WK2 Assignment

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CHAPTER 7

Erikson: Post-Freudian Theory

Jon Erikson/The Image Works

◆ Overview of Post-Freudian Theory

◆ Biography of Erik Erikson

◆ The Ego in Post-Freudian Theory

Society’s Influence Epigenetic Principle

◆ Stages of Psychosocial Development

Infancy Early Childhood Play Age School Age Adolescence Young Adulthood

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A

Adulthood Old Age Summary of the Life Cycle

◆ Erikson’s Methods of Investigation

Anthropological Studies Psychohistory

◆ Related Research

Adolescent Identity and the Internet The Development of Gender Identity

◆ Impact of Nature and Nurture on Gender Identity Formation

◆ Social Pressure to Conform to Typical Gender Identity

◆ Age of Gender Identity Disclosure and Social Networks

◆ Critique of Erikson

◆ Concept of Humanity

◆ Key Terms and Concepts

◆ References

 

s a child, Erik Salomonsen had many questions but few answers about his biological father. He knew who his mother was—a beautiful Jewish Dane whose family tried hard to appear Danish rather than Jewish. But who was his father?

Born into a single-parent family, the young boy held three separate beliefs regarding his origins. At first, he believed that his mother’s husband, a physician named Theodor Homburger, was his biological father. However, as Erik matured, he began to realize that this was incorrect because his blond hair and blue eyes did not match the dark features of either parent. He pressed his mother for an explanation, but she lied to him and said that a man named Valdemar Salomonsen—her first husband—was his biological father and that he abandoned her after she became pregnant with Erik. However, Erik didn’t quite believe this second story either because he learned that Salomonsen had left his mother 4 years before Erik was born. Finally, Erik chose to believe that he was the outcome of a sexual liaison between his mother and an artistically gifted aristocratic Dane. For nearly the remainder of his life, Erik believed this third story. Nevertheless, he continued to search for his own identity while seeking the name of his biological father.

During his school days, Erik’s Scandinavian features contributed to his identity confusion. When he attended temple, his blue eyes and blond hair made him appear to be an outsider. At public school, his Aryan classmates referred to him as a Jew, so Erik felt out of place in both arenas. Throughout his life, he had difficulty accepting himself as either a Jew or a Gentile.

When his mother died, Erik, then 58 years old, feared he would never know the identity of his biological father. But he persevered in his search. Finally, more than 30 years later and as his mind and body began to deteriorate, Erik lost interest in learning his father’s name. However, he continued to show some identity confusion. For example, he spoke mostly in German—the language of his youth—and rarely spoke in English, his primary language for more than 60 years. In addition, he retained a long-held affinity for Denmark and the Danish people and took perverted pride in displaying the flag of Denmark, a country in which he never lived.

Overview of Post-Freudian Theory The person we introduced in the opening vignette, of course, was Erik Erikson, the person who coined the term identity crisis. Erikson had no college degree of any kind, but this lack of formal training did not prevent him from gaining world fame in an impressive variety of fields including psychoanalysis, anthropology, psychohistory, and education.

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Unlike earlier psychodynamic theorists who severed nearly all ties to Freudian psychoanalysis, Erikson intended his theory of personality to extend rather than repudiate Freud’s assumptions and to offer a new “way of looking at things” (Erikson, 1963, p. 403). His post-Freudian theory extended Freud’s infantile developmental stages into adolescence, adulthood, and old age. Erikson suggested that at each stage a specific psychosocial struggle contributes to the formation of personality. From adolescence on, that struggle takes the form of an identity crisis—a turning point in one’s life that may either strengthen or weaken personality.

Erikson regarded his post-Freudian theory as an extension of psychoanalysis, something Freud might have done in time. Although he used Freudian theory as the foundation for his life-cycle approach to personality, Erikson differed from Freud in several respects. In addition to elaborating on psychosexual stages beyond childhood, Erikson placed more emphasis on both social and historical influences.

Erikson’s post-Freudian theory, like those of other personality theorists, is a reflection of his background, a background that included art, extensive travels, experiences with a variety of cultures, and a lifelong search for his own identity, which we mentioned briefly in our opening story.

Biography of Erik Erikson Who was Erik Erikson? Was he a Dane, a German, or an American? Jew or Gentile? Artist or psychoanalyst? Erikson himself had difficulty answering these questions, and he spent nearly a lifetime trying to determine who he was.

Born on June 15, 1902, in southern Germany, Erikson was brought up by his mother and stepfather, but he remained uncertain of the true identity of his biological father. To discover his niche in life, Erikson ventured away from home during late adolescence, adopting the life of a wandering artist and poet. After nearly 7 years of drifting and searching, he returned home confused, exhausted, depressed, and unable to sketch or paint. At this time, a fortuitous event changed his life: He received a letter from his friend Peter Blos inviting him to teach children in a new school in Vienna. One of the founders of the school was Anna Freud, who became not only Erikson’s employer, but his psychoanalyst as well.

While undergoing analytic treatment, he stressed to Anna Freud that his most difficult problem was searching for the identity of his biological father. However, Ms. Freud was less than empathic and told Erikson that he should stop fantasizing about his absent father. Although Erikson usually obeyed his psychoanalyst, he could not take Freud’s advice to stop trying to learn his father’s name.

While in Vienna, Erikson met and, with Anna Freud’s permission, married Joan Serson, a Canadian-born dancer, artist, and teacher who had also undergone psychoanalysis. With her psychoanalytic background and her facility with the English language, she became a valuable editor and occasional coauthor of Erikson’s books.

The Eriksons had four children: sons Kai, Jon, and Neil and daughter Sue. Kai and Sue pursued important professional careers, but Jon, who shared his father’s experience as a wandering artist, worked as a laborer and never felt emotionally close to his parents.

Erikson’s search for identity took him through some difficult experiences during his adult developmental stage (Friedman, 1999). According to Erikson, this stage requires a person to take care of children, products, and ideas that he or she has generated. On this issue, Erikson was deficient in meeting his own standards. He failed to take good care of his son Neil, who was born with Down syndrome. At the hospital while Joan was still under sedation, Erik agreed to place Neil in an institution. Then he went home and told his three older children that their brother had died at birth. He lied to them much as his mother had lied to him about the identity of his biological father. Later, he told his oldest son, Kai, the truth, but he continued to deceive the two younger children, Jon and Sue. Although his mother’s lie had distressed him greatly, he failed to understand that his lie about Neil might later distress his other children. In deceiving his children the way he did, Erikson violated two of his own principles: “Don’t lie to people you should care for,” and “Don’t pit one family member against another.” To compound the situation, when Neil died at about age 20, the Eriksons, who were in Europe at the time, called Sue and Jon and instructed them to handle all the funeral arrangements for a brother they had never met and who they only recently knew existed (Friedman, 1999).

Erikson also sought his identity through the myriad changes of jobs and places of residence. Lacking any academic credentials, he had no specific professional identity and was variously known as an artist, a psychologist, a psychoanalyst, a clinician, a professor, a cultural anthropologist, an existentialist, a psychobiographer, and a public intellectual.

In 1933, with fascism on the rise in Europe, Erikson and his family left Vienna for Denmark, hoping to gain Danish citizenship. When Danish officials refused his request, he left Copenhagen and immigrated to the United States.

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In America, he changed his name from Homburger to Erikson. This change was a crucial turning point in his life because it represented a retreat from his earlier Jewish identification. Originally, Erikson resented any implication that he was abandoning his Jewish identity by changing his name. He countered these charges by pointing out that he used his full name—Erik Homburger Erikson—in his books and essays. However, as time passed, he dropped his middle name and replaced it with the initial H. Thus, this person who at the end of life was known as Erik H. Erikson had previously been called Erik Salomonsen, Erik Homburger, and Erik Homburger Erikson.

In America, Erikson continued his pattern of moving from place to place. He first settled in the Boston area where he set up a modified psychoanalytic practice. With neither medical credentials nor any kind of college degree, he accepted research positions at Massachusetts General Hospital, Harvard Medical School, and the Harvard Psychological Clinic.

Wanting to write but needing more time than his busy schedule in Boston and Cambridge allowed, Erikson took a position at Yale in 1936, but after 21/2 years, he moved to the University of California at Berkeley, but not before living among and studying people of the Sioux nation on the Pine Ridge reservation in South Dakota. He later lived with people of the Yurok nation in northern California, and these experiences in cultural anthropology added to the richness and completeness of his concept of humanity.

During his California period, Erikson gradually evolved a theory of personality, separate from but not incompatible with Freud’s. In 1950, Erikson published Childhood and Society, a book that at first glance appears to be a hodgepodge of unrelated chapters. Erikson himself originally had some difficulty finding a common theme underlying such topics as childhood in two Native American tribes, the growth of the ego, the eight stages of human development, and Hitler’s childhood. Eventually, however, he recognized that the influence of psychological, cultural, and historical factors on identity was the underlying element that held the various chapters together. Childhood and Society, which became a classic and gave Erikson an international reputation as an imaginative thinker, remains the finest introduction to his post-Freudian personality theory.

In 1949, the University of California officials demanded that faculty members sign an oath pledging loyalty to the United States. Such a demand was not uncommon during those days when Senator Joseph McCarthy convinced many Americans that Communists and Communist sympathizers were poised to overthrow the U.S. government. Erikson was not a Communist, but as a matter of principle he refused to sign the oath. Although the Committee on Privilege and Tenure recommended that he retain his position, Erikson left California and returned to Massachusetts, where he worked as a therapist at Austen Riggs, a treatment center for psychoanalytic training and research located in Stockbridge. In 1960, he returned to Harvard and, for the next 10 years, held the position of professor of human development. After retirement, Erikson continued an active career—writing, lecturing, and seeing a few patients. During the early years of his retirement, he lived in Marin County, California; Cambridge, Massachusetts; and Cape Cod. Through all these changes, Erikson continued to seek his father’s name. He died on May 12, 1994, at the age of 91.

Who was Erik Erikson? Although he himself may not have been able to answer this question, other people can learn about the person known as Erik Erikson through his brilliantly constructed books, lectures, and essays.

Erikson’s best-known works include Childhood and Society (1950, 1963, 1985); Young Man Luther (1958); Identity: Youth and Crisis (1968); Gandhi’s Truth (1969), a book that won both the Pulitzer Prize and the National Book Award; Dimensions of a New Identity (1974); Life History and the Historical Moment (1975); Identity and the Life Cycle (1980); and The Life Cycle Completed (1982). Stephen Schlein compiled many of his papers in A Way of Looking at Things (Erikson, 1987).

The Ego in Post-Freudian Theory In Chapter 2, we pointed out that Freud used the analogy of a rider on horseback to describe the relationship between the ego and the id. The rider (ego) is ultimately at the mercy of the stronger horse (id). The ego has no strength of its own but must borrow its energy from the id. Moreover, the ego is constantly attempting to balance blind demands of the superego against the relentless forces of the id and the realistic opportunities of the external world. Freud believed that, for psychologically healthy people, the ego is sufficiently developed to rein in the id, even though its control is still tenuous and id impulses might erupt and overwhelm the ego at any time.

In contrast, Erikson held that our ego is a positive force that creates a self- identity, a sense of “I.” As the center of our personality, our ego helps us adapt to the various conflicts and crises of life and keeps us from losing our individuality to the leveling forces of society. During childhood, the ego is weak, pliable, and fragile; but by adolescence it should begin to take form and gain strength. Throughout our life, it unifies personality and guards against indivisibility. Erikson saw the ego as a partially unconscious organizing agency that synthesizes

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our present experiences with past self-identities and also with anticipated images of self. He defined the ego as a person’s ability to unify experiences and actions in an adaptive manner (Erikson, 1963).

Erikson (1968) identified three interrelated aspects of ego: the body ego, the ego ideal, and ego identity. The body ego refers to experiences with our body; a way of seeing our physical self as different from other people. We may be satisfied or dissatisfied with the way our body looks and functions, but we recognize that it is the only body we will ever have. The ego ideal represents the image we have of ourselves in comparison with an established ideal; it is responsible for our being satisfied or dissatisfied not only with our physical self but also with our entire personal identity. Ego identity is the image we have of ourselves in the variety of social roles we play. Although adolescence is ordinarily the time when these three components are changing most rapidly, alterations in body ego, ego ideal, and ego identity can and do take place at any stage of life.

Society’s Influence Although inborn capacities are important in personality development, the ego emerges from and is largely shaped by society. Erikson’s emphasis on social and historical factors was in contrast with Freud’s mostly biological viewpoint. To Erikson, the ego exists as potential at birth, but it must emerge from within a cultural environment. Different societies, with their variations in child-rearing practices, tend to shape personalities that fit the needs and values of their culture. For example, Erikson (1963) found that prolonged and permissive nursing of infants of the Sioux nation (sometimes for as long as 4 or 5 years) resulted in what Freud would call “oral” personalities: that is, people who gain great pleasure through functions of the mouth. The Sioux place great value on generosity, and Erikson believed that the reassurance resulting from unlimited breast feeding lays the foundation for the virtue of generosity. However, Sioux parents quickly suppress biting, a practice that may contribute to the child’s fortitude and ferocity. On the other hand, people of the Yurok nation set strict regulations concerning elimination of urine and feces, practices that tend to develop “anality,” or compulsive neatness, stubbornness, and miserliness. In European American societies, orality and anality are often considered undesirable traits or neurotic symptoms. Erikson (1963), however, argued that orality among the Sioux hunters and anality among the Yurok fishermen are adaptive characteristics that help both the individual and the culture. The fact that European American culture views orality and anality as deviant traits merely displays its own ethnocentric view of other societies. Erikson (1968, 1974) argued that historically all tribes or nations, including the United States, have developed what he called a pseudospecies: that is, an illusion perpetrated and perpetuated by a particular society that it is somehow chosen to be the human species. In past centuries, this belief has aided the survival of the tribe, but with modern means of world annihilation, such a prejudiced perception (as demonstrated by Nazi Germany) threatens the survival of every nation.

One of Erikson’s principal contributions to personality theory was his extension of the Freudian early stages of development to include school age, youth, adulthood, and old age. Before looking more closely at Erikson’s theory of ego development, we discuss his view of how personality develops from one stage to the next.

Epigenetic Principle Erikson believed that the ego develops throughout the various stages of life according to an epigenetic principle, a term borrowed from embryology. Epigenetic development implies a step-by-step growth of fetal organs. The embryo does not begin as a completely formed little person, waiting to merely expand its structure and form. Rather, it develops, or should develop, according to a predetermined rate and in a fixed sequence. If the eyes, liver, or other organs do not develop during that critical period for their development, then they will never attain proper maturity.

 

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Children crawl before they walk, walk before they run, and run before they jump. Andersen Ross/Getty Images

In similar fashion, the ego follows the path of epigenetic development, with each stage developing at its proper time. One stage emerges from and is built upon a previous stage, but it does not replace that earlier stage. This epigenetic development is analogous to the physical development of children, who crawl before they walk, walk before they run, and run before they jump. When children are still crawling, they are developing the potential to walk, run, and jump; and after they are mature enough to jump, they still retain their ability to run, walk, and crawl. Erikson (1968) described the epigenetic principle by saying that “anything that grows has a ground plan, and that out of this ground plan the parts arise, each part having its time of special ascendancy, until all parts have arisen to form a functioning whole” (p. 92). More succinctly, “Epigenesis means that one characteristic develops on top of another in space and time” (Evans, 1967, pp. 21–22).

The epigenetic principle is illustrated in Figure 7.1, which depicts the first three Eriksonian stages. The sequence of stages (1, 2, 3) and the development of their component parts (A, B, C) are shown in the heavily lined boxes along the diagonal. Figure 7.1 shows that each part exists before its critical time (at least as biological potential), emerges at its proper time, and finally, continues to develop during subsequent stages. For example, component part B first emerges during Stage 1 (infancy; Box 1B), reaches full ascendence (bold line) during Stage 2 (early childhood, Box 2B), and continues to develop on into Stage 3 (play age, Box 3B). Similarly, all components of Stage 3 exist during Stages 1 and 2, reach full development during Stage 3, and continue throughout all later stages (Erikson, 1982).

 

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FIGURE 7.1 Three Eriksonian Stages, Depicting the Epigenetic Principle. Source: Erikson, Erik H. The Life Cycle Completed. New York, NY: W. W. Norton, 1982.

Stages of Psychosocial Development Comprehension of Erikson’s eight stages of psychosocial development requires an understanding of several basic points. First, growth takes place according to the epigenetic principle. That is, one component part arises out of another and has its own time of ascendancy, but it does not entirely replace earlier components.

Second, in every stage of life there is an interaction of opposites—that is, a conflict between a syntonic (harmonious) element and a dystonic (disruptive) element. For example, during infancy basic trust (a syntonic tendency) is opposed to basic mistrust (a dystonic tendency). Both trust and mistrust, however, are necessary for proper adaptation. An infant who learns only to trust becomes gullible and is ill prepared for the realities encountered in later development, whereas an infant who learns only to mistrust becomes overly suspicious and cynical. Similarly, during each of the other seven stages, people must have both harmonious (syntonic) and disruptive (dystonic) experiences.

Third, at each stage, the conflict between the dystonic and syntonic elements produces an ego quality or ego strength, which Erikson referred to as a basic strength. For instance, from the antithesis between trust and mistrust emerges hope, an ego quality that allows an infant to move into the next stage. Likewise, each of the other stages is marked by a basic ego strength that emerges from the clash between the harmonious and the disruptive elements of that stage.

Fourth, too little basic strength at any one stage results in a core pathology for that stage. For example, a child who does not acquire sufficient hope during infancy will develop the antithesis or opposite of hope, namely, withdrawal. Again, each stage has a potential core pathology.

Fifth, although Erikson referred to his eight stages as psychosocial stages, he never lost sight of the biological aspect of human development.

 

Sixth, events in earlier stages do not cause later personality development. Ego identity is shaped by a multiplicity of conflicts and events—past, present, and anticipated.

Seventh, during each stage, but especially from adolescence forward, personality development is characterized by an identity crisis, which Erikson (1968) called “a turning point, a crucial period of increased vulnerability and heightened potential” (p. 96). Thus, during each crisis, a person is especially susceptible to major modifications in identity, either positive or negative. Contrary to popular usage, an identity crisis is not a catastrophic event but rather an opportunity for either adaptive or maladaptive adjustment.

Erikson’s eight stages of psychosocial development are shown in Figure 7.2. The boldfaced capitalized words are the ego qualities or basic strengths that emerge from the conflicts or psychosocial crises that typify each

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period. The “vs.” separating syntonic and dystonic elements signifies not only an antithetical relationship but also a complementary one. Only the boxes along the diagonal are filled in; that is, Figure 7.2 highlights only the basic strengths and psychosocial crises that are most characteristic of each stage of development. However, the epigenetic principle suggests that all the other boxes would be filled (as in Figure 7.1), though with other items less characteristic of their stage of psychosocial development. Each item in the ensemble is vital to personality development, and each is related to all the others.

FIGURE 7.2 Erikson’s Eight Stages of Development with Their Appropriate Basic Strengths and Psychosocial Crises. Source: Erikson, Erik H. The Life Cycle Completed. New York, NY: W. W. Norton, 1982.

Infancy The first psychosocial stage is infancy, a period encompassing approximately the first year of life and paralleling Freud’s oral phase of development. However, Erikson’s model adopts a broader focus than Freud’s oral stage, which was concerned almost exclusively with the mouth. To Erikson (1963, 1989), infancy is a time of incorporation, with infants “taking in” not only through their mouth but through their various sense organs as well. Through their eyes, for example, infants take in visual stimuli. As they take in food and sensory information, infants learn to either trust or mistrust the outside world, a situation that gives them realistic hope. Infancy, then, is marked by the oral-sensory psychosexual mode, the psychosocial crisis of basic trust versus basic mistrust, and the basic strength of hope.

Oral-Sensory Mode Erikson’s expanded view of infancy is expressed in the term oral-sensory, a phrase that includes infants’ principal psychosexual mode of adapting. The oral-sensory stage is characterized by two modes of incorporation —receiving and accepting what is given. Infants can receive even in the absence of other people; that is, they can take in air through the lungs and can receive sensory data without having to manipulate others. The second mode of incorporation, however, implies a social context. Infants not only must get, but also must get someone else to

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give. This early training in interpersonal relations helps them learn to eventually become givers. In getting other people to give, they learn to trust or mistrust other people, thus setting up the basic psychosocial crisis of infancy, namely, basic trust versus basic mistrust.

Basic Trust versus Basic Mistrust Infants’ most significant interpersonal relations are with their primary caregiver, usually their mother. If they realize that their mother will provide food regularly, then they begin to learn basic trust; if they consistently hear the pleasant, rhythmic voice of their mother, then they develop more basic trust; if they can rely on an exciting visual environment, then they solidify basic trust even more. In other words, if their pattern of accepting things corresponds with culture’s way of giving things, then infants learn basic trust. In contrast, they learn basic mistrust if they find no correspondence between their oral-sensory needs and their environment.

Basic trust is usually syntonic, and basic mistrust is dystonic. Nevertheless, infants must develop both attitudes. Too much trust makes them gullible and vulnerable to the vagaries of the world, whereas too little trust leads to frustration, anger, hostility, cynicism, or depression.

Both trust and mistrust are inevitable experiences of infants. All babies who have survived have been fed and otherwise cared for and therefore have some reason to trust. In addition, all have been frustrated by pain, hunger, or discomfort, and thus have a reason to mistrust. Erikson believed that some ratio of trust and mistrust is critical to people’s ability to adapt. He told Richard Evans (1967) that “when we enter a situation, we must be able to differentiate how much we can trust and how much we must mistrust, and I use mistrust in the sense of a readiness for danger and an anticipation of discomfort” (p. 15).

The inevitable clash between basic trust and basic mistrust results in people’s first psychosocial crisis. If people successfully solve this crisis, they acquire their first basic strength—hope.

Hope: The Basic Strength of Infancy Hope emerges from the conflict between basic trust and basic mistrust. Without the antithetical relationship between trust and mistrust, people cannot develop hope. Infants must experience hunger, pain, and discomfort as well as the alleviation of these unpleasant conditions. By having both painful and pleasurable experiences, infants learn to expect that future distresses will meet with satisfactory outcomes.

If infants do not develop sufficient hope during infancy, they will demonstrate the antithesis or the opposite of hope—withdrawal, the core pathology of infancy. With little to hope for, they will retreat from the outside world and begin the journey toward serious psychological disturbance.

Early Childhood The second psychosocial stage is early childhood, a period paralleling Freud’s anal stage and encompassing approximately the 2nd and 3rd years of life. Again, some differences exist between the views of Freud and Erikson. In Chapter 2, we explained that Freud regarded the anus as the primary erogenous zone during this period and that during the early sadistic-anal phase, children receive pleasure in destroying or losing objects, while later they take satisfaction in defecating.

Once again, Erikson took a broader view. To him, young children receive pleasure not only from mastering the sphincter muscle but also from mastering other body functions such as urinating, walking, throwing, holding, and so on. In addition, children develop a sense of control over their interpersonal environment, as well as a measure of self-control. However, early childhood is also a time of experiencing doubt and shame as children learn that many of their attempts at autonomy are unsuccessful.

Anal–Urethral–Muscular Mode During the 2nd year of life, children’s primary psychosexual adjustment is the anal–urethral–muscular mode. At this time, children learn to control their body, especially in relation to cleanliness and mobility. Early childhood is more than a time of toilet training; it is also a time of learning to walk, run, hug parents, and hold on to toys and other objects. With each of these activities, young children are likely to display some stubborn tendencies. They may retain their feces or eliminate them at will, snuggle up to their mother or suddenly push her away, delight in hoarding objects or ruthlessly discard them.

Early childhood is a time of contradiction, a time of stubborn rebellion and meek compliance, a time of impulsive self-expression and compulsive deviance, a time of loving cooperation and hateful resistance. This

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obstinate insistence on conflicting impulses triggers the major psychosocial crisis of childhood—autonomy versus shame and doubt (Erikson, 1968).

 

Autonomy versus Shame and Doubt If early childhood is a time for self-expression and autonomy, then it is also a time for shame and doubt. As children stubbornly express their anal–urethral–muscular mode, they are likely to find a culture that attempts to inhibit some of their self-expression. Parents may shame their children for soiling their pants or for making a mess with their food. They may also instill doubt by questioning their children’s ability to meet their standards. The conflict between autonomy and shame and doubt becomes the major psychosocial crisis of early childhood.

Ideally, children should develop a proper ratio between autonomy and shame and doubt, and the ratio should be in favor of autonomy, the syntonic quality of early childhood. Children who develop too little autonomy will have difficulties in subsequent stages, lacking the basic strengths of later stages.

According to Erikson’s epigenetic diagrams (see Figures 7.1 and 7.2), autonomy grows out of basic trust; and if basic trust has been established in infancy, then children learn to have faith in themselves, and their world remains intact while they experience a mild psychosocial crisis. Conversely, if children do not develop basic trust during infancy, then their attempts to gain control of their anal, urethral, and muscular organs during early childhood will be met with a strong sense of shame and doubt, setting up a serious psychosocial crisis. Shame is a feeling of self-consciousness, of being looked at and exposed. Doubt, on the other hand, is the feeling of not being certain, the feeling that something remains hidden and cannot be seen. Both shame and doubt are dystonic qualities, and both grow out of the basic mistrust that was established in infancy.

Will: The Basic Strength of Early Childhood The basic strength of will or willfulness evolves from the resolution of the crisis of autonomy versus shame and doubt. This step is the beginning of free will and willpower—but only a beginning. Mature willpower and a significant measure of free will are reserved for later stages of development, but they originate in the rudimentary will that emerges during early childhood. Anyone who has spent much time around 2-year-olds knows how willful they can be. Toilet training often epitomizes the conflict of wills between adult and child, but willful expression is not limited to this area. The basic conflict during early childhood is between the child’s striving for autonomy and the parent’s attempts to control the child through the use of shame and doubt.

Children develop will only when their environment allows them some self- expression in their control of sphincters and other muscles. When their experiences result in too much shame and doubt, children do not adequately develop this second important basic strength. Inadequate will is expressed as compulsion, the core pathology of early childhood. Too little will and too much compulsivity carry forward into the play age as lack of purpose and into the school age as lack of confidence.

Play Age Erikson’s third stage of development is the play age, a period covering the same time as Freud’s phallic phase— roughly ages 3–5. Again, differences emerge between the views of Freud and Erikson. Whereas Freud placed the Oedipus complex at the core of the phallic stage, Erikson believed that the Oedipus complex is but one of several important developments during the play age. Erikson (1968) contended that, in addition to identifying with their parents, preschool-age children are developing locomotion, language skills, curiosity, imagination, and the ability to set goals.

Genital-Locomotor Mode The primary psychosexual mode during the play age is genital-locomotor. Erikson (1982) saw the Oedipal situation as a prototype “of the lifelong power of human playfulness” (p. 77). In other words, the Oedipus complex is a drama played out in the child’s imagination and includes the budding understanding of such basic concepts as reproduction, growth, future, and death. The Oedipus and castration complexes, therefore, are not always to be taken literally. A child may play at being a mother, a father, a wife, or a husband; but such play is an expression not only of the genital mode but also of the child’s rapidly developing locomotor abilities. A little girl may envy boys, not because boys possess a penis, but rather because society grants more prerogatives to children with a penis. A little boy may have anxiety about losing something, but this anxiety refers not only to the

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penis but also to other body parts. The Oedipus complex, then, is both more than and less than what Freud believed, and infantile sexuality is “a mere promise of things to come” (Erikson, 1963, p. 86). Unless sexual interest is provoked by cultural sex play or by adult sexual abuse, the Oedipus complex produces no harmful effects on later personality development.

The interest that play-age children have in genital activity is accompanied by their increasing facility at locomotion. They can now move with ease, running, jumping, and climbing with no conscious effort; and their play shows both initiative and imagination. Their rudimentary will, developed during the preceding stage, is now evolving into activity with a purpose. Children’s cognitive abilities enable them to manufacture elaborate fantasies that include Oedipal fantasies but also include imagining what it is like to be grown up, to be omnipotent, or to be a ferocious animal. These fantasies, however, also produce guilt and thus contribute to the psychosocial crisis of the play age, namely, initiative versus guilt.

Initiative versus Guilt As children begin to move around more easily and vigorously and as their genital interest awakens, they adopt an intrusive head-on mode of approaching the world. Although they begin to adopt initiative in their selection and pursuit of goals, many goals, such as marrying their mother or father or leaving home, must be either repressed or delayed. The consequence of these taboo and inhibited goals is guilt. The conflict between initiative and guilt becomes the dominant psychosocial crisis of the play age.

Again, the ratio between these two should favor the syntonic quality—initiative. Unbridled initiative, however, may lead to chaos and a lack of moral principles. On the other hand, if guilt is the dominant element, children may become compulsively moralistic or overly inhibited. Inhibition, which is the antipathy of purpose, constitutes the core pathology of the play age.

Purpose: The Basic Strength of the Play Age The conflict of initiative versus guilt produces the basic strength of purpose. Children now play with a purpose, competing at games in order to win or to be on top. Their genital interests have a direction, with mother or father being the object of their sexual desires. They set goals and pursue them with purpose. Play age is also the stage in which children are developing a conscience and beginning to attach labels such as right and wrong to their behavior. This youthful conscience becomes the “cornerstone of morality” (Erikson, 1968, p. 119).

School Age Erikson’s concept of school age covers development from about age 6 to approximately age 12 or 13 and matches the latency years of Freud’s theory. At this age, the social world of children is expanding beyond family to include peers, teachers, and other adult models. For school-age children, their wish to know becomes strong and is tied to their basic striving for competence. In normal development, children strive industriously to read and write, to hunt and fish, or to learn the skills required by their culture. School age does not necessarily mean formalized schools. In contemporary literate cultures, schools and professional teachers play a major part in children’s education, whereas in preliterate societies, adults use less formalized but equally effective methods to instruct children in the ways of society.

Latency Erikson agreed with Freud that school age is a period of psychosexual latency. Sexual latency is important because it allows children to divert their energies to learning the technology of their culture and the strategies of their social interactions. As children work and play to acquire these essentials, they begin to form a picture of themselves as competent or incompetent. These self-images are the origin of ego identity—that feeling of “I” or “me-ness” that evolves more fully during adolescence.

Industry versus Inferiority Although school age is a period of little sexual development, it is a time of tremendous social growth. The psychosocial crisis of this stage is industry versus inferiority. Industry, a syntonic quality, means industriousness, a willingness to remain busy with something and to finish a job. School-age children learn to work and play at activities directed toward acquiring job skills and toward learning the rules of cooperation.

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As children learn to do things well, they develop a sense of industry, but if their work is insufficient to accomplish their goals, they acquire a sense of inferiority—the dystonic quality of the school age. Earlier inadequacies can also contribute to children’s feelings of inferiority. For example, if children acquire too much guilt and too little purpose during the play age, they will likely feel inferior and incompetent during the school age. However, failure is not inevitable. Erikson was optimistic in suggesting that people can successfully handle the crisis of any given stage even though they were not completely successful in previous stages.

The ratio between industry and inferiority should, of course, favor industry; but inferiority, like the other dystonic qualities, should not be avoided. As Alfred Adler (Chapter 3) pointed out, inferiority can serve as an impetus to do one’s best. Conversely, an oversupply of inferiority can block productive activity and stunt one’s feelings of competence.

 

Competence: The Basic Strength of the School Age From the conflict of industry versus inferiority, school-age children develop the basic strength of competence: that is, the confidence to use one’s physical and cognitive abilities to solve the problems that accompany school age. Competence lays the foundation for “co-operative participation in productive adult life” (Erikson, 1968, p. 126).

If the struggle between industry and inferiority favors either inferiority or an overabundance of industry, children are likely to give up and regress to an earlier stage of development. They may become preoccupied with infantile genital and Oedipal fantasies and spend most of their time in nonproductive play. This regression is called inertia, the antithesis of competence and the core pathology of the school age.

Adolescence Adolescence, the period from puberty to young adulthood, is one of the most crucial developmental stages because, by the end of this period, a person must gain a firm sense of ego identity. Although ego identity neither begins nor ends during adolescence, the crisis between identity and identity confusion reaches its ascendance during this stage. From this crisis of identity versus identity confusion emerges fidelity, the basic strength of adolescence.

Erikson (1982) saw adolescence as a period of social latency, just as he saw school age as a time of sexual latency. Although adolescents are developing sexually and cognitively, in most Western societies they are allowed to postpone lasting commitment to an occupation, a sex partner, or an adaptive philosophy of life. They are permitted to experiment in a variety of ways and to try out new roles and beliefs while seeking to establish a sense of ego identity. Adolescence, then, is an adaptive phase of personality development, a period of trial and error.

Puberty Puberty, defined as genital maturation, plays a relatively minor role in Erikson’s concept of adolescence. For most young people, genital maturation presents no major sexual crisis. Nevertheless, puberty is important psychologically because it triggers expectations of adult roles yet ahead—roles that are essentially social and can be filled only through a struggle to attain ego identity.

Identity versus Identity Confusion The search for ego identity reaches a climax during adolescence as young people strive to find out who they are and who they are not. With the advent of puberty, adolescents look for new roles to help them discover their identities. Erikson believed that exploring questions of occupational and ideological identity were the critical issues during adolescence (1956, 1963). That is, what do we want to do with our lives and what do we believe about religion and politics? James Marcia later added sexual identity to Erikson’s domains of adolescent identities to address the questions: To whom are we attracted and who is attracted to us? (Marcia et al., 1993; Schenkel & Marcia, 1972). Together these three identity domains—occupational, ideological, and sexual—form the cornerstone of identity development and exploration during adolescence. In this search, young people draw from a variety of earlier self-images that have been accepted or rejected. Thus, the seeds of identity begin to sprout during infancy and continue to grow through childhood, the play age, and the school age. Then during

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adolescence, identity strengthens into a crisis as young people learn to cope with the psychosocial conflict of identity versus identity confusion.

A crisis should not suggest a threat or catastrophe but rather “a turning point, a crucial period of increased vulnerability and heightened potential” (Erikson, 1968, p. 96). An identity crisis may last for many years and can result in either greater or lesser ego strength.

Identity involves finding out which groups you belong to and which you don’t. fotostorm/Getty Images

According to Erikson (1982), identity emerges from two sources: (1) adolescents’ affirmation or repudiation of childhood identifications and (2) their historical and social contexts, which encourage conformity to certain standards. Young people frequently reject the standards of their elders, preferring instead the values of a peer group or gang. In any event, the society in which they live plays a substantial role in shaping their identity.

Identity is defined both positively and negatively, as adolescents are deciding what they want to become and what they believe while also discovering what they do not wish to be and what they do not believe. Often they must either repudiate the values of parents or reject those of the peer group, a dilemma that may intensify their identity confusion.

Identity confusion is a syndrome of problems that includes a divided self-image, an inability to establish intimacy, a sense of time urgency, a lack of concentration on required tasks, and a rejection of family or community standards. As with the other dystonic tendencies, some amount of identity confusion is both normal and necessary. Young people must experience some doubt and confusion about who they are before they can evolve a stable identity. They may leave home (as Erikson did) to wander alone in search of self; experiment with drugs and sex; identify with a street gang; join a religious order; or rail against the existing society, with no alternative answers. Or they may simply and quietly consider where they fit into the world and what values they hold dear.

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Once again, Erikson’s theory is consistent with his own life. At age 18 and feeling alienated from the standards of his bourgeois family, Erikson set about searching for a different style of life. Gifted at sketching and with more identity confusion than identity, he spent the next 7 years wandering through southern Europe in search of an identity as an artist. Erikson (1975) referred to this stage of his life as a time of discontent, rebellion, and identity confusion.

Although identity confusion is a necessary part of our search for identity, too much confusion can lead to pathological adjustment in the form of regression to earlier stages of development. We may postpone the responsibilities of adulthood and drift aimlessly from one job to another, from one sex partner to another, or from one ideology to another. Conversely, if we develop the proper ratio of identity to identity confusion, we will have (1) faith in some sort of ideological principle, (2) the ability to freely decide how we should behave, (3) trust in our peers and adults who give us advice regarding goals and aspirations, and (4) confidence in our choice of an eventual occupation.

Fidelity: The Basic Strength of Adolescence The basic strength emerging from adolescent identity crises is fidelity, or faith in one’s ideology. After establishing their internal standards of conduct, adolescents are no longer in need of parental guidance but have confidence in their own religious, political, and social ideologies.

The trust learned in infancy is basic for fidelity in adolescence. Young people must learn to trust others before they can have faith in their own view of the future. They must have developed hope during infancy, and they must follow hope with the other basic strengths—will, purpose, and competence. Each is a prerequisite for fidelity, just as fidelity is essential for acquiring subsequent ego strengths.

The pathological counterpart of fidelity is role repudiation, the core pathology of adolescence that blocks one’s ability to synthesize various self-images and values into a workable identity. Role repudiation can take the form of either diffidence or defiance (Erikson, 1982). Diffidence is an extreme lack of self-trust or self-confidence and is expressed as shyness or hesitancy to express oneself. In contrast, defiance is the act of rebelling against authority. Defiant adolescents stubbornly hold to socially unacceptable beliefs and practices simply because these beliefs and practices are unacceptable. Some amount of role repudiation, Erikson believed, is necessary, not only because it allows adolescents to evolve their personal identity but also because it injects some new ideas and new vitality into the social structure.

Young Adulthood After achieving a sense of identity during adolescence, people must acquire the ability to fuse that identity with the identity of another person while maintaining their sense of individuality. Young adulthood—a time from about age 19 to 30—is circumscribed not so much by time as by the acquisition of intimacy at the beginning of the stage and the development of generativity at the end. For some people, this stage is a relatively short time, lasting perhaps only a few years. For others, young adulthood may continue for several decades. Young adults should develop mature genitality, experience the conflict between intimacy and isolation, and acquire the basic strength of love.

Genitality Much of the sexual activity during adolescence is an expression of one’s search for identity and is basically self- serving. True genitality can develop only during young adulthood when it is distinguished by mutual trust and a stable sharing of sexual satisfactions with a loved person. It is the chief psychosexual accomplishment of young adulthood and exists only in an intimate relationship (Erikson, 1963).

 

Intimacy versus Isolation Young adulthood is marked by the psychosocial crisis of intimacy versus isolation. Intimacy is the ability to fuse one’s identity with that of another person without fear of losing it. Because intimacy can be achieved only after people have formed a stable ego, the infatuations often found in young adolescents are not true intimacy. People who are unsure of their identity may either shy away from psychosocial intimacy or desperately seek intimacy through meaningless sexual encounters.

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In contrast, mature intimacy means an ability and willingness to share a mutual trust. It involves sacrifice, compromise, and commitment within a relationship of two equals. It should be a requirement for marriage, but many marriages lack intimacy because some young people marry as part of their search for the identity that they failed to establish during adolescence.

The psychosocial counterpart to intimacy is isolation, defined as “the incapacity to take chances with one’s identity by sharing true intimacy” (Erikson, 1968, p. 137). Some people become financially or socially successful, yet retain a sense of isolation because they are unable to accept the adult responsibilities of productive work, procreation, and mature love.

Again, some degree of isolation is essential before one can acquire mature love. Too much togetherness can diminish a person’s sense of ego identity, which leads that person to a psychosocial regression and an inability to face the next developmental stage. The greater danger, of course, is too much isolation, too little intimacy, and a deficiency in the basic strength of love.

Love: The Basic Strength of Young Adulthood Love, the basic strength of young adulthood, emerges from the crisis of intimacy versus isolation. Erikson (1968, 1982) defined love as mature devotion that overcomes basic differences between men and women. Although love includes intimacy, it also contains some degree of isolation, because each partner is permitted to retain a separate identity. Mature love means commitment, sexual passion, cooperation, competition, and friendship. It is the basic strength of young adulthood, enabling a person to cope productively with the final two stages of development.

The antipathy of love is exclusivity, the core pathology of young adulthood. Some exclusivity, however, is necessary for intimacy; that is, a person must be able to exclude certain people, activities, and ideas in order to develop a strong sense of identity. Exclusivity becomes pathological when it blocks one’s ability to cooperate, compete, or compromise—all prerequisite ingredients for intimacy and love.

Adulthood The seventh stage of development is adulthood, that time when people begin to take their place in society and assume responsibility for whatever society produces. For most people, this is the longest stage of development, spanning the years from about age 31 to 60. Adulthood is characterized by the psychosexual mode of procreativity, the psychosocial crisis of generativity versus stagnation, and the basic strength of care.

 

Procreativity Erikson’s psychosexual theory assumes an instinctual drive to perpetuate the species. This drive is the counterpart of an adult animal’s instinct toward procreation and is an extension of the genitality that marks young adulthood (Erikson, 1982). However, procreativity refers to more than genital contact with an intimate partner. It includes assuming responsibility for the care of offspring that result from that sexual contact. Ideally, procreation should follow from the mature intimacy and love established during the preceding stage. Obviously, people are physically capable of producing offspring before they are psychologically ready to care for the welfare of these children.

Mature adulthood demands more than procreating offspring; it includes caring for one’s children as well as other people’s children. In addition, it encompasses working productively to transmit culture from one generation to the next.

Generativity versus Stagnation The syntonic quality of adulthood is generativity, defined as “the generation of new beings as well as new products and new ideas” (Erikson, 1982, p. 67). Generativity, which is concerned with establishing and guiding the next generation, includes the procreation of children, the production of work, and the creation of new things and ideas that contribute to the building of a better world.

People have a need not only to learn but also to instruct. This need extends beyond one’s own children to an altruistic concern for other young people. Generativity grows out of earlier syntonic qualities such as intimacy and identity. As noted earlier, intimacy calls for the ability to fuse one’s ego to that of another person without fear of losing it. This unity of ego identities leads to a gradual expansion of interests. During adulthood, one-to-one

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intimacy is no longer enough. Other people, especially children, become part of one’s concern. Instructing others in the ways of culture is a practice found in all societies. For the mature adult, this motivation is not merely an obligation or a selfish need but an evolutionary drive to make a contribution to succeeding generations and to ensure the continuity of human society as well.

The antithesis of generativity is self-absorption and stagnation. The generational cycle of productivity and creativity is crippled when people become too absorbed in themselves, too self-indulgent. Such an attitude fosters a pervading sense of stagnation. Some elements of stagnation and self-absorption, however, are necessary. Creative people must, at times, remain in a dormant stage and be absorbed with themselves in order to eventually generate new growth. The interaction of generativity and stagnation produces care, the basic strength of adulthood.

Care: The Basic Strength of Adulthood Erikson (1982) defined care as “a widening commitment to take care of the persons, the products, and the ideas one has learned to care for” (p. 67). As the basic strength of adulthood, care arises from each earlier basic ego strength. One must have hope, will, purpose, competence, fidelity, and love in order to take care of that which one cares for. Care is not a duty or obligation but a natural desire emerging from the conflict between generativity and stagnation or self-absorption.

 

The antipathy of care is rejectivity, the core pathology of adulthood. Rejectivity is the unwillingness to take care of certain persons or groups (Erikson, 1982). Rejectivity is manifested as self-centeredness, provincialism, or pseudospeciation: that is, the belief that other groups of people are inferior to one’s own. It is responsible for much of human hatred, destruction, atrocities, and wars. As Erikson said, rejectivity “has far-reaching implications for the survival of the species as well as for every individual’s psychosocial development” (p. 70).

Erikson’s stages of development extend into old age. Darren Greenwood/Design Pics

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Old Age The eighth and final stage of development is old age. Erikson was in his early 40s when he first conceptualized this stage and arbitrarily defined it as the period from about age 60 to the end of life. Old age need not mean that people are no longer generative. Procreation, in the narrow sense of producing children, may be absent, yet old people can remain productive and creative in other ways. They can be caring grandparents to their own grandchildren as well as to other younger members of society. Old age can be a time of joy, playfulness, and wonder; but it is also a time of senility, depression, and despair. The psychosexual mode of old age is generalized sensuality; the psychosocial crisis is integrity versus despair, and the basic strength is wisdom.

Generalized Sensuality The final psychosexual stage is generalized sensuality. Erikson had little to say about this mode of psychosexual life, but one may infer that it means to take pleasure in a variety of different physical sensations—sights, sounds, tastes, odors, embraces, and perhaps genital stimulation. Generalized sensuality may also include a greater appreciation for the traditional lifestyle of the opposite sex. Men become more nurturant and more acceptant of the pleasures of nonsexual relationships, including those with their grandchildren and great-grandchildren. Women become more interested and involved in politics, finance, and world affairs (Erikson, Erikson, & Kivnick, 1986). A generalized sensual attitude, however, is dependent on one’s ability to hold things together, that is, to maintain integrity in the face of despair.

Integrity versus Despair A person’s final identity crisis is integrity versus despair. At the end of life, the dystonic quality of despair may prevail, but for people with a strong ego identity who have learned intimacy and who have taken care of both people and things, the syntonic quality of integrity will predominate. Integrity means a feeling of wholeness and coherence, an ability to hold together one’s sense of “I-ness” despite diminishing physical and intellectual powers.