Psychology Week 3 PSY 5130 Assignment

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8Language Development

Tim Graham/robertharding/Superstock

Learning Objectives

After completing this chapter, you should be able to:

• Evaluate evidence that supports learning theory, nativism, and the interactionist perspective of language development.

• Differentiate between expressive and receptive language.

• Describe the beginnings of oral communication and identify language milestones.

• Describe characteristics of disorders of communication.

• Discuss the changes in language that take place during middle childhood, adolescence, and adulthood.

• Summarize how Piaget and Vygotsky view the relationship between speech and cognition.

• Support the usefulness of two types of reading instruction.

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Prologue

Chapter Outline

Prologue

8.1 Theories of Language Development Learning Theory Nativism Language Development and the Brain Interactionist Perspective

8.2 Fundamentals of Language Production Receptive Language and Infant-Directed Speech Expressive Language

8.3 The Beginnings of Oral Communication Crying Prelinguistic Communication Babbling Words Sentences Sex Differences in Language Exposure

8.4 Communication Disorders Speech Impairments Aphasia and Speech Apraxia Autism Spectrum Disorder

8.5 Language Development in Later Stages Middle Childhood and Adolescence Changes in Adulthood

8.6 The Role of Speech in Cognition: Vygotsky, Piaget, and Private Speech

8.7 Literacy Skills Reading Instruction Methods Reading Disabilities and Dyslexia

Summary & Resources

Prologue Beginning with their first breaths, infants are able to communicate to get their needs satis- fied. They let us know when they are hungry, wet, or otherwise uncomfortable. Even without the use of words, they soon communicate pleasure and evoke reciprocal emotional reactions from those around them. A smile brings corresponding joy; a whimper evokes tenderness. Infants can point, grunt, and otherwise use a number of gestures as they prepare to speak words. In the latter half of the first year, they will point to interesting objects or sounds they hear in the distance. At about the time of their first birthday, infants will begin to use words to denote certain objects, followed shortly thereafter by the use of words to represent actions (like saying “up” to mean “I want to be lifted into your arms”). Words soon become symbolic

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Section 8.1 Theories of Language Development

representations of objects. When a child says “daw” while looking at the family pet, we understand that “daw” refers to a dog. By the time children enter first grade, they will have a vocabulary of perhaps 10,000 words, increasing by another 4,000–5,000 over the course of elementary school. Though at a much slower pace, this number continues to grow throughout later childhood and adulthood. In contrast to many other developments in middle and late adulthood, in the absence of neurodegenerative diseases of the brain, there is little decline in understanding how to use words.

The set of formal sounds, gestures, and especially written symbols defines language. It is used to communicate thoughts and feelings and plays a large role in facilitating cognitive development. For example, when children use language to understand concepts, they develop cognitively. Although language contains a tremendously complex system of sounds that rep- resent symbols, infants seem to pick up the basic oral rules fairly effortlessly (though with great environmental variability, as we will see).

To explore these processes, we will first outline the basic theories of language acquisition. We also address the fundamentals of language construction and the development of production. Then, we will explore how mature language becomes a tool for self-reflection and discovery, as it continues to complement advances in cognition. Finally, we will examine how children learn the relatively new human invention of literacy and outline common practices in reading instruction.

8.1 Theories of Language Development Traditionally, two general theories have dominated discussions pertaining to the develop- ment of language. Learning theory asserts that language occurs when a series of responses is acquired through reinforcement. The nativist view argues that infants learn language natu- rally because of an inborn ability. However, neither of these theories is sufficient in explain- ing language acquisition. A third theory, the interactionist perspective, combines the role of environmental circumstances with the predisposition for language with which all humans seem to be born. This section focuses on these three general approaches to understanding language development.

Learning Theory B. F. Skinner (1957) argued that language acquisition follows simple principles of learning theory. Children acquire language by imitation and reinforcement. Though they at first do not have the physical capacity in their tongues or vocal chords to imitate words, the sounds they hear most often have the greatest chance of being stored in memory. When infants begin uttering sounds that approximate words, like “da-da-da-da-da” and “ma-ma-ma-ma-ma,” adults reinforce that behavior with praise or increased interest. Eventually, parents shape these early sounds into their common usages. According to learning theory, because world languages differ radically in structure and sound, a universal mechanism for acquisition does not exist.

There are two major problems with the behaviorist view. First, it does not account for the wide, natural variation in the way that language is established, even though a universal

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Section 8.1 Theories of Language Development

pattern is evident. Consider that children are constantly constructing novel sentences and using language in ways that they could not have heard. For instance, a 2-year-old may be exposed to the words go and there and learn to use them by imitation. But reinforcement can- not explain why children might put these words together and say, “Go there” to mean, “I want to get back in the stroller.” And even though there is great variation in specific word usage, rules for grammar seem to unfold similarly across cultures and languages. This finding sug- gests there is an underlying mechanism for language that is independent of learning (Nowak, Komarova, & Niyogi, 2001).

Second, we learn complex rules for speaking new words even when we have not been rein- forced, like substituting one noun, verb, or adjective for another (Bond & Wasik, 2009; Tamis- LeMonda & Song, 2012). Further, though children learn proper rules for language, parents do not constantly correct their children’s usage when it is wrong. Yet we still progress from using a finite set of words and sentences to using an infinite combination (Pinker, 2004).

Nativism Addressing the problems associated with the learning theory approach to language, linguist Noam Chomsky (1928– ) has championed the nativist approach. He asserts that children worldwide naturally learn the nuances of languages, including ways to refer to the past and future and how to form negatives and plurals. Because of these commonalities, there must be some kind of internal (native) structure, which Chomsky calls universal grammar. It is theorized that the brain is “hard-wired” with a neural system that he calls the language acquisition device (LAD) (Chomsky, 2006). Given the right circumstances, Chomsky asserts, humans cannot help but learn language. He does not rule out the influence of the environ- ment, but the nativist approach sees the innateness of language in humans as analogous to wings on birds—they are both simply meant to be there (Chomsky, 2000). Just as wings are essential to defining birds, language is essential to defining humans.

The LAD exists at birth and is programmed to understand the structure of every language. The environment determines which language will be learned; the construct of the LAD dic- tates that every language is equally learnable, and evidence supports this view. First, language growth occurs rapidly, within the first 4 years. And there is a similar pattern of acquisition regardless of geography or culture. For instance, vocabulary size and the specific percent- age use of nouns and verbs does not vary significantly among native languages in Korea, the United States, or elsewhere (Rescorla, Lee, Oh, & Kim, 2013). Moreover, children can learn multiple languages easily if exposed to them. Direct instruction is not needed. Yet, as any adult who is trying to learn a new language understands, language is quite complex. For these reasons, it appears that language is a maturational process consistent with the LAD (see Fig- ure 8.1) (Behme & Deacon, 2008; Kovács & Mehler, 2009).

The nativist approach has critics as well. For instance, Tomasello (2006) found that infants and toddlers might hear the same patterns of utterances hundreds of times per day. Hearing subject-verb combinations and random plurals may reinforce the idea to apply the same rules to other sentences. Moreover, most children can easily imitate sounds that are specific to their native language, but then they lose the natural ability to verbalize nuanced sounds of other languages. For instance, native English speakers have difficulty voicing the trilled (or rolled) /r/ sound of Spanish.

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This person knows how to plonk. Right now he is plonking. He was also plonking yesterday. That is,

yesterday he _______.

This is a glump. Now there is another one. There are two of them. There are two ______.

Section 8.1 Theories of Language Development

There are also wide variations in language outcomes that are due to differences in social experiences, even in the number of words to which children are exposed. This learning advan- tage is later observed in different rates of vocabulary growth (Hart & Risley, 1995; Snow & Yang, 2006). The richness of parent-child interactions is especially influential, which is also not accounted for in the nativist view. Effective speech and communication is a learned skill that needs nurturance and reinforcement. When a child asks “Can I . . .” and an adult responds with “May I . . . ,” social learning clearly directs development.

Figure 8.1: The Wug Test

Berko’s famous experiment (1958) showed that children are born with internalized rules for learning language. They were able to complete sentences like those shown here without needing to first imitate or learn the words by rote. Children demonstrated innate language rules related to verbs and plurals by attaching appropriate endings to nonsense (made-up) words that they had not been exposed to before. In the “Wug Test” (named after one of the nonsense words), children successfully used patterns of language without necessarily using any imitation.

Source: Adapted from Berko, 1958.

This person knows how to plonk. Right now he is plonking. He was also plonking yesterday. That is,

yesterday he _______.

This is a glump. Now there is another one. There are two of them. There are two ______.

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Broca’s area

Wernicke’s area

Section 8.1 Theories of Language Development

Language Development and the Brain Although Chomsky does not propose that the LAD is a physical structure, the physical anat- omy of the brain offers additional evidence that supports a biological view. Just as some brain centers are specifically associated with certain senses, movement, or automatic responses like breathing, there are brain structures dedicated to language (Figure 8.2). Broca’s area is specific to speech production (expressive language), and Wernicke’s area is responsible for comprehension (receptive language). Deaf children who sign engage the same brain struc- tures as those who voice words (Hickock, Bellugi, & Klima, 2001).

Furthermore, there are distinct sensitive periods for language production. Recall in our dis- cussions of brain plasticity that neural connections for specific skills can either proliferate or be pruned (see Chapter 5). We can observe this phenomenon in children who are consistently exposed to two or more languages at a young age. Early exposure develops neural sophistica- tion for auditory discrimination of sounds as well as its counterpart, the production of vari- ous sounds that languages require. Because neural connections can form to make sounds from multiple languages, children learn those languages seamlessly. On the other hand, older children and adults have greater struggles learning additional languages because potential network connections have been pruned. After the age of 7 or so, there is a rapid drop-off in language acquisition skills as measured by standardized tests of English (Purves et al., 2001).

Figure 8.2: Language ability localization

Language abilities are localized in specific areas of the brain, lending support to the theory that language is influenced heavily by nature.

Broca’s area

Wernicke’s area

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Section 8.1 Theories of Language Development

Neuroscience research has found evidence to confirm the suspected biological explanation for this phenomenon (O’Muircheartaigh et al., 2013). Researchers analyzed brain develop- ment among 108 typically developing children between the ages of 1 and 6 years and found that the distribution of myelin around neurons involved in language was associated with lan- guage development. Moreover, this myelin growth consistently became fixed by about age 4. This conclusion suggests that brain plasticity (the ability to change as a result of experience) for language is especially strong before age 4. Similarly, after that time, acquiring new lan- guages becomes marginally more difficult.

It is suggested that the neural competition for multiple languages may also cause early lan- guage difficulties (Marian & Shook, 2012). This may explain why some parents report that their bilingual children use language inconsistently and sometimes appear slower. But rather than being a disadvantage, the demand to access to two languages is thought to cause execu- tive processes to become more active and provide other cognitive advantages (Bialystok, Craik, & Luk, 2012). It may be that bilingualism, like increased education, provides long-term advantages in the same way that persistent exercise (not just short-term training) provides a physical benefit. This resilience to neurodegenerative decline is called cognitive reserve. Indeed, studies have found that bilingualism delays the onset of Alzheimer’s disease and other forms of dementia. For instance, among 184 patients admitted to a memory clinic for signs of dementia, the average age of onset was 4.1 years later for bilingual patients compared to monolingual (Bialystok, Craik, & Freedman, 2007). A follow up study with a group of 211 probable Alzheimer’s patients found that onset of symptoms occurred 5.1 years later and initial diagnoses 4.3 years later among bilingual clinic patients compared to monolingual patients. (Craik, Bialystok, & Freedman, 2010). These studies and others form a strong basis for evidence that bilingualism provides a protective cognitive reserve.

Activity Survey classmates, friends, and relatives who know more than one language or who have taken language lessons (20 individuals would be a good goal). Ask them the following questions:

1. At what age did you begin learning each of the non-native languages? 2. On a scale of 1–20, how proficient are you in your non-native language (assume your

native language would be rated 20).

Then, plot the results on a graph with age on one axis and self-ratings on the other. What do your results reveal about the language acquisition device? About plasticity?

Interactionist Perspective The mechanisms by which humans learn language are not understood completely, but there is evidence for both an innate determination and cultural and environmental influences (Chap- man, 2000; Tomasello & Slobin, 2004). As a result, most theorists today combine the roles of learning, socialization, and biology. This more modern interactionist perspective acknowl- edges that growth of language skills appears to be a natural biological process, but it does not occur in a vacuum. Sociocultural theory, including Vygotsky’s model of collaborative learning, is one way in which scholars see that language development is directed by both biology and social experiences.

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High SES

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Section 8.1 Theories of Language Development

As noted, language acquisition occurs at about the same time and in about the same order of skills across different languages. Nevertheless, there appear to be specific environmental determinants. Several years ago, Hart and Risley (1995) studied the language habits of fami- lies at various income levels. Over a 2-year period, Hart and Risley systematically recorded the number of words that parents in high, middle, and low socioeconomic groups used as they interacted with their children. The results indicated that everyday language activity has a profound effect on development. Compared to low- and middle-SES parents, high-SES par- ents spoke more to their children. High-SES parents used twice as many words per hour as low-SES parents. Extrapolated over time, that means that by age 3, children from the more advantaged family environments heard about 13 million more words than their less advan- taged counterparts. And it showed in word production. The 3-year-old children who were exposed to more words had vocabularies that were twice as large as those who heard fewer, as shown in Figure 8.3.

Recent evidence shows that the variability in language experiences documented by Hart and Risley can easily be observed elsewhere as well (Schady, 2011; Zhang et al., 2008). SES remains the strongest predictor of the degree of literacy in the home environment, including the use of complex words and sentences, number of books that are read to children, and verbal respon- siveness. Extensive research has found a robust, consistent association between home literacy environment and language skills in the United States and other developed countries for virtu- ally every age range through the end of high school (e.g., Perkins, Finegood, & Swain, 2013; Rowe, Raudenbush, & Goldin-Meadow, 2012; Sarsour et al., 2011; Tamis-LeMonda, Kuchirko, & Song, 2014). The importance of opportunity and experience cannot be underestimated.

Figure 8.3: Vocabulary growth

High-SES children hear about three times as many words as low-SES children. Consequently, high-SES children also are far ahead of their low-SES counterparts in word production.

Source: Hart, B. and Risley, R., 1995. Meaningful Differences in the Everyday Experience of Young American Children, Page 234. Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes Publishing Co., Inc. Reprinted by permission.

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Whereas language acquisition occurs at a somewhat universal rate around the world, individ- ual differences can be marked. Importantly, although higher-income families are more sup- portive of language, income level is not the deciding factor in differential language exposure (e.g., Hoff, 2003, 2006; Hoff-Ginsberg, 1991, 1998). Instead, it appears that more advanced language skills are associated with the sheer number of words children hear, the number of different words to which they are exposed, and how much elaboration within the social con- text there is (Pan, Rowe, Singer, & Snow, 2005; Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2014; Weizman & Snow, 2001; Zhang, Jin, Shen, Zhang, & Hoff, 2008). Language must literally be nurtured for optimal acquisition to take place. As Hirsh-Pasek and Burchinal (2006) said, “There is little debate that sensitive and stimulating caregiving plays an important role in promoting . . . language development” (p. 450). Although nature accounts for universal periods of development and the similarity of brain structures, nurturing is an essential component in the development of those brain structures (Goldstein & Schwade, 2008; Pan & Uccelli, 2009).

To efficiently increase language production in young children, special resources do not appear to be necessary. Research suggests that adults simply need to be aware of the power of lan- guage exposure, including the use of elaboration (for instance, when answering a question or while reading to children). Although at first glance, research seems to support the conclusion that affluence has the greatest effect on language development, instead it appears that for at- risk populations, adults should simply talk more to children (see also the feature box, “Psy- chology in Action: Promoting Language Skills”).

Psychology in Action: Promoting Language Skills

Imagine you are in a new environment—Mars, perhaps—and there are new smells, new sights, and new sounds. You landed only a few moments ago, and you are excited about learning. You yearn for expert descriptions to discover all the unknown stimuli that are bombarding your senses. As you would in this novel planetary excursion, newborns strive to understand their world. Adults can easily provide these everyday opportunities and help infants experience growth in language through ordinary commentary about their surroundings.

Evidence collected by Hart and Risley (1995) and others informs us that the most efficient way to increase language skills in children is to simply . . . talk! It should be quite apparent by now that infants are sponges for information. If you are cleaning, preparing a meal, or on a walk, simply talk to your infant. A 2-month-old can passively absorb the environment, or adults can explain cooking procedures, the differences in sounds that dishes make, the temperature of the air, and the presence of butterflies that pass overhead. One does not have to be obsessive about talking all the time, but too often parents and caregivers overlook what research has found to be a simple way to increase language skills.

Section Review Explain the strengths and weaknesses of the major theories of language acquisition.

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Section 8.2 Fundamentals of Language Production

8.2 Fundamentals of Language Production Before babies even reach the stage at which they can physically produce recognizable words, they will make impressive advances in understanding language. Recall that babies can iden- tify sounds that they were exposed to prenatally (see Chapter 7). Though the processes are not understood completely, infants are able to use these skills to recognize a great many spoken words well before they are able to speak. Later, in the year after the average child begins talking, understanding of words advances at more than double the rate of production (Rescorla, Alley, & Christine, 2001). This comprehension of language precedes the production of language throughout infancy. Likewise, this section begins with a discussion of how infants develop an understanding of language, followed by a discussion of the various ways in which they produce sounds for communication.

Receptive Language and Infant-Directed Speech Even neonates are very good at discriminating the sounds of voices, illustrating an early pref- erence for oral communication. They pay attention to new sounds and easily startle to loud noises. By about 4 months, they begin to respond to commands like “no” and understand dif- ferent voice inflections. They can also discriminate among the nuances of adult emotion in speech by this time (Flom & Bahrick, 2007); a month later they understand emotional com- munication from other infants (Vaillant-Molina, Bahrick, & Flom, 2013). Soon thereafter they respond to names of objects and people (e.g., “Do you want your bottle?” “Where’s Daddy?”). Before the end of the first year, infants can demonstrate their skills at language by pointing at characters and objects in books, responding to simple commands (e.g., “Go get your blanket”) and identifying body parts. By the end of the second year, children can perform two-part com- mands (“Go to the kitchen, and pick up the toy”).

The ability to understand what others communi- cate, to receive communication orally (or by sign) is referred to as receptive language. As discussed ear- lier, evidence shows that infants discriminate among voices and language quite well. They also prefer the sound of human voices to other sounds, virtually from birth (Vouloumanos & Werker, 2007). Infants are also more responsive to the high-pitched, sing- song inflection that is called infant-directed speech, a concept introduced in Chapter 5. (Infant-directed speech is sometimes referred to as motherese, but this term is dated and less precise. Most adults use infant-directed speech, not just mothers.) Substan- tial research indicates that this manner of speak- ing is similar across cultures and nationalities. This type of speech and the manner of interaction that accompanies it promote infant social and emotional involvement and attention, and are associated with greater language competence (McMurray, Kovack- Lesh, Goodwin, & McEchron, 2013; Saint-Georges et al., 2013; Schachner & Hannon, 2011; Werker et al., 2007).

iStock/Thinkstock

Pointing at characters or objects in books, responding to simple commands, and identifying body parts are early signs of language skills.

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Section 8.2 Fundamentals of Language Production

Well before the age of 2 years, both preterm and full-term children who are identified as low SES exhibit poorer receptive, expressive, and overall language skills (Wild, Betancourt, Brodsky, & Hurt, 2013). Like other conclusions cited earlier, it appears that the amount of cognitive engagement is the most important factor, even for high-risk premature births. Once again, higher education and income (SES) are associated with better outcomes, but stimula- tion seems to be the overriding influence, not SES. Even the simple act of imitating infant vocalizations has been found to reinforce infant language development and, hence, later ver- bal ability. These results demonstrate the importance of early language interventions among babies at high risk for language delays (Korat, 2009; Pelaez, Virues-Ortega, & Gewirtz, 2011; Weisleder & Fernald, 2013; Wild et al., 2013).

Expressive Language When studying linguistics (the science of language and its accompanying characteristics), it helps to know the formal characteristics that are involved in the process of producing messages, or expressive language. Chil- dren must learn these formal characteristics of sound and meaning, which are unique to each language.

Phonology Phonology refers to the basic sounds of language and is related to perception. To learn how to use words, children must perceive sounds and then be able to reproduce them. Linguists have identified 200 phonemes in worldwide languages, but no language uses even half that many (Golotti, 2011). English, for instance, has 40 basic sounds (or phonemes) that must be mastered. Phonemes like /d/, /o/, and /g/ are used to make meaningful words and sentences. In this case, those three sounds are combined to represent a kind of domesticated four-legged creature. The unique sounds of each language are those that usually provide the most dif- ficulty for non-native speakers, like the trilled or rolled “r” sound in Spanish and Armenian, and the back-of-the-throat /ch/ sound in many Arabic languages. These difficulties are the residual effects of early sensitive periods, as discussed earlier in this chapter.

Morphemes The smallest unit of language that has meaning is called a morpheme. Words can have one or several morphemes. For instance, touch has one morpheme, whereas untouchable has three (un + touch + able all have separate meanings before being combined into one word).

Semantics When we learn specific meanings of words, we are learning semantics. The meaning of cool has changed in the last couple of generations, as has the meaning of bad. Implied meanings are often a matter of semantics, since there can be multiple interpretations. When we change the meanings of words, we are changing semantics. For instance, in recent years, the meaning of sick on school playgrounds has changed from “icky” to “amazing” or “awesome.”

Critical Thinking

Based on what you have learned so far, how old do you think children should be before parents and others begin reading to them?

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Section 8.3 The Beginnings of Oral Communication

Syntax After words are formed, they must be arranged in a meaningful pattern. This process is the basis for communication. Syntax refers to the proper ordering and use of words and phrases so that sentences make sense. Deciding where to insert an adverb to preserve the meaning of a sentence is a matter of syntax. As vocabulary grows, children use more diverse syntax and can communicate more easily.

Pragmatics If we are to learn to communicate successfully, we need to learn the practical side of language, like the necessity of saying “thank you” for a gift. A sarcastic “thank you” has a completely different meaning. We also need to understand gestures and voice tone. Speech conventions vary depending on the social context, too, including culture and society. It is not unusual, for instance, for teenagers to use one kind of language with their friends and another with their teachers. Even children as young as 3 years old learn to change their styles of speech depend- ing on the situation. Understanding how different contexts and speech conventions contrib- ute to meaning is referred to as pragmatics. For example, without context, the phrase “You can go” is ambiguous. It could mean:

• You may leave. • I would like you to leave. • You are able to move. • I do not want to try it, so I will let you take my place. • You may take your turn. • You may move ahead of me.

Section Review Outline the developmental process in the construction of language.

8.3 The Beginnings of Oral Communication Children make a variety of sounds well before they begin talking. Some sounds may be consid- ered precursors to language, and others may simply be an alternative way to transmit infor- mation. Regardless of how they are classified, all the early sounds discussed in this section represent forms of communication. See Table 8.1 for a summary of these early milestones.

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Section 8.3 The Beginnings of Oral Communication

Table 8.1: Early language development milestones

Age Milestone Feature

1–2 months Cooing “Eh, eh, eh, uhh, uhh, ohhh, uh, uh”

3–4 months Babbling Universal babbling

6–7 months Babbling Language-specific babbling

10–14 months First words Mama, dada, dog, bot (bottle)

18–24 months Vocabulary spurt Rapid growth of words

24 months Sentences Combining 2 words into telegraphic speech

. 24 months Pronouns, phrases, prepositions

Crying Infants not only respond to others, but they also communicate beginning at an early age. Par- ents usually understand whether their baby is experiencing discomfort or pleasure by the behaviors that are exhibited. One way that infants communicate is by crying. Although some observers have suggested that infants have distinct cries that communicate different feelings, evidence is inconclusive. They may have one cry that takes on different tones (like the various ways an adult might say, “Ow!”) or several different cries that communicate, for instance, hun- ger, pain, or anger (Chóliz, Fernández-Abascal, & Martínez-Sánchez, 2012; Gustafson, Wood, & Green, 2000). One way or another, crying indicates some kind of distress.

Although it may seem as if infants have only one type of cry, parents are generally quite able to identify what their infants are trying to communicate. As is commonly thought, studies have supported the idea of a maternal instinct, since mothers appear to be more adept than fathers at discriminating the cries of their own infants, compared to those of an unfamiliar infant. However, now that more fathers are involved in everyday child rearing, newer research strongly suggests that fathers are just as competent as mothers. Evidence indicates that the amount of time spent with the baby, not the sex of the parent, is the most important vari- able in parents’ ability to recognize their baby’s cries (Green & Gustafson, 1983; Gustafsson, Levréro, Reby, & Mathevon, 2013).

Prelinguistic Communication During the first few months, infants will make a variety of additional sounds, including cooing and gurgling. They also perform gestures and facial expressions, and as discussed earlier, they imitate others. Together these sounds and expressions are referred to as prelinguistic com- munication. They are a kind of physical and oral practice for later words.

There is evidence that differences in early prelinguistic communication can predict later vocabulary development. To measure nonverbal behavior, researchers videotaped fifty 14-month-old children from families with a diverse range of socioeconomic status. After con- trolling for speech, it was found that high-SES parents used more gestures than low-SES par- ents, regardless of word usage. In turn, the high-SES children used significantly more gestures than their low-SES counterparts. These differences were predictive of later vocabulary usage when the children entered school. These patterns eventually led to differences in school suc- cess and failure rates as well (Rowe & Goldin-Meadow, 2009).

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Section 8.3 The Beginnings of Oral Communication

Babbling Perhaps the most obvious form of prelinguistic communication is babbling. It consists of sounds that are similar to speech, but are nonsense syllables. At first, these sounds begin at 2 or 3 months and are expressed spontaneously in a universal language that consists mostly of vowel sounds (e.g., “ah-ah-ah,” “ee-ee-ee”). That is, initial babbling is made up of phonetic sounds of all languages, regardless of culture, location, or language exposure (Kuhl, 2010). Up until about 5 months or so, infants remain impartial toward any one language, including their native language (Purves et al., 2001). For instance, although native Japanese-speaking adults are known to have trouble discriminating between /r/ and /l/ sounds in English, young Japa- nese infants do not exhibit the same difficulties. During this early babbling period, there is a prescribed (maturational) pattern, which later becomes more complex and specific. (See Figure 8.4.)

By about 6 months, infants begin to use consonants and babble differently (e.g., “dah-dah- dah,” “bee-bee-bee”). They use the consonants of the language to which they have been exposed (Blake, 2000; Blake & De Boysson-Bardies, 1992). If they are exposed to two or more languages, infants will produce the sounds of all of them and begin to lose the universal attributes of babbling. About this time, infants will also develop the capacity to communi- cate through babbling, including the ability to convey urgency, which prompts parents to take action.

Infants who are exposed to sign language and are born deaf also babble. However, instead of voicing their babbling, they use their hands. And just as babies who are exposed to any number of voiced languages will begin language-specific babbling at about 6 months, babies who have hearing ability will also babble in sign if that is one of the languages to which they have been exposed (Petitto & Dunbar, 2009; Petitto, Holowka, Sergio, Levy, & Ostry, 2004; Purves et al., 2001). These findings clearly show both a biological framework and the importance of early experiences in the development of language; they also coincide with the ability to discrimi- nate between the sounds of their native languages and others. Monolingual infants as young as 2–3 months show that they discriminate between the sounds of their native language and others; shortly thereafter they orient more quickly to their native language (Werker, Byers- Heinlein, & Fennell, 2009). Perhaps as a demonstration of early cognitive reserve, bilingual infants orient more rapidly to unfamiliar languages (Bosch & Sebastián-Gallés, 1997).

Not surprisingly, the production of language through babbling mimics perception of language. That is, infants are quite good at differentiating the sounds of their native languages (or sign from random movements) and are less responsive to languages to which they are not exposed. As an example, in one study, 9-month-old American infants exposed to English speakers did not respond to Dutch words, and Dutch infants were unresponsive to English words (Jusczyk, Friederici, Wessels, Svenkerud, & Jusczyk, 1993). Furthermore, the skill with which prever- bal infants perceive speech and discriminate among different sounds is consistently found to correlate with later language development, including vocabulary size (Cristia, Seidl, Junge, Soderstrom, & Hagoort, 2014; Friederici & Männel, 2013; Tsao, Liu, & Kuhl, 2004).

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Figure 8.4: Language development

Language follows predictable pathways in the same way that other development occurs.

Source: Courtesy of Mariana Mossler.

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Words Few experiences excite parents more than hearing the first word their baby speaks. The enthusiasm that parents show for this initial word formation reinforces further speaking, though under normal conditions the explosion of language that soon occurs cannot really be prevented. First words usually appear between 10 and 14 months. Some children speak as early as 9 months, but the median is about 1 year. Early language is associated with later higher intelligence; however, intelligence has a much wider variance when language begins relatively late (Roos & Weismer, 2008). That is, early talkers are likely to have higher intelli- gence; intelligence is more difficult to predict for late talkers.

First words are usually nouns that are constant objects, like mama, dada, or dog. Individual words quickly become holophrases (whole sentences), in which one word stands to mean an entire thought. For example, “Dog” might mean “Look at the dog” or “I want to go near the dog.” “Dada” (looking at father) could mean “Pick me up, Dada” or “Dada’s home!” We all use holophrases. Adolescents say, “Cool,” to mean “I really like that song,” and an adult might say, “Taylor . . .” to convey, “Taylor you need to stop watching television and begin your homework now!” For children who are beginning to speak, holophras- tic speech is how beginning words are primarily used (O’Grady & Aitchison, 2005; Tomasello, 2006).

Some evidence indicates that children learn the first 50 words or so mostly by paired- associate learning, a process whereby words (often nouns) are immediately associated with an object, an event, or a remark. For instance, hearing the word plane is paired with an object that moves in the sky and can make a roaring sound. Paired-associate learning is a relatively slow process, but it appears that there is much consistency across languages (Markman, 1992). A study of 20-month-olds in Argentina, Belgium, France, Israel, Italy, South Korea, and the United States found that all children learn nouns at a faster rate than other word classes. It does not matter if children have a relatively small or a large vocabulary, consistent patterns remain. Urban children generally know more words than those living in rural areas, and girls have larger vocabularies than boys. From a cross-cultural perspective, similarities in the com- position and size of vocabularies remain consistent as well (Bornstein & Cote, 2005; Born- stein et al., 2004). In order to facilitate bilingual understanding, psychologists usually advise different individuals to speak different languages, so that young children process consistent intonations from each person. If most of a child’s time is spent with only one bilingual person, then it is advisable to restrict different languages to different activities, like baths, walks, or eating. But even without any of these ideal circumstances, children will still learn two or more languages if they are exposed to them on a regular basis.

iStock/Thinkstock

One example of a holophrase, or word that means an entire thought, is a child saying “dog” to mean, “Look at the dog.”

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The first 50–200 words are usually learned between 18 and 24 months of age, a fairly wide range (Ganger & Brent, 2004; Papaeliou & Rescorla, 2011). After this initial period, there is a burst of semantic development. It has been suggested that this vocabulary spurt is a discrete change in development and includes the acquisition of several words per day (Dapretto & Bjork, 2000; Nazzi & Bertoncini, 2003). Others have found that only about 20% of children experience a qualitative change in language; the vast majority of children acquire words by a more gradual process (Ganger & Brent, 2004). Regardless, on average, children will increase their vocabularies to over 300 words by the age of 2, on their way to 8,000 before they start kindergarten, and they will use over 60,000 different words (counting different forms of the same root word) by the end of high school (Aitchinson, 1994; Fenson, Dale, Reznick, Bates, & Thal, 1994).

Sentences At around 2 years old, shortly after the spurt of vocabulary development, children begin to make sentences by noun-verb combinations (Tomasello, 2006). This is an important devel- opment because of the enormous expansion in pragmatics that is now possible. Two-word utterances are remarkably concise. Children at this stage of language development no lon- ger simply name objects. Among other expressive abilities, they can now comment on their environment, make their wishes known, and ask questions (e.g., “See flower,” “Mommy up,” “Where shoe?”). Although nouns dominate early vocabulary development, the complexity of sentence usage generally corresponds to vocabulary size ( Marjanovič-Umek, Fekonja-Peklaj, & Podlesek, 2013). Furthermore, these shortened sentences are similar across cultures and languages (e.g., Slobin, 1974).

In 2-year-olds, speech is quite economical. Children are able to omit nonessential words in a process called telegraphic speech. (The name originates from telegrams, which were priced by the character and, hence, were more economical when they omitted nonessential words.) Words that are necessary for content remain, whereas articles (e.g., the) and auxiliary verbs are left out (“I do it” instead of “I will do it”). Importantly though, children use words in the correct order. That is, they will say, “read book,” instead of “book read,” demonstrating some sophistication about how to make themselves understood (Hirsh-Pasek & Michnick-Golinkoff, 1995).

There are also other ways that children’s speech differs from adult speech. Overextension occurs when children use one word in an overly generalized manner. For instance, anything from a balloon to an orange may be referred to as a “ball” (Bloom, 1993); the child is using a word too broadly. Conversely, underextension occurs when words are used too restrictively. For example, “van” might refer only to the family vehicle rather than all the different kinds of vans. This lack of conceptualization is consistent with Piaget’s ideas that young children are not able to categorize. It is possible that parents also inadvertently reinforce these language processes by restrictive labeling. For instance, parents in one study called both lions and leop- ards “kitty cats” and both vans and fire engines were “cars” (Mervis & Mervis, 1982).

Sex Differences in Language Exposure It is well established that there are some general, albeit small, variations when compar- ing boys and girls in the many milestones of language development. On average, girls reach

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speech milestones earlier than boys in the use of gestures, word utterances, sentence con- struction, vocabulary size, and complexity of language (Huttenlocher, Haight, Bryk, Seltzer, & Lyons, 1991; Maccoby, 1966; Özçalişkan & Goldin-Meadow, 2010). It is difficult to conclude that these differences are purely related to sex and biology. From the time children are born, parents use different kinds of language depending on whether they are addressing a boy or a girl (Clearfield & Nelson, 2006; Gleason & Ely, 2002). Modulation of pitch in infant-directed speech varies depending on sex of the child, sex of the adult, and sometimes culture and lan- guage (e.g., Kitamura, Thanavishuth, Burnham, & Luksaneeyanawin, 2002; Liu, Tsao, & Kuhl, 2009). Some observers have suggested that the use of diminutives when they are not part of standard speech (e.g., “doggie” and “kitty” instead of “dog” and “cat”) is directed differently toward boys and girls as a way to enhance gender categorization (Kempe, Brooks, Miron- ova, & Fedorova, 2003; Seva et al., 2007). However, among Peruvians (who speak Spanish, in which diminutives are a part of standard usage), gender differences in the use of diminutives have not been found (Gleason, Perlmann, Ely, & Evans, 1994).

As children enter school, teachers and other adults continue to speak to boys and girls differ- ently. On average, girls are greeted with warmer, softer tones, and boys hear firmer com- mands (Chanu & Marcos, 1994; Gleason et al., 1994; Hughes, Wu, Kwok, Villarreal, & Johnson, 2012). From elementary school until the end of high school, boys receive more positive and more negative verbal attention in class. However, others have suggested that boys and girls are spoken to differently because they participate in different kinds of activities. The context in which interactions take place changes adult-child speech patterns as well. Adults tend to use different intonation for boys and girls, depending on whether they are caregiving or play- ing (Leaper & Gleason, 1996; Lindsey, Cremeens, & Caldera, 2010). Overall, results demon- strate that adult men and women use different kinds of language and transmit different mes- sages to their male and female children. Undoubtedly, different communication styles lead to gender differences in behavior. It would also be important to know whether these early mod- eling effects promote one kind of speech over another.

Section Review How does language production develop through infancy and early childhood?

8.4 Communication Disorders Because language is such an integral part of life, when communication is compromised it affects other aspects of behavior. Children with speech difficulties are at higher risk of being victimized by peers, which sometimes results in behavioral problems (Al-Saadoon et al., 2014; Redmond, 2011). Although not purely a language disorder, a characteristic difference in style of communication is also indicative of children who are autistic. These topics will be addressed next.

Speech Impairments Nearly 1.4 million children receive special education services for speech or language prob- lems (National Center for Education Statistics, 2015). In Chapter 5 we learned that auditory

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impairments often predict speech difficulties. The causes of other kinds of speech impair- ments are harder to identify. The most common types are articulation disorders such as stut- tering or difficulty pronouncing /s/ (lisping) and /r/. Though predictable patterns are rare, developmental risk factors like fetal alcohol spectrum disorders and cerebral palsy usually indicate that special attention should be paid to any emerging speech difficulties.

As a general rule, adults should be able to understand about 50% of what 2-year-olds say, about 75% of what 3-year-olds say, and nearly 100% of what 4-year-olds say. That does not mean that all 4-year-olds articulate perfectly, only that they should be understood. Between the ages of 2 and 5, it is also normal for some children to stutter. When this occurs, it is theo- rized that the activities in the language production centers and the articulation centers of the brain are not completely coordinated. In a sense, young children cannot speak as fast as their brains are thinking about words. This type of stuttering usually disappears spontaneously within a few months. On the other hand, despite extensive research over the past 100 years, the cause of persistent stuttering remains unclear (Drayna & Kang, 2011; Prasse & Kikano, 2008).

It is recommended that adults respond to both types of stuttering the same way—with patience. They should let children finish what they want to say without drawing attention to their speech patterns. Speech problems of all kinds can cause stress and embarrassment; they can cause children to be less involved in classroom activities and adults to avoid social activities. If stuttering among children persists, or a speech problem of any kind is suspected, early evaluation or intervention with a speech pathologist is the key to improved prognoses. It is unclear why stuttering sometimes appears in cycles, and for up to 1% of the population, continues into adulthood (Bloodstein & Ratner, 2008). The efficacy of treatment varies con- siderably, but most studies report an improvement rate of 60–80%.

Aphasia and Speech Apraxia Recall from earlier in this chapter that Broca’s area of the brain is central to the production of speech. When a stroke damages it, then the expression of language becomes compromised. Although the ability to comprehend language may remain intact, expressive aphasia (or Bro- ca’s aphasia) results in the inability to produce fluent speech. Because Broca’s area is also near some motor cortices of the brain, this type of aphasia is also associated with weakness or paralysis on the right side of the body. On the other hand, a stroke centralized in Wer- nicke’s area results in receptive aphasia (or Wernicke’s aphasia). In this disorder, a person can still produce speech, but the strings of words will not make sense because comprehension of meanings is compromised. Syntax is disrupted. Patients who suffer major damage to Wer- nicke’s area may even speak in nonsense syllables, since all vocalizations are equally lacking in meaning.

Another acquired neurological injury related to speech occurs in an area of the brain that connects to the tongue and lips. This circumstance results in a disorder of motor ability called speech apraxia. Comprehension of language remains intact, but the message does translate to the mouth. The person is likely to use nonsense words in place of those that are meaning- ful, but there is usually frustration since overall language comprehension is not damaged and the person is likely to recognize mistakes. Reducing the incidence of aphasia and apraxia fol- lows the same protocol as other consequences of cardiovascular disease, including exercising and following a proper diet.

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Autism Spectrum Disorder Early impairments in communication, including speech delays and nonverbal communication (e.g., gestures, eye contact), are characteristic signs of autism spectrum disorder (ASD). It is important to keep in mind that ASD is difficult to classify. Though there are clear signs of a communication disorder, ASD also impairs social functioning and, in many cases, intel- lectual functioning. Therefore, you should think of ASD as a multifaceted disorder. It is at

least partly genetic, and has both cognitive and psy- chosocial features. Other common markers include fixated interests, deficits in social skills, repetitive behaviors, and inflexibility over routines. Because of better screening procedures, this developmen- tal disorder can sometimes be identified by 18–24 months of age, and occasionally even earlier. The median age of diagnosis is 53 months and, surpris- ingly, the timing of diagnoses does not vary by race or ethnicity (Baio, 2014). A substantial proportion of children with ASD are mute, and many more attain initial language and then lose it. Recent brain imaging has discovered that ASD brains probably process voices and other social stimuli differently beginning at an early age (Grossmann, Oberecker, Koch, & Friederici, 2010; Johnson, 2004; Lloyd-Fox, Johnson, & Blasi, 2013).

Courtesy of Ron Mossler.

The teacher’s model of a bat (upper left) and two kindergartners’ interpretations. The bat on the bottom right was typical of the rest of the class. The bat on the bottom left was constructed by Luke, an autistic boy with average intelligence. Luke’s project shows his minor problems with fine motor coordination but highlight his cognitive deficits. Because he is only 5 years old, it is difficult to know exactly what processes interfere with his cognitive development, but they are easily apparent here.

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About half of all children with ASD have intellectual disabilities (Baio, 2014). The vast major- ity have social deficits, too, like skills needed to form friendships or to display empathy (another instance of the interaction of physical, cognitive, and psychosocial domains). Behav- ioral stereotypes like repetitive rocking or hand flapping that are indicative of ASD are often compared to obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD). However, people with OCD usually per- form rituals (compulsions) in order to experience relief from their thoughts (obsessions). By contrast, individuals with autism often perform repetitive, ritualistic behaviors without an identifiable “reason” (obsessive thought). Rituals are usually self-soothing so that anxiety is reduced, but about one-third of autistic children engage in self-injurious behavior like bang- ing the head onto the corner of a table or picking skin obsessively (Johnson & Myers, 2007; Lai, Lombardo, & Baron-Cohen, 2014). The main signs of autism are provided in Table 8.2.

Table 8.2: Signs of autism

Area Signs

Language • Language delay • Deficits in understanding nonverbal communication, including gestures • Expressive and receptive language delays • Echolalia (repetitive language or verbal imitation) • Unusual language patterns or monotone speech

Socialization • Difficulty forming and maintaining reciprocal relationships • Impairment in nonverbal communication • Few friendships • Absence of reciprocity in relationships • Poor social judgment • Lack of orientation to name

Stereotypical behaviors • Preoccupation with or restricted interests • Perseverative behaviors, including self-stimulation • Rigid routines • Unusual interest in idiosyncratic items • May also show unusual responses to sensory stimuli

After viewing videos of children who were later identified as autistic, researchers found that even infants younger than 6 months were less social and vocalized less. Early language defi- cits include a delay of receptive language and fewer gestures at 12 and 18 months. There are also significant delays in production and understanding of single words. Recall also that language and cognitive development include what Piaget called symbolic representation (see Chapter 7). Unlike children with non-ASD language delays, autistic children do not use appro- priate compensatory measures to express themselves. For instance, instead of pointing, they may push someone in the desired direction or use another person’s finger as an instrument (Mitchell et al., 2006; Tager-Flusberg & Caronna, 2007; Volkmar & Chawarska, 2008).

Autistic children also have a difficult time monitoring their own thoughts and behaviors. Com- puter imaging reveals that abnormalities in brain areas that affect the integration of tasks like thinking, planning, and social cognitive functions persist into adolescence and early adult- hood. These are the kinds of processes that can lead to many typical ASD behaviors, such as poor impulse control and rigid routines. Poor integration of these processes also contributes to social deficits, as individuals show less understanding of social cues and consequences of certain behaviors (Ashwin, Hietanen, & Baron-Cohen, 2015; Lai et al., 2014; O’Hearn, Asato, Ordaz, & Luna, 2008). However, learning in these areas appears to be somewhat plastic,

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especially among those who are highly verbal. Perhaps language is used to mediate inhibitory behavior and facilitate metacognition (children can talk to themselves). Evidence for plasticity may help explain why early intervention often has a positive effect on ASD. Though behavioral and social symptoms of autism persist into adulthood, early intervention is key to improv- ing communication, self-care, and later independence. Applied behavior analysis, a type of behavioral therapy, is usually the most effective method of intervention. In applied behavior analysis, people are rewarded with favorite activities, food, or other reinforcers for on-task behaviors (Fernandes & Amato, 2013; Verschuur, Didden, Lang, Sigafoos, & Huskens, 2014).

The reported prevalence of ASD has increased dramatically over the past decade. As Figure 8.5 shows, the number of children diagnosed with ASD has increased from 1 in 150 to 1 in 68 over the past 10 years. The ratio of boys to girls has remained relatively constant at five to one (Baio, 2014). However, because the criteria for an ASD diagnosis have broadened (and there are no clear medical tests), a new study strongly suggests that the increase in cases of ASD is due primarily to diagnostic changes (Hansen, Schendel, & Parner, 2015).

A potentially important new study reported the first direct evidence of early prenatal origins of autism. After comparing postmortem tissue of autistic and nonautistic brains, researchers found consistent disorganized growth in 91% of autistic brains, compared to only 9% of con- trols. Furthermore, the abnormalities were limited to specific patches of brain tissue that are related to emotional, social, language, and communication functions—the very processes that prove most problematic for autistic children. The concentrated area of the defects may explain why early treatments are most effective: With treatment, the plastic brain may be able to bypass the defective area and use the neighboring cells instead (Stoner et al., 2014). Though this study needs to be replicated, it does offer promising hope for early diagnosis and treatment.

Figure 8.5: Reported incidence of ASD, latest data available

Although the number of people diagnosed with autism has increased dramatically, the criteria for ASD diagnoses have broadened as well. A new analysis strongly suggests that the increase in cases of ASD is due primarily to these diagnostic changes.

Source: Baio, J. (2014, March). Prevalence of autism spectrum disorders among children aged 8 years. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report. Centers for Disease Control.

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There is also evidence of a hereditary influence leading to a “broad autism phenotype” (Sas- son, Lam, Parlier, Daniels, & Piven, 2013). Fathers have been found to exhibit some of the same behaviors that their autistic children perform, especially in tasks related to reaction time and social cues. Furthermore, the concordance rate among monozygotic twins has been estimated at 36–92%, whereas it is estimated to be only 2–23% among dizygotic twins. Autis- tic behaviors are generally found more often in parents and other relatives of children with ASD, as well (Hallmayer et al., 2011; Ozonoff et al., 2011; Rosenberg et al., 2009; Sasson et al., 2013).

Finally, there has been much speculation that teratogen exposure or other factors related to perinatal health may have some effect (Arndt, Stodgell, & Rodier, 2005; Lai et al., 2014). How- ever, environmental toxins such as pesticides and lead as causes are as yet unsubstantiated. Immunizations have also been dismissed as a possible cause. Extensive research efforts con- tinue to focus on both environmental and genetic factors, but the causes of this disorder remain mostly unresolved (Kirby, 2015; Lai et al., 2014).

Section Review Summarize what we know about how communication disorders affect language development.

8.5 Language Development in Later Stages As you have seen, the foundation for language is established very early. During middle child- hood and adolescence, children learn to understand more nuances and how specific kinds of language can be useful. Much of the change during adolescence and early adulthood revolves around pragmatics. Language becomes self-reflective and a part of executive processes. For instance, poor inner-city teenagers communicate differently than those attending wealthy boarding schools, but both groups will achieve social benefits by recognizing that particular kinds of language usage will enhance status within their communities. When people enter the workforce, there are pragmatics related to the job culture. And most of us have a kind of “public” language that is different from the “private” language that we use around close friends and family. Unlike other abilities, language does not necessarily have a discernable decline into late adulthood. There is often a more economical use of words, but comprehen- sion remains strong. This section will explore these more mature developments.

Middle Childhood and Adolescence Even with equal access within the school environment, income level remains the most reli- able predictor of disparities in language development throughout childhood. Through the school years, on average, poorer children suffer deficits in pronunciation, vocabulary size, and syntax. These factors have an obvious effect on postsecondary education and career choices. Although it has been suggested that a confluence of potential ethological factors (e.g., prenatal nutrition and maternal stress) influence this finding, the lack of linguistic complexity in low-income homes remains the leading predictor variable in children with less developed

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language abilities (Huttenlocher, Waterfall, Vasilyeva, Vevea, & Hedges, 2010; Laplante, Bru- net, Schmitz, Ciampi, & King, 2008; Perkins et al., 2013).

In early childhood, language development is developed implicitly. That is, as children learn basic words and structure, syntax is learned automatically. By the time children enter kin- dergarten at around age 5, they begin to have more explicit understanding that language fol- lows general rules. For instance, there is a concerted effort to hear and produce words cor- rectly, called phonological awareness. They understand that nouns can be replaced by other nouns, can delight in the confusing nature of homophones, and will soon look up meanings of unknown words. These internal language processes that use self-reflection to further under- stand language are called metalinguistic awareness. It is the reason children enjoy “knock- knock” jokes and find humor in other ways that bend rules of language. Metalinguistic aware- ness is also indicated when elementary school children begin to use more sophisticated kinds of speech, like sarcasm and irony (Filippova & Astington, 2010). Understanding that language is by itself a tool, and thinking about words before (or after) they are used is also a part of executive function.

During early elementary school, children make great strides in pragmatics, as they learn cul- tural and situational rules for language (Bryant, 2012). In adolescence, language becomes more abstract, reflective, and nuanced. Adolescents can analyze their own thoughts and emo- tions (Dale, Harlaar, Hayiou-Thomas, & Plomin, 2010). Abstract thought is reflected in the use of figurative language and more sophisticated humor. Concrete operational children under- stand simple puns (“When is a car not a car? When it turns into a garage.”); however, they do not understand nuances of language and more sophisticated double entendres unless they are explicitly explained, and even then they will not find them to be humorous (e.g., “I don’t want to belong to any club that will accept people like me as a member.” [Marks, 1959, p. 321]. Compared to concrete thinkers, adolescents who have reached the stage of formal operations are more likely to think in a divergent manner instead of pursuing a limited idea. That is, they understand that questions can be answered in a variety of ways (Dale et al., 2010; Schleicher, 2010).

Another qualitative change in lan- guage is a pragmatic one, as children and adolescents pay more attention to the thoughts, feelings, and motivations of others. The growth in these social skills also supports academic learn- ing in a way that is consistent with the views of Vygotsky. That is, collabora- tion and shared responsibilities neces- sitate using language to solve prob- lems and reconcile potential conflicts. Students who are trained to use more collaboration in school learn to com- municate more clearly and enjoy the educational process more than others who are not trained (Gillies & Boyle, 2010).

Fancy Collection/Superstock

Children and adolescents eventually learn to use language to develop social skills, solve problems, and reconcile conflicts.

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Section 8.6The Role of Speech in Cognition: Vygotsky, Piaget, and Private Speech

Finally, the way that children think about learning changes as they grow. Knowledge becomes more than a gathering of facts related to specific subjects. At around age 10 years, children learn that language can be used to build upon itself. Instead of “learning to read,” they begin to “read to learn.” This change is demonstrated when a topic is investigated online and the search leads to an exploration of multiple hyperlinks (as when one topic on Wikipedia arouses curiosity about another). Additional examples occur when adolescents look up the definition of an unknown word in order to understand its inherent meaning, not just to get an answer correct for a school assignment.

Changes in Adulthood Adulthood marks another phase in the use of pragmatics. For most professionals, there is a need to adjust language in order to be successful. There is a particular way of communicat- ing for colleagues and customers, doctors and patients, and supervisors and subordinates. Couples often communicate around each other in a way that might be very different from how they communicate with close friends, including the use of words that have meaning only to them. Parents usually communicate to children in a manner that is different than how they communicate to their siblings or parents.

Phonological awareness remains strong into late adulthood, unless hearing affects the ability to discriminate auditory sounds in general (Thornton & Light, 2006). Older adults also retain their knowledge of grammar, syntax, and understanding of vocabulary, often expanding well into late adulthood (Schaie, 1994). In the absence of neurodegenerative diseases, adults con- tinue to build on earlier knowledge of semantics as well. As a reflection of maturing executive function, adults refine their use of pragmatics, modifying how they might relate to others depending on the situation (Gleason & Ratner, 2009).

Section Review Describe how language among older children and adolescents is distinctive from language among younger children. How do these distinctions compare to the changes that may occur later in life?

8.6 The Role of Speech in Cognition: Vygotsky, Piaget, and Private Speech

Vygotsky theorized that language is used in two different ways. Young children engage in external speech when they converse with others. It is a social tool that is used to interact. Infants may point, cry, or make gurgling sounds to which adults respond. As they grow, they use this information and learn to name objects and express needs. It is theorized that children use this kind of speech as a way of thinking out loud for social reasons (Vygotsky, 1986).

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Section 8.6The Role of Speech in Cognition: Vygotsky, Piaget, and Private Speech

Before the age of 2 years, children use mostly exter- nal speech to communicate socially. If you have been around children, though, you know that they begin to talk to themselves after this time. This second func- tion of speech, what Vygotsky called private speech, is used for mental reasoning. It becomes more prevalent between ages 4 and 6, though sometimes adults use it

as well. Private speech eventually “goes underground” (Vygotsky, 1962, p. 18) and becomes inner speech, or thought.

Vygotsky sees this emergence of internal language as a way to facilitate cognition. It indicates a functional differentiation in thinking, as inner speech begins to have properties of self- reflection and helps to regulate activity (like when you whisper to yourself, “Okay, deep breath!” when you are trying to calm yourself). Children begin to reason with themselves. They reflect on difficulties and eventually use reasoning to solve problems (Winsler, De Leon, Wallace, Carlton, & Willson-Quayle, 2003). As children learn more and acquire more social experiences, language is used to reorganize thought. Modern educational methods incorpo- rate this view by encouraging the use of open-ended questions that are designed to expand thinking. In this way, language and the advancement of cognition are interdependent.

The acquisition of a non-native lan- guage provides an analogy to this process. When older children, adoles- cents, and adults communicate in a second or third language, there is usu- ally some inner translation of words. Instead of language being a natural reflection of immediate thoughts, one must internally translate from the native to the less-familiar language. In this way, internal language facili- tates thought and communication. The inner translation is like using private speech. It facilitates thought as it influ- ences external speech in the non-dom- inant language. It is as if inner speech provides self-monitoring of activity. The use of private speech decreases considerably by the age of 10, but as

the second-language example shows, it never really disappears. Especially during novel or demanding activities (like following complex assembly instructions), inner speech reemerges to guide our thought processes and help us to overcome obstacles (Berk, 1994).

In contrast, Piaget viewed private speech as a sign of cognitive immaturity and egocentricity because it does not take listeners into account. According to Piaget, private speech disappears only as children move away from the preoperational stage and begin to decenter. In later years though, Piaget was influenced by Vygotsky’s work and acknowledged that inner speech may play a larger role than Piaget previously suggested (Pass, 2007). Piaget did, however, acknowledge the connection between thinking and language. When children classify, develop reversibility, or think about the future, on a basic level they are not engaging in activities that

Creatas/Thinkstock

The use of private speech for mental reasoning eventually becomes inner speech or thought.

Critical Thinking

Which do you think comes first, thought or language? Provide examples to justify your answer.

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can be “taught” through language. Instead, maturational processes lead to qualitative differ- ences in thinking, which drives language. For example, children can imagine they are astro- nauts only after reaching the preoperational stage and the execution of symbolic representa- tion. The change in cognition supports greater language as children describe their active imaginations. Similarly, when children develop the capacity to hypothesize, a process associ- ated with formal operations, they can use language as a complement to increased cognitive sophistication.

Section Review Describe the relationship between thought and language. Which comes first, according to Vygotsky? According to Piaget?

8.7 Literacy Skills One of the more modern advancements for the role of language is the development of literacy skills—reading and writing. Although we think of literacy as a natural extension of language development, it has been around for only a fraction of human history. As opposed to oral language, reading is not necessarily a natural process. Nevertheless, it is a distinctive feature of humans, as it allows us to preserve and transmit knowledge through multiple generations. Only in the past 100 years or so have literacy requirements become essential for success in industrialized societies (Schleicher, 2010). Recall that data show a positive relationship between early receptive and expressive language, and vocabulary development. Not surpris- ingly, similar results are found with reading. That is, a significant positive correlation exists between early language skills and later reading ability (Dale et al., 2010; Famus, Marshall, Rosen, & van der Lely, 2013; Hayiou-Thomas, Harlaar, Dale, & Plomin, 2010).

Reading Instruction Methods For many years, debate has focused on two methods of reading instruction. The whole- language approach to reading views reading as a natural extension of language. In the approach’s pure form, children are taught to recognize whole words, using context to guess at those that are unfamiliar. Reading topics can be rich and varied, as the mechanics of read- ing remain less critical than its function to communicate in different ways (e.g., news, poems, science). Children immersed in the whole-language approach are also encouraged to write in a somewhat uncensored way. They might use “inventive” spelling so that the flow of content and written communication is undisturbed. Sounding out words so that they are spelled per- fectly is at first less important than simply conveying ideas.

The phonics approach to reading emphasizes rules and the mechanics of sound-symbol association. Children first learn the sounds that letters make and then begin to put symbols together to make longer sounds—words. Therefore, phonics is used to “decode” symbols and make sounds out of them. Reading materials are simple and focus first on basic word patterns and rhyming. For instance, children might first learn a word like /at/ (also a sound-spelling pattern) and expand it to cat, fat, and splat.

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One of the potential drawbacks of the phonics approach is that English has few sound-spelling rules that are always reliable. Moreover, there are 26 letters of the alphabet, but 40 pho- nemes (basic sounds). Most letters, therefore, produce multiple sounds. For example, the letter c can make a hard sound as in cat, a soft sound as in city, or even the / sh/ sound as in special. These differences in patterns can be confusing. By contrast, whole language sometimes puts too much emphasis on memorization without analysis of mechanics. Especially for children who do not find reading to be an easy, natural process, reading prog- ress can be stunted if instruction is not broken down into phonetic elements.

There is certainly room for both methods of instruction. One approach that has been used successfully is to initiate phonics instruction in the early grades and then gradually transi- tion into whole language (Pressley, Mohan, Raphael, & Fingeret, 2007). This unified method is consistent with an information-processing approach. Children first learn basic skills in a step-by-step fashion when memory and processing speed are still immature. As they become better readers, children use burgeoning metacognitive processes to further improve their language skills. Additionally, for those teachers who insist on using whole-language literature in the early grades, there is no reason why instruction cannot be at least partially phonic based. That is, new words can be introduced phonetically and then integrated into the read- ing material.

Learning to read as an adult is subject to the same limitations of pruning and plasticity related to early adoption of language. Although learning to read as an adult is more difficult because neural networks are less developed, it is easier than learning an additional language because reading is a broader experience. That is, symbols and words attach to word sounds and defi- nitions. Reading unfamiliar words can still be attached to familiar knowledge without the extra step of translation that is necessary when learning a language. Research with adults who seek help with reading is problematic, because many had difficulty at a younger age as well (Kwok & Ellis, 2014). On the other hand, non-literate adults may never notice that read- ing programs are available. Therefore, it is difficult to know how well adults in general can learn to read, since there is no way to get a random sample of non-literate adults. Neverthe- less, there is much anecdotal evidence of adults who learned to read after a lifetime of illit- eracy, even beginning in their 90s (e.g., Dawson & Glaubman, 2000).

Reading Disabilities and Dyslexia Recall that letters are simply symbols expressed as sounds. The most commonly identified learning problems involve difficulty decoding these symbols, resulting in reading problems (Handler et al., 2011). A reading disability is most easily evidenced by a discrepancy between

iStock Editorial/Thinkstock

Learning to read English, in the United States or abroad, can be difficult because of the many different phonemes for the letters of the alphabet.

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Initial difficulty learning the alphabet or the sounds of letters

Problems with spelling that are out of character with intellect

Messy handwriting or writing implements held in an awkward manner

Trouble following a series of directions

Mispronunciation of relatively simple words

Mispronunciation of words at a level that is inconsistent with understanding of words (expressive vocabulary significantly poorer than receptive vocabulary)

Problems articulating ideas

Confusion when telling jokes or relating anecdotes

Difficulty organizing tasks

Section 8.7 Literacy Skills

reading vocabulary and receptive (oral) vocabulary and comprehension. That is, people with reading disabilities understand vocabulary at a standardized level that is significantly higher than their standardized reading level. The opposite condition exists for most adults who read well: They can read many more words than they can understand. Figure 8.6 identifies some of the difficulties that may indicate the presence of a reading disability.

It is difficult to differentiate a reading disability from its more severe form, dyslexia. Among people who are dyslexic, there is evidence that reading develops independently of overall intelligence (Ferrer, Shaywitz, Holahan, Marchione, & Shaywitz, 2010). However, others have argued that “categories of ‘dyslexia’ and ‘poor reader’ or ‘reading disabled’ are scientifically unsupportable, arbitrary and thus potentially discriminatory” (Elliot & Gibbs, 2008, p. 475). With intensive instruction, some reading disabilities are easily redressed, but others remain entrenched for a lifetime (Pammer, 2014).

Since traditional testing and behavioral evaluations are unreliable predictors of potential for reading improvement, new brain imaging techniques have been used to try to forecast the type of brain that is most likely to make long-term reading gains. Brain scans have revealed that dyslexic adolescents have frontal lobe brain activity that is significantly different from that seen in adolescents who read normally. In one study, dyslexic adolescents who showed the greatest reading improvement over a 2.5-year period could be identified by specific kinds of neural activity (Hoeft et al., 2011). Based on brain imaging alone, reading improvement could be predicted with over 90% accuracy. These results suggest that neurobiological varia- tion may be an important determinant in identifying remediation techniques in dyslexia.

Figure 8.6: Possible signs of a reading disability

Reading disabilities in general are usually identified by a large discrepancy between receptive language and reading ability.

Initial difficulty learning the alphabet or the sounds of letters

Problems with spelling that are out of character with intellect

Messy handwriting or writing implements held in an awkward manner

Trouble following a series of directions

Mispronunciation of relatively simple words

Mispronunciation of words at a level that is inconsistent with understanding of words (expressive vocabulary significantly poorer than receptive vocabulary)

Problems articulating ideas

Confusion when telling jokes or relating anecdotes

Difficulty organizing tasks

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Though some observers have suggested that genetic differences may account for up to 80% of the variability in reading performance, most statistical relationships are not particularly strong. Even geneticists acknowledge that environmental factors play a significant role (Paracchini, Steer, & Buckingham, 2008; Raskind, Peter, Richards, Eckert, & Berninger, 2013). Nevertheless, reading problems tend to be more common among identical twins and other first-order family members. Also, among children diagnosed with dyslexia, boys outnum- ber girls by three to one, probably because of sex-specific brain differences (Evans, Flowers, Napoliello, & Eden, 2014; Quinn & Wagner, 2013).

Evidence also indicates that teaching methods and exposure to different stimuli have a strong effect on learning to read. As such, perhaps there is a sensitive period for culturally specific kinds of cognitive development, like reading. Complex epigenetic modification of DNA during a particular sensitive period is another possibility. For instance, learning problems like dys- lexia are associated with a disturbance in the migration of neurons during specific periods of brain development. These irregularities can be caused by either genetic or environmental factors (Gayán & Olson, 1999; Raskind et al., 2013; Rutter et al., 2004; Schumacher, Hoffmann, Schmäl, Schulte-Körne, & Nöthen, 2007).

Section Review Differentiate between the whole-language and phonics approaches to reading instruction. What are some of the possible reasons for reading difficulties discussed?

Summary & Resources

Chapter Summary There is evidence that oral language is both a native ability and dependent on learning. Spe- cific areas of the brain have been identified that are essential for language, but there is also a great degree of plasticity. We see this accommodation in the overwhelming ease with which children learn their native languages as well as in the number of people who are bilingual. Knowing what the different parts of language are, and identifying various milestones helps us understand what typical development looks like. While there is an early explosion of both receptive and expressive language, adolescence and adulthood focus primarily on learning pragmatics. Unlike many other aspects of development, there is little decline in speech and language even into late adulthood.

Because language partly defines us as humans, difficulties are often quite noticeable. While communication disorders are developmental and extinguish without any intervention, a small proportion continue into adulthood. On the other hand, aphasia and speech apraxia affect mostly adults, and are strongly associated with other health problems of adulthood. Atypical language is also a feature of autism. We cannot specifically classify this pervasive developmen- tal disorder primarily as a language problem, but treatment for autism does include language interventions related especially to non-verbal communication. Because reading is embedded into modern society, it can radically influence how children develop. Literacy skills can affect school and career achievement as well as self-esteem. These topics are visited next, in Chapter 9 (on intelligence) and later, in Chapter 11 (on personality and the self).

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Summary of Key Concepts Theories of Language Development

• There are three well-known theories of language development, all of which add to our understanding of how language is acquired. Traditional theories include those based on learning theory and the nativist view. According to learning theory, lan- guage acquisition follows simple principles of imitation and reinforcement. The nativist approach asserts that we have a built-in language acquisition device that naturally propels us to learn oral language.

• Empirical evidence for both the behaviorist view and the nativist view has led to a third theory, called the interactionist perspective. It views language development as a natural process that is influenced strongly by environmental variability.

• Studies with bilingual children and adults provide strong evidence for a sensitive period for learning multiple languages. Bilingualism also appears to provide resil- ience to dementia.

• Family interaction appears to be particularly influential in prescribing the complex- ity of language and later school success.

Fundamentals of Language Production

• Initially, comprehension of language far exceeds production of language. • Evidence shows that infants are more responsive to the high-pitched, infant-directed

speech. • Deconstructing the fundamentals of words and how they are used allows research-

ers to better understand the processes of language development and to design inter- vention programs. Language development is understood by studying children’s use of phonemes, morphemes, semantics, syntax, and pragmatics.

The Beginnings of Oral Communication

• The beginnings of oral communication include a number of sounds. These include prelinguistic communication and other utterances, which serve as precursors to spoken words. Prelinguistic communication, first words, and sentences all have universal milestones.

• All children babble, even those who are deaf. At first babbling occurs in a universal language; it later becomes specific to the languages that a child has been exposed to.

• First words generally occur at around 1 year of age and sentences begin around age 2. • Children at first communicate through shortened versions of sentences and con-

cepts, called holophrases and telegraphic speech. • Depending on gender, children are spoken to differently. This can affect development

and almost certainly results in gender differences in behavior.

Communication Disorders

• A substantial number of children receive special education services for speech and language problems.

• It is not always easy to distinguish between normal developmental stuttering and persistent stuttering that indicates a long-term problem.

• Aphasia and speech apraxia result are usually the consequence of cardiovascular disease. These conditions are the result of damage to specific areas of the brain that interferes with neural signals.

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• Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) is multifaceted. Characteristic signs include irregu- larities in communication leading to difficulties understanding social cues.

• About half of all children with ASD have intellectual disabilities. In addition to lan- guage delays, children with ASD also have difficulty forming friendships and often engage in stereotypical behaviors.

• Although the reported prevalence of ASD has increased dramatically over the past decade, the increase is probably due to diagnostic changes.

Language Development in Later Stages

• Language development in later childhood and adolescence takes on a more sophis- ticated tone. Instead of learning rules of usage implicitly, changes take place that include self-reflection, a part of metalinguistic awareness.

• There is also a change in pragmatics, as children and adolescents pay more attention to the thoughts, feelings, and motivations of others. The growth in these social skills also supports academic learning.

• Pragmatics is essential to adult learning as well. In order to navigate essential relationships, there must be an understanding of how language is used differently depending on the situation.

The Role of Speech in Cognition: Vygotsky, Piaget, and Private Speech

• Piaget theorized that private speech reflects immaturity; according to the sociocul- tural model, it is an essential part of cognitive development.

• Vygotsky distinguishes between external speech, which is a social tool, and private speech, which is used for mental reasoning.

Literacy Skills

• Compared to oral language development, reading is not necessarily a natural process.

• Educators often disagree about the best ways to teach reading, which has led to debates about the benefits and costs of the whole-language versus phonics approach to reading instruction.

• Literacy skills can have a significant effect on children’s development, since they make up a large part of how school success is measured.

• Learning to read as an adult is subject to the same limitations of pruning and plas- ticity related to early adoption of language. Although learning to read as an adult is more difficult because neural networks are less developed, it is easier than learning an additional language because reading is a broader experience.

• The most common reading disability is dyslexia. Reading disabilities in general are usually identified by a large discrepancy between receptive language and reading ability.

Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions

1. Based on what you have learned about the development of language, what kinds of suggestions would you make to change your local educational system?

2. How would you employ different kinds of semantics, syntax, and pragmatics if you were a professional soccer player as opposed to a politician?

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3. What is the difference between language and communication? Incorporate crying into your answer.

4. Section 8.7 discusses the difficulty of systematically studying how well adults can learn to read. Teaching literate adults to read a completely foreign language would be one way to measure how well adults learn to read compared to children, but there are major flaws in this approach. Explain the problems with this research design. Part of the answer is in section 8.2.

5. Traditional diagnoses of a reading disability looked for a discrepancy between aptitude (native intelligence) and achievement (learning). For instance, if a person has above-average intelligence but below-average reading ability, then the difference would indicate a disability. The expected reading achievement score for that child is “above average.” If a person has below-average intelligence, and reading scores are similarly below average, would that constitute a reading disability? Explain.

Additional Resources Web Resources

• The Dyslexia Foundation, Information about dyslexia http://dyslexiafoundation.org/

• National Aphasia Association, Information about different types of aphasia http://www.aphasia.org/

• National Center for Learning Disabilities, Information about learning and attention issues http://www.ncld.org/

Further Research

• Berko, J. (1958). The child’s learning of English morphology. Cambridge, MA: Radcliffe College.

• Bialystok, E., Craik, F. I. M., & Freedman, M. (2007). Bilingualism as a protection against the onset of symptoms of dementia. Neuropsychologia, 45, 459–464.

• Bialystok, E., Craik, F. I., & Luk, G. (2012). Bilingualism: Consequences for mind and brain. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 16(4), 240–250.

• Chomsky, N. (2000). The Chomskyan era. In N. Mukherji, B. N. Patnaik, & R. K. Agni- hotri, The architecture of language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Retrieved from http://www.chomsky.info/books/architecture01.htm

• Chomsky, N. (2006). Language and mind, 3rd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

• Craik, F. I, Bialystok, E., & Freedman, M. (2010). Delaying the onset of Alzheimer dis- ease: Bilingualism as a form of cognitive reserve. Neurology, 75(19), 1726–1729.

• Hart, B., & Risley, T. R. (1995). Meaningful differences in the everyday experience of young American children. Baltimore: Paul Brookes.

• Skinner, B. F. (1957). Verbal behavior. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. • Vygotsky, L. S. (1962). Piaget’s theory of child language and thought (E. Hanfmann

& G. Vakar, Trans.). In L. S. Vygotsky (Ed.), Thought and language (pp. 9–24). Cam- bridge: MIT Press.

• Vygotsky, L. (1986). Thought and language—Revised edition. (A. Kozulin, Ed.). Cam- bridge, MA: MIT Press.

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http://dyslexiafoundation.org/

http://www.aphasia.org/

http://www.ncld.org/

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Key Terms autism spectrum disorder (ASD) A devel- opmental disorder characterized by impair- ments in communication, social deficits, fixated interests, repetitive behaviors, and inflexibility over routines.

babbling Strings of nonsense syllables indicative of prelinguistic communication in infants.

Broca’s area An area of the brain that is largely responsible for speech production.

cognitive reserve Resilience to neurode- generative decline—analogous to exercise providing a long-term physical benefit.

dyslexia A severe form of reading disability

expressive aphasia The inability to pro- duce fluent speech due to damage in Broca’s area.

expressive language The ability to produce communication or transmit a language, as in speech or gestures.

external speech The term Vygotsky used to describe the kind of speech children use when they converse with others.

holophrases Single words that indicate entire phrases.

interactionist perspective The approach to language development that advances the idea that growth of language appears to be directed by both biology and social experiences.

language The set of formal sounds, ges- tures, and symbols that are shared by a group of people.

language acquisition device (LAD) Noam Chomsky’s term to describe the built-in mechanism for acquiring language.

metalinguistic awareness Internal lan- guage process whereby self-reflection is used to further understand language.

morpheme The smallest unit of language that still has meaning.

nativist approach The view that language originates from a native, biological process.

overextension Speech that uses single words in an overly generalized manner.

paired-associate learning The learning of nouns based on representative objects. One member of the pair induces recall of the other.

phonemes The basic sounds of a language.

phonics approach to reading A method of reading instruction that emphasizes basic rules for translating symbols (letters) used in writing and reading into sounds. Contrast with whole-language approach to reading.

phonology The basic sounds of a language.

pragmatics The ability to understand how to use language appropriately.

prelinguistic communication Communi- cation processes used by infants before they begin to use words.

private speech Vygotsky’s term to describe internal self-talk that organizes thought and advances mental reasoning.

receptive aphasia The inability to under- stand language due to damage in Wernicke’s area of the brain. Production of speech remains intact but strings of words will not make sense without comprehension of meanings.

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receptive language The ability to under- stand what others communicate; the com- prehension of oral language.

semantics The meanings of words.

speech apraxia Neurological injury in an area of the brain that connects to the tongue and lips. Comprehension of language remains intact, but the message does trans- late to the mouth, so the person is likely to use nonsense words in place of those that are meaningful.

syntax The proper ordering and usage of language, including parts of speech.

telegraphic speech The deletion of nones- sential words. Used primarily to describe early speech.

underextension The use of single words too restrictively.

universal grammar A theoretical construct that assumes there are universal properties in the construction of human languages.

Wernicke’s area An area of the brain that is largely responsible for comprehension of language.

whole-language approach to reading A reading strategy that focuses on meaning- ful literature and the connection between literacy and language. Contrast with the pho- nics approach to reading.

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