se lf - ex am
in in g
g u es t m ee ti n g
ap p o in tm
en t
se lf -e x am
in in g
g u es t m ee ti n g
4 :0 0 – 6 :0 0 P M
m em
o ri al w ee k
m ee ti n g
p re ss co n fe re n ce
p re ss co n fe re n ce
p re ss
co n fe re n ce
p re ss
co n fe re n ce
p re ss
co n fe re n ce
p re ss
co n fe re n ce
8 :0 0 – 9 :0 0 P M
d ia ry -t ak in g
B ib le st u d y
m ak e- u p
cl ea n in g
sp ec ia l
ap p o in tm
en t
S el f- re fl ec ti n g
10 Bae Kyounghan
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