4 pages paper with a assigned title

Asian American Ethnic Options: How Cambodian Students Negotiate Ethnic Identities in a U.S. Urban Schoolaeq_1096 341..359 VICHET CHHUON University of Minnesota

CYNTHIA HUDLEY University of California, Santa Barbara

Research suggests that Cambodian students often endure conflicting ethnic stereotypes from larger society and their school and communities. We examine the ways in which Cambodian youth negotiated their ethnic identities in response to these stereotypes and argue that Cambodian students adopted, rejected, and affirmed certain ethnic identities in relation to perceived advantages associated with different labels across varying school contexts. [Asian American identity, Cambodian/Khmer students, ethnic stereotypes, model minority]

Cambodian students in the United States are often viewed within an Asian American collective that assumes all Asian-descent students are academically successful, as propa- gated by the model minority stereotype of Asian American students (Lee 1996; Ng et al. 2007). As a result, Cambodian students are critically underserved in U.S. schools and underresearched in the literature. At the same time, those few studies that have been carried out with Cambodian students as a disaggregated ethnic group have presented conflicting images in the research literature and in the schools. Research suggests that although Cambodian students tend to be perceived by the larger society through the lens of the model minority stereotype, they often endure low expectations from teachers and counselors in their local high schools (Chhuon et al. 2010; Ngo and Lee 2007; Reyes 2007; Um 2003). These local stereotypes cast Cambodian youth as low academic achievers, delinquents, and dropouts (Chhuon and Hudley in press; Chhuon et al. 2010; Um 2003). The extant literature, however, has paid scant attention to these complex and contradictory representations of Cambodian students. In this article, we examine how these conflicting perceptions might influence Cambodian students’ decisions about their ethnic identity in school and the consequences of these decisions for their school experience.

Previous research with academically successful Cambodian students documented that students’ awareness of the negative local perceptions of their ethnic group influenced them to distance themselves from their Cambodian ethnic identity in both their high school and their community (Chhuon 2009; Chhuon and Hudley 2008). Ethnic disidenti- fication for some Cambodian students may be related to their understanding of the U.S. racial hierarchy and the model minority stereotype. For these students, conforming to the model minority label can come at the cost of their own ethnic identity, and may result in ethnic identity conflict (Sue and Sue 2002; Uba 1994). Internalizing an essentializing, albeit positive, view of Asian Americans may encourage some Cambodian students to adopt negative feelings and misconceptions toward their own ethnic group. Additionally, Asian American students who embrace this stereotype might feel unrealistic pressures to achieve that undermine their schooling (Louie 2004). Hence, how Cambodian students resolve this conflict between societal stereotype and ethnic identification has implications for their academic achievement and well being in school.

Research on the school performance of Cambodian students consistently shows that Cambodian youth perform less well academically than students from other ethnic groups

Anthropology & Education Quarterly, Vol. 41, Issue 4, pp.341–359, ISSN 0161-7761, online ISSN 1548-1492. © 2010 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI:10.1111/j.1548-1492.2010.01096.x.

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(Kim 2002; Pfeifer 2008; Portes and Rumbaut 2006). Recent analyses from the 2005 Ameri- can Community Survey revealed that less than half (40.1 percent) of all Cambodians 25 years and older residing in the United States reported attainment of a high school educa- tion (Pfeifer 2008). Moreover, only 11.1 percent of Cambodians in the United States have earned a four-year college degree, far below the national average for Asian Americans (44 percent) and the total population (17.2 percent; Pfeifer 2008). Given these data, Cambodian children are described as being at risk of assimilating into the lowest social and economic segments of U.S. society (Portes and Rumbaut 2006). However, a critical limitation of this literature is the lack of attention to how Cambodian students experience ethnic stereo- types at their school, and how these stereotypes relate to identity and school achievement. Although these studies have contributed to our understanding of Cambodian students as a disaggregated subgroup, our research extends this literature by examining the experi- ences of high and low achievers through an alternative framework that focuses on how Cambodian students understand and reconcile the conflicting images of their ethnic group in school. Specifically, we argue that Cambodian students adopted, rejected, and affirmed certain ethnic identities in relation to perceived advantages associated with their school contexts. Our analyses revealed two distinct groups of Cambodian students—those who identified panethnically as Asian American and benefited from the model minority ste- reotype, and those who embraced a Cambodian ethnic identity. Within the latter group of Cambodian identifiers, some students sought to disrupt the negative perceptions of Cam- bodian youth while others responded by generally upholding the problematic stereotypes of their ethnic group. This study adds to a small but growing body of work that compli- cates the view of Southeast Asian students in U.S. schools (Lee 2005; McGinnis 2009; Ngo 2009; Skilton-Sylvestor 2002; Wright 2010) by zooming in on the process through which adolescent high school youth chose to ethnically identify, as well as the consequences of those choices.

Theoretical Framework

Following the social constructionist view, ethnic identity refers to how individuals choose to identify with a particular group based on cultural similarities including religion and language as well as perceptions of political and material interests (Cornell and Hartman 1998; Omi and Winant 1994). Many scholars agree that ethnicity is a socially constructed phenomenon that can embody various social meanings in multiple contexts (Barth 1969; Cornell and Hartman 1998; Nagel 1994; Omi and Winant 1994). This view posits an interactional process of ethnic identity. That is, although members construct and reconstruct their ethnic boundaries, these boundaries are also shaped in response to changing social contexts (Barth 1969; Nagel 1994). Individuals are not passive recipients of ethnic labels, but are active agents in the development of the various meanings associated with their ethnic groups.

Research on the identity dilemmas of African descent youth, for example, have shown the multiple influences on students’ identity decisions. Interviews with black immigrants and their children in New York City (Waters 1999) revealed that immigrant students’ ethnic identification was significant for their school outcomes. African and West Indian immigrant families prefer their children to maintain their ethnic identities and not adopt an African American racial identity both to preserve cultural traditions and because of the negative stereotypes associated with being African American, including poor school achievement. Some research has suggested the opposite pattern for Cambodians; an ethnic Cambodian identification is perceived as detrimental to supporting a positive academic identity (Chhuon et al. 2010; Reyes 2007; Um 2003). For Cambodians, whose ethnic

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category is obscured by a positive panethnic overgeneralization, it is unclear how their children might be socialized in response to this societal stereotype.

Other research has sought to extend the social constructionist understanding of ethnic identity by focusing on the development of panethnicity (Espiritu 1992; Vo 2004). This literature posits that a panethnic identity, such as Asian American, is adopted when individuals recognize that political and material interests are gained through a more collective identification (Espiritu 1992; Rhoads et al. 2002). Individuals belonging to smaller ethnic populations, including Cambodians, might see considerable incentive for adopting the larger Asian American label in pursuit of obtaining social, economic, and psychological benefits for themselves and their community. Lee’s (1996) research on Asian American high school students from many Asian subgroups found that most participants embraced panethnic identities for primarily instrumental reasons such as learning English and combating racism. Lee’s Asian American participants were well aware of their group status in relation to their school’s racial politics, and believed that their ethnic identity choices were functional in nature. For instance, Lee observed that Korean students tended to disassociate themselves from a panethnic identity when Southeast Asians were included as part of the group. Some preferred to assert their ethnic Korean identity in these situations because they negatively stereotyped Vietnamese and Cambodian students at the school, including perceptions that these students wore cheap clothing and received welfare benefits.

An Asian American panethnic identity in U.S. society is inextricably bound to the model minority stereotype that portrays Asian-descent students as uniformly high achiev- ing. As such, panethnic identification for Asian American youth might serve as both a resource and racist burden at school (Kibria 2002). This panethnic label, linked to the model minority stereotype, situates Asians above other ethnic minorities although not equal to the white majority in the U.S. racial hierarchy. Research with Haitian immigrant youth has found that many youth prefer to go “undercover” with their ethnic Haitian identities (Zephir 2001). Zephir notes that “undercover Haitian youth believe that there is absolutely nothing to be gained from claiming any sort of Haitianness” (2001:99), there- fore elect to identify as African American. In school, some Asian-descent students might also go undercover and embrace the positive stereotype of Asian Americans as high achievers as a means for achieving a positive academic identity. Students who identify panethnically may be more inclined to perceive themselves as recipients of positive expec- tations from teachers, peers, and other institutional agents. Research has well documented that high teacher expectations can result in more positive student–teacher contact and higher grades for some students (Brophy 1983). As such, some Asian American students, including Cambodians, might view a panethnic identity as an important correlate for a positive academic identity in school.

Research with first- and second-generation Chinese American college students, for example, revealed that some high achieving students benefited from the model minority stereotype (Louie 2004). Higher achievers shared that being a good student was synony- mous with their Chinese identities and consistent with societal expectations. These par- ticipants suggested that the stereotype garnered them high expectations from their family, peers, and community. However, they also reported that their education overall was often stressful because of constant pressures to excel. Many Asian American students, similar to those in Louie’s study, find that living up to the model minority stereotype is a burden. Unlike Louie’s Chinese participants however, Cambodian students experience a double perception by U.S. society. As mentioned, they are seen as Asian high achievers, on the one hand, and Cambodian low achieving dropouts, on the other hand (Ngo and Lee 2007; Um 2003). How Cambodians negotiate these labels has important implications for their well being and achievement in school.

Chhuon and Hudley Asian American Ethnic Options 343

Although few Asian American youth with immigrant parents, a group that includes all of the student informants in this study, would identify themselves with a panethnic label at home, Asian American panethnicity at school carries with it important consequences for Cambodian students. In this study, Cambodian students were found to have what Waters (1990) refer to as an “ethnic option” in that they could identify as Asian American and fall under a model minority stereotype, as well as see themselves as ethnically Cambodian, an often stigmatized ethnic label in their school and community. However, when the white European American participants in Waters’s earlier study elected to assert their ethnic backgrounds, these identities were largely symbolic and had little meaningful impact on their lives. In many contexts, the ethnic identity decisions of our Cambodian student informants resulted in much greater consequences for their school experiences. As Kang and Lo note in their analyses of ethnic identity positioning within the Korean American community, “it is not so much the terms themselves that point to different concepts of identity positioning, as it is the discourses in which they are embedded” (2004:94). Con- tributing to the literature on a critically underserved population, our study describes how Cambodian students understood the various stereotypes and discourses associated with their ethnic (Cambodian) and panethnic groups (Asian American)1 at school. The broad literature on the model minority stereotype frequently discusses this concept as a hege- monic tool that is imposed on Asian American students and reinforced by the dominant group (see Ng et al. 2007 for a review). Other research has documented that Asian Ameri- can students are often aware of this overgeneralization and benefit from positive percep- tions associated with the stereotype (Kibria 2002; Louie 2004; Teranishi 2002). We argue that students’ ethnic identity choices were significant for their school experiences, and describe how Cambodian students negotiated certain identities in relation to perceived advantages associated with these ethnic labels across varying school contexts.

Community and School Context

The research presented in this article is part of a larger study on Cambodian high school students’ academic achievement and identity conducted during the 2007–08 school year. The setting for this study was one high school in a large southern California school district. This site is significant because this district serves the largest Cambodian community in the United States. In contrast to other Asian American enclaves (e.g., Little Saigon in Orange County, California), this Cambodian enclave is an impoverished community,2 with limi- tations on educational resources and college attendance rates that are typical of poor communities everywhere. Although white European American residents comprise approximately 50 percent of the population in this city, the inner-city community in which this study takes place is largely made up of Cambodian, African American, and Latino families (Chan 2004). Comprehensive High School (CHS)3 is a racially and economically diverse school. During the 2006–07 school year, the reported student enrollment was approximately 4,700, and 60 percent of students were eligible for free or reduced price lunch. The student body comprised 27 percent African American, 27 percent Asian (incl. Cambodian), 26 percent Latino, 12 percent white, 6 percent Filipino, and 2 percent Pacific Islander. In the school’s surrounding neighborhood, streets are lined with Cambodian businesses including auto repair shops, jewelry stores, ethnic grocery stores, and restaurants.

CHS is the oldest high school in the district and is well known for its highly selective college preparation programs and its current school-within-schools system called “acad- emies.” These academies are curricular themed, small learning communities, and all students participate in one academy. Observations at the school and conversations with current and former students and counselors suggest that the boundaries between the

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different academies are clearly marked, and the academic hierarchy of these programs is well understood by students, teachers, and administrators. Students who are not admitted into the school’s three most selective “magnet” academies (Intensive College Prep, Math– Science, World Commerce) must participate in one of the school’s three less prestigious and less selective academies (Humanities, Business, Communication). Staff and students often referred to the school’s magnet academies as the “higher” academies, and many Asian American students participated in these three programs.

Data Collection

Participant-observation was carried out by the first author for the majority of the 2007–08 academic year. Here, particular attention was paid to the ways students discussed and presented their ethnic and panethnic identities across different settings. Ethnographic observations can be advantageous for understanding the tensions between students’ ethnic and academic identities in context (Nasir and Saxe 2003). Approximately eight months of participation-observation were carried out at CHS. Much of the first few weeks were spent on getting to know staff and becoming familiar with the school’s terrain.4 Over time, observations at CHS became more frequent. By the start of the second semester (late January), participant observation was carried out almost daily until the end of the school year in June.5 After receiving teacher permission, regular observations of English, math, and social studies classes were conducted approximately twice a week. In some cases, Chhuon played multiple roles in these classrooms. For instance, many teachers asked him to jump in on class discussion, help with mundane tasks, and in one case he was asked to coteach a lesson. Moreover, observation of youth inside and outside of class was significant for gaining insight into how students presented and negotiated their ethnic identities. Observations during lunch, during passing periods, and after school emphasized stu- dents’ “voice” and centered on how students presented themselves to peers and adults. Field notes were written daily either at the research site or shortly afterward.

As well, Cambodian students (n = 52) drawn from across the school’s various academic programs were recruited to be interviewed for the study. Our sample is balanced by both gender (28 female and 24 male) and academy assignment (23 from magnet academies and 29 from nonmagnet academies). Time spent in the school by the first author–researcher was advantageous for recruiting participants and familiarizing him with potential infor- mants. In general, purposeful sampling techniques were used to recruit the appropriate range of participants. For instance, teachers and students often nominated other individu- als whom they thought would be helpful for this research. Those individuals who fit the study’s criteria (e.g., ethnicity, grade level, gender, academy assignment) were contacted by phone, e-mail, or in person to participate in the study. Each interview, lasting approxi- mately 75 minutes, was designed to more deeply understand, from various perspectives, factors that influenced Cambodian students’ academic achievement and well being in school. In addition to student interviews, individual interviews were carried out with 15 teachers, 5 counselors, 4 administrators, 2 school psychologists, 1 librarian, and 2 teachers’ aides. We aimed for breadth and depth in the selection of student and adult informants.

All of the student informants in this study were familiar with the researcher prior to the formal interview, having already met him either in a classroom or outside of class through friends. These interviews were described to potential informants simply as “a conversa- tion with a purpose” (Marshall and Rossman 1995:80). However, systematic interviews were critical for making inferences about how individual students, teachers, and other significant adults conceptualize issues of ethnicity, panethnicity, and academic achieve- ment. The use of open-ended interviews enabled students to describe other aspects of their lives relevant to their ethnic identities and school experiences. Comments about discrimi-

Chhuon and Hudley Asian American Ethnic Options 345

nation, institutional inequities, and the complex meanings of ethnic labels suggested that the relationship between achievement and ethnic identities required a closer look. Audio- taped interviews were carried out over a six-month period in classrooms, offices, and the cafeteria.

We also collected data from demographic surveys and official district and school documents. Prior to each individual interview, the student informants were asked to complete a demographic questionnaire to gather information on age, grade, school, grade point average, specific academic program, family structure, U.S. generation, parental level of education, parent occupation, eligibility for free or reduced lunch, and bilingual skills. Publicly available district and school documents were also collected to better understand the nature of the curricular programs in this district.

Researchers’ Perspective and Data Analysis

Our interest in this research stems in part from our own ethnic and professional identities. It is important to note that Chhuon is a Cambodian American researcher who has lived the great majority of his life in the United States and is a product of the American public school system. Hudley is an African American scholar who has examined the influence of stereotypes on achievement motivation in ethnic minority youth. It was particularly important for Chhuon, as the lead researcher, to regularly reflect on how his ethnic, gender, class, and community outsider status influenced how informants react to him. For example, trust was far from being automatic during his fieldwork. Particularly early on, some administrators were cautious about his presence on campus. However, it is likely that much anxiety was alleviated after learning that the study would focus primarily on students and less so on the staff. Nevertheless, this study was approached from an “outsider within” status as we drew on our “personal and cultural biographies” as sources of understanding of our informants (Collins 1986:529). We also followed Peshkin’s (1991) advice for qualitative researchers to critically examine their position vis-à-vis the subject under study. Peshkin (1991) challenged scholars to not only admit their subjectivities but also to understand, attend to, and consider subjectivity as an embedded asset in their work. For instance, Chhuon’s ethnic background was a definite asset in his relationship with students regardless of differences in age and educational background. Although we cannot say every student was comfortable, most seemed to be. Cambodian students freely used Cambodian/Khmer terms to explain certain situations and openly shared personal anecdotes relating to culture, family, teachers, and friends.

After the interviews were transcribed, transcripts were openly coded to allow themes to emerge from the data and become aggregated into common domains (Emerson et al. 1995; Miles and Huberman 1994; Spradley 1979). Although concepts derived from the literature helped to guide our initial inquiry, the emergence of other concepts during the analysis informed the data collection throughout the school year. After open coding, each transcript was examined for common patterns and themes to create core categories for each interview (LeCompte and Schensul 1999). Core categories were then examined in cross-case analyses to identify larger themes across informants. In the final step, core categories from all interviews were grouped and analyzed from the different perspectives of our informants in relation to the research questions. During the data analysis, our ethnically diverse research team sought to stay as close to the data as possible in our coding and interpretation of the interviews.6

Similarly, field note data were transcribed and underwent an initial process of open coding to most accurately describe the events in the notes. Having identified important patterns relevant to the study, a more fine grained analysis of notes helped to “identify patterns and variations in the relationships and in the ways that members understand and

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respond to conditions and contingencies in the social setting” (Emerson et al. 1995:162). Member checking procedures further ensured the trustworthiness of our interpretations. For instance, follow-up with informants to share transcripts, ideas, and emerging themes helped ensure that observations and notes accurately reflected what they said.

Findings

The Lay of the Land: Cambodian Students at Comprehensive High

Although Cambodians were a major student group at Comprehensive High, their presence on campus was not reflected in the school and the district’s data on student ethnic backgrounds. At the beginning of fieldwork, the researcher (Chhuon) asked for the number of Cambodian students enrolled at the school, but the administrator in charge of enrollment explained that the district classified Cambodians as “Asian.” In this way, Asian represented an institutionally imposed label ascribed to many Asian-descent youth in this district despite the community’s ethnic heterogeneity. Filipino students, interestingly, were not aggregated within this panethnic label in the district. This was likely because of the different sociohistorical positions that larger Asian American groups, such as Filipi- nos, occupy in U.S. society (particularly in California) as influenced by differences in immigration, population size, and political power. In contrast, the considerably fewer number of Cambodians in the United States often makes them a more statistically negli- gible community.7 The researcher’s assessment of Cambodian student enrollment at CHS relied on identifying those students whose home language is Khmer.8 At the same time, some CHS staff hinted at the evolving demographic complexities experienced at the school. Early on, one administrator explained about CHS: “Actually, we’re heavy in Cam- bodians; quite a few Cambodians here. Before at this school, when you talked about Asians, you think about Japanese and Chinese but it’s not like that anymore.” Early observations confirmed these comments. For instance, as Chhuon walked around the school’s main quad area during lunch, he noticed many more young Southeast Asian faces than he had seen at any other high school he had visited including nearby schools. Although he could not say for certain which students were ethnically Cambodian, CHS was located in a large Cambodian community and many Cambodian children attended the high school.

Throughout the school year, CHS staff and students routinely described Asian Ameri- can students as “motivated,” “serious,” “hardworking,” and “bright.” In short, Asian- background students were seen as the smartest students and were expected to be in the most selective academies. The following quote from one teacher is indicative of this perception:

How do I think Asian American kids are seen at this school? (Pause) You know, I actually went to school not too far from here in the old days. Old days to you I’m sure (laughter). Anyways, I remember the Asians always kicking our butts in school, to be blunt. They always were more serious I guess than most of the kids. I had lots of Asian friends since I was in the [high track] at [names a local high school]. The truth is I don’t think things have changed that, or too much. The Asians at this school are still the most serious students. I mean it’s no wonder really if you look at how they’re raised, right? Just go look at the [magnet academies] classes. Maybe I’m not supposed say this, but you’ll see what I’m talking about.

In addition to reminiscing about how Asian American students have been doing well since he was a local high schooler in the 1980s, this teacher, a white male in his forties, hinted at a belief that this success stems largely from Asian family values, as consistent with the model minority stereotype. Unfortunately, this stereotype of Asian Americans usually

Chhuon and Hudley Asian American Ethnic Options 347

came at the expense of Cambodian students’ ethnic identities. As well, Cambodian youth often spoke about the successful image of Asian American students in contrast to less positive views of Cambodian students. For example, Brenda, a Cambodian student in a magnet academy, described how Cambodians were perceived:

Like, the other Asian ethnicities, they’re more advanced. We’re use to living in the ghetto. Well most of the Cambodians here in [city of research site], and most of us, like especially guys and stuff they’re like poor and into crime and stuff like that. But then it’s different from other Asians, like Koreans, they’re more into school and more concentrated on it.

Whereas Asian students from other ethnic backgrounds were associated with high achievement and academic motivation, Cambodians were assumed to be poor, low achiev- ing, and involved in crime. And although Brenda brings up Koreans in particular, Cam- bodian students’ reference to “other Asians” usually meant those students from East Asian backgrounds, including Chinese American, Japanese American, and Korean American peers. At CHS, many of these “other Asians” were enrolled in the elite magnet academies.

Although Cambodian students were well represented in the less selective Business, Humanities, and Communication academies, few Cambodian students were enrolled in the three magnet academies. Unlike Cambodian students in magnet classes whose peer groups often comprised white and other Asian-background students, Cambodian stu- dents from the “lower academies” tended to associate with other Cambodian students from similar academies. Gina, a Business academy student, shared that in her classes “there are a lot of Cambodians, the same, difference you know? Well you know, the classes I have, I think there are way more African Americans and Cambodians in the classes. I think they are one of the two main ethnicities that we have.” In her interview, Sharon lamented the ethnic stratification she observed across CHS. When asked about her academy, she chose to comment about nonmagnet academies in general:

That’s where they put all of the minorities [nonmagnet academies]. Well, what I know of because like everyone that knows each other, everyone that hangs out with each other and CHS like is always like that . . . there’s a majority of minorities and Asians, like Cambodians, and Blacks, and Hispanics. I barely see any Whites. That’s not right.

When describing “Asians” enrolled in nonmagnet academies, students usually clarified to mean Cambodian students. As Sharon keenly discerned, the CHS academy system repre- sented an academic hierarchy where certain ethnic groups, including Cambodians, were largely absent near the top. To be sure, lower expectations and fewer resources found in the nonmagnet academies were experienced by students from other ethnic backgrounds as well as Cambodian students in the “lower” academies. However, Cambodian students in these academies were in an especially precarious position because they often had to straddle a double perception of their racial and ethnic group by staff and peers in school. Cambodian students were faced with ethnic identity decisions that shaped how they might be seen and treated as well as how they perceived themselves. Cambodian students’ sense of social and academic self was profoundly influenced by whether others viewed them through a stigmatized ethnic label such as Cambodian, or through a positive distortion represented by the model minority stereotype and associated with a panethnic label.

Negotiating Ethnic and Panethnic Identities

Cambodian students at CHS were very aware of the varying levels of status that certain ethnic and panethnic identities held, both in school and in larger society, and they often negotiated their identities in response to their understanding of this hierarchy. Although

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Cambodian students all viewed themselves as both Cambodian and Asian American, students attached different meanings and usages to these ethnic identity labels. Ethnic and panethnic identities were not just descriptive labels but represented differing expectations and behaviors. We discuss how Cambodian students negotiated their ethnic identities by focusing on two groups: those that identified panethnically and those that embraced a Cambodian ethnic identity.

Panethnic Identifiers

Panethnic identifiers tended to be Cambodian students enrolled in magnet programs. Seventy-eight percent (18 of 23) of our magnet informants explicitly described a prefer- ence for panethnicity. Although these students identified as Cambodian, they were gen- erally uncomfortable with solely a Cambodian ethnic identity. For example, Vanna explained:

Well people always ask me, “What are you?” I say I’m Asian and they say, “No, but what are you?” I think it’s funny to go on and on. I identify myself as being Asian just because it’s easier to say that I’m part of this group. Because obviously I’m Asian. I look that way. But like within the Asian community they ask me what are you? And I say I’m Chinese because I guess I think it like just looks better sometimes. I mean, I’m half anyways.

Vanna’s explanation illuminates students’ ambivalence with being perceived as Cambo- dian in school. Although Vanna stated that she typically responds to questions about her background with “I’m Asian,” she admits this should be obvious, while noting that she stresses her mixed background identity (Chinese Cambodian)9 because it “just looks better sometimes.” Cambodian students like Vanna explained that they often emphasized their “other half” because of the negative images associated with the Cambodian ethnicity. More often, they preferred the panethnic label at school. A number of Cambodian students described themselves as “less ghetto” and did not want to be associated with Cambodian peers whom they perceived as trouble makers or those that did not care about school. In these cases, the students they were generally referring to were Cambodians enrolled in the “lower” academies.

Although students identified as ethnically Cambodian generally, Cambodian magnet students usually considered the Asian American panethnic label to be more salient at school. For example, Steven, a senior, said that he identified panethnically “to give a broader sense for probably someone who has not met me before. Like ‘oh yeah I’m Asian.’ [My friends] would say they’re Asian too.” A major reason cited for this identifi- cation was their participation in ethnically diverse peer groups formed through class. Different from nonmagnet classrooms, magnet academies were largely comprised of white American students and Asian American students of ethnic backgrounds other than Cambodian. Davy shared: “I have a Korean friend, a Vietnamese friend, and a Jewish friend, yeah, so most of them aren’t [Cambodian] because there weren’t that many Cam- bodian people. Like, actually the only one . . . there’s only one other Cambodian in [Inten- sive College Prep] that I know of.” Observations of a number of magnet classes confirmed that few other Cambodians students were indeed enrolled. Steven’s preference for pan- ethnicity was attributed to a lack of opportunity for getting to know Cambodian peers. Interestingly, he explained that he preferred to identify himself to others panethnically although he would already be phenotypically identified as “Asian.” On the one hand, for Steven, panethnicity was linked to an image of himself and high achieving other Asian friends. He added that he regretted not having made many Cambodian friends at CHS, despite the school having “probably way too many Cambodians for one place (laughter).”

Chhuon and Hudley Asian American Ethnic Options 349

On the other hand, Davy explained that even if more Cambodian students were in her classes, she still would participate in more ethnically diverse peer groups that did not include Cambodians. When asked about this preference, she responded this way: “A lot of Khmer kids hanging out in one place will usually get into trouble. Period.” During the nutrition and lunch breaks, Davy typically hung out with white American students and one Korean American friend near where other magnet students congregated. Davy explained that she was better off socially and academically by avoiding other Cambodian students at school. When asked about how she came to this decision, Davy, a first-year student, stated that she was mostly following advice from friends and older siblings that attended CHS. Her impression of Cambodian students was shaped largely by the circu- lating stereotypes of Cambodian students in her school and community. For students like Davy, panethnicity in school was developed in response to the negative images associated with Cambodian youth.

Cambodian students also chose to embrace panethnicity in school because they per- ceived it as a path to a positive academic identity. For example, an Asian American label meant that teachers and students would view them as high achievers, rather than aca- demic strugglers. Brenda, a magnet student, stated that “When I’m seen as Cambodian, for some reasons it lowers the view. That makes me feel proud to be seen as Asian. I want to be seen as Asian. I don’t know why, but it’s like when you’re Asian you’re good at math, and stuff like that.” Not only were youth like Brenda considered good in math when they are perceived panethnically but also they were not associated with negative characteristics attached to stereotypes of Cambodian students such as poverty and low school achieve- ment. Although these students did not deny their ethnic heritage when asked, they preferred panethnicity because of the flattering nature of this label. These Cambodian students well understood the model minority stereotype of Asian American students and used it to their advantage.

Although the majority of panethnic identifiers were enrolled in magnet academies, some nonmagnet Cambodian students also preferred a panethnic identity because of its perceived advantages. Different from magnet classes, nonmagnet courses enrolled many Cambodian students; however, students from other ethnic backgrounds (primarily Latino and African American) often perceived their Cambodian peers in model minority ways. Pich, a Humanities academy student, described the advantage in this way:

Like the other Asians, like the East Asians for example. Like, they all have degrees. Their parents all live in pretty kind of houses, you know? They all have money and I don’t know I feel like they want, sometimes I’d rather say just Asian than to say Cambodian because of that stereotype. Some people wouldn’t even know and some are like “Oh okay” and then they have this assumption and like yeah let people assume because I rather have them assume good things about me than bad things.

As Pich explained, positive assumptions about Asian Americans afforded Cambodian students more positive academic and ethnic identities at school. How Cambodian stu- dents understood these identities and how they ethnically identified themselves combined with how they felt others saw them held important consequences for their school experi- ences. For Pich, if she were ascribed an Asian American label, she would likely be considered to be from East Asian descent and people would “assume good things” about her. Further, her quote suggested that she herself believed that all East Asians were educated and well off. Likewise, this stereotype is alluded to in Yesenia’s admission: “I think people think, like, Asian people are smart. . . . I’m okay with it because it’s good for me. . . . But it’s not like I’m smarter than them . . . but then I know they think I’m smarter.” Even though Yesenia knew that she was not brighter than her classmates, she perceived a benefit from being thought of as “smarter” by her non–Asian American peers. In class, this

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perception led to Cambodian students being asked by their peers to join them in group work and for help on assignments. This was especially true for nonmagnet Cambodian students in math class, a subject that Asian Americans were stereotypically expected to excel in. Generally however, the panethnic label was linked to a feeling of raised expectations and more positive academic identities for Cambodian students across all academies.

Some Cambodian students described a more complicated view of the consequences of ethnic and panethnic identities in school. A panethnic label, while positive, resulted both in positive and negative anxiety in school. Despite its advantages, some students were clearly troubled by the panethnic label because it was constructed at the expense of their ethnic Cambodian identity. Veasna, a sophomore in a magnet program, explained in his interview:

I think it’s okay for that person to say “I’m saying that Asians are smart.” I think it’s really a compliment. It’s not an insult. But it gets kind of annoying because of [other Asians’] superiority. It feels that way like when you’re around them. They think that they’re so smart. I don’t know. I just, it just feels like they are not like respecting you equally. Where they don’t even want you to be in their group because you’re not very smart and stuff. . . . I think it’s because I’m Cambodian, but I can’t prove it. It sort of makes me feel kind of mad at myself; why am I not as good as them?

Although Veasna generally did not mind the assumption that all Asian Americans are smart, he often focused on perceived discrimination from other Asian American students, particularly in math. In math class however, Veasna seemed to get along well with all of his classmates. His rhetorical question “why am I not as good as them?” revealed a genuine insecurity despite Veasna’s status as one of the best students in his class, as stated by his math teacher. When asked about this discrepancy in a later conversation, Veasna rational- ized that much of his insecurities related to his “living around the corner” and his family’s lack of college tradition whereas he believed that other Asian American peers had college- educated parents and lived in wealthier communities. For Veasna and other Cambodian students, residency near CHS reflected their low socioeconomic status given the school’s physical location in a poor urban community.

Nevertheless, for most Cambodian students, the perception of the model minority as a characteristic of their race was viewed quite positively. Those who talked about paneth- nicity associated that identity with high academic achievement and intelligence. Research has well documented that students’ perceptions of high expectations generally leads to more positive feelings about school (Brophy 1983). Our findings suggest that Cambodian students, particularly those enrolled in the school’s most academically prestigious schools- within-schools programs, strategically adopted a panethnic identity in school. Although many refuted this gross overgeneralization, Cambodian students also welcomed the application of these stereotypes to themselves, although certainly at a cost.

Cambodian Identifiers

In contrast to panethnic identifiers, Cambodian students from less rigorous academic environments often held less negative attitudes toward their Cambodian identity. Cam- bodian students from nonmagnet academies often expressed a more explicit Cambodian identity and they understood well the negative perceptions that some people held about Cambodians. Twenty-three of the 29 (79 percent) nonmagnet students interviewed were quite clear about their preference for a Cambodian identity. Many discussed pride in their ethnic background. For instance, when asked to explain how she viewed herself ethnically, Crystal, a student in the Humanities academy, stated: “Like what am I? I’m Cambodian.

Chhuon and Hudley Asian American Ethnic Options 351

That’s it. I guess I was brought up to be proud of who I am. So I’ve never really denied who I was. I’ve always said I was Khmer. I never felt that I shouldn’t say I wasn’t.” A number of students similarly remarked that they “never really denied” their Cambodian identity to suggest that many of their peers did. Another student, Catherine, wanted to pursue higher education and set a good example for her younger brother:

Smart people like [other] Asians are more likely to go to college than others but since Cambodians are like more of the dropouts out of the whole Asians, I want to prove that wrong. I want to go to college. I know some Cambodians that dropped out, but there are some other Cambodians that can make it into college and stuff, and I’ll be like the first one in my family, I would be the first one to go to college. I have only a small little brother, he’s 12 so I got to do what’s best because he looks up to me.

Although acknowledging that Cambodians are often seen in negative ways at CHS, this Cambodian identifier expressed pride in her Cambodian background. Catherine’s aware- ness of Cambodian students’ aggregate low school achievement served as a motivational backdrop toward becoming the first member of her family to attend college. For some Cambodian identifiers, their academic drive was influenced by a desire to defy negative stereotypes of Cambodians at school and in the community. For instance, Thomas asserted that

I know about the stuff people think about Cambodians around here. For example, I know that people look at me and don’t think I’m gonna do anything. Probably partly cause I’m Khmer but also since my sister didn’t finish [high school]. I do look at it as like trying to prove haters wrong. Like, I want them to come here in June to see me, and my friends too. We’re all Cambodians but we care about school. Anyways, sorry . . . to answer your question, I’m just Khmer I guess.

As Thomas poignantly remarked, being Cambodian in his community carries with it important assumptions about school achievement. The “haters” Thomas referred to include those students, teachers, and people from his neighborhood that have negative stereotypes of him and other Cambodian youth. Thomas understood that being Cambo- dian was often a stigmatized identity but transformed this identity into a badge of honor that fueled his motivation to graduate from CHS. Some Cambodian students were aware of the perception of Cambodian students at the school but did not accept the simple views of Cambodians in their community, particularly those in nonmagnet academies.

Cambodian students from nonmagnet academies often provided a more positive inter- pretation of what it meant to be Cambodian. Unlike many of their magnet peers, these students more often discussed positive images associated with being Cambodian, includ- ing good food and cultural dances. These attitudes were often shaped by positive inter- action with other Cambodian students at the school. For some youth, a Cambodian ethnic identity was viewed as advantageous in school. For example, Darius was a tenth grade Communication academy student who explained:

In my opinion, this is a special school because you can actually speak Khmer with other Cambo- dians here. I know my Khmer isn’t real good but it’s nice to joke around and other people don’t know what you’re saying. Even in English too. When I talk about something my parents said last night my Cambodian friends get it.

Throughout the school year Cambodian students from nonmagnet programs were observed speaking Khmer to discuss matters that they knew only Cambodians could relate to including issues with parents, difficulties with teachers, and discrimination. Research has found that first- and second-generation youth who can speak their heritage language view their ethnic backgrounds more positively and have higher self-esteem (Lee and Suarez 2008; Phinney et al. 2001). Students acknowledged that even though they may not speak Khmer very well, they viewed their heritage language as an opportunity for bonding with other Cambodian students.

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Whereas some ethnic Cambodian identifiers maintained a sense of determination in their schooling, others responded to the negative views of their group in ways that undermined school success. During lunch, students tended to be segregated by their program affiliation. One magnet student, Jenny, explained, “Cambodian kids from the lower academies are way different. Like the Cambodian kids over there [pointing to a group in front of the library], they’re ghetto, gang bangers, that’s just what they do.” Because of the presence of Cambodian gangs in the community, Cambodian boys at CHS were often stereotyped as “gang bangers,” particularly if they dressed in a certain way, as reflected by this encounter with one counselor:

Before 5th period I ran into Mrs. Toder in the hallway who inquired into my research project. She is a counselor in [one of the nonmagnet academies]. She warmly welcomed me to the school and commended me for working toward my Ph.D. When I asked her about her experiences working with Cambodian students, she replied “the Cambodians here are really a mixed bag. Some of the brightest kids we have are Cambodian. . . . But you’re going to see the boys here need a lot of support.” When I asked what she meant specifically, Mrs. Toder mentioned gangs as “a real big thing getting in the way.” As she walked away into her office she advised that “you can tell by them sagging their jeans!” [field note, December 14, 2007]

Most of the young men Chhuon interacted with, however, who fit this image, were not gang affiliated. Male students explained that their manner of dress (baggy pants, large T-shirts) was consistent with an urban youth culture that is glamorized in media outlets including MTV and Vibe Magazine. Thus, the ethnic identity issues for many Cambodian boys at CHS were further complicated by negative stereotypes about gang membership.

Again, although the majority of these students were not gang members, these youth often referred to themselves in negative terms consistent with the unfavorable stereotypes of Cambodians. For example, Chhuon often engaged in lunchtime conversations with Cambodian students hanging out in front of the library. These students (the majority of whom were male and participated in the school’s three nonmagnet academies) expressed pride in their Cambodian ethnicity and were critical of how teachers and other school personnel treated them. During one lunch period, a tenth grade Humanities student named Arun discussed why his academy is often perceived as “ghetto.” He explained: “If the people around us treat us that way [ghetto] then that’s how we’re going to be. Like, you know, those up on that stage [pointing to Cambodian magnet academy students across the quad], they get treated better by everybody here. That’s why they do better. But they’re White-washed.” Accusations of being “White-washed” levied at Cambodians hanging out with white Americans and other Asians represented Arun’s disdain for those who did not take sufficient pride in their Cambodian heritage as well as those enrolled in higher academic academies. At CHS, this often meant the same thing for Cambodian youth. Arun’s statement “that’s how we’re going to be” indicates a kind of self-fulfilling proph- ecy effect that influenced the identity work of some Cambodian youth. Standing nearby, James overheard the discussion and added that, “Security guards don’t send those Asians to [detention] when they’re late to school! We’re like the bad Asians I guess.” Hence, the good Asians were largely students from East Asian backgrounds as well as Cambodian students who associated primarily with East Asian and white American peers. For James and this group of Cambodian identifiers, being genuinely Cambodian meant associating with primarily other Cambodian peers and belonging to less selective academies.

Some ethnic Cambodian identifiers developed a clearer adversarial stance toward school. When asked about what it was like to be Cambodian at school, Danny explained that “it depends who you asking. I think most people are gonna tell you bad things. Like, some of it is true and some of it ain’t. You know? But if you real Cambodian like me and Chris, and Sovan, the ones from lunch, then you’re down. . . . If you ask the teachers they

Chhuon and Hudley Asian American Ethnic Options 353

won’t get it. . . . They just want to talk to the rich kids.” For Danny and the “real” Cam- bodians, being “down” meant that you understood what it was like to grow up poor and be outside of the CHS conception of a good student. Later on, Danny bragged about how he and his friends could manipulate their teachers by acting out in class: “Sometimes like when we get bored we’ll act stupid on purpose just to like see how far we can go. Like, just to see what the teacher is gonna do. Sometimes they don’t care and ignore us. But like sometimes they kick us out. That’s okay. We don’t like that class anyways. We ain’t missing nothing.” Many Cambodian students in this group belonged to an after school program in the community with which Chhuon was involved. One of these youth, Krazy (self-selected pseudonym), enthusiastically volunteered to be interviewed for this research. He said that it was important that “people know what’s up with this place.” The place Krazy ostensibly refers to is CHS and his eagerness to share his thoughts about identity and schooling reflected his experiences of invisibility as a Cambodian student. The following exchange reflected Krazy’s sense of frustration and hopelessness:

Chhuon: How do you see yourself at [CHS]? Krazy: How do I see myself? Like race? Chhuon: Yes. Krazy: I’m Khmer. You know? I’m not gonna deny it. For what? Know what I’m saying? Chhuon: I think so. What do you think people think of Khmer kids at this school? Krazy: Ghetto. That’s it really. Chhuon: What do you think about that? Krazy: True probably. To be honest. I mean we ain’t got money like the other Asians. No education really. Chhuon: Do you think this is true for yourself? Krazy: I think so. I know you trying to help out and stuff, but it’s too late I think. Like, I tried. I mean, like, what do you expect? Like if teachers don’t care if we pass [their classes] then who’s going to care? [Teacher’s name] don’t care. [Another teacher’s name] don’t care. The truth is I don’t give a shit about school no more. One time I tried to ask for help and [another teacher’s name] didn’t even want to help. Chhuon: Why not? Krazy: Probably cause I’m failing already (laughter).

Students like Danny and Krazy dealt with their marginalization in school by misbehav- ing and giving up. Danny’s low achievement was balanced by a sense of empowerment he felt from feeling that he could control a classroom by acting out. Unlike the first group of ethnic Cambodian identifiers, Danny, Krazy, and other boys like them, did not discuss any positive aspects of being Cambodian. Similar to other ethnic minority youth, their identity negotiation underscored ethnic pride in a manner that opposed school achieve- ment (Fordham and Ogbu 1986). For these students, their disengagement served to protect their sense of self-worth. Nevertheless, Krazy’s excerpt provides a window into a number of important things about Cambodian youth at CHS. In addition to presenting himself as a tough guy when discussing his Khmer pride, Krazy’s interview revealed feelings of invisibility and vulnerability. His anger about his teachers’ unwill- ingness to care and help him was quickly turned into humor not because it was unimportant to him, but as a way to cope with a hopelessness that characterized his academic experience.

To summarize, the first group of ethnic Cambodian identifiers seemed fundamentally determined to do well in school despite the negative stigma attached to their ethnic group. These students’ interpretation of their Cambodian identity centered on defying the negative image of their ethnic group by working hard and acting as role models. Unfortunately, a distinctly different pattern emerged for the second group of Cambodian identifiers that were primarily male. Although this latter group likewise understood the

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negative perception of their group in school, they responded to the low expectations of Cambodian students less so by seeking to violate those expectations, but, rather, by fulfilling them.

Discussion

To extend the scholarship on Asian American ethnicity and panethnicity, our study delved into the individual decision processes through which ethnic identification occurred. Whereas other scholarship on panethnicity emphasized the instrumental incentives for Asian American subgroups to adopt a collective panethnic label (Espiritu 1992; Lee 1996; Rhoads et al. 2002; Vo 2004), our findings revealed how panethnicity offered a psychological and educational advantage for some Cambodian youth. We argue that Cambodian students were actively involved in ethnic identity politics at their school. Marginalized Asian American students may actively adopt the model minority profile as a means for attaining a positive academic image in the classroom in pursuit of their larger academic goals. Cambodian students expressed considerable agency in their school experiences by adopting, emphasizing, and rejecting particular identities in dif- fering contexts. Thus, the model minority label, although inherently hegemonic, was actively negotiated by Cambodian students. These youth negotiated their ethnic identity choices in ways that resist stigmatization while considering whether certain ethnic and panethnic categories were advantageous in particular settings. These findings resonate with other identity research where some second-generation immigrant youth of color believed that accepting their ethnic identity was an invitation to be mocked and nega- tively labeled (Waters 1999; Zephir 2001). Consequently, some Cambodian students’ embrace of panethnic identities and its associated model minority stereotype repre- sented their acceptance of an overgeneralization that further marginalizes the variability in the experiences of Asian American youth. It seemed that for some Cambodian youth, their realization of their ethnic marginality pushed them to affirm the stereotype as a coping mechanism to deal with the conflicting images and identities available to their ethnic group.

Yet others accepted and embraced their ethnic Cambodian identity and pushed them- selves to do well “to prove haters wrong,” as one student put it, to show that not all members of their ethnic group fit into the negative stereotypes being circulated in their school and community. Unfortunately, not all Cambodian-identified students were able to use this as motivation to succeed. Some Cambodian identifiers, who tend to be male and whose interpretation of their Cambodian identities centered on being “ghetto” and under- achieving in school, were recipients of severe discrimination from teachers and other institutional agents. This gender difference is similar to other studies that explain diver- gent experiences and outcomes between male and female students of color (Fordham and Ogbu 1986; Lopez 2003; Noguera 2003). Like other research findings that show how hostile school practices targeting African American and Latino males can account for gender differences in achievement (Lopez 2003; Noguera 2003), our study suggests that being male and ethnically Cambodian can similarly problematize many boys in the eyes of adults and peers at CHS. Over time, the perceived hostility and discrimination can result in the development of students’ adversarial stance toward school achievement. Our research, however, must take into account the model minority stereotype that remains part of the larger discourse of Asian American students (Ng et al. 2007), a group that Cambodian youth are often aggregated with, and the starkly different academic contexts that shape urban student experiences. Perhaps female Cambodian students in our study were able to fit more neatly into individuals’ conception of the model minority student, whereas their male peers who were not members of elite academic programs, were more

Chhuon and Hudley Asian American Ethnic Options 355

vulnerable to urban school practices that racially profiled and criminalized male youth of color in general (Lopez 2003; Noguera 2003). Many conversations with Cambodian- identified boys over the school year suggest that increased positive attention and care by teachers and staff would be a good place to begin for helping them develop more positive identities.

These findings represent our attempt to move the field forward by interrogating not only how the model minority stereotype is constructed and imposed but also how it can be adopted and affirmed by Asian American students themselves. Although we are limited by space in the present article to discuss the matter more fully, our research is also critical of the social context in which these identities were invoked and rejected. Some research conducted in a Cambodian ethnic enclave argues that schools, to support Cam- bodian students’ positive identities and academic engagement, should make more avail- able culturally responsive programs such as heritage language courses beginning in elementary school and throughout the secondary grades (Wright 2007, 2010). Our earlier work with Cambodian college students found that participants were able to develop a positive Cambodian ethnic identity only after meeting other high-achieving Cambodian students in college (Chhuon and Hudley 2008). While we recognize that schools are not the only places that ethnic identities are shaped, schools nevertheless play a major role for students’ understanding of racial and ethnic identities, particularly at the secondary levels (Tatum 1997). Schools, especially those serving urban and immigrant communities, rep- resent important settings where interaction with individuals from diverse backgrounds is likely to occur. Therefore, this research points to schools as sites for important change where practices that challenge the racial and ethnic stereotypes of students’ larger com- munities can foster positive ethnic identities for all groups.

Notes

Acknowledgments. The authors wish to thank the AEQ editors and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on drafts of this article.

1. Our informants used the terms Asian and Asian American interchangeably to describe individu- als of Asian descent. In this study, Asians typically referred to Asian American peers. Informants also use “Khmer” and “Cambodian” interchangeably. We use students’ emic terms when appropriate to describe different ethnic groups at CHS.

2. Chan’s (2004) study of Cambodians in the United States noted that most of the families in this community are renters and prior to 1996’s welfare reform, a large number received federal welfare benefits for survival. Over time, this community became home to the largest Cambodian population in the United States.

3. All names and places are pseudonyms. 4. For example, much of November was spent in the library, the college center, and extracurricular

activities office because staff from these offices represented the first official points of contact with CHS. These individuals were gracious in helping out with mundane necessities such as receiving a school identification badge, a parking permit, and the most updated school calendar. They also introduced Chhuon to others at CHS, which helped to legitimate his presence on campus. These early experiences were critical for a smooth transition into more frequent and in-depth contact with students, teachers, and other staff.

5. Given the size of this institution, Chhuon found he was able to blend in with most of the staff and was able to situate himself in the staff lounge and lunchroom without much notice. In contrast, students were initially confused by his presence there and often asked if he was a “new teacher” or a “teacher’s aide.” Over time, students adjusted to Chhuon’s visits and often referred to him as the “guy writing the book.” As his visits became more frequent, his presence at CHS became more routine and comfortable for students and staff.

6. In addition to the article’s authors, two trained research assistants were involved in these data analyses. The first is an ethnically Cambodian male assistant who grew up in the community under study. The second research assistant is a doctoral student who identifies as Thai. The insider–outsider perspectives of these individuals were significant for an accurate and balanced interpretation of these data. See Chhuon (2009) for further discussion.

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7. The last census found that Filipinos in the United States represented 18.3 percent of all Asian Americans whereas Cambodians represented only 1.8 percent of all Asian Americans (Reeves and Bennett 2004).

8. Cambodians are still largely an immigrant population, and while many of the Cambodian students at CHS are U.S. born, their immigrant parents often speak Khmer at home. We counted a little over 900 (approximately 20 percent of the student population) names on this second language list.

9. There is a long history of Chinese settlement in modern-day Cambodia and many of the Cambodians that settled in the United States have Chinese ancestry (Chan 2004; Willmott 1967). The particular issue of ethnic distancing by emphasizing one’s mixed ethnic heritage (Chinese Cambo- dian, Thai Chinese, Chinese Vietnamese) is examined elsewhere (see Chhuon 2009).

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