race reflection

Cheaper Than Bullets: American Indian Boarding Schools

and Assimilation Policy, 1890-1930

Tabatha Toney Booth

University of Central Oklahoma

In 1885, Commissioner of Indian Affairs Hiram Price described the new federal

Indian policy of assimilation by saying, “it is cheaper to give them education than to fight

them,” a policy that began in the late nineteenth century and would continue into the

twentieth. In the past few decades, historians have published many books on the Indian

boarding schools usually arguing one of three basic views: in favor of the schools,

revisionist and negative, or the rare author that portrays both sides. K. Tsianina

Lomawaima’s work, They Called It Prairie Light: The Story of Chilocco Indian School

(1994), carries the message that although in the beginning boarding schools functioned

less than desirably, the reforms of the 1920s made institutions, such as the Chilocco

Indian School in Oklahoma, serve as positive experiences for most students. Somewhat

of a revisionist, David Wallace Adams in Education for Extinction: American Indians

and the Boarding School Experience, 1875-1928 (1995) portrays the mostly negative

aspects, but acknowledges some of the benefits, and he emphasizes the role of politics in

the creation, operation, and practices of the schools. His book became the standard text

on the subject, with his thesis that in the course of the federal government’s pursuit of

assimilation, many students, parents, and communities faced hardship and personal and

cultural trauma in another form of genocide waged on children. Also becoming a

standard text, Clyde Ellis’ To Change Them Forever: Indian Education at the Rainy

Mountain Boarding School, 1893-1920 (1996) remained somewhat in the middle. He

blamed the government for the failure and conditions of the schools as a result of a lack

of funding and commitment to their policy. Believing all government policies racist, Ellis

maintains that the Kiowa look favorably upon their school and experience, but the

institution’s administration became a victim of bureaucracy and government negligence. 1

A historian that falls in the first category, Brenda J. Child’s Boarding School

Seasons: American Indian Families 1900-1940 (1999) states that although boarding

schools represented for many a traumatic experience, most students gained friendships

and skills through school. Although the author does acknowledge the darker side of

government boarding schools including homesickness and punishment, the book overall

paints a rather rosy picture of the schools, citing the positives of friendships made and

fondness of alumni for their time. In Amelia V. Katanski’s Learning to Write Indian: The

Boarding School Experience and American Indian Literature (2005) a very negative bias

is apparent in her examples of the damage done by the institutions, such as stranding the

1 K. Tsianina Lomawaima, They Called It Prairie Light: The Story of Chilocco Indian School (Lincoln:

University of Nebraska Press, 1994), 3; David Wallace Adams, Education for Extinction: American

Indians and the Boarding School Experience, 1875-1928 (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1995),

27; Clyde Ellis, To Change Them Forever: Rainy Mountain Boarding School, 1893-1920 (Norman:

University of Oklahoma Press, 1996), 5, 7, 9.

Cheaper Than Bullets 47

natives between cultures and after feeling no longer Indian and not enough white, many

students became despondent and turned to alcohol or other unhealthy lifestyles. Through

former students’ writings, she stressed the importance of keeping one’s culture and

learning to express it. This paper will argue that Adams assessment is essentially right, as

the boarding schools became a test of assimilation and new form of war, ideological and

psychological, to be waged against children. 2

By 1880, public opinion maintained that Native Americans should be saved from

the “white man” and from themselves. The government used the boarding schools to

evaluate the progress of assimilation and as a solution to “the Indian problem,” by

making them workers and part of mainstream society. Intended to “civilize” American

Indian people, officials wanted to use the institutions to instruct them in the academics,

hygiene, diet, and work habits of the Anglos. Assimilative education targeted small

children, whom the government thought easier to change and least able to resist, and

sought to destroy tribal nations, culture, language, religion, and community. After

graduation, officials intended the students to be civilized, meaning speaking English,

converting to Christianity, and turning away from traditional and communal living. 3

Federal boarding schools proliferated in the 1880-90s, beginning with Carlisle

Industrial School, which opened in 1879. With the movement beginning as missionary

schools, they sought to counteract the bad influence of Native families. After educating

native prisoners at Fort Marion in Florida, army officer Richard Pratt opened Carlisle

because he believed he could save the people by teaching them how to live like Anglo-

Americans. Officials in Washington D.C. allowed him to open the school because the

children “would be hostages for the good behavior of their people.” 4 Pratt’s success at

Carlisle, which by 1881 held 286 children from twenty-three tribes, led the government

to form more schools patterned after its military style. By 1899, twenty five more

residential schools opened. 5

After 1879 officials and agents recruited, forced, or coerced children into

government schools. In 1898 a compulsory attendance law passed, further empowering

federal officials to remove students from their home. Many parents had no choice but to

send their kids, when Congress authorized the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to

2 Brenda J. Child, Boarding School Seasons: American Indian Families, 1900-1940 (Lincoln and

London: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 13, 43; Amelia V. Katanski , Learning to Write Indian: The

Boarding School Experience and American Indian Literature (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,

2005), 2-3;

3 Adams, 8; K. Tsianina Lomawaima, “Domesticity in Federal Indian Schools: The Power of Authority

Over Mind and Body,” American Ethnologist, 20.2 (May, 1993): 236, 227-9; Ellis, xii-xvi, 3, 9; Katanski,

2-3; Lomawaima, They Called It, 3; Child, 13, 43.

4 Sally Jenkins, The Real All Americans: The Team that Changed a Game, a People, a Nation (New

York: Doubleday, 2007), 65; Child, 5-6; Lomawaima, “Domesticity,” 229; Katanski, 4.

5 Adams, 58; Jenkins, 94; Lomawaima, They Called It, 6; Jon Reyner and Jeanne Eder, American

Indian Education: A History (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2004), 149; Child, 6; U.S. Congress.

House of Representatives. Interior Affairs. Report of the Secretary of the Interior and Report of the

Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 54 th

Congress, 2 nd

session, 1897; U.S. Congress. House of Representatives.

Interior Affairs. Report of the Secretary of the Interior and Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

57 th

Congress, session, 1900.

48 Cheaper Than Bullets

48

withhold rations, clothing, and annuities of those families that refused to send students.

Some agents even used reservation police to virtually kidnap youngsters, but experienced

difficulties when the Native police officers would resign out of disgust, or when parents

taught their kids a special “hide and seek” game. Sometimes resistant fathers found

themselves locked up for refusal. The Hopis in Arizona surrendered a group of men to the

military to be imprisoned in Alcatraz, rather than voluntarily relinquishing their children. 6

Early enrollment also involved agents sending the best students from the reser-

vation. To recruit pupils, officials would travel to various locations to preach the benefits

of education. Many children went simply to flee from hardship, especially during the

Great Depression, when families could no longer provide for them. Rampant poverty on

reservations forced many parents to reluctantly give in. The tradition in many tribes of

taking in orphans became rare, when families could no longer support themselves, much

less extended relatives, and had no choice but to send them to school, where at least they

would receive adequate clothing, shelter, and food (they thought). Single women moved

to the cities for work, but finding only low-paying menial work, they could no longer

support their families, and many children went who would otherwise become homeless.

Disease outbreaks and land fraud also left many Indians destitute with schools as the only

option for survival. 7

Not all Natives resisted, as some viewed boarding schools as an opportunity for

their young to be educated, develop skills for future employment, and escape the

destitution of reservation life. Students from rural areas enrolled specifically to learn to

farm. Some children applied by themselves, seeking an education or a way out of their

current situation, sometimes not even notifying their parents. Many wanted to go to

escape the racism they faced in public schools that would not exist in an all-Indian

school. Lastly, students attended because they had brothers or sisters already attending

and looked forward to having the same experience. 8

The separation of families exacted a harsh toll on both parents and students.

Officials expected students to stay at school, even during the summer, until they had

completely finished, often not seeing their parents for various years. Most students dealt

with the emotional burden well before reaching developmental maturity. They were also

subjected to an alien and sometimes hostile environment, often leading to sickness and

depression. The most lonely students committed suicide, often by hanging. Visits from

parents, if allowed at all, remained very rare, and impossible for the poor. Students in

many instances could only return home with special permission from the agent, and

sometimes not even a family sickness or death qualified as a valid reason. A mother of

one student once wrote, “It seems it would be much easier to get her out of prison than

out of your school.” 9 Correspondence between students and parents occurred very

frequently, although some schools censored the mail, deleting any less favorable news.

6 Child, 13, 56, 90-1; Adams, 63-4, 211; Lomawaima, They Called It, 6, 10; Lomawaima,

“Domesticity,” 227.

7 Child, 2, 9-13, 15-17, 20.

8 Adams, 240; Child, 16, 18-19, 23, 75; Lomawaima, They Called It, 35, 38.

9 Child, 13, 27, 43-5, 50-2; Reyner and Eder, 190.

Cheaper Than Bullets 49

Children wrote home about homesickness, regimens of work and study, and diseases,

often worrying parents. Mothers and fathers also sent letters to school and government

officials when they did not adjust well to the separation, or if they heard rumors of

illnesses and deaths. Often, officials did not notify parents of sickness until their children

had already died, alienating many and affecting all. 10

Travel and arrival at the institutions also traumatized students deeply, with many

remembering the events for the rest of their lives. Most of the children left for school at

age twelve or above, but some as young as six attended. After tearful goodbyes, children

rode on “iron horses,” many pulling blankets over their heads in fear. If the conductor

made any stops, white mobs crowded to gawk and taunt the Indians, scaring them further.

Because of the time period’s racist ideology of American Indian bodies as “uncivilized,”

upon arrival at the school, officials immediately attacked and focused on their attire,

posture, clothing, hairstyle, and names. 11

Almost immediately, staff sheared off the long hair of the new arrivals. Separated

in a room to be called into another one by one, boys had their hair cut military style.

Barbers even cut girls’ hair in short “bob” styles. Revolts sometimes occurred when

students learned of the hair-cutting because its loss signified losing maturity and

manhood in tribal culture, and people only cut their hair in the deepest mourning. The

event caused deep resentment and resistance that often manifested in students running

away. Officials saw haircutting as a way to control lice and viewed long hair as a sign of

savagery, so removing it would make it easier for children to assimilate and learn. Robert

American Horse (Sioux) stated that “if I am to learn the ways of the white people, I can

do it just as well with my hair on.” 12

The staff assaulted the next Native tradition by forcing students to abandon their

names and choose an Anglo one. Officials wanted the names changed because they

viewed them as pagan, impossible to pronounce, and embarrassing, often insulting

students to make them ashamed of their name. The practice greatly affected the children,

whose culture viewed names as a motivation for self improvement, a reward for achieve-

ment, or transferring the traits of a relative. Erasing a name meant they had no identity or

personal history. Teachers would write many Anglo and biblical names on a board and

give a child a pointer to choose a name. Unable to read or understand the markings, the

students chose randomly. 13

Also at arrival, school officials forbade students from speaking any of their native

languages, even if they knew no English, the only communication allowed. To ensure

children did not disobey among themselves, schools mixed them with tribes of different

languages. As an unintended effect, the children learned the language of others. After

learning English, many students completely forgot their native language. Some

superintendents boasted their occupants could speak English in three years. Schools also

10 Child, 7, 27, 42; Lomawaima, They Called It, 24.

11

Adams, 97, 99; Child, 43; Lomawaima, “Domesticity,” 229; Jenkins, 71.

12

Adams, 102-3; Jenkins, 74.

13

Lomawaima, They Called It, xiv; Jenkins, 75-6; Adams, 103, 107-9, 111.

50 Cheaper Than Bullets

50

forbade native religions and forced pupils to convert to Christianity by praying and

attending mandatory church service. Though resourcefulness and ingenuity, students

covertly spoke their Native languages and practiced their Native religion. 14

In housing the students, boarding schools built dorms or used old army barracks

with many children to a room and usually sharing beds, normally separated by age. Later

in the 1920s schools were remodeled to have small rooms instead of the original large

room with numerous beds. With almost no privacy, students had very little personal

belongings, which staff locked in the basement with very little access being granted.

Matrons inspected the rooms often for cleanliness and closely monitored the girls to

ensure a separation of the sexes. In the dorms, students also learned Victorian manners,

eating for the first time with silverware, tablecloths, and napkins, and learning to fold

hands, sit in chairs, and walk in line. The Indians dressed in a common dressing room

with long wooden benches and showered only once or twice a week. The 1928 Meriam

Report found that although they had showers weekly, students often had no access to

soap. And despite diseases, the kids washed their hands in communal troughs and dried

their hands with the same dirty towels to discourage towel fights. Most schools lacked

sanitary facilities, with toilets in cold basements, leaky faucets, and clogged drains, and

only half of the institutions had toilet paper. 15

As for those who taught the Native children, in the beginning some schools lacked

a single qualified teacher. The Indian Service did not require teachers to have a four-year

degree until the 1930s. The average boarding school employed females in their late

twenties. Most institutions had a high rate of teacher turnover because of transfers for

higher pay, employee factionalism, and primitive living conditions. Many instructors left

in the middle of the year because of seeing so many “sick, hungry, and overworked

children” and feeling helpless because they could not do anything about it. 16

Besides

responsibilities in the classroom, teachers also watched study hours, supervised chores,

chaperoned social events, and conducted Sunday school classes. In the case of a small

staff, they also cooked, cleaned, mended, and made uniforms. Students and staff

structured daily life more than the directives from Washington, with different schools

varying. 17

In the schools, students spent a half day in classes and the other half in some form

of vocational training, with the boys learning a trade or farming and the girls being

trained domestically. Academically, the school strove first to teach Native Americans to

read, write, and speak English, and to acculturate to American life and institutions. Often,

teachers used no textbooks with new children who could not speak English, and instead

utilized the blackboard and slates and pointed to objects, so they could understand what a

14 Lomawaima, “Domesticity,” 227; Reyner and Eder, 140; Katanski, 4, 42; Adams, 140, 142, 168;

Child, 2, 73, 78; Jenkins, 78; Lomawaima, They Called It, xiv, 5, 140.

15

Adams, 113, 116; Lomawaima, They Called It, 60-2; Child, 38-9; Jenkins, 79; Lewis Meriam, “The

Problem of Indian Administration,” The Institute for Government Research: Studies in Administration,

<http://www.alaskool.org/native_ed/research_reports/IndianAdmin/Indian_Admin_Problms.html >

(accessed January-May, 2009).

16 Adams, 82, 87-8, 93; Ellis, 58; Reyner and Eder, 157.

17 U.S. Congress, Report, 1897, p. 346; Lomawaima, They Called It, 9; Adams, 88.

Cheaper Than Bullets 51

word meant instead of reciting a meaningless alphabet. The academic curriculum mostly

consisted of elementary school subjects, and after learning the white language, students

moved on to geography, arithmetic, nature study, and physiology, with officials believing

this knowledge would prepare the children for citizenship. In 1890, government officials

standardized the curriculum and spread six years of white education over eight years for

the Indian because they also learned an industrial trade. Most students never received

more than a primary education at boarding schools. 18

Many reformers believed vocational training necessary for citizenship because the

Native needed to learn respect and gain a love of work. Modern educational historians

see the vocations as an upper-class strategy for social control and order because it

prepared the students for menial jobs and service to the elite. For boys, many schools

focused only on agricultural training and the students had to maintain dairies, gardens,

and herds. Later, other trades became available to boys, such as blacksmithing, shoe-

making, tailoring, carpentry, and mechanics. For many students, these trades proved

useless once they returned to the reservation because Native Americans wore moccasins

and had no need for a shoe maker. Training for males did not prepare them for urban

work in factories but farming or menial wage labor. 19

Officials viewed the training of girls especially important because of their ability

to become mothers and being central to cultural transformation, and Anglos automatically

assumed the stereotype of native women as the degraded and drudge wives. Schools

pushed moral development on girls harder than on boys and taught them the Victorian

ideology of subservience and submission. Teachers instructed females to be a good wife

and create a “white life for two.” 20

Their vocation consisted of domestic skills like

sewing, cooking, cleaning, nursing, and childcare. In later years, schools offered normal

school courses to certify them as teachers. Most of the training taught them not to care for

their own households, but to work in the homes of white women or serve as matrons to

boarding schools, furthering the idea that Indians could do only menial labor. 21

The labor learned in the second half of the day kept the schools functioning.

Students worked in laundries, made uniforms, cooked meals for thousands of students,

grew the food supply, and built campus buildings. Pupils also worked during the summer

to maintain and harvest the farms. The institutions greatly depended on the labor and the

money earned from the sale of surplus production because Congressional appropriations

did not meet financial needs. Later, the Meriam Report accused officials of forcing child

labor. 22

As another part of vocational training, the outing system served to give students

experience in their work and to totally immerse them in white culture. Mostly occurring

18 Adams, 21, 62-3, 137; Child, 71-3; Reyner and Eder, 132, 137-8; Lomawaima, They Called It, 12.

19

Reyner and Eder, 148, 152; Lomawaima, They Called It, 19-20, 65-6, 68, 71-2; Adams, 153, 281;

Jenkins, 79; Lomawaima, “Domesticity,” 229; Child, 35, 75-6.

20

Child, 77, 79; Adams, 11, Lomawaima, “Domesticity,” 233; Lomawaima, They Called It, 81.

21

Lomawaima, They Called It, 18, 81, 84, 88; Lomawaima, “Domesticity,” 229-31; Child, 77, 80-1,

Reyner and Eder, 138, 152; U.S. Congress, Report, 1897, p. 346.

22

Lomawaima, They Called It, 4-5, 13, 55-6, 68, 77, 84; U.S. Congress, Report, 1897, 346; Reyner and

Eder, 132; Child, 36; Meriam, “Problem.”

52 Cheaper Than Bullets

52

during the summer, children would be sent to nearby farms and households to work and

live with an Anglo family for three months to three years. Often the students earned a

small amount of money, most of which the schools kept in savings for them. Government

officials also thought the system would promote more English speaking and break down

prejudice against Indians. Sometimes the students would attend public school in the area

along with the farmer’s children. Outing programs in the east worked well because

sympathetic Quakers welcomed student workers. Schools in the west had to discontinue

the system because people overworked the children and greatly exploited them.

Occasionally, the pupils would become attached to their assigned family, almost

becoming one of them. 23

In school many students turned to each other to replace the close ties of family.

Friendship and peer control became a part of daily life. The children often bonded as

good friends though their similar experience and formed their own families with support

and respect. Interactions strengthened their own sense of tribal identity but also created a

larger pan-Indian character as tribes learned about others and interchanged traditions. The

pupils also had their own code of honor that valued discretion, bravery, and loyalty, often

beating others for lying and “snitching.” 24

Although not a common occurrence or priority, a few evenings a month became

social entertainments, during which boys could interact with girls, where staff would

teach Victorian manners of charity, chastity, monogamy, temperance, and pure thoughts,

with focus on respect for the males and grace for the girls. Otherwise separated during

most of the time, many students formed special relationships and sent secret love notes,

with some later marrying. 25

Sports, especially football, became a large part of school life, beginning with

Carlisle in the 1890s. Many American Indians viewed the games a way to express

resistance and take pride in their heritage. Later in almost all institutions boys played

football and baseball, with basketball and tennis available for girls. Other activities

included vocal and instrumental music, drama, and school newspapers but none earned as

much attention as football. 26

A problem in almost every school, overcrowding surfaced by 1896, and many

superintendents wrote numerous letters to the government for more buildings. After

1900, average enrollment exceeded capacity by forty percent. The Meriam Report found

that in many schools students slept two to a bed, often pushing them together. Sometimes

institutions built sleeping porches to accommodate pupils further, but while they worked

well in warm states, officials also built them in Minnesota and South Dakota. Some

children slept in unfinished buildings or condemned buildings without fire exits. Along

23 Child, 1, 75, 82-3, 85; Adams, 156-8, 162, Reyner and Eder, 139; Ellis, 24; Lomawaima, They Called

It, 5; Jenkins, 100.

24

Lisa K. Neuman, “Indian Play,” American Indian Quarterly. 32.2 (Spring 2008): 198; Lomawaima,

They Called It, xiv, 44, 113, 130.

25 U.S. Congress, Report, 1897; Adams, 168, 175-7, 178-9.

26 Adams, 182-3; Child, 76-7; Lomawaima, They Called It, 15-6.

Cheaper Than Bullets 53

with dorms, classrooms also often had poor lighting and ventilation, and the majority of

buildings lacked sanitary facilities. Despite this issue, the institutions felt compelled to

take in more because of the need and mass amount of applications. 27

The Native Americans adjusted to the seemingly bland Anglo food in the schools

and the constant lack of it, a considerable challenge. Meals were often repeated and

depended on the staff, which often lacked any real qualifications. The process of serving

the food military style meant cold fare by the time staff allowed pupils to sit. According

to the Meriam Report, many children became underweight during their time and suffered

from malnutrition. Many former students reported they left meal times feeling half

starved and remembered that most of the time the best sustenance went to the employees.

Many stole food or received small portions as gifts sent by parents. Some schools gave

the underfed extra milk breaks for extra nourishment. Students ate mostly starch and meat

and rarely received fresh vegetables, fruit, or milk, even from those with gardens and

dairies. The officials blamed the pupils for inadequate food because they supposedly did

not eat because they did not like the food. Most supplies produced at the institutions went

to the market to keep the school operating. The Indian Office often gave poor food

allowances and in 1921 the government cut all food and clothing appropriations twenty

five percent. Lewis Meriam reported in 1928 an ideal food allowance for each student per

day to be thirty five percent, but almost all schools only at eleven percent. 28

Because of overcrowding, poor sanitation, malnutrition, stress, and emotional

trauma, a great number of children succumbed to disease, resulting in an early death for

many. Infected hand towels, shared drinking cups, books, and musical instruments spread

illness rapidly. Officials rarely segregated sick pupils, who mingled and infected the

healthy. With high mortality rates, almost every school had its own graveyard with

student carpenters constructing the coffins. Of the seventy three Shoshone and Arapaho

students sent to Carlisle, Santee, or Genoa schools from 1881-94, only twenty six

survived. Common killers included tuberculosis, influenza, whooping cough, measles,

and smallpox. Trachoma, a painful eye disease, remained the most common affliction,

with over half of the student population infected. The ailment thrived in the communal

dorm environment where children shared soap, towels, washbasins, beds, and bathwater,

with the sick even occasionally preparing food. When unwell, pupils requested to return

home to visit tribal healers, and mistrusting the white doctors often failed to follow their

prescriptions. Administrators rarely informed parents of their children’s illness and

confiscated letters written by them, so that eventually the worried parents would receive

news of the child’s death. 29

In 1910 a campaign began to improve native health, including

the avoidance of overcrowding, isolating the ill, fresh towels, fumigating school supplies,

and building separate hospitals and sanatoriums. Boarding school health greatly

improved until 1917 when Congress used funds for the war, and the programs suffered

until 1928.

27 Meriam, “Problem”; Child, 36-8; U.S. Congress. Report, 1897, pp. 170, 256.

28 Meriam, “Problem”; Child, 32-5; Adams, 114-5; Lomawaima, They Called It, 31, 56, 58-9; Reyner

and Eder, 137, 189-90.

29

Child, 12, 55-8, 60, 62-4, 66-7; Adams, 125, 133, 135; Lomawaima, They Called It, 12; Katanski, 13;

Reyner and Eder, 154, 192; Jenkins, 85.

54 Cheaper Than Bullets

54

Although a subject of serious debate among historians, punishment varied

throughout the institutions, usually depending on the superintendent. Some officials

believed punishments such as corporal punishment, confinement, deprivation of

privileges, and restriction necessary for learning. Early schools used military-style

reprimands, student court martials, stints in a jail, punishing work details, and physical

abuse. At the Phoenix Indian School, the staff placed pupils in prison for weeks, feeding

them only bread and water, and then put them to hard labor, with many dying in the

process. Other forms of castigation revolved around embarrassment, such as forcing boys

to march in girls’ clothing, cutting grass with scissors, standing in the corner, or wearing

a dunce cap. 30

Later becoming a tool to discredit boarding schools, corporal punishment remains

a controversial issue to this day. Although prevalent in the white schools at the time,

Indian students and parents found the abuse especially harsh because their culture never

used physical punishment because natives believed it would break the child’s soul. Many

school officials believed it essential to promote the discipline necessary for assimilation.

In some schools students could be whipped for the tiniest infraction, being held by one

staff member and strapped by another. Several employees refused to use corporal

punishment, but the issue was left to the superintendent, even though the Indian Office

declared the method to be used for extreme cases only. In 1929 the government banned

all physical castigation, but allowed it again the next year for special circumstances. In

1930 Commissioner of Indian Affairs John Collier pushed the United States Senate to

investigate Native punishment and charges of flogging, brutality, and death. 31

A common feature in all boarding schools regardless of student accommodation,

resistance occurred on different levels. Students resisted because of deep resentment of

the institution itself, being stripped of tribal identity, separation from home, the military

atmosphere, and humiliating punishments. Many responded to the conditions and

homesickness by running away, which was very common throughout the period. Often,

the miscreants could not be caught until they reached the tribal agency, which would send

them back. Parents and other sympathetic Native communities repeatedly sheltered

runaways and many escaped. Even schools that had walls, barred windows, and

padlocked doors could not keep the most determined in. In one instance, kindergarteners

put in jail for running away broke down the door and escaped. Surprisingly often,

teachers considered most runways to have been the most hardworking and well behaved

students. Other outward forms of confrontation included arson and insulting school

employees. 32

The most common rebellion, passive resistance served to undermine the schools’

goals with willful acts of defiance, disruptive pranks, slow work, refusal to participate,

and a general attitude of non-responsiveness. Many teachers noticed that students could

30 Lomawaima, They Called It, 23, 63, 106, 117; Reyner and Eder, 185, 187; Child, 40; Adams, 27, 123-

4, 225; Robert A. Trennert, “Corporal Punishment and the Politics of Indian Reform,” History of Education

Quarterly, 29.4 (Winter, 1989): 598-600; Jenkins, 83.

31

U.S. Congress, Report, 1897; Adams, 121-4; Trennert, 595-610.

32

Jenkins, 82-3; Lomawaima, They Called It, 101, 115-8; Adams, 223-4, 229-32; Child, 51, 87-93.

Cheaper Than Bullets 55

go through the motions of compliance, while inwardly resisting. Also used as a method to

retain their culture, students would meet in secret to carry out religious ceremonies, pray,

tell traditional stories, or communicate in their native language, as many were forewarned

by their parents that the institutions would try to make them white and forget how to be

Indian. 33

A common difficulty for American Indians occurred after graduation. Many

feared their parents and community would not accept them because their education made

them no longer Natives. In some cases, the parents would be so disgusted with their

offspring’s transformation they would leave them at the train station. Students found

themselves outcasts or teased for how much they had changed and believed themselves

no longer loved. Life became very tense because of cultural clash between pupils and

parents and the tribal leaders that frequently pressured them to return to traditional ways.

Often, students forgot their own language and could no longer communicate with their

families. 34

Many who accommodated to the school experience felt appalled with their

homes and conditions and left to find employment and modern life elsewhere. Those

intending to live like they had in school found themselves unable to apply their learned

skills to reservation life. Girls could not apply their domestic knowledge to dirt-floored

tipis and boys lacked the necessary resources to farm an allotment. 35

After boarding school, students left to further their education, get married, or seek

employment. Many found jobs in the Indian service as interpreters and mediators, or used

their knowledge of English to write about their experience. Often former pupils,

especially women, found very few employment opportunities because of racial barriers

and economic depression and settled for seasonal and menial work for low pay. Some of

the men tried farming their allotments but failed in various regions because of lack of

irrigation, poor climate, and lack of beginning resources, while others joined the military.

Females worked for boarding schools or private homes as domestic help and assistant

matrons, and those who received specialized training worked at local hospitals. Marriage

to older men and a return to traditional life became more typical for girls after

graduation. 36

The overall effect of the boarding school experience varied with each institution

and student. Many children resisted the school, while others became fascinated and

reached an accommodation with it. Those who actively embraced their situation

responded with cooperation and converted or adapted white culture. The choice of

resistance or accommodation usually depended on the pupil’s age when enrolled and the

stability of their previous home life. 37

Many reformers became disappointed with the

results of the institution because it did not completely remove native culture from the

students, who saw themselves as neither white nor Indian. Some alumni saw the effort to

33 Adams, 231-4; Child, 28; Lomawaima, 115; Reyner and Eder, 161.

34

Reyner and Eder, 197; Child, 28, 97; Adams, 265, 277-80; Lisa K. Neuman, “Indian Play,” American

Indian Quarterly. 32.2 (Spring 2008): 194-5.

35

Adams, 285, 283, 299-300.

36

Lomawaima, They Called It, 85-6; Adams, 280-1, 301-3; Child, 2, 39, 80, 96-9; Katanski, 95.

37

Adams, 240; Lomawaima, They Called It, xiv.

56 Cheaper Than Bullets

56

abolish traditional ways as making American Indians more aware and proud of their

heritage. The forced interaction between tribes also unintentionally began the Pan-Indian

movement, where tribes adapted the others’ culture like language, intermarriage, and

political alliances. 38

Although in the late nineteenth century the Indian Office strove to build hundreds

of schools, policy changed in the early twentieth century to closing as many as possible

and sending American Indian children to public schools. Enrollment rose again in the

1930s as a result of the Great Depression, only to drop sharply after the economic need

disappeared. The earliest and most prominent schools closed first, Carlisle in 1918 and

Hampton in 1923. Institutional goals changed as well in 1901 from a system of

assimilation to gradualism, focusing on industrial training and incorporating native arts

and crafts. From 1900-20 officials deemed the institutions ineffective because they

believed American Indians incapable of rapid assimilation, the process was cruel to

students and parents, the work encouraged people to remain dependent on the

government, and native lifeways might serve as a good foundation for educational

growth. 39

Near the end of the boarding school period in the 1920s, a thorough investigation

produced the most important document in the boarding schools’ history, the Meriam

Report of 1928, officially called “The Problem of Indian Administration.” Lewis Meriam

and other government officials visited sixty-four of seventy-eight boarding schools to

scrutinize allegations of horrid conditions and abuse, which ultimately led to the change

of policy and closings. The report judged the institutions harshly, finding great evidence

of malnutrition, poor healthcare, low sanitation, overcrowding, appalling teaching staff,

and dependence on child labor in almost every school. The report led to greater

appropriations from Congress for basic needs, the abolition of half day labor, and a

greater academic focus. Many schools closed as a result, but a few remained open as day

schools or accredited high schools. 40

In reality, boarding schools never received the support necessary to accomplish

their ambitious goals and never produced the degree of change policy-makers hoped for.

The government supported the policy but hindered its success by its unwillingness to

build enough schools or provide adequate funds. Apart from the failures of government

policy, the boarding schools caused thousands of natives to lose themselves, by forcing

them to abandon their culture, language, religion, and families and that they had to learn

the Anglo-American way of life to survive. The United States moved from a goal of

killing an entire race to elimination through cultural genocide, a war waged on children. 41

38 Child, 4; Adams, 301; Lomawaima, They Called It, 129; Katanski, 42; Reyner and Eder, 5, 195.

39

Ellis, 27, Lomawaima, They Called It, 6; Adams, 315-6, 308, 328.

40

Child, 32, 40, 86; Lomawaima, They Called It, 7, 66; Adams, 308; Meriam, “Problem.”

41

Ellis, xiii; Child, 80.