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207

Parenting

Adolescents

CHAPTER 9

Adolescent Development in the Context of the Home

Physical and Hormonal Changes Neurological and Cognitive Changes Social Changes

Problems for Adolescents and Their Parents

Automobile Accidents Sexual Initiation, Contraception Use,

and Pregnancy Electronic Media Problems Eating Problems School Dropouts

Substance Use and Abuse Mental Health Problems Youth Violence and Delinquency

How Parents Help Teens Navigate Adolescence

Staying Connected via Positive, Warm Relationships

Open Communication Monitoring/Knowledge Appropriate Limits Other Ways Parents Influence

Their Teenagers Limits of Parental Influence on Teens

Chapter Preview: True or False?

• Adolescence is a time of explosive brain growth.

• Parent-child conflict peaks during adolescence.

• Twenty-five percent of adolescents think about suicide.

Holden, George W.. <i>Parenting : A Dynamic Perspective</i>, SAGE Publications, 2009. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/umuc/detail.action?docID=1995144. Created from umuc on 2019-06-17 19:07:04.

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The adolescent years have been described in colorful ways. G. Stanley Hall,one of the fathers of American psychology and a pioneer of research intoadolescence, called it a time of “heightened storm and stress” (1904, Vol. 1, p. xiii). It is also known as the “tumultuous” and “awkward years.” As youth grow into the adolescent years (generally defined as from ages 13 to 19), the interpersonal equilibrium established with parents is often disrupted. It is a developmental stage that can be characterized by mood changes and risky behavior.

Many parents approach the adolescent years with trepidation, inspired by perhaps their autobiographic memories and stereotypes and misinformation. Common stereotypes describe teens as being difficult, oppositional, and moody, due to “raging hormones.” For all those reasons, parents are wary of the adolescent years. To be sure, adolescence is a time of change but not necessarily resulting in rebellious youth. Although some parents erroneously regard adolescence as when their child-rearing duties are over, the evidence indicates that in certain ways this time period is especially important for parent-child relationships. Parents need to be responsive to the many types of changes that are going on with the adolescent, including physical, cognitive, self-concept, and social.

Adolescent Development in the Context of the Home

The core task for the adolescent is identity formation, whereby the individual nego- tiates the transition between the safety of childhood and the complex, indetermi- nant world of adulthood (Baumrind, 1991; Steinberg & Silk, 2002). During late adolescence and early adulthood, individuals embark on their life paths, whether they are engaged in such activities as pursuing educational opportunities, begin- ning full-time employment, establishing a family, or perhaps joining the military (see Illustration 9.1). That identity formation process occurs among a sea of changes: physical and hormonal, neurological and cognitive, and social.

Physical and Hormonal Changes

In several ways, parental relations with their adolescents are linked to develop- mental changes. The most obvious indicator of development is the physical changes associated with puberty. Puberty has long been regarded as the hallmark of adoles- cence. In actuality, the surge in sex hormones that precipitates puberty occurs in middle-childhood years (see Box 9.1). Physical changes include emergence of pubic hair, changes in body shape and fat distribution, and breast development and the onset of menstruation in females. The median age of onset of menarche in girls in the United States is now at 12.4 years (ages ranging from 9 to 14 years) (Chumlea et al., 2003). However, breast development can begin as early as age 7 in girls and even earlier for African American girls (Kaplowitz, Slora, Wasserman, Pedlow, & Herman-Giddens, 2001). Physical changes in males include emergence of body,

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facial, and pubic hair; growth of muscle; and change in voice, body shape, and tes- ticular size and function. Boys go through puberty about 6 months to 1 year later than girls (Lee, Guo, & Kulin, 2001).

Many factors influence the onset of puberty, including genes, culture, socio- economic status, diet, exercise, and stress. A provocative prediction based on evolu- tionary theory was proposed by Jay Belsky, Larry Steinberg, and Patricia Draper in 1991. They hypothesized that the home environment, and particularly parenting behavior, would influence the onset of puberty. Families characterized by stress and harsh parenting should have daughters who attained puberty earlier, in contrast to warm and emotionally supportive family environments. In the most thorough test of that prediction, Belsky and his colleagues (2007) found evidence that parenting practices predicted girls’ but not boys’ pubertal development. Both mothers’ and fathers’ harsh controlling practices were associated with earlier onset of menses.

The timing of physical maturation has many more repercussions on teenagers than simply their bodies. It influences boys’ and girls’ psychological well-being (i.e., self-esteem) and onset of emotional problems (i.e., depression). For example, ado- lescents who think they look older than their peers can experience emotional dis- tress (Resnick et al., 1997). However, gender plays a determining role. Boys who mature early and thereby grow taller and heavier are at a distinct advantage for playing many sports. Consequently, early-maturing boys receive a positive psycho- logical impact from their physical changes. In contrast, early maturing girls, who

Chapter 9 • Parenting: Adolescents 209

Illustration 9.1 A teenage boy plays his guitar.

Source: Photograph by J. P. Bell.

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generally are heavier than late maturing girls, are at risk for experiencing emotional problems. For example, early menarche is associated with depression, although this finding suggests there may be hormonal as well as social influences on the disorder (Ge, Lorenz, Conger, Elder, & Simons, 1994).

Neurological and Cognitive Changes

Adolescents are going through a second type of fundamental change as well: neurological and cognitive development. With the advent of the noninvasive Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) and functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI) techniques, detailed images of the adolescent brain and brain functioning are now available. As one neurologist described it: “Brain structure goes through explosive [italics added] changes during the teen years” (Giedd, 2004, p. 83). The adolescent brain experiences several types of changes. The most consistent findings across studies are that in two locations on the cortex (prefrontal cortex and parietal lobe) there is a linear increase in white matter (containing myelinated axon cells) responsible for neural communication. In addition, there is a decrease in gray matter (consisting of the cell bodies of neurons and dendrites). These brain changes

210 PART II • PARENTING AND DEVELOPMENT

Adolescent Raging Hormones?

Parents are quick to attribute adolescent mood swings to raging hormones. But what is the evidence? Surprisingly, the evidence that hormones are responsible for dramatic mood swings is weak. Instead, research reviews indicate that biol- ogy does indeed contribute to emotional volatility and negative moods, but the relation is complex. Hormone levels interact with other variables including peers, parents, and situational factors, rather than simply and directly influencing behavior (Brooks-Gunn, Graber, & Paikoff, 1994; Buchanan, Eccles, & Becker, 1994). Recent work has supported this view. For example, Pennsylvania State University researchers tested whether testosterone levels in children and adoles- cents from 6 to 18 years old was linked to two types of behavior: taking risks (e.g., doing something dangerous for the thrill, damaging property, skipping school, or getting drunk) and depression (Booth, Johnson, Granger, Crouter, & McHale, 2003). They used quick and noninvasive saliva tests for testosterone. They found little evidence for direct effects of testosterone on behavior. Instead, the investigators determined that the quality of parent-child relationships mod- erated negative effects of testosterone. That is, in families with good parent- child relationships, children high in testosterone did not engage in risk-taking behavior or experience depression. However, in families with poorer quality parent-child relationships, there was evidence of testosterone-related adjust- ment problems. This study provides supporting evidence for a bioecological model of development because the social context (i.e., quality of relationship with parents) moderates how hormones are expressed.

BOX 9.1

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are significant: Part of the prefrontal cortex continues to develop during adoles- cence and beyond (Blakemore & Choudhury, 2006; Casey, Getz, & Galvan, 2008).

These neurological changes are thought to underlie increases in what is called executive function—the capacity to control and coordinate our thoughts and behavior. The prefrontal cortex is also associated with controlling impulses, weigh- ing potential consequences of decisions, prioritizing, and strategizing. That part of the brain is also involved in self-awareness and perspective taking, the latter ability underlying the capacity for empathy. There is also evidence for development in the brain’s emotion processing and cognitive appraisal, systems related to engaging in risky or reckless behavior—an all-too-common feature of adolescent behavior that parents fear.

Adolescent cognitive abilities become more sophisticated resulting in thinking that is more abstract, multidimensional, and relativistic. They view rules, whether set by parents or others in authority positions, as social conventions: subjective and arbitrary. Thus, parental requests to do chores or clean up messy rooms—a common source of conflict with adolescents—are regarded as unnecessary. In turn, parents often get upset when teenagers challenge their rules, requests, or values.

Despite the improving cognitive sophistication, teen reasoning abilities are not necessarily adultlike. Teen thinking can be characterized by “adolescent egocen- trism,” which results in a heightened sense of self-consciousness and what has been called “personal fable”—the belief that ones experiences are unique to them (e.g., Frankenberger, 2000). Indeed, faulty reasoning processes that are likely tied into brain development may be the reason teens engage in so much risky behavior (Rankin, Lane, Gibbons, & Gerrard, 2004). These cognitive attributes feed into the beliefs that problems other teens have (e.g., pregnancy, car wrecks) cannot happen to them.

Cognitive changes also contribute to changes in identity. Adolescence brings an increased desire for independence and responsibility—as well as a newfound access to money. Consequently teens seek jobs. Somewhere between 35% and 80% of high school students work at some point during their high school years (Rubenstein, Sternbach, & Pollack, 1999). Typically, they find part-time jobs as sales clerks, cashiers, waiters, janitors, or child care providers. Employment provides a variety of benefits, including spending money or money for the family, interpersonal and occupation-specific skills, arenas to develop discipline and responsibility, and opportunities to enhance self-confidence. But hazards also exist in terms of the time it takes away from school and extracurricular activities, stress, and even job-related injuries (Resnick et al., 1997). It is estimated that annually 200,000 adolescents (14 to 17 years of age) experience job-related injuries (Rubenstein et al., 1999).

Another manifestation of the adolescent desire for independence from parents is expressed in hair length, clothing, tattoos or body piercings, or substance abuse. Some teens may be experimenting with autonomy and discovering themselves, while some of their peers engage in behaviors in an intentional way to challenge parental control. From the parents’ perspective, these behavioral expressions, what- ever the source, are often perceived as rejections of parental values, way of life, and authority (Steinberg, 2001).

Chapter 9 • Parenting: Adolescents 211

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Social Changes

In addition to physical and neurological/cognitive changes, a third area of rapid development is in social relationships. Given adolescents are seeking autonomy from their parents and forming identities, they gravitate toward peers. By the time adolescence arrives, teens are spending about 40% of their nonschooltime hours engaged in homework, chores, or paid work and the rest of the time watching TV, being on the Internet, socializing or engaging in sports, or structured activities. All told, adolescents may spend almost half of their waking time doing what they want to do; much of that elective time is spent with peers (Larson, 2000).

Along with an increasing orientation toward peers comes a change in the emotional distance with parents. This distance is commonly thought to give rise to increases in conflicts with parents. Indeed, adolescent-parent conflict is common over such mun- dane issues as refusing to pick up rooms, resisting chores, fighting with siblings, and failing to complete homework (Smetana, Daddis, & Chuang, 2003). However, contrary to stereotypes, conflicts with parents are not the highest during adolescence. A sys- tematic review of the literature found the rate of conflict actually decreases signifi- cantly from pre- or early adolescence (10 to 12 years) to middle adolescence (13 to 16 years), although the intensity increases slightly (Laursen, Coy, & Collins, 1998).

Adolescence is marked by the increasing time spent with and importance of peers. Recreational, athletic, academic, and social activities are spent with youth of the same age. Peers hold an immediate and powerful attraction. Friends become emotional confidants, provide advice, and serve as models of behavior and attitude (Wentzel & Caldwell, 1997). On the other hand, peers can be negative influences: It is friends who introduce tobacco, alcohol and drugs, sex, and violence.

One controversial view that recognizes the important role that peers can have on adolescents is the Group Socialization Theory. According to the theory (men- tioned in Chapters 2 and 4), it is peers who are the most important environmental influence on development, not parents. The theory stemmed from a mother’s obser- vation of her adolescent daughters. One daughter had a relatively smooth adoles- cence, but her younger daughter experienced considerable turmoil and rebelliousness. The fact that her younger teen was adopted prompted the mother to think about development from a behavioral genetics perspective. The mother was Judith Rich Harris, a former Harvard psychology graduate student who never completed her training but became a writer of developmental textbooks. In an effort to provide a theoretical answer to what made her daughters behave so differently, she integrated research from behavioral genetics, anthropology, sociology, as well as social and evo- lutionary psychology. Her solution was this theory (Harris, 1995, 1998).

At the heart of Harris’s theory is a strong environmental perspective—but not from parents. Although parents may be important determinants of behavior inside homes, Harris believes that once a child is out of the confines of the home, it is peers who become the dominant developmental influence (Harris, 1998). According to Harris, parents, with the exception of providing genes, have little or no effect on the psychological characteristics that children will have as adults, including personality, emotional regulation, behavior, or cognitions. Recall from Chapter 2 that human behavioral genetics research indicates heritability from

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parent to child accounts for 30% to 60% of the variance in personality characteris- tics; the rest of the environmental influence comes either from a shared (common to all the children in the home) or unshared (unique to that child) home environ- ment. Harris argued that the shared and unshared environment has little impor- tance in the face of peers: that is, peers trump parents. She believes the influence of peers has been underestimated, along with other nonfamilial agents, such as the movies and television.

Harris does not refute the studies that find that parent-adolescent behavior is correlated; she just reinterprets them. Studies that link harsh parenting to delin- quent adolescent behavior can be interpreted as revealing a genetic predisposition toward aggressive behavior. Further, the associations between parent and child are revealing child effects, rather than parent effects. So, Harris believes parents react to their adolescents’ aggression and acting out with harsh punishment (“tough love”), rather than the other way around (Harris, 1998).

As might be expected, Harris’s theory elicited strong reactions. Steven Pinker, a well-known Harvard University psychologist, gushed that “it will come to be seen as a turning point in the history of psychology” (Pinker, 1998, p. xiii). However, many developmental psychologists (and parents) rejected her theory on various grounds (see Box 9.2). The jury is still out, but most psychologists believe that parents continue to influence their adolescents’ behavior and development in many ways. However, part of Harris’s theory is undoubtedly accurate: One function that some peer groups have is to lead youth off of positive developmental trajectories.

Chapter 9 • Parenting: Adolescents 213

Evaluating the Group Socialization Theory

Harris’ controversial book (1998) attracted a lot of attention from the popular media and researchers. Not surprisingly, many developmental psychologists found her theory to be highly inaccurate by discounting the crucial roles that parents play in promoting positive development. Some researchers also pointed out the potentially dangerous implications of her comments: If parents do not matter in how their children turn out, then it follows that it does not matter how parents rear their children. To date, there has not been much empirical support for her theory (cf., Loehlin, 1997), but many critiques (e.g., Collins et al., 2000; Gottlieb, 2003; Maccoby, 2000; Vandell, 2000). Among the critiques:

• Her research review was incomplete or too simplified. • Pertinent research on siblings, teachers, and friendships is ignored. • Behavioral genetics research is limited by its assumptions and computations. • Gene-by-environment interactions were not examined. • Parental influence over peer group exposure was not considered; parents

affect the choice of and access to peers. • Parents influence the behaviors, attitudes, and decisions of their children

in particular domains that peers do not. • Harris focused only on adolescent outcomes and failed to take a longer

life-span developmental perspective.

BOX 9.2

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As we have seen, adolescence is a time of many changes, including physical, cog- nitive, and social. Some of the behaviors that adolescents engage in that are risky and problematic—and that Harris thought were so revealing of peer influence— will be considered next.

Problems for Adolescents and Their Parents

What are some of the potential pitfalls of adolescence that parents fear? Some problems may be short-lived, such as experimenting with cigarettes or marijuana. However, sometimes those behaviors become habit forming or lead to serious problems or consequences. For example, the adolescent years are characterized by a high death rate. The teen death rate (for 15- to 19-year-olds) is 66 per 100,000. About three fourths of the deaths come from car accidents, homicides, and suicides, with car fatalities accounting for three times as many deaths as the other two causes (Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2007). Table 9.1 lists 12 common problems that ado- lescents experience and their prevalence. These problems include drug and sub- stance abuse, exposure to violence, pregnancy, and dropping out of high school; some of these troubles will be described in more detail below. The list is not exhaus- tive. For example, teens are also susceptible to other problems including gang involvement, gambling, and materialism.

Automobile Accidents

One of the developmental milestones in adolescence is becoming eligible to obtain a driver’s license, in most states at age 16. Automobile driving promotes autonomy, independence, and responsibility. However, it is also dangerous: Car accidents involving teenagers are the most common cause of death for individuals between the ages of 16 and 19. In 2005, a total of 4,544 teens between the ages of 16 to 19 died from motor vehicle crashes. Another 400,000 teens sustained nonfatal injuries (Centers for Disease Control, 2008a). Investigations into teen car accidents determined that two risk factors were driving with two or more friends and driving at night. Why do adolescents get into accidents? In a nutshell, teens do not have dri- ving experience, they underestimate hazardous driving situations, fail to recognize dangerous conditions, and may not wear seatbelts. They also tailgate, drive too fast, and are distracted by talking on a cell phone or even typing text messages. Another cause of automobile accidents is alcohol. Drinking is implicated as a cause in 24% of fatal car crashes involving adolescent males (Centers for Disease Control, 2008a). Thus, adolescents engage in a variety of risky driving practices.

Sexual Initiation, Contraception Use, and Pregnancy

Premarital sexual intercourse among older adolescents is widespread. By the age of 20 years, 80% of U.S. youth will have had sexual intercourse (Guttmacher Institute, 2006). Sexual activity is also common among younger teens. In a sample of over 20,700 youth, about 30% of the 15-year-old boys and girls reported having

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sex (Davis & Friel, 2001). Early sexual debut is associated with various problems for the teenager. Initiation at early ages is associated with multiple partners and unpro- tected intercourse. In turn, sex without contraceptives can result in two types of serious problems: sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and pregnancies (see Illustration 9.2).

Chapter 9 • Parenting: Adolescents 215

Prevalence Other Statistics

Automobile accidents1 400,000 injuries per year 4,544 teen deaths in 2005

Births to teenagers2 401 per 100,000 415,000 babies born to 15- to 19-year-old mothers; Hispanics had the highest rate

Dating violence4 9.9% of high school students experienced within past 12 months

11% of boys and 8.8% of girls reported being the target of violence

Drinking alcohol4 44.7% of high school students drank within 30 days of survey

26% of students engaged in binge drinking in past 30 days

Drug use4 38% of high school students have tried marijuana

7.8% of high school students have tried a hallucinogen (e.g., LSD, PCP, mescaline)

High school dropouts2 7% of 16- to 19-year-olds Hispanic rate was highest at 82 per 100,000

Idle teens (neither school nor work)2

In a physical fight4

Mental health problems3

Physical inactivity3

Sexual activity, no condom use3

Smoking cigarettes4

8% of 16- to 19 year-olds

35.5% in past year

21.8% of teens aged 12 to 17 years received mental health attention

64.2% of high school students do not get enough exercise

22% of 12th graders

20% of high school students had smoked within past 30 days

Hispanics have highest rate at 12%

44% of males and 27% of females

5,502 teens per 100,000 have a sexually transmitted disease

Highest rates were among White male seniors

Table 9.1 Prevalence of Risky or Problem Behaviors in Adolescents in the United States

Sources: 1. Centers for Disease Control, 2008a. 2. Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2008. 3. U.S. Department of Health, 2008a. 4. Centers for Disease Control, 2008b.

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The incidence of two youth problems—the likelihood of early sexual activity and weapon- related violence in teenagers—is closely linked to age and socioeconomic status (Blum et al., 2000). The two graphs in Illustration 9.3 show these rela- tions. As can be seen in the top graph, 20% of 7th and 8th graders from a low socioeconomic status (SES) sample reported engaging in sexual inter- course, in contrast to 8% of their middle-SES peers. During the high school years that SES dif- ference was still apparent, more than 50% of low SES reported being sexually active. In contrast, about 40% of the youth from middle-class back- grounds reported engaging in sex. However, other youth behaviors assessed, including cigarette smoking, alcohol use, and suicidal thoughts, did not show this pattern.

Electronic Media Problems

Adolescents seek excitement, arousal, and intense stimulation (Dahl, 2004). Consequently, electronic media holds considerable appeal. Adolescents, on average, watch about 3 hours of television a day and spend an additional hour on computer, not including homework (Wright et al., 2001). In addition, boys in particular enjoy playing video games. In a study of electronic game use, it was found that 36% of adoles- cents (80% of boys but only 20% of girls) played video games (Cummings & Vandewater, 2007).

Although television viewing and the electronic media in general can have posi- tive effects on youth, too much “screen time” is a problem. For instance, although gaming may enhance hand-eye coordination, a common concern from parents is that time spent in front of the screens means time cannot be spent in active activi- ties. Video gamers spent 30% less time reading and 34% less time doing homework than nongamers and less time interacting with parents or friends (Cummings & Vandewater, 2007). Watching a lot (e.g., 5 hours) of television each day is also asso- ciated with problems, including early sexual initiation (Collins et al., 2004) and obesity (Koplan, Liverman, & Kraak, 2005), the next problem to be considered.

Eating Problems

There are two common types of adolescent eating problems: eating too much and eating too little. Eating too much, in conjunction with a lack of activity, results in obesity. Child and adolescent obesity is becoming an increasingly widespread problem in the United States and worldwide. In the United States, the number of adolescents who are overweight has tripled (Krishnamoorthy, Hart, & Jelalian,

216 PART II • PARENTING AND DEVELOPMENT

Illustration 9.2 Teenage pregnancy and parenthood is one of the potential pitfalls of adolescence.

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2006). According to a national study with more than 8,000 children and adoles- cents, 34% of children aged 12 to 19 years (35% males and 33% females) are over- weight or at risk of becoming overweight, as defined by a body mass index (BMI) at or above the 85th percentile (Ogden, Carroll, & Flegal, 2008). Obese individuals are above the 95th percentile of the BMI. What to find out your own BMI? See Box 9.3 for how to calculate your own BMI and what that means.

Overeating is a habit that starts early. Eating high calorie and super-sized foods in front of TV screens has become the norm. As many as 24% of children aged 2 through 5 years are overweight (Ogden et al., 2008). By the middle-childhood, the rate is one in three children. In a low-income inner-city sample, the rate is even higher. Among 3- to 7-year-old children, 29% were found to be overweight across a 2-year period, and an additional 19% were at risk of overweight (Robbins et al., 2007).

Obesity in children is associated with a variety of health problems as well as life adjustments. Some of the health problems include juvenile (Type 2) diabetes, liver failure, heart disease, and a variety of other health problems, including death. Based

Chapter 9 • Parenting: Adolescents 217

60 50

30 40

20 10

0 Smoke Alcohol Suicidal

Thoughts

7–8th Grade

Weapon- Related Violence

Sexual Intercourse

Low SES Middle SES

60 50

30 40

20 10

0 Smoke Alcohol Suicidal

Thoughts

9–12th Grade

Weapon- Related Violence

Sexual Intercourse

Low SES Middle SES

Illustration 9.3 Percentage of Adolescents Who Engage in Behaviors as a Function of Age and Socioeconomic Status

Source: Blum et al., 2000.

Smoke = > 1 cigarette past 30 days

Alcohol = Drank any alcohol in past 12 months

Suicidal Thoughts = Any such thoughts or attempts

Weapon-Related Violence = Any weapon-related violence

Sexual Intercourse = Ever had sexual intercourse

Low SES = Family income < $40,000

Middle SES = Family income > $41,000

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on the projections from current rates of adolescent obesity, it is estimated that by 2020, 30% to 44% of 35-year-olds will be obese (Bibbins-Domingo, Coxson, Pletcher, Lightwood, & Goldman, 2007).

Another type of eating problem is the desire to be thin. In our culture, the female ideal of no fat is glamorized in teen magazines, on television, and in the movies. Teenage girls with this disorder typically engage in one of two types of eating patterns: (1) severely limiting food intake such that it is not enough to sustain one’s weight (anorexia nervosa) and (2) binge eating followed by efforts to minimize the effects of overeating by vomiting, exercise, or fasting (bulimia nervosa). These eating disorders are thought to be prevalent in 5% of the U.S. female teen population (Golden, 2003).

Eating disorders, often comorbid with other mental health problems, put the adoles- cent female at risk for a variety of health and psychological problems. In the process of starving their bodies, teenage girls can delay their normal pubertal development, nega- tively affect their self concept and esteem, and even cause irreversible organ damage.

218 PART II • PARENTING AND DEVELOPMENT

Your BMI Index—and What It Means

To calculate your own body mass index (BMI; for individuals 20 years old and older), divide your weight (in pounds) by your height (in inches, squared). Then multiply by a conversion factor of 703. Alternatively, calculators can be found on the Web (e.g., http://www.nhlbisupport.com/bmi). To simplify classification into categories, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention now uses the same index values for both men and women:

To calculate the BMI of children and adolescents, the calculations also take into account age and gender (e.g., http://apps.nccd.cdc.gov/dnpabmi/Calculator.aspx). The BMI can then be used to determine the category of the individual, as listed below:

BOX 9.3

Category BMI

Obese > 30

Overweight 25.0–29.9

Normal 18.5–24.9

Underweight < 18.5

Category BMI Percentile

Obese > 29.9 > 95th

Overweight 24.9–29.9 85th to 95th

Normal 18.5–24.9 5th to <85th

Underweight < 18.5 < 5th

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School Dropouts

In 2005, 7% of teenagers aged 16 to 19 dropped out of high school. The rate of drop outs are about twice as high with Hispanic/Latino and American Indian youth, as well as in urban settings (Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2007). Although the 2005 rate is down from the 11% rate of 2000, it means more than 1.1 million teenagers are committing “economic suicide” because they have at least temporar- ily closed the door on their education future and getting a job that pays well.

Teens who drop out from high school will earn about $290,000 less in their life- time than their peers who get a diploma (Amos, 2008). Dropping out of school is associated with a variety of problems. Those who leave high school prior to gradu- ation are likely to consume drugs, commit crimes, be incarcerated, and have health problems (Belfield & Levin, 2007). Thus, dropping out of high school has major repercussions for the teen as well as society.

Substance Use and Abuse

Teens commonly use three types of problematic substances: cigarettes, alcohol, and illegal drugs (primarily marijuana). Prevalence rates are estimated based on results from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health, an annual survey of about 70,000 randomly selected youth from ages 12 and older. In 2007, among youth from 12 to 17 years of age, 3.1 million (12.4%) used a tobacco product (most commonly cigarettes) in the past month (Substance Abuse & Mental Health Services Administration, 2008). There is some good news: During the past 5 years, the percentage of cigarette smoking decreased from 13.0% in 2002 to 9.8% in 2007. However, that rate may be low: A study conducted in Minnesota found that 32% of almost 5,000 adolescents reported they smoked cigarettes (Eisenberg, Olson, Neumark-Sztainer, Story, & Bearinger, 2004).

Alcohol is a larger problem than tobacco for various reasons. It is more widely used: By the time they are high school seniors, 50% of high schoolers report being drunk in the past year and 30% in the past month (Johnston, O’Malley, Bachman, & Schulenberg, 2004). The national survey mentioned above (Substance Abuse & Mental Health Services Administration, 2008) determined that 16.6% of teenagers (12 to 17 years old) had used alcohol in the past month and when they drank, they consumed an average of 4.5 alcoholic drinks. This is called binge drinking, typically defined as con- suming five or more alcoholic drinks in a short period of time. Drinking alcohol may be fun and provide a good, momentary escape from problems, but it is not inconsequen- tial. Rather, it is associated with a variety of problems, including violence, unprotected sexual intercourse, multiple sex partners, alcohol dependency, and suicide attempts.

Alcohol use among college students is even more of a problem. On average, 63.7% of 18- to 22-year-old college students reported alcohol use in the past month. Of those, 43.6% engaged in binge drinking. A smaller percentage (15.3%) of these students also reported they drank heavily (binge drinking on five or more days in the past month) (Substance Abuse & Mental Health Services Administration, 2008). Excessive college drinking is not just linked to academic problems but is a cause of health problems, injuries and accidents, unsafe sex, date rape, and, in rare cases, death (Hingson, Heeren, Winter, & Wechsler, 2005).

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Other drugs are not consumed as frequently as alcohol. It is estimated that nationwide, 9.5% of adolescents use some form of illegal drugs. This includes marijuana, cocaine, inhalants, hallucinogens, heroin, and prescription-type medica- tions used to get high (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2008). Adolescents in Minnesota once again reported higher rates: 21% revealed they used marijuana (Eisenberg et al., 2004). Access to drugs often comes from schools: 25% of students are exposed to illegal drugs at schools (Dinkes, Cataldi, Lin-Kelly, & Snyder, 2007).

Mental Health Problems

Most psychiatric disorders in adults originate either in childhood or adoles- cence; up to 50% have their onset in adolescence (Belfer, 2008). Mental health prob- lems that begin in adolescence are more likely to involve females, in contrast to early onset disorders (e.g., autism, ADHD), where there is a preponderance of males (Zahn-Waxler, Shirtcliff, & Marceau, 2008). Mental health problems are sur- prisingly prevalent in adolescence. In fact, more than one quarter (26.8%) of youth 12 to 17 years of age received some type of mental health treatment in 2007 (SAMHSA, 2008), although all were not diagnosed with a disorder. The most com- mon mental health problem was depression. Two million youth (8.2% of the sam- ple) had a major depressive episode in that year. The disorder is characterized by either a depressed mood (which can be manifest as irritable as well as sad) or a loss of interest or taking pleasure in activities. Indicators of depression include prob- lems with eating and sleeping, cognitive performance, and emotional well-being.

Data from Canada provide a slightly different picture. A total of 15% of the 937,000 children and youth in British Columbia were estimated to have a mental health problem (Waddell & Shepherd, 2002). In that sample, anxiety disorders were the most common, followed by conduct disorder, ADHD, and depression. Anxiety disorders include reactions to a specific trauma (posttraumatic stress disorder), generalized anxiety, social phobias, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and panic disor- ders. Conduct disorder (CD) refers to persistent and repeated violations of social rules and the rights of others. It often involves aggression toward others, animal abuse, theft or property destruction, deceitfulness, impulsive behavior, and a lack of empathy. The problem is two to four times more common in boys than girls (Moffitt, Caspi, Rutter, & Silva, 2001).

Not all children with CD have the same types of symptoms or show the same pathway. For some children with CD, it begins by age 10 and continues into adult- hood. For others, it is adolescence-limited, as the individuals gradually cease involve- ment in delinquent behavior by late adolescence (Moffitt, 1993). Early onset CD has been linked to poor parenting and parental antisocial behavior, as well as neuro- logical deficits (Moffitt, 1993). The types of problems and their prevalence in one province of Canada can be found in Table 9.2.

Depression is a particularly serious adolescent-onset disorder. Females become depressed two to three times as frequently as males (Zahn-Waxler et al., 2008). It is a complex disorder because it is multi-determined: It can be caused by genetic,

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biological, familial, and extrafamilial factors or a combination. Depression does not just affect behavior, but it can be debilitating and leads to the development of suicidal ideations (thoughts) and suicide attempts. In one study, 25% of adoles- cents reported they had thought about suicide at some time (33% of girls and 18% of boys) and 13% of girls and 6% of boys revealed suicide attempts (Eisenberg et al., 2004). When a large sample of high school students reported on their emotional health in the past year, the rates were considerably lower but nev- ertheless alarming: 5.1% of girls and 2.0% of boy adolescents disclosed suicide attempts (Borowsky, Ireland, & Resnick, 2001). Suicide thoughts and attempts are clear and alarming calls for help. Box 9.4 describes actions you can take in responding to an adolescent or friend who expresses suicidal thoughts.

Youth Violence and Delinquency

Youth violence is a pervasive problem in the United States. During adolescence, violence is perpetrated in bullying and school fights, dating violence and rape,

Chapter 9 • Parenting: Adolescents 221

Disorder Prevalence (%) Approximate Number of Children/Teens Affected

Anxiety disorders 6.7 62,800

Conduct disorder 3.3 30,900

ADHD 3.3 30,900

Depression 2.1 19,700

Substance abuse .8 7,500

Pervasive developmental disorder (e.g., autism)

.3 2,800

Schizophrenia .1 900

Tourette’s disorder .1 900

Eating disorders .1 900

Bipolar disorder < .1 < 900

Total 15 140,500

Table 9.2 Prevalence of Mental Disorders in Children and Youth in British Columbia, Canada

Source: Waddell & Shepherd, 2002.

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robbery, and even homicide. All too often, schools are not safe environments. Twenty-eight percent of students between the ages of 12 and 18 reported being bullied at school during the prior 6 months, and nationwide, there were 1.5 mil- lion victims of crimes at school. In addition to violence and theft, the presence of drugs and weapons in high schools are problems: 25% of students reported being exposed to illegal drugs at schools, and 10% of male students revealed they had been threatened or injured with a weapon on school property in the past year (Dinkes et al., 2007).

With the advent of adolescence comes dating. By the 8th and 9th grades, many adolescents have begun dating. And with dating, in a surprisingly high number of cases, comes violence. Determining prevalence rates of violent behavior is difficult due to variations across studies on different dimensions, including definitions of vio- lence, the time period of the violence act (past year, lifetime), the sample characteris- tics, and the methodology (interview versus questionnaire, retrospective versus prospective) (Lewis & Fremouw, 2001). Consequently, a review of the prevalence of dating violence found the prevalence rate of physical violence varied across studies from a low of 9% to a high of 46% (Glass et al., 2003). The median rate of prevalence was 26%. Each year, 9.9% of U.S. high school students report being hit, slapped, or physically hurt by a boyfriend or girlfriend (Centers for Disease Control, 2008b).

When an adolescent persists in violent or antisocial behavior, he or she is labeled a delinquent. But delinquency does not begin in adolescence; its roots are sometimes evident as early as toddlerhood. Therefore, it is useful to examine the developmental

222 PART II • PARENTING AND DEVELOPMENT

“I Wish I Were Dead”: Responding to a Friend’s Suicidal Thoughts

How would you respond to a friend who is despondent and wants to die? Sometimes it will be obvious because the individual will say something like, “I want to die” or “I’m going to shoot myself.” In other cases, there will be indirect statements, including, “I’m causing all the problems in the family” or “My friends don’t need me; all I do is cause trouble.” You may see indications that your friend has engaged in “cutting” or self injury. Alternatively, you may just notice behavioral changes, such as chronic sadness, frequent crying, high levels of anxiety, withdrawal from people, decline in grades, or preoccupation with death or Heaven.

Your first response should be to take the threat extremely seriously. Suicidal comments are cries for help when someone feels overwhelmed by burdens. Show concern, provide comfort, and listen in a calm, sympathetic way. Be non- judgmental and patient. It is a good idea to treat the matter with extreme caution; your friend might be in imminent danger. A safe response would be to call the national suicide hotlines (800-SUICIDE or 800-273-TALK). If the individual is not in immediate danger, you still need to get your friend to see a physician, college counselor, or mental health care professional as soon as possible.

Source: Mental Health America of Texas, 2008.

BOX 9.4

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trajectories when analyzing the origins of delinquent youth. There is currently con- siderable debate in the research literature about the nature of the developmental pathways leading to violence in adolescence (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1998; Tremblay et al., 2004).

The evidence clearly indicates that there is not just one pathway toward delin- quency. There are several pathways that reflect differences in when the aggression began (early versus late onset) and the nature of the violence or aggression (e.g., breaking parental rules, truancy, physical fights, shoplifting, property damage, bur- glary, drug dealing, and weapons use). One set of three pathways to juvenile vio- lence was proposed by researchers who have studied extensively adolescent aggression (Kelley, Loeber, Keenan, & DeLamatre, 1997). The most common path- way is that of Authority Conflict. It also begins the earliest and has its roots in stub- born behavior in toddlers and preschoolers. That obstinacy then leads to defiance and disobedience before morphing into (in adolescence) authority avoidance acts, such as breaking parental rules by staying out late, truancy, and running away from home.

A second pathway is Overt Aggression. The onset of this behavior comes later than the Authority Conflict pathway. It begins with minor aggression, such as bullying. As the youth gets older, aggression is expressed as physical fighting, either individually or in gangs. Finally, the aggression escalates into serious violence, including rapes. The third pathway, also emerging later than the Authority Conflict, can be called Covert Aggression. It begins with minor dishonest behavior, such as shoplifting and frequent lying. As these youth gets older, they engage in property damage, such as breaking objects or setting fires. As an adolescent, the severity of the actions can

Chapter 9 • Parenting: Adolescents 223

Illustration 9.4 Aggression, violence, and delinquency are other common problems during the adolescent years.

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escalate into drug dealing and engaging in such behaviors as fraud, burglary, and theft. Although the causes of these three different delinquent pathways are not entirely understood, it is likely that the roles parents play in them may be different.

How Parents Help Teens Navigate Adolescence

How do parents help their children survive the adolescent years? Effective parent- ing of adolescents requires a balance between maintaining some oversight and control while encouraging independence and responsibility in preparation for adulthood. Although some parents may disengage when their children become teenagers, the evidence is that effective parents continue to play an important role in helping their youth successfully navigate the hazards of adolescence. The research into parenting and adolescent well-being has implicated certain parenting processes.

Diana Baumrind (1991) was one of the first researchers to examine links between the quality of child rearing and adolescent competence using longitudinal data. She recognized that in early adolescence, firm guidance and sustained emotional support are important qualities in parents. However, adolescents differentiate between legit- imate and illegitimate authority and seek greater control over decisions that affect them. Privacy and secrecy issues also begin to surface. Baumrind found that parents who were authoritative and used appropriate control techniques (exerting reason- able control, being warm and supportive, communicating openly, and encouraging independence) had children who had the highest levels of competence, were socially responsible, and had good relationships with them.

Subsequent studies on much larger samples confirmed that parents with an authoritative style of child rearing have adolescents who are better adjusted in terms of their academic achievement and psychosocial development; they also have fewer behavior problems, including smoking and mental health, than other types of parents (e.g., Mewse, Eiser, Slater, & Lea, 2004; Steinberg & Morris, 2001). This rela- tion held across ethnic groups and SES levels, although authoritative parenting was reported less frequently in ethnic minorities and poor families (Knight, Virdin, & Roosa, 1994; Mason, Cauce, Gonzales, & Hiraga, 1996). The association is also pre- sent in juvenile delinquents: Authoritative parenting was associated with relatively more psychosocial maturity, greater academic competence, and less internalizing and externalizing problems than juveniles with other types of parents (Steinberg, Blatt-Eisengart, & Cauffman, 2006).

What are the ingredients or parenting skills involved in authoritative parenting at this age? Four key qualities of effective parent-child relationships with teenagers are:

• Staying connected via warm, positive relationships • Maintaining open communications • Monitoring and being knowledgeable • Using appropriate control techniques

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Staying Connected via Positive, Warm Relationships

Having a warm, loving, and positive relationship (also called supportiveness, closeness, connectedness, and caring) is the single most important quality of the parent-teen relationship (Luthar & Latendresse, 2005; Roth & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). This characteristic of adolescents is commonly found when investigators examine why some teens avoid succumbing to problems. For example, positive relationships are associated with various adolescent behaviors including better educational out- comes, fewer mental health problems, delayed onset of sexual activity, fewer sex part- ners, and increased likelihood of using contraceptives (McNeely et al., 2002; Miller, Benson & Galbraith, 2001; Resnick et al., 1997). Conversely, a lack of closeness increases the influence of peers on teens’ sexual activity and externalizing behavior problems (Gerard, Krishnakumar, & Buehler, 2006; Miller et al., 2001). Even after controlling for other influences, such as deviant peers, the quality of the parent-teen relationship predicted externalizing behavior problems (and parental unhappiness) (Buehler, 2006).

Open Communication

Having a good relationship facilitates a second key ingredient of effective parenting: open communication. This means that both the parent and the child are comfortable in communicating their views to each other. Maintaining good communications dur- ing adolescence is a challenge because teenagers increasingly believe that they should not disclose to their parents information from certain domains, such as dating (Smetana, Metzger, Gettman, & Campione-Barr, 2006). Teenagers are more likely to disclose to mothers than to fathers, and girls are more likely to confide more in their parents than boys.

Talking about sex with adolescents provides a great example of the awkwardness of the development stage. Parents recognize it is important to prepare their teens to deal with sex but they often have reservations about talking about the topic (as do their teens with them). For example, mothers do not want to embarrass their ado- lescents by bringing up the topic, and they do not want to be embarrassed by being asked a question they do not want to answer or do not know the answer to (Jaccard, Dittus, & Gordon, 2000). However awkward, mothers who clearly expressed their disapproval of teen sexual activity had daughters who engaged in later sexual initi- ation (McNeely et al., 2002). Table 9.3 lists most frequently cited reasons by moth- ers and teens for not communicating about sex.

Another important topic that merits open communication concerns alcohol and drugs. The messages parents give about the topic show the variability in parental communication practices. For instance, in a study assessing adolescents’ percep- tions of their parents’ messages about substance use, the most common parental messages were to tell the child to use his or her own judgment (79%) or to inform the youth about the dangers of substances (42%). Less common was providing indirect messages that hinted about parental expectations or wishes (29%). About

Chapter 9 • Parenting: Adolescents 225

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one fifth of parents took a hard line and said they would not tolerate it (22.6%) or would threaten punishment (18%). According to the students, only a small percentage of parents (8.8%) never brought up the topic (Miller-Day, 2008).

One way to maintain relationships and communication is by having family meals (Fiese, 2006). In the 2003 National Survey of Children’s Health, a nationally repre- sentative sample of families, 69% of families with children 12 to 18 years of age shared a meal on 4 or more days and 42% of families shared meals on 6 or 7 days. Rates did not differ greatly between ethnic groups and social classes. Frequency of family meals with adolescents has been found to be inversely related to substance use, poor school performance, and mental health problems, even after controlling for family connect- edness (Eisenberg et al., 2004).

226 PART II • PARENTING AND DEVELOPMENT

Adolescents Mothers

Embarrassing x

Mother would ask too many personal questions

Hard to be honest with mother x

Mother would just lecture me x

Mother would become suspicious of me x

I already know all about it x

Hard to find a good time to talk x

Teen might ask something I do not know x

Teen would be embarrassed x

Teen would perceive questions as nosy x

Teen would not take me seriously x

Teen would not be honest x

Teen would think discussion means approval of sexual activity

Teen does not want to hear my views x

Source: Jaccard et al., 2000.

Table 9.3 Why Sex Talk Is an Awkward Topic

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Monitoring/Knowledge

Having a good relationship and good communication with a teenager is important— but not enough. Parents need to continue to monitor their teenagers, particularly in the early teenage years. This monitoring or supervision from a distance requires knowledge—what the teen is doing, with whom, and when, as discussed in Chapter 5. However, that knowledge can only be acquired from parent-child involvement and communication. A teenager needs to disclose information in order for the parent to monitor and make judgments about the child’s activities and friends.

Monitoring knowledge is associated with fewer problems in adolescence, such as delayed onset of sex, fewer sex partners, and using contraception (McNeely et al., 2002; Miller, Benson, & Galbraith, 2001). In contrast, parental failure to monitor has long been associated with undesired outcomes such as antisocial and delinquent behavior (Laird, Pettit, Bates, & Dodge, 2003; Patterson & Stouthamer- Loeber, 1984).

For some variables, such as school misconduct and alcohol use, a linear rela- tionship has been found: The more monitoring knowledge the parent has, the better the child behaves. But for other variables, there appears to be a curvilinear relation between monitoring knowledge and its effectiveness. This effect was found in the relation between behavioral supervision of grades and GPA (grade point average). Moderate levels of supervision facilitated the highest GPAs in adolescents, whereas too little or too much was associated with lower GPAs (Kurdek, Fine, & Sinclair, 1995). These data indicate that problems can emerge when a parent engages in too much monitoring. The issue of when monitoring goes too far is discussed in Box 9.5.

Chapter 9 • Parenting: Adolescents 227

My Mother, the Narc!

Monitoring knowledge is a good thing. But when does monitoring a teenager go too far? What if a parent suspects their teenager of doing drugs or driving too fast or drinking and driving? In the old days, a parent might rifle through the child’s drawers or clothes, looking for evidence. Today, many parents use home drug-testing kits and GPS devices to monitor their teen’s behavior. For only $15 to $25, a parent can purchase a home drug-testing kit. Planting a GPS device in a car is a bit more expensive ($139 to $280) but provides highly accurate information about their teen’s driving characteristics (accelerations and speed) and whereabouts. The dilemma is should a parent be trusting or monitoring? A parent should not be naïve about common adolescent temptations. But on the other hand, if a parent does not trust or respect the adolescent but instead treats him or her like a potential criminal, the teen is likely to be resentful, develop a hostile relationship with the parent, and perhaps act out.

BOX 9.5

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Appropriate Limits

Appropriate control during adolescence consists of providing support and allowing for the development of autonomy while sometimes setting limits. This means providing consistent boundaries for behavior and using age-appropriate dis- cipline. Appropriate disciplining may take the form of teaching the adolescent to be responsible for the consequences of behavior (e.g., having to earn money to pay for a speeding ticket), limit setting (e.g., early curfew in response to staying out too late), and removal of privileges (e.g., car use). These kinds of actions reflect behav- ioral control, in contrast to psychological control. Psychological control consists of intrusive and manipulative verbalizations designed to change how the teen is think- ing about things or blaming the child for other family members’ problems.

Ineffective disciplinary practices during the adolescent years include inconsis- tent discipline, physical punishment, and psychological control. Each practice has been associated with teen problems. For example, psychological control has been linked to internalizing (e.g., depression) and externalizing (e.g., antisocial) problems, in contrast to positive outcomes associated with behavioral control, such as increased social initiative and fewer externalizing problems (Barber, 1996; Barber, Stolz, & Olsen, 2005; Conger, Conger, & Scaramella, 1997).

A subtle distinction in rearing an adolescent concerns the difference between psychological control and a failure to grant autonomy. Although some parents may be reluctant to grant autonomy, perhaps due to fears about the youth’s well-being, that behavior reflects a different goal than the parents who use psychological con- trol. Those parents wield authority to put down a child, maintain power over the child, or make the child feel badly. Not surprisingly, a study that separated out this difference found that psychological control was linked to teen depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem in contrast to autonomy granting (Silk, Morris, Kanaya, & Steinberg, 2003). Examples of psychological control and autonomy granting can be found in Table 9.4.

It may sound unusual, but some parents of teenagers continue to use physical punishment with adolescents. This practice (like when used with younger children) is linked to internalizing and externalizing problems in teens (e.g., Turner & Muller, 2004). Other parents use frequent criticism of their teenagers. Criticizing is prob- lematic because it undermines a close relationship and has been associated with adolescent problems, including eating disorders (Luthar & Latendresse, 2005). Alternative strategies to managing adolescents, such as those discussed above, are likely to be more effective in promoting positive and healthy behavior.

Other Ways Parents Influence Their Teenagers

Several other parental practices have been linked to positive development. As mentioned above, mothers who disapproved strongly of teen sexual activity had daughters (but not sons) who engaged in later sexual initiation (McNeely et al., 2002). Strict discipline has also been found to be associated with delayed sex initi- ation (Forste & Haas, 2002).

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Parents influence their teens in other ways as well. They serve as role models. Parents’ own substance use is a key predictor of their children’s use of cigarettes (e.g., Scal, Ireland, & Borowsky, 2003). They also model eating practices, physical activity, and dieting (Smolak, Levine, & Schermer, 1999). Parents who provide encouragement to diet, control the food that is in the home, and give information about nutrition have children with better eating practices (Patrick & Nicklas, 2005). An indirect way that parents influence their children’s weight is through rules con- cerning television viewing and other electronic media, physical activity, and con- sumerism (Golan & Crow, 2004; Krishnamoorthy et al., 2006).

Limits of Parental Influence on Teens

Parental behavior and parent-child relationships have a strong influence on teen behavior. But parents are just one of several potential influences. Particular charac- teristics of the adolescent (i.e., temperament and intelligence) as well as other cir- cumstances (peer group, neighborhood, and school) also influence the teen’s behavior. For example, with regard to sexual activity, the adolescent’s values, inten- tions, self restraint, alcohol/drug use, and depression, as well as whether he or she is involved in a steady dating relationship, are all variables that can affect whether parents influence the teen’s sexual behavior (Miller et al., 2001).

Indeed, human behavior is influenced by many different agents and variables, as the bioecological model reminds us. Problematic adolescent behavior could emerge from such sources as genetic susceptibility, temperamental predispositions,

Chapter 9 • Parenting: Adolescents 229

Psychological Control Autonomy Granting

• When I get a poor grade, my parents make me feel guilty.

• When I get a good grade, my parents give me more freedom to make my own decisions.

• My parents tell me their ideas are correct and I should not correct them.

• My parents emphasize that it is important to get my ideas across even if others do not like it.

• My parents answer my arguments with something like, “You’ll know better when you grow up.”

• My parents say that you should always look at both sides of the issue.

• My parents say that I should give in on arguments rather than make people angry.

• My parents emphasize that every member of the family should have some say in family decisions.

Source: Silk et al., 2003.

Table 9.4 Examples of Items That Differentiate Psychological Control From Autonomy Granting

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negative incidents (e.g., trauma or some failure), or exposure to certain experiences. For example, violence on television, films, and video games contribute to teen vio- lence, at least with some individuals (Huesmann & Taylor, 2006).

Nevertheless, parents represent important guides of their adolescents through these potentially turbulent years. Recent studies have identified two effective ways that parents guide teens: by encouraging and supporting involvement in extra- curricular activities and religion. These actions are considered protective factors because they decrease the likelihood of risky behavior. Extracurricular activities and involvement in organized religion have also been found to protect adolescents against delinquency, drug use, and early sexual activity (e.g., Pearce & Haynie, 2004; Regnerus & Elder, 2003).

Chapter Summary

Adolescence can be a difficult stage of life—for both teens and their parents. Teens are going through many physical changes and often are struggling with identity formation. Beneath the surface of their skulls, their brains are also going through changes. These changes result in storm and stress for some teenagers and are manifested in a variety of potential problems. Some problems reflect risk-taking behavior, such as automobile accidents, smoking, binge drinking, and unprotected sex. Other common problems include school failure, eating disorders, mental health problems, and violence.

The evidence reveals that parents continue to play an important role in guiding their adolescents’ development. Through authoritative parenting and maintaining positive relationships, parents can continue to influence their children’s develop- ment. Other key attributes of parenting success during this age period include maintaining good communication patterns, effectively monitoring the teen, and using appropriate control techniques. During this developmental period, parents must modify their parenting to increasingly grant autonomy to their teenagers. Parents must also deal with other sources of influences, such as the peer group. Although this chapter has focused on the many challenges and potential problems that adolescents face, it should be remembered that a majority of teens experience few or no major problems during these tumultuous years. It can be argued their parents deserve at least some of the credit.

Thought Questions

• In your experience, would you describe the teen years as “tumultuous” or “awkward”?

• Can you predict when a teenager will act in rebellious ways? What personal and family characteristics contribute to or reduce the likelihood of that?

• How much surveillance of teenagers should parents engage in? Should parents be trustful or suspicious of their teenagers? When is it appropriate for a parent to become a “narc”?

• How can the teen years be made less difficult?

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