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154 C H A P T E R 7 E N CO U N T E R I N G DA O I S M A N D CO N F U C I A N I S M : T W O V I E W S O F T H E E T E R N A L WAY

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CHAPTER 7

Learning Outcomes After studying this chapter, you will be able to do the following:

LO1 Explain the names Daoism, Confucianism, and related terms.

LO2 Outline how Daoism and Confucianism developed over time into what they are today, especially in relationship to each other.

LO3 Explain the essential teachings of Daoism and Confucianism, especially their similarities and diff erences.

LO4 Paraphrase in your own words the main ethical principles of Daoism and Confucianism.

LO5 Outline the way Daoists and Confucianists worship and practice other rituals.

LO6 Summarize the main features of Daoism and Confucianism in North America today.

Encountering Daoism and

Confucianism: Two Views of the

Eternal Way BONNIE VAN VOORST © CENGAGE LEARNING

Copyright 2011 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

155

Your Visit to the Forbidden City in Beijing, China

A highlight of your tour of China is the Forbidden City, located in Beijing (bay- JING), a city formerly known as Peking. Most tourists to Beijing see at least a bit of it, but because of your interest in

world religions and cultures, you are looking forward to a more in-depth view. The traditional name “Forbidden City” comes from the fact that it was formerly closed to all but the emperor, who was considered the “Son of Heaven,” and his court offi cials. It was sacred to both Daoists and Confucianists. Now it doesn’t

seem at all for- bidding to you, but inviting. The cur- rent offi cial name for this complex, the Palace Museum, also seems more inviting.

The complex consists of an astounding 980 surviving build- ings spread out over an area one mile long and one-half mile wide. It covers 183 acres, which your guide puts in terms you can understand: it’s the size of 166 football fields. It has two parts, both of which you can enter: the outer court, where the emperor ruled the nation, and the inner court, where he and his closest courtiers lived with their families. The complex is

surrounded by a wide moat as well as a wall thirty feet high. As you cross into the Forbidden City through its only entrance at the Tiananmen (tee-YEN-ahn-men) or “Heavenly Peace” Gate, your guide says that it’s help- ful for you to understand more about the history of the area.

Like the yin and yang, Confucianists and Daoists both agreed with each other and worked against each other. Chinese culture was shaped and empowered by this dynamism.

The two main religious and ethical systems of China, Daoism and Confucianism, are trying to reach the same goal by diff erent means.

Strongly Disagree Strongly Agree 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

What Do YOU Think?

< Students demonstrating their tai qi (chi) skills at the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests in the Temple of Heaven complex, Beijing. From 1420 to 1911 C.E., emperors of China came to this temple to pray for abundant crops.

The Chinese have seen dragons as powerful, mostly good- natured creatures from whom people could seek favors.

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She relates the following: The Forbidden City was built in the early part of the 1400s and was home to two dynas- ties of China’s emperors until 1912. The Ming dynasty, which ruled from 1368 to 1644, fi rst built the palace and courtyard. The Qing (ching) dynasty then governed the area until the last emperor of China left his position in 1912. Religious ceremonies in the Forbidden City ceased in that year. It was designated a World Heritage Site in 1987 by the United Nations.

Many halls in this complex have names with reli- gious signifi cance, because the emperor was the inter- mediary between Heaven and the Chinese people. Today, these buildings are the most ancient collection of wooden buildings in the world. The Forbidden City was made fi t for tourism in the 1950s, and Tiananmen Square in front of the Gate of Heavenly Peace was developed into a huge public square. For almost fi ve hundred years imperial China had the largest palace complex in the world, and now Communist China proudly has the larg- est public square. You notice, however, that the guide doesn’t mention how, in the spring of 1989—the year that several Communist governments in Europe fell—a pro-democracy demonstration with thousands of peo- ple took place over several weeks in this square, com- plete with a small replica of the Statue of Liberty, called a “goddess.” In early June, Chinese army units brought in by the government opened fi re on the protestors when they refused to disperse. Estimates of the dead range from fi ve hundred to three thousand, and hundreds were imprisoned. Your knowledge of what happened here in Tiananmen Square makes your attitude about it more somber.

In your study of Daoism and Confucianism, you’ll be introduced to these unique, sometimes puzzling features:

● Some scholars hold that almost all Chinese people in the world today are Confucianist in some signifi cant sense just by virtue of being culturally Chinese, whether they self-identify as Confucianist or not. This is true, these scholars say, even if they don’t think of themselves as “ religious."

● Many Chinese who see themselves as either Daoists or Confucianists practice some elements of the other religion, and many are Buddhists as well, in some aspects of their lives. This makes it diffi cult to estimate how many followers of these faiths, the “three traditions” of China, there are today.

● Confucianism is traceable with certainty to a historical founder; Daoism is not. Daoism grew out of various religious and philosophical traditions in ancient China, includ- ing shamanism and belief in the most ancient gods and spirits. This difference in beginnings has proven to be one important factor in mak- ing Confucianism a more coherent system than Daoism.

● Confucianism is a thoroughly Chinese tradi- tion, but its infl uence has spread widely in East Asia beyond China, especially to Taiwan, Korea, Vietnam, and Japan. It has some infl u- ence in south Asian countries such as Malaysia

and Indonesia. The reach of formal, organized Daoism hasn’t been as long; it is mostly contained in China and Taiwan.

In a scene from the 1987 fi lm The Last Emperor, made in part in the Forbidden City, the boy emperor Pu Yi appears in a ceremony.

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“If you google

‘Confucius,’ you [get]

page after page of

‘Confucius says’ jokes . . .

before you arrive at

any actual quotations.”

—Stephen Prothero

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● Both Daoism and Confucianism have been widely misunderstood in nonacademic popular settings in the Western world, perhaps more than any other world religions. Daoism has been misrepre- sented as “just doing what comes naturally.” The wisdom teaching of Confucius is often trivial- ized in popular culture, from fortune cookies to the Internet. For example, as Stephen Prothero remarks, “If you google ‘Confucius,’ you have to wade through page after page of ‘Confucius says’ jokes . . . before you arrive at any actual quota- tions from the man himself.”1

In this chapter we’ll make a slight change in our treatment of world religions. Since Chapter 3, we’ve examined one religion per chapter. Here, we’ll consider together the two main religions of China: Daoism and Confucianism. The benefi ts of discussing them together outweigh the downsides, especially if one is careful to keep them separate. Confucianism and Daoism are similar in that they have affected, and been affected by, Chinese culture; they differ in that they have been competing formal traditions in China, with two views of the Way and how to live in it.

LO1 The Names Daoism and Confucianism Before we discuss the names of these religions, we must explain the two common systems used for render- ing Chinese into English, the older Wade-Giles and the newer Pinyin (PIN-yin). Some key Chinese words in religion are spelled the same in each system, but other words are spelled dif- ferently. For example, the Wade-Giles system spells the d sound in Chinese as t; the newer Pinyin system spells it as d. So the more traditional spell- ing is “Taoism,” rather than the Pinyin system’s “Daoism”; both are pronounced DOW-ihz-um.

1 Stephen Prothero, God is Not One: The Eight Rival Religions That Run the World—and Why Their Differences Matter (New York: HarperOne, 2010), 101.

Wade-Giles spells the Chinese word for classic book as “ching,” but Pinyin has “jing.” As a result, Wade-Giles spells the name of the main Daoist scripture “Tao Te Ching,” and Pinyin spells it “Daode Jing.”

Popular usage in the West stays mostly with Wade-Giles. For example, on February 20, 2011, a Google search for “Tao” returned 92 million hits, whereas a search for “Dao” returned 58 million. Nevertheless, the Pinyin system is increasingly used in scholarship. It’s usually closer to the way Chinese is pronounced, which makes it easier for beginning students of Chinese religions to pronounce Chinese terms correctly. This book uses the Pinyin spelling but occasionally refers to a signifi cant Wade-Giles spelling the fi rst time a word appears.

Daoism, the religion of the natural Way, refers to diverse but related Chinese traditions that have

infl uenced East Asia for more than two thousand years and have had an infl uence on the Western world since the nineteenth century. The word Dao roughly translates as “way,” “path,” or “road,” and by extension “way of life.” Scholars often divide Daoism into “reli-

gious” and “philosophical” branches. A leading scholar of Daoism, Livia

Kohn, has more carefully divided it into three categories: (1) philosoph-

ical Daoism, the oldest branch, based on the texts Daode Jing and Zhuangzi (JWAHNG-zee; in Wade-Giles, Chuang Tzu); (2) religious Daoism, a collection of formal, organized religious movements originating from the Celestial Masters movement around 200 C.E.; and (3) folk Daoism, the widely diverse Chinese indigenous local reli-

gions taken up into Daoism after 200 C.E.2

Confucianism (kun-FYOO- shuhn-IHZ-um) originated as a Western term, not a Chinese term. Its fi rst use was in the 1500s C.E. by Roman Catholic missionar- ies in China. They bypassed the

2 Livia Kohn, ed., Daoism Handbook (Leiden: Brill, 2000), xi, xxix.

Confucius in a traditional pose

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most common Chinese term for this tradition, “the Scholarly Tradition,” a name that stresses the role of offi cial scholars in Confucianism. The mis- sionaries added ism to the Latinized form of Kong Fuzi, Confucius (kon- FYOO-shuhs), to make

Confucianism. Some scholars, Lionel Jensen among them, have argued that Kong Fuzi and Confucius as formal names are Western inventions and that we should keep to what Chinese tradition calls him, most commonly Kongzi (KONG-zhee) or Fuzi.3

3 Lionel Jensen, Manufacturing Confucianism: Chinese Traditions and Universal Civilization (Durham: Duke University Press, 1998).

Symbols of Daoism and Confucianism Daoism and Confucianism don’t have offi cial symbols of their faith. The Chinese character for Dao, “Way,” is sometimes used as a symbol of both Daoism and Confucianism. Each of these two religions follows its concept of the Way. However, for people who can’t read Chinese, this symbol doesn’t hold a lot of meaning, so it is not widely used as a sym- bol of either Daoism or Confucianism.

The most common sym- bol of Chinese religion is the yin-yang, also called the Taiji or “Great Ultimate,” as a Chinese symbol of religion. This symbol is used mostly by Daoists and sometimes Confucianists to represent their faiths, and it is used so far beyond these two formal religions that it has become one of the most often-seen symbols in the world. The circle formed by the yin and yang represents the universe, both matter and spirit, that encircles all things and holds them together. The light and dark areas inside it represent the balance of the two opposite powers in the universe. If the line between them were straight, it would suggest motionless stability between the two areas of the circle. In fact. the line is deeply curved to show that they move and that their motion and change are constants in the cosmos. When they move with

each other, not against each other, life is peaceful and productive. When they conflict with each other, confu- sion and disharmony result. The ideal harmony between these two is suggested in most depictions of the symbol by a small circle of light in the dark area, and vice versa. The task of life is to live according to this balance in the symbol.

What do the two parts of the yin-yang symbolize?

• Yin represents what is feminine, soft, yielding, underneath, nurturing, cool, calm, passive, and dark.

• Yang represents what is masculine, hard, powerful, above, guiding, warm, energetic, active, and bright.

Although a gender-oriented understanding of yin-yang is possible—that all aspects of yang are masculine and yin feminine—this isn’t necessary, nor was it the only view in the Chinese past. Another view has the yin primarily representing aspects of the night and yang aspects of the day, which may arise from its likely original meaning of the sunny side of a hill (yang) and shadowed side (yin). Most interpretations of the yin- yang do hold that it is hierarchical, agreeing with the general Chinese cultural preference for hierarchy: the yang side and its aspects are superior to yin. One mean- ing it doesn’t have is a moral dualism—it should not be understood in terms of good and evil. In the traditional Chinese view shared by both Daoism and Confucianism, life is good. Only when the balance of natural and super- natural forces symbolized by the Taiji goes into decline does evil result.

A Closer Look:

Dao

Yin-yang

yin-yang [yihn yahng] Cosmic forces such as passivity and activity, darkness and light, and other opposing pairs

Taiji [TIGH-jee] The “Great Ultimate,” another name for the yin-yang symbol

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Chinese civilization is so old that the

foundations of Confucianism and

Daoism are as close to us

as they are to the beginnings of China.

China before the Birth of Confucianism and Daoism (ca. 3000–500 B.C.E.) Daoism and Confucianism arose in a civilization that was already ancient. In fact, Chinese civilization is so old that the foundations of Confucianism and Daoism are just as close to us as they are to the beginnings of civilization in China. Civilization probably began there before 3000 B.C.E., with scattered settlements along the Yellow River basin in northeast China, the “cradle of Chinese civilization.” This society seems to have been highly militarized, probably because of the necessity to defend its open northern borders. Religion at this time included the worship of many gods, poetry inscribed on pottery, use of animal bones and shells in divination, and use of clay phallic statues in rituals for the fertility of crops, animals, and perhaps humans. Some of these sur- viving artifacts testify to religious beliefs and practices that would endure in both Confucianism and Daoism.

The earliest period in Chinese history for which there is good evidence is the Shang (shahng)

dynasty period, from about 1500 to 1122 B.C.E. This society was also based in the Yellow River valley and, like other early human civilizations, centered on raising

crops and animals. Powerful land-own- ing aristocrats controlled Shang society, enjoying luxurious homes and outfi t- ting lavish tombs for their happiness

in the next life. Almost everyone else in Shang society was a peasant or slave, with relatively few artisans. A system of writing using pictograms

or ideograms as characters was devel- oped at this time, the forerunner of the system that exists in China today. The demands of memorizing thousands of characters and acquiring the skills to

draw them well limited literacy to the

European scholars of religion in the 1800s spread the new name Confucianism widely. Although Confucius would almost certainly have objected to naming his movement after him, it has now “stuck” in usage. Moreover, the name Confucianism is accurate enough. Both Confucian and non-Confucian scholars of religion use it. More importantly, many people who follow the religion use this name. So, as in most scholarship, we will use it here.

LO2 Daoism and Confucianism Today as Shaped by Their Past

Wayne Dyer, one of North America’s most prominent self-help psychologists, tapes a 2009 program on PBS television in a New York City studio. The program is titled after his new book, Excuses Begone! Like his earlier book, Change Your Thoughts, Change Your Life, this television program focuses on how people can live more-productive, happier lives by adopting the main ideas of Daoism. “Stop striving, start arriving,” Dyer urges. This slogan is an excel- lent example of how Dyer puts complex Daoist ideas into pithy paraphrase. It’s also an example of one way that Chinese religion is influenc- ing the Western world, as a resource for psychology and personal development.

In this section, we’ll briefl y trace the history of Daoism and Confucianism together, from their earliest times until today. They competed with each other on an offi cial level, espe- cially when emperors favored one and tried to put down the other; more often they coop- erated with each other on a popular level. These two reli- gions went with each other and against each other for more than two thousand years—almost like the yin and yang—and Chinese cul- ture was deeply affected by this movement. Before we discuss the founding of the two religions, we should look at their common background in Chinese culture and religion.

Wayne Dyer in a relaxed, non-striving pose

ANGELA WEISS/GETTY IMAGES ENTERTAINMENT/GETTY IMAGES

160 C H A P T E R 7 E N CO U N T E R I N G DA O I S M A N D CO N F U C I A N I S M : T W O V I E W S O F T H E E T E R N A L WAY

upper classes and professional scribes. This would help to shape the literary aspects of Chinese religions, especially their scriptures. Animal oracle

bones inscribed with this writ- ing were used to foretell the future and maintain good connections with ancestral spirits and nature spirits. Other methods of divination later took the place of oracle bones, but divination,

especially fortune-telling, is still popular in Chinese religion today.

Another practice that began during the Shang has grown widely in China and is popular in the Western world today— feng shui, or the positioning of objects to maximize the good effects of the fl ow of energy. Feng shui was used at fi rst in selecting the location of graves. When the dead are buried according to feng shui principles, the fl ow of energy in the earth brings yin power to their bones. This strengthens the spirits of the dead, and then blessing comes to their living fami- lies. Feng shui practices spread to altars and buildings, for the strengthening of the living. Especially in the Western world, feng shui has now been applied to furniture and decorative items. As

often happens when an ancient practice is popularized com- mercially in the

modern world, its original meaning has been altered.

The rulers of the Shang dynasty led the worship of the gods, as emperors of China would continue to do. The Shang practiced human sacrifi ce, usually of slaves, in some of their rituals. This practice was discontinued in later peri- ods; terracotta fi gures took the place of slaves in buri-

als of kings and nobles. The fi nal contribution of the Shang period was the writing of religious

books that would become scriptures—or as the Chinese call them, jing, or “clas- sics.” A collection of traditional poems

began to take shape; it would greatly infl uence later Chinese culture and religion when it became known as the Book of Poetry. Another clas- sic book to infl uence Chinese cul- ture and religion was the Yi Jing (Wade-Giles, I Ching), the Book of Changes, a collection of sixty-four mystical symbols and short expla-

nations of them used to foretell the future. The main theme of this book is

that the main forces of life are in a state of constant fl ux, an idea symbolized in

the yin-yang. To be able to predict how fl ux will affect one’s life is the kind of religious

knowledge that this book offers to its users.

Great Wall of China, built on China’s northern borders beginning around 200 B.C.E. to keep out nomadic invaders. That it can be seen with the naked eye from the moon is a popular but mistaken notion.

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oracle bones Bones of animals inscribed with writing and used in telling the future

feng shui [FUNG shway] Literally, “wind-water”; positioning of objects to maximize the good effects of the flow of energy

Yi Jing [yee jing] “Classic of Changes,” also spelled “I Ching,” a diviner’s manual; earliest of the Chinese classical books

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Oracle bone on tortoise shell from the Shang dynasty

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Flux is not a negative thing, but it makes life “run.” The Yi Jing testifi es clearly to a deep Chinese cul- tural and religious attitude that shaped Daoism and Confucianism. The universe and the natural world in which humans live are good; human life is (or can be) basically good as well, but needs some guidance and correction in order for it to reach its full poten- tial in the Way.

The Zhou (joh) dynasty that came next was the longest in Chinese history, from 1122 to 221 B.C.E. The king’s duty was to lead the worship of the gods in order to insure a good harvest, and his power and even right to rule often depended on how those prayers were answered. The end of the Zhou dynasty is also known as the Warring States Period (481–221 B.C.E.), when the seven states of ancient China renounced their allegiance to the Zhou emper- ors and battled among themselves for supremacy (see Map 7.1). This prolonged period of war and social

turbulence was not all destructive. By its end, China was the most populous society in the world, with between 20 and 40 million peo- ple. Many peasants had moved south to better farmland in the Yangzi (YAHNG-tsee) River area, and the merchant class grew in size and infl uence. This period was also a fertile time for Chinese thought and belief, produc- ing many new movements seeking to restore order to a society deeply torn by continued wars and the social troubles they brought. Two of these new movements were Daoism and Confucianism.

Distinctive religious beliefs arose in Zhou times, of which the most important was about “Heaven.” Heaven was not usually

considered a god or set of gods, as it proba- bly was before the Zhou, but an impersonal cosmic force working for the continuation and enrichment of life. The Zhou dynasty ended when the king of the Qin (chin;

Wade-Giles, ch'in) state conquered the oth- ers and declared himself the first emperor of China, naming the whole nation after his state. The Qin was followed by the Han (hahn) dynasty, a four-hundred-year period of relatively stable rule (206 B.C.E.–220 C.E.) in which Confucianism was officially established in China.

The Origins of Daoism (ca. 500 B.C.E.–200 C.E.) Daoism’s origins have been traced to different peri- ods: Chinese folk religions at the beginning of the fi rst millennium B.C.E.; the composition of the Daode Jing around 350–250 B.C.E.; or the founding by Zhang Daoling (jahng dow-LING) of a movement around 150 C.E. from which would come the fi rst main Daoist group, the Celestial Masters school. Some argue that Daoism as a religious identity only arose later, by way of contrast with the newly arrived religion of Buddhism, or with the fi rst Daoist scripture canon in fi fth-century C.E. Early religious Daoism was rooted in the religious ideas of Daoist thinkers, to which were added already-ancient local rituals and beliefs. This helped to integrate Daoism into the world views and religious life of most classes of Chinese society, but it resulted in a religion that was not as internally consis- tent as Confucianism or even Buddhism.

Terracotta army in the 210 B.C.E. tomb of Emperor Qin Shi Huang in Xian

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Principle states of China, 6th century B.C.E. Boundary of late Zhou, Warring States Excavated Zhou city site

Map 7.1 China in the Sixth Century B.C.E. During the late Zhou era, China was divided into competing, often warring states ruled only loosely by the Zhou

kings. Some, such as Chiu and Wu, were large. In the third century B.C.E., the westernmost state, Qin, conquered the others and formed a unifi ed empire.

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Laozi (in Wade-Giles, Lao Tzu), whose name means “Old Master,” is the traditional founder of Daoism. However, many historians conclude that we have no direct, dependable evidence that he ever existed. (Some modern Daoists counter by saying that Laozi deliberately remained a shadowy fi gure so that others would later wonder about him.) Laozi is said to be an older contemporary of Confucius and, like Confucius, a disappointed government offi cial who became a wandering teacher. He is also said to be the author of the Daode Jing and the Zhuangzi (in Wade- Giles, Chuang-Tzu), but no good literary or histori- cal evidence supports this. It’s more likely that these books were written anonymously between 300 and 200 B.C.E., and later came to be associated with Laozi.

However and whenever it originated, Daoism was widely recognized as a religious system by 300 B.C.E.

Laozi riding an ox, in a traditional portrait

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The publication of the Daode Jing, and other Daoist works following it, provided a focus for Daoist think- ing. Daoism became a semioffi cial Chinese religion dur- ing the Tang dynasty and continued during the Song dynasty. As Confucianism gained in strength, Daoism gradually returned to its roots as a pop- ular religious tradition.

Daoism from 200 C.E. to 1664 C.E Daoism was a broad-based movement. In its religious aspects, it developed many dif- ferent monastic orders, each with its own monasteries. Because

Daoists looked to nature to show the way humans should live, they built many monasteries on mountain peaks and in the countryside. But they could also build monasteries near cities, the White Cloud monastery in Beijing being the most famous of these. Each monastic order tended to write its own religious literature, even-

tually giving rise to thousands of books in the Daoist canon, the Daozang.

Another product of the monasteries was martial arts. This was at fi rst a medita-

tional technique coupled with exercise, but

Religions or Philosophies?

At this point, a common question in the study of Chinese religions should be asked: Are Confucianism and Daoism philosophies or religions? For Confucianism, the question is livelier, because Confucius himself—and most of his followers for the past two thousand years—had much more to say about the “natural” world than the “supernatural,” and his religion seems to Westerners to center on social ethics. The current Chinese government does not list Confucianism among its fi ve offi cially permit- ted religions, even though it is reviving Confucian moral values, temples and rituals. For Daoism, this question appears in the distinction scholars often make between “religious Daoism” and “philosophical Daoism.” Beginning students of world religions often encounter this question, but it’s not just a question for beginners. For example, the eminent scholar Wing-tsit Chan (1901–1994) argued that Daoist religion is a “degeneration” of Daoist philosophy and that Daoist philosophy and Daoist religion are entirely diff erent things.

Most religion scholars, even some of those who hold Chan’s ideas, realize that our interest in trying to separate philosophy and religion shows a Western mindset, where philosophy and religion are separate academic disciplines. The Western inclination to separate philosophy and religion dates to the classical Greek period of philosophy and has been reinforced in early-modern and modern times. This distinction is often imposed on Chinese religion and phi- losophy, but this doesn’t fi t China. There, the closeness of

what we call “philosophy” and “religion” is suggested by the commonly used words for them, jia and jiao, respectively. Daoists themselves have been uninterested in such distinc- tions, and today fi nd them unhelpful.

A closer study of Confucianism and Daoism shows clearly that they are religions as commonly defi ned in academic study, although with strong strands of what we call “philosophy.” Even “philosophical Daoism” has had distinctly religious aspects throughout its history. Philosophical Daoists have sought to increase their span of life, sometimes to the point of gaining immorality; they have interaction in various ways with supernatural forces and beings; and they order life morally according to the cosmic Dao. They practice meditation in conjunction with physical exercises, study nature for diet and health, and form monastic orders. These are all “religious” aspects of life, as Western academics defi ne religion. Confucianists believe that human fulfi llment comes from proper engage- ment in this-worldly aff airs, but they also deal with matters of ultimate concern. Confucianists, as did Confucius, make room for the gods and other supernatural things but do not make them the center of their religion. As a result, Confucianism is a “humanistic” religion, but it is a religion as scholars generally defi ne it.

To return to our main question: Are Daoism and Confucianism philosophies or religions? If we must answer, perhaps the best answer is that they are both. Of course, this book focuses on their religious aspects.

A Closer Look:

Statue of Laozi in Quanzhou, China

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zhahng] The Daoist canon

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developed into a sophisticated form of fi ghting, usu- ally hand to hand but sometimes with weapons. Over time, the Daoist or Buddhist meditational aspects of martial arts were downplayed or lost completely. The martial arts sought to use an enemy’s force against him. As this method spread beyond Daoism through Asia, it assumed many different forms: judo, karate, ju-jitsu, taekwondo. It was not widely known in the West until after World War II, when Western armed forces that had encountered it in hand-to-hand combat with Japanese troops began teaching it regularly as a part of basic military training. (The author’s father learned it at that time in the U.S. Marine Corps; because he was short and slim he was often used to demonstrate its effectiveness against other Marines who were begin- ning to learn it, who thought they could “take him” easily.) In Daoism’s philosophical movements, it devel- oped other meditational techniques and a fuller expla-

nation of the inner teachings. Hundreds of commentaries were written on basic Daoist scriptures such as the Daode Jing and Zhuangzi. Daoism’s popular religious aspects

served to integrate thousands of local gods and cults into a Daoist pantheon.

The return of Daoism after it was suppressed in the Han dynasty is known as Neo-Daoism. Wang Bi and Guo Xiang wrote commentaries on the Daode Jing and the Zhuangzi, and became the most important fi gures in this movement. The “Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove” forged a new Daoist way of life that infl uenced wider culture, not just remaining in mountain monaster- ies. This broader cultural infl uence of Neo-Daoism was felt in calligraphy, painting, music, and poetry. Daoist

ideas on landscape painting contributed to a style that would last until modern times—the setting of human activities against a very large, imposing natural setting. The most well-known Daoist philosopher of this period was Ge Hong (283–343 C.E.). He pursed not only philosophi- cal refl ection, but alchemy as well, in the search for longevity (long life) and immortal- ity. His main book, the Inner Chapters of the Master Embracing Simplicity, or Baopuzi (BOW-poo-tsee) for short, became one of the most infl uen- tial Daoist scriptures

through today. It has been the leading scripture for those seeking longevity by medita- tion, alchemy, and traditional Chinese medicines.

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Zhang Ziyi (left) and Michelle Yeoh in Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon (2000), a blockbuster fi lm featuring

martial arts from the Wudang school of Daoism

Calligraphy in the Temple of Confucius, Qufu.

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The Near-Destruction of Daoism (1644–1980) The Manchurians who became rulers of China in 1644 were in the Confucian camp, and they trimmed the political and cultural power of Daoism. They removed the politically powerful head of Dragon Tiger Mountain Monastery from his position at the impe- rial court. Later events would prove even more det- rimental. In the 1780s, Christian missionaries arrived in China and converted large numbers of Daoists. In 1849, the Hakka people of southern China, one of China's poorest ethnic groups, followed Hong Xiuquan (hoong shee-OH-chwahn), who claimed to be Jesus Christ’s younger brother, in open rebellion against the emperor. Hong's movement was built on a combina- tion of Daoism and Christianity, and sought to estab- lish the “Heavenly Kingdom of Peace” (taiping). As this Taiping Rebellion conquered southeast China, it systematically destroyed Buddhist and Daoist temples and scriptures until it was fi nally crushed by the emperor's troops.

In the 1900s, pressure against Daoism increased. In the 1920s, the reformist “New Life” movement induced students to destroy Daoist sites and scriptures. By 1926, only two copies of the Daoist canon (Daozang) were left, and the Daoist heritage was in great jeopardy. But the copy of the canon kept at the White Cloud Monastery was eventually copied, and the Daoist canon was saved. There are 1,120 books in this collection, in a total of 5,305 vol- umes. Scholars have not yet studied much of it.

Recent times have seen an even stronger pendulum swing in the fortunes of Daoism. After the communist takeover of China in 1949,

Daoism was banned and its leaders “reeducated" and forced into other occupations. Most temples and mon- asteries were closed. The number of practicing Daoists fell drastically, probably 90 percent in ten years. At this time Daoism began to fl ourish in the greater freedom of Taiwan and also Hong Kong, a British colony then separate from China. During the “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” (1966–1976) instigated by the Chinese leader Mao Zedong (MOW dzuh-dong), strong attacks were made on remaining vestiges of religion and other aspects of the old order. Daoism suffered the most. Daoist monks were killed or sent to labor camps. Most Daoist monasteries and temples were destroyed, along with their texts. Before 1900 there were 300 Daoist sites in Beijing alone; by 1980 there were only a handful. After the Cultural Revolution, the Chinese government began to allow a small measure of religious freedom again. Daoism began to revive in China; many temples and some monasteries were reopened. Today,

The Four Editions of the Daoist Canon (Daozang)

A main indicator of the fortunes of a Chinese religion is the status of its sacred books. The fi rst Daozang was assem- bled around 440 C.E. This was the fi rst time an attempt was made to bring together religious teachings and texts from across China, and it signaled the rising strength of Daoism. It totaled around 1,200 scrolls. The second Daozang arose in 748 C.E., when the Tang emperor Xuan Zong, who claimed descent from Laozi, sent monks to collect further

scrolls to add to the canon, which subsequently grew to about 2,000. The third Daozang was made around 1000 C.E. during the Song dynasty; it was revised, and many texts collected during the Tang dynasty were removed. This third version consisted of approximately 4,500 scrolls. The fourth Daozang was made in 1444 C.E. in the Ming dynasty; a fi nal version was produced, consisting of approximately 1,130 titles in 5,300 scrolls.

A Closer Look:

Statue of Confucius

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observant Daoists can be found throughout the coun- try, and what was only thirty years ago called a dying reli- gion is now growing again.

Confucius and the Origins of Confucianism (551–479 B.C.E.) We now return to the sixth century B.C.E. to discuss the origins of Confucianism. The details of Confucius’s life are sketchy, but we know its main outline. Confucius was born in or around 551 B.C.E in Qufu (choo-FOO), the capital of the small state of Lu. His real name was Kong Qiu (kong choh), but his students called him Kong Fuzi (kong foo-zhih), “Master Kong.” His ancestors may have been aristocrats but brought low during a period of social instability. This would explain how someone of a relatively low social class had such a feeling for high culture from an early age. His father, who never married Confucius’s mother, died when Confucius was very young, so he was taught by his mother. Confucius distinguished

himself as a passionate learner in his teens. He gained a mastery of the six traditional basic arts of the time: ritual, music, archery, charioteering, calligraphy, and arithmetic. He also developed a strong attachment to Chinese history and traditional poetry that would be refl ected in Confucianism and then deeply affect Chinese culture.

As a young adult, Confucius began serving in minor posts in the government’s ministry of agri- culture, managing stables and granaries. He mar- ried a woman of similar social standing when he

was nineteen and had children. He started his teach- ing career in his thirties. Confucius developed concepts about society and government that he

hoped to put into practice in a political career. His loy- alty to the king provoked opposition from the powerful landowning families, and his teaching that a ruler must set a moral example for his people did not sit well with the king’s advisors, who infl uenced him by procuring sensuous pleasures. At the age of fi fty-six, when he realized that his superiors in Lu had no interest in him, Confucius left to fi nd another ruler who might listen to his ideas and make him an offi cial. He gathered a growing number of students during the next twelve years, perhaps as many as 3,000. His reputation as a man of vision spread, and he was an occasional advisor to rulers. However, he was never able to get his teachings adopted in any Chinese state, or even fi nd a steady position as a royal advisor. Confucius’s own times were not right for implementing his ideas. When he was sixty-seven, Confucius returned home to continue teaching.

Looking back on the course of his life, Confucius summarized it this way: “At the age of fi fteen, I set my heart on learning; at thirty, I fi rmly took my stand [for what was right]; at forty, I had no delusions [about life]; at fi fty, I knew the Mandate of Heaven; at sixty, my ear was attuned [an obscure phrase of uncertain meaning]; at seventy, I followed my heart’s desire without doing wrong” (Analects 2:4). Despite this remarkably positive view of himself, Confucius could be a humble man. He admitted that he had not become the kind of person that he taught others to be, and at the end of his life he thought that all his teachings would perish with him. He died in 479 B.C.E. at the age of seventy-three. The fame that he brought his family is seen in the more than 100,000 of his descendants buried in the same cemetery

The Apricot Platform, where Confucius taught disciples at his home in Qufu

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Mandate of Heaven Right to rule as king or emperor, given by Heaven by means of order and prosperity in the land

Confucius was a reformer, not a

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that he was, making it the larg- est family cemetery in the world and the oldest still in operation.

The story of Confucianism does not really begin with Confucius, nor was Confucius the founder of Confucianism in the way that others have been the founders of religions. Rather, Confucius was a transmitter of the best of the past, a reformer rather than a revolution- ary. He retrieved the meaning of the past by breathing new life into it. Confucius’s love of antiquity drove him to ask why certain rituals such as funeral ceremonies and reverence for Heaven had survived for centuries. He had faith in the power of culture to stabilize human life. Confucius’s sense of history was so strong that he saw himself as a conservationist responsible for the continuity of the cultural values and social norms that had worked

so well for the civilization of China, especially in the Chou (joh) dynasty. In his system of teaching, he success- fully formed a coherent system of thought and life that would shape the future of China and several other lands.

The Rise of Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism (ca. 350 B.C.E.–1200 C.E.) Mengzi (MUHNG-dzuh), who lived from about 371 to 289 B.C.E., is traditionally known in the West as Mencius (MEN-see-us). Like Confucius, he was a wandering advisor to rulers. His main work, the Book of Mencius, or Mencius for short, shows his positive view of the basic goodness of human nature. Heaven (tian) is found in the human heart, and the ruler need only set a good example for his people and they will follow it. Historians generally hold that

The Confucian Four Books

The Four Books of the Confucian canon are built on what Confucius and his followers saw as the main teachings of the earlier Chinese Five Classics. The Analects (Lun yu) of Confucius is by far the most important text in the history of Confucianism, and it gives us insight into Confucius himself. It contains sayings of Confucius, whom it calls “the Master,” and occasional stories about him as remembered by his disciples and recorded after his death. The Analects has 12,700 characters (ideograms) in twenty short books. Like most other collections of wise sayings, the Analects is loosely organized. It treats, and repeatedly returns to, all the important concepts of the Confucian tradition: the virtues of humanity, propriety, and respect for parents; becoming a superior man; and proper government. Some people think that the proverbs in this book are no more helpful than proverbs that occasionally appear in fortune cookies, but they should not be atomized. In the context of the whole Analects, and in the living tradition of Confucianism, they are both profound and powerful.

The second of the Four Books is the Mencius (Mengzi), named for its author. Mencius (ca. 371–ca. 289 B.C.E.) was the most signifi cant fi gure in Confucian tradition after Confucius. His disciples compiled the book of Mencius’s teachings after his death. More than twice as long as the Analects, the Mencius has well-developed treatments of

several important topics, especially proper government. Mencius saw fi liality as the greatest of the virtues and held strongly to the teaching of innate human goodness.

Third is the Great Learning (Ta xuei), a short book that is an excerpt on virtuous government from the Li Ji. Its fi rst, short chapter is held to be the work of Confucius. The next ten chapters are a commentary on the fi rst by one of Confucius’s disciples. The Great Learning teaches that rulers govern by example. If the ruler is morally good, so will be his government and his subjects. If the ruler is not good, his subjects will incline to evil, and his rule, along with the Mandate of Heaven to govern, will collapse.

Fourth is the Doctrine of the Mean (Chung yung). Like most of the Great Learning, it was originally a chapter in the Li Chi. Mean here is better translated today as “moderation” because of the negative connotations of mean. “The mean” is a broad concept, embracing many aspects of virtue: moderation, right conduct, decorum, and sincerity. The good Confucianist is expected to “keep to the middle” between emotional and intellectual extremes. The superior person is formed in the middle and comes into harmony with the Dao, the cosmic “Way” of life. This book was important in the Neo-Confucian movement that arose in the twelfth century. The Harvard Confucian scholar Tu Wei-Ming has argued that the Doctrine of the Mean is the most explicitly “religious” of the Four Books.

A Closer Look:

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Mencius is second only to Confucius in infl uence on Confucianism. Others kept Confucianism alive, but Confucius's beliefs were not infl uential until Dong Zhongshu (dong ZHONG-shoo) effectively promoted them in the second century B.C.E. Confucianism was then recognized as the offi cial state religion in the Han dynasty. New religious elements including sacrifi ces to Confucius were then introduced. More importantly, the four main Confucian books were canonized and became the core of education and culture in China.

Despite the strong infl uence of Daoism and Buddhism, Confucian ethics have had the strongest infl uence on the moral fabric of China. A revival of Confucian thought in the Song dynasty of the twelfth century produced Neo-Confucianism, which incorpo- rated many Daoist and Buddhist ideas, forging a sort of compromise that enabled Confucianism to con- tinue its role as the leading infl uence on Chinese cul- ture. The philosopher Zhu Xi (JOO shee, 1130–1200) believed that the ideas of Confucius had been mis- represented over the centuries. He advocated what he called a return to Confucius’s original teachings, which Zhu saw as moral self-improvement largely directed by reason. Despite this emphasis on a return to Confucius, he was infl uenced by both Daoism and Buddhism, leading to a new and closer balance between their systems. He wrote commentaries on the classics that became “required reading” for the civil service exams. This exam system then grew in importance, and for seven hundred years it was the only way to get an offi cial appointment in the vast imperial government, as well as the leading way for

men of the lower classes to rise in rank. In time, Neo-Confucianism replaced traditional Confucianism in the higher levels of Chinese society, especially in the universities and the government.

In 1530 C.E, a Ming emperor reformed the Confucian cult to focus more on Confucius’s teach- ings than on the sage himself. For example, images of Confucius in Confucian temples were replaced with tablets inscribed with his name and honorifi c titles. The ritual, worshipful veneration of Confucius declined after the founding of the Chinese Republic in 1912, but the social infl uence of Confucianism has contin- ued. Neo-Confucianism was a major infl uence in Korea from 1392 to 1910, and it remains an important foun- dation of culture there. The fl ag of modern South Korea has the yin-yang symbol at its center.

Some Confucian scholars blamed Daoism for the fall of the Ming dynasty and the subsequent establishment of the Qing dynasty (1644–1912) by the foreign Manchus. They led a movement called “National Studies” that urged a return to traditional Confucianism. The Con- fucian classics came back into imperial favor, and Daoism was almost completely suppressed. For example, during the 1700s an imperial library was established, but excluded virtually all Daoist books. By the 1920s, as we saw above, Daoism had fallen so much from favor that only two copies of the Daozang still remained.

The Modern Period of Daoism and Confucianism (1912–Present)

In 1911 to 1912, the Chinese Revolution ended the three-thousand- year-old imperial system and put a republic in its place. The Nationalist Party leaders who struggled to rule China from 1912 to 1949 embraced science, modernity, and Western culture, including some aspects of Christianity. They viewed traditional Chinese religions as mostly reaction- ary and parasitic. Many progressive Chinese intellectuals also rejected most of the three Chinese religions. The Nationalists confi scated some temples and monasteries for public buildings and, like the emperors of China before them, controlled tradi- tional religious activity.

Descendants of Jeonju Lee perform 600-year-old rites to honor their ancestors in an annual ceremony in Seoul, Korea.

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The Communist Party of China led by Mao Zedong took power in 1949. As a Communist regime, it is offi cially atheistic, and initially suppressed Daoism and Confucianism with even more zeal than the Nationalist Party had. (“Religion is poison,” states an old Communist propaganda saying that Mao repeated to the Dalai Lama.) Despite this suppression, most religions were able to operate at a severely reduced level. Persecution of religion, along with the Cultural Revolution as a whole, stopped when Mao died in 1976, and soon many Daoists and Confucianists began reviving their traditions. Subsequently, some of the more scenic temples and monasteries have been repaired and reopened.

The government of China now permits Daoism and Buddhism (along with Islam, Roman Catholic Christianity, and Protestant Christianity) and supervises their activities. The govern- ment considers some other religions, such as Falun Gong (which we’ll discuss in Chapter 13), to be dangerous to public order, and has fi ercely cracked down on them. Sensitive areas with Chinese religions include the government’s relationship to the infl uential Zhengyi Daoist group and their leader, who lives in Taiwan, as does the current leader of the extensive descendants of Confucius. The government occasionally suppresses various traditional temple activities such as astrol- ogy and shamanism, which it calls “super- stitious.” It also censors fi lms that depict popular Daoist ideas such as child vampires,

ghosts, and martial-arts cults giving supernatural abilities. But the rul- ing Communist Party of China has become more accommodating to religious beliefs and practices, no

longer seeing them as dangerous to Communist rule or the good of the people. Daoist temples and monas- teries are operating more freely, and local gods have come out of hiding.

Two recent events in Confu- cianism point to more Chinese open- ness to it. First, the education ministry is setting up programs of religious study in several selective Chinese uni- versities, at the undergraduate and the graduate level. Students will soon be able to major in Christian, Islamic, or Chinese religion. Second, it has taken to promoting traditional Confucian

values in primary and secondary schools, where stu- dents now read the Analects and other Confucian texts. Statues of Confucius are now seen in public places, espe- cially in front of schools. This is being done to fi ll a spiritual vacuum in Chinese society. The values of communism are wan- ing as China moves to a modi- fi ed form of a free-enterprise system, and social friction, crime, and a “money-fi rst” mentality have arisen that China’s rulers see as inimical to China’s well-being. Ironically, these were some of the same problems that prompted Confucius to propose his reforms more than 2,500 years ago.

Performers portraying disciples of Confucius at the opening ceremonies of the 2008 Olympics in Beijing, China, recite passages from the Analects.

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LO3 Essential Daoist and Confucian Teachings

At the giant Expo 2010 in Shanghai, China, people form lines to enter the dozens of new pavilions showcasing the theme of the Expo—how the Chinese past is shaping its desired future. Although the lines are long and a bit slow, people wait in a patient, orderly way. As an American couple just arriving at the Expo gets in the back of a line, a security agent monitoring the line asks to see identifi cation. With some foreboding, they produce their drivers’ licenses and show them to the agent. To their surprise, they are shown to the front of the line and let into the exhibit immediately, because anyone who is at least seventy-fi ve years of age doesn’t have to wait in line. The woman remarks to her husband that this policy is even better than a “senior citizen” discount, because it means that they can see much more of the Expo than they could otherwise. This preferential treatment is based on the Chinese respect for old age, a leading aspect of ethics in both Confucianism and Daoism. These practices are not monoliths and can change over time, but Daoism, with its emphasis on attaining old age, and Confucianism, with its emphasis on respect for one’s parents, have contributed to the cultural heritage of honoring the elderly.

“The Dao that can be spoken is not the

eternal Dao; the name that can be named

is not the eternal name.” —Daode Jing

In this section we’ll consider fi rst the religious teachings that predate both Confucianism and Daoism and are important for each; then we’ll examine the main Daoist and Confucian teachings that build on them.

Ancient Teachings Common to Daoism and Confucianism Many of the key teach- ings of both Daoism and Confucianism did not orig- inate with them around 500 B.C.E. Rather, they go back hundreds, sometimes

thousands, of years in China before these religions were recognized as separate movements. Most of the gods worshiped by Daoists and by Confucianists also pre- date these religions. We have already considered ancient religious ideas such as yin-yang, teachings of texts such as the important Yi Jing, and the religious ideas behind rituals such as feng shui and divination. The other ancient teachings common to both Confucianism and Daoism are:

● Dao is the Way of nature that became a Way for people to walk in. This Way brings value to human culture, it shapes better relationships, and it advances health and long life. Both Daoism and Confucianism speak about the Dao, but in different ways and to different degrees. But they share a posi- tive view of the world and Dao within it: The world is a good place, and humans must fi nd the fullness of life within the Dao that guides the world.

● The “One” is the essence of the Dao, the energy of life. Living in this One enables things and human beings to be truly themselves. The One is often seen as operating in dualistic form, as in the yin-yang; the circle that contains the yin and yang is the One.

● De is typically translated “virtue,” but this implies later Confucian ideas and can be confus- ing. Another way of looking at de is “power” or “working” that enables a person to follow the Dao. The meaning of Daode Jing suggests the rela- tionship of de to the Dao, and not just for Daoists: “The Book of the Way (Dao) and its power/work- ing (de).” The Dao is not a static thing with only being; it has a working power by which it reaches out to shape every living thing.

● Qi is the cosmic vital energy that enables beings to live and links them to the universe as a whole, and is also the basic material of all that exists. Qi gives life to the human body; its quality and movement determine human health.

In the Abrahamic monotheisms,

Heaven is often synonymous with God, but in China it means a cosmic order

and principle.

● Tian (Wade-Giles, T’ien) is “heaven,” an imper- sonal cosmic force that guides events on earth

Dao [dow] Cosmic “Way” of life

qi [chee] Cosmic vital energy that flows to and through all beings

Tian [tee-AHN] “Heaven,” impersonal cosmic force working for continuation and enrichment of life

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and a cosmic principle that distinguishes right from wrong. In earliest times Tian was a personal god, probably the highest god among many, but in the Zhou dynasty it became an impersonal force guided by its own principle of what is right. In the Abrahamic monotheisms (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam), Heaven is closely tied to God; even for nonreligious people in the Western world today, it sug- gests a Being who lives there. In China, Tian does not suggest a god, but an order and principle that both transcends the world and is deeply embedded in it.

● Ancestor veneration or worship became a com- mon practice in ancient China. Each family was expected to remember the names of its male ancestors and pay regular homage to them. Over time, their names were written on small rectangu- lar tablets. This veneration made ancestors in the world of spirits happy, and they would bless—not haunt—their living descendants.

These ancient religious teachings and the ritual practices associated with them were established by about 750 B.C.E. They would endure throughout Chinese history, and all Chinese religions to come had to incorporate them in some way. Even foreign religions such as Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam had to make some adjustments to this religiously shaped Chinese worldview in order to grow there. Because Daoism and Confucianism drink deeply at this common well of ancient Chinese thought and practice, they share similar ideas that make it easy for Chinese people to combine them in daily life. Despite all the differences between these two reli- gions at a high, offi cial level, and despite the con- fl icts with each other that they have had in the past, Daoism and Confucianism can “fi t” with each other for most Chinese.

Daoist Teachings on the Dao How do Daoists understand the Dao? The fi rst thing that Daoists say is that it cannot be described exactly in words. Human language can only sketch an outline of the Dao, not give a full picture. The most impor- tant thing about the Dao is that it works to empower,

structure, and guide the world; a close second in importance is how human beings choose to relate to it. So the Dao is, broadly speak- ing, the way of the universe and the way of human life that ideally ties into it. The Dao

is not a thing, a sub- stance, or a being. The Dao is not a god or even a spirit, and Daoists do not wor- ship it. Daoism does have many deities that are worshiped in Daoist temples, but they depend on the

Dao like everything else. Paradoxically, the Dao gives rise to all being, but it does not have a being of its own. It is not an object of human thought or activity, but it is the hidden subject of all things. It cannot be perceived in itself, but it can be observed in the work- ings of the natural world.

The Dao is a Way of cosmic reality and human ful- fi llment. All animals and plants in the world live fully and naturally in the Dao. To some extent, humans also live naturally in the Dao, but in some aspects humans have become distant from it. To live fully in the Dao takes knowledge and intention. Despite the Dao’s deep connection to the world of nature, living in the Dao isn’t “naturally” easy. Moreover, living in the Dao isn’t a matter of “achieving union with the Dao,” as some people might put it, but rather being in complete conformity with the Dao.

The Dao includes several concepts in its one word: the source, the ultimate, the inexpressible and indefi nable, the unnamable. It is the natural universe as a whole, and the principle and power within it. The most useful way to describe the Dao is found in the profound fi rst chapter of the Daode Jing:

The Dao that can be spoken is not the eternal Dao;

the name that can be named is not the eternal name.

Nameless, it is the origin of Heaven and Earth;

named, it is the mother of all things.

It is something simple and yet complex

which existed before Heaven and Earth.

Soundless and formless, it depends on nothing and does not change.

It operates everywhere and is free from danger.

It may be considered the mother of the universe.

I do not know its name, so I call it Dao.

Ancestor tablets with names of the dead are thought to be the dwelling places of the ancestors when they visit earth.

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Chinese Traditional Deities Confucianists generally recognize the main Chinese deities, and Daoists recognize them all. The relation- ships among the vast numbers of gods and goddesses in China is often said to parallel, even mimic, the gov- ernment bureaucracy of imperial China. Although there may be some truth to this idea, some writers argue that the reverse is true: The imperial government patterned itself after the structure of the heavenly beings. Whether this argument can ever be settled is unlikely. At any rate, it is safe to say that the imperial administration and the religious culture of the time were closely intertwined.

Westerners who know only the philosophical side of Daoism are sometimes surprised to discover that most Daoists worship gods. To Westerners, there doesn’t seem to be a need for deities in Daoism. Daoism does not have a God in the way that the Abrahamic religions do, or even as Mahayana Buddhists in China have deities. In Daoism the universe constantly springs from the Dao, and the Dao impersonally guides things on their way. But the Dao itself is not God, nor is it a god, nor is it worshipped by Daoists. The Dao is much more impor- tant than that. Moreover, deities are within this universe and are themselves subject to the Dao just as much as humans are. This may seem surprising, as Daoists occa- sionally use what Westerners think of as language for God, for example when the Dao is called the “Venerable Lord.” Some Daoists even go so far as to occasionally revere Laozi both as the fi rst god of Daoism and as the personifi cation of the Dao, just as some Confucianists declared Confucius a god in the early 1900s as a last- ditch effort to prop up their place in Chinese society.

In sum, China has many gods, some of them bor- rowed from other cultures. Many of the deities are known and worshipped by their particular role, rather than as personal divine beings; they have titles rather than names.

The Jade Emperor The supreme ruler of heaven in Chinese tradition is popularly called the Jade Emperor, or Yu Huang. (Note how the supreme god is called an “emperor.”) The Jade Emperor lives in a luxurious palace in the high- est heaven, where he rules and directs all other gods. He can grant titles to the spirits of outstanding indi- viduals and even elevate them to gods. His image and that of the gods and goddesses under his direction can be found in many Daoist temples. Most historians of Chinese religion conclude that the Jade Emperor was an early Daoist title for the more ancient Chinese deity called, by various names, the “Lord of Heaven.”

The Earth God We will follow the Chinese tendency in religion to think of “heaven and earth” together; after discussing the supreme god of heaven, we deal now with the main god of earth. In the countryside of Chinese lands, one can see small temples and shrines, some only a foot high, that feature a picture of a smiling, bearded old man. This is the Earth God, commonly called Tudi Gong or “Land Elder,” and more formally known as Fu De Zheng Shen, “Righteous God of Good Fortune and Virtue.” Tudi Gong has thousands of incarnated spirit forms who look after plots of land and the people residing on them. This guardian spirit is one of the most popular divinities

in Daoism, and his image is found on many family altars.

Mazu Mazu (MAHT-soo; Wade-Giles Ma-tsu is also common), or “Mother Ancestor,” is the spirit of Lin Moniang. Lin was a young woman who lived on an island off the coast of China sometime dur- ing the Song dynasty (960–1279). Her legend says that she was a strong swimmer and employed her supernatural powers to cure the ill and save people on the sea from imminent danger. For this, she was deifi ed after her death, and is also known as the Sea Goddess. Mazu became the most highly venerated

The Jade Emperor on his throne

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of all female gods in Daoism, especially after an emperor of China named her the “Queen of Heaven,” and she is known to Buddhists as well.

The popularity of Mazu in Taiwan is seen by the more than 400 temples dedicated to her and by the processions in communities all over the island, during which her statue is carried on a chair to spread her blessings. Tens of thousands of worshipers join in the week-long pilgrimage in her honor, and many now make a pilgrimage across the Taiwan Strait to venerate her at her grave. Mazu is widely worshiped in the provinces of China that are on the sea, and in the Chinese diaspora as well. The oldest Daoist temple in the United States, the Tin How (“Heaven's Queen") Temple built in 1852 in the Chinatown district of San Francisco, is dedicated to Mazu.

City Gods When we think about the gods of a religion, the fi rst thing that comes to mind are the gods that everyone in a reli- gion knows and worships, such as the three gods we have just discussed. However, in China there are many gods who are known and worshiped only in select locales, as are the “city gods.” The Jade Emperor has commanded

them to guard particular cities against attack by enemies and protect their inhabitants from various evils. Most city gods were humans who served the people righteously during their lifetime, had compassion for those in danger, and protected people and good spirits from being dragged into the underworld by evil ghosts. For their demonstra- tion of classic virtues, the righteous spirits of these people were made divine at some point after their deaths.

The City God Temple in Shanghai is dedicated to three city gods, all of whom were human beings who were deifi ed after their deaths. Huo Guang (died 68 B.C.E.) was a famous Han dynasty chancellor. He is venerated for his role in deposing one young emperor and replacing him with another, more worthy ruler. Qin Yubo (1295–1373) was a prominent citizen of Shanghai and served in the late Yuan dynasty. When the Ming dynasty was founded, he refused two commands to serve at the court. He fi nally relented and served in several offi ces, including chief imperial examiner. Chen Huacheng (1776–1842) was a Qing-dynasty general who led the defense of Shanghai during the First Opium War. He vowed to defend China to the death, and was killed in battle against the British.

Mazu, goddess of the sea, the most popular goddess in Daoism

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Temple of the City God, Shanghai, China

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Wang Ye Wang Ye is a generic term denoting some 360 “lords of pestilence” whose lives before becoming gods are recounted in different tales. These lords are people of great merit and exemplary lives, who after death were charged by the gods with the task of protecting mankind from evil spirits and epidemics. (They become “lords of pestilence” in the sense of con- trolling pestilence.) Rituals for worship of these protectors differ widely. One of the most popular rituals for driving away disease, held twice every year, is “Burning Wang Ye’s Boat.” A full-sized boat made of paper and wood is burned along with its spirit-money cargo. This offering is designed to make the Lords of Pestilence more inclined to do their protective work.

Like most religions with many gods, Daoism can “lose” gods, add new gods, or update the portrayal of older gods. A variety of “techno-neon” portrayals of Daoist gods are popular in Chinese lands today.

Daoist Teaching of Wu Wei The only method of following the Dao is by wu wei. This term is diffi cult to translate and has been rendered as “nonaction,” “passive action,” “uncontrived action,” or “natural nonintervention.” Nonaction wrongly implies that one does nothing at all, that one is com- pletely passive. The Daode Jing might be read to sup- port this interpretation, as in its “When nothing is done, nothing is left undone” (Chapter 48). However, wu wei is best understood as going along with nature, letting things in life take their natural, Dao-determined course.

Daoists try to live balanced and harmonious lives that are attuned to the Dao as it is seen in nature--they "act naturally." They fi nd their way through life in the same way as breezes blow in the air, as rain falls from the sky, or as a river fl ows through the countryside by fi nding its natural course. They act, even are active, but their action is carefully attuned to their perception of the Dao, so it is eas- ier, happier, and “natural.” To use a modern analogy, most North Americans make a distinction between work and pleasure: If an activity is pleasurable, we don’t think of it

as work, which is supposed to be at least a little diffi cult. As a result, Westerners can think of the expression “act naturally” as a nonsensical self-contradiction similar to “found missing” or “minor

catastrophe.” But in the Daoist view, when work is done naturally—if a carpenter cuts wood with the grain, not against it, for example—it as a pleasure, and we do in fact “act naturally.” This is wu wei in action. Wu wei doesn’t forbid action in one’s life, but it does command that one’s activities fi t into the natural pattern of the universe. After Buddhism entered China and made an impression on Daoism, wu wei was also understood as action that is not ego driven, but detached from individual desires. In sum, Daoism requires individuals to live on the basis that the world (outside of human life, of course) is working prop- erly and that humans should live and “work” the same way as nature naturally follows the Dao.

Daoist Views of Qi Daoists understand the human body to be a miniature of the universe. Like the universe, each human body has many parts, but it is fi lled with the Dao. The human body, as much as the larger universe, is also inhabited and ruled by a large number of gods.

The body also has spiritual energy that is cosmic, but not a part of the gods. Daoists believe that every liv- ing person has a normal, healthy amount of qi and that personal health results from the balance, harmony and smooth fl ow of qi. This fl ow is seen in several texts as a complex system analogous to the fl ow of water, with a sea of qi in the abdomen, its main location; rivers of qi fl owing through the torso and through the arms and legs; streams of qi fl owing to the wrists and ankles; and small springs of qi in the fi ngers and toes. A small disruption in this complex system can infl uence the whole and require readjustment. Overall balance and natural smoothness in the working of qi is the general goal. Daoists want to empower their qi and be empowered by it.

A “techno-neon” type of Daoist god dances at a 2010 festival in Taiwan.

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Every person receives a core of primordial qi at birth, and need to sustain it during their lifetimes. They do so by drawing qi into the body from air and food, as well as from other people through social and sexual interactions. But they also lose qi by breathing bad air, eating and drinking too much, having negative emo- tions, and engaging in excessive sexual or social interac- tions. Traditional Chinese medicines drawn from nature can be used to restore the fl ow of qi, and acupuncture is also commonly used to unblock qi fl ow. Tai qi and other movement-and-meditation systems arose to maximize the fl ow and presence of qi in the body. Breathing prop- erly is key to tai qi. Although it is known in the West as an exercise system especially good for older people, this is not its signifi cance for Daoism. Nevertheless, the medical benefi ts of tai qi are well established. For example, a study done by Emory University’s medical school concluded that training in tai qi was highly effec- tive in improving the balance, strength, and even self- confi dence of those 70 years and older.4

4 S. L.Wolf, M. O’Grady, K. A. Easley, Y. Guo, R. W. Kressig, M. Kutner, “The infl uence of intense Tai Chi training on physical performance and hemodynamic outcomes in transitionally frail, older adults,” Journal of Gerontology, Volume 61, number 2, (2006): pp. 184–9. A summary can be found at http://www.ncbi. nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16510864.

The Daoist Quest for Immortality Immortality doesn’t mean escaping death by living for ever in the pres- ent physical body. This is the stuff of Western and Chinese horror stories. Most Daoists believe that all spirits are immortal in some sense—they sur- vive the death of the body and go into the next world. The world of spirits is connected to the world of the gods. Spiritual immortality, a special goal of some Daoists, raises to a whole new

level the practice of attaining immortal- ity in this life. To attain spiritual immor- tality, one must change all one’s qi into primordial qi and then refi ne it. This

fi ner qi will gradually turn into pure spirit, enabling one to become a “spirit-person” already in this life. This process requires intense training in meditation and trances, radical forms of diet, and esoteric sexual practices. The result is a bypassing of the effects of

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death on the spirit; the end of the body has no impact on the continuation of the spirit-person. After death, the spirit lives forever in a wonderful paradise, and the person is said to be an “immortal.”

Confucian Reformulations of Ancient Teachings The Confucian reworking of ancient Chinese teachings centered on ethics—what the Western tradition calls “personal ethics” and “social ethics.” Confucianism is often called a system of social ethics, and from the Western perspective that is true enough, but we should remember that this distinction between “personal” and “social” is not often made in China. It doesn’t make a great deal of sense in a society where the personal and the social are so fully blended, and where Western- style individualism is rejected. We’ll consider Confucian ethics later in this chapter; here, however, we should state the Confucian “take” on ancient Chinese religious teachings and practices.

As stated above, Confucius and his followers were highly appreciative of Chinese tradition. His teach- ing reaffi rms many aspects of Chinese religion before him: the role of Heaven, particularly in government;

the importance of the Way (Dao); the assumption, made explicit in Confucianism, that humans are basi- cally good and will follow the truth when they know it; and respect for the gods and traditional rituals. On respect for ritual, Confucius once defended the sacri- fi ce of sheep by saying to someone who objected to it, “You love the sheep, but I love the ceremony” (Analects 3.17) Confucius’s system sought to reform traditional Chinese religious and ethical ideas, not so much by changing them as by showing people their inner mean- ing. Confucius believed that if people knew why these things are important, they would follow them more fully and carefully, and life would become what it should be.

LO4 Daoist and Confucian Ethics

Throughout North America, Amy Chua’s book Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother (2011) raised a storm of controversy on television, on the web, and in print. In it Chua (CHEW-ah), a law professor at Yale, details how she raised two daughters with traditional “tough love” and “Chinese mother” parent- ing, as opposed to what she calls the “lax” current models of American parenting. She demanded straight As from her

A Famous Conversation Between Confucius and Laozi

The meeting of Confucius and Laozi probably never happened, but it was invented in later times to illustrate the differences between their systems, at least on an official level. Confucius, committed as he was to bring- ing proper order to social and political life, promotes to Laozi the value of ancient religious rituals and ideas of justice. He speaks positively about the way ancient kings ruled, especially Zhou rulers. Laozi is interested in acquiring peace and inner equilibrium. He urges Confucius in sharp words to seek wu wei, which leads to unity with the Dao.

Confucius asked Laozi about his opinion regarding the ancient rites and rulers. Laozi is said to have answered:

The men about whom you talk are dead, and their bones are moldered to dust; only their words are left. When your “superior man” gets his opportunity, he succeeds; but when the time is against him, he is carried along by circum- stances. I have heard that a good merchant, even if he is rich, appears as if he were poor. Likewise, the truly superior man appears outwardly unintelligent. So put away your proud airs and your many desires to change things. They are of no advantage to you; this is all I have to tell you.

In this conversation, it became clear that neither would convince the other. After their meeting, Confucius said to his disciples,

I know how birds can fl y, how fi sh can swim, and how animals can run. . . . But there is the dragon: I cannot tell how he mounts on the wind through the clouds and rises to heaven. Today I have seen Laozi, and I can only compare him to the dragon.

A Closer Look:

“Today I have seen Laozi, and I can

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177D A O I S T A N D C O N F U C I A N E T H I C S

daughters and pushed them to excel in everything they did, often using methods that seem harsh and unloving to her readers. Many Chinese American parents do take the time to guide their children in doing homework and often give them some academic work besides what is assigned; children usually respond by taking their studies seriously. This is in line with traditional Confucian values, especially the importance of self-cultivation for one’s family. Chua’s approach struck a nerve, as it was designed to do (notice its provocative title), but many experts on Chinese culture wonder if she hasn’t misrepresented Confucian values and thereby done these values a disservice.

Confucian ethics are more fully developed, and more central to its religious system, than Daoist ethics. For example, it is often said about Confucianism that it is a system of ethics, but this is not said about Daoism. Before we discuss Confucianism, we will consider some main moral principles from the Daode Jing and other early texts that have become important in Daoism.

Daoist Ethics The basis of Daoist ethics is the Daode Jing. Although it is elusive in style and meaning, challenging the reader to fi gure out what it means, the main lines of Daoist moral teaching are clear. The Daode Jing teaches that one must follow the way of the Dao in order to live a good life. Other living beings in nature, plants, and animals and the system of nature as a whole follow the Dao automatically; they can’t do otherwise.

But human beings do not follow the Dao naturally. The Daode Jing suggests that human distinctions such as good and evil, beauty and ugliness generate the troubles and problems of existence (Chapter 3). Humans impose such things on the Dao; they aren’t really there. Persons following the Dao must not live according to human- made distinctions (Chapter 19). Indeed, these distinc- tions emerge only when people aren't following the Dao (Chapters 18, 38); they are a form of disease (Chapter 74). Daoists believe that the Dao unties the knots of life, blunts the sharp edges of relationships and problems, and soothes painful occurrences (Chapter 4). So it is best to practice wu wei in all endeavors, to act naturally, and not to oppose or tamper with how life is fl owing.

All this can seem very abstract, but Daoism carries out these ideas in everyday practice. For example, many Daoists have a preference for vegetarianism, which they see as more “natural” than meat-eating. This Daoist moral practice, along with the Buddhist promotion of

vegetarianism, explains why Chinese restaurants have so many vegetarian dishes on their menus.

This passage from Chapter 7 of the Zhuangzi explains the key points of wu wei:

Wu-wei makes the person who practices it the lord of all fame. It serves him as the treasury of all plans. It fi ts him for the burden of all offi ces. It makes him the lord of all wisdom. The range of his action is inexhaust- ible, but there is nowhere any trace of his presence. He fulfi lls all that he has received from Heaven, but he does not see that he was the recipient of anything. . . . When the perfect man employs his mind, it is a mirror. It does nothing and anticipates nothing. It responds to what is before it, but does not retain it. Thus he is able to deal successfully with all things and injures nothing.

Confucian Ethics Filial Piety Although Confucianism has not often ranked its moral virtues, fi lial piety, xiao, is traditionally considered among the most important and has had a powerful effect on Chinese culture. As a phrase, “fi lial piety” is a bit unwieldy and old-fashioned, but no other term has taken its place. Filial means “of a child” (fi lius is the Latin word for “son”), and piety means “inner devo- tion” and “outward obedience,” both bordering on reli- gious reverence. So fi lial piety is fi rst of all the honor and obedience that children owe their parents.

The Book of Filial Piety is our main source for this topic, attributed traditionally to Confucius and one of his sons but almost certainly written anonymously in the 200s B.C.E. Filial piety must be shown towards both liv- ing parents and dead ancestors, and this leads to ances- tor worship. It binds families into an almost-eternal bond. This relationship was extended by analogy to the Five Relationships: (1) ruler and subject; (2) father and son; (3) husband and wife; (4) elder brother and younger brother; (5) older friend and younger friend. Each person in these sets of relationships had specifi c duties; the fi rst person in the relationship must lead with honor and kindness, and the second person must faithfully obey. Duties extended to the dead, who were expected to bless descendants that honored them and lived well, and withhold blessing from descendants who didn’t. The only relationship where respect for elders did not apply was the friend to friend. In all other relation- ships, high reverence was held for the older person of the two.

xiao [show; rhymes with now] Filial piety; honor and obedience to one’s parents and deceased ancestors

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All this was tra- ditional in Chinese culture by the time Confucius came onto the scene. He stressed not only the duty to perform the actions of fi lial piety, but much more the inner attitude of these acts. Only when inner attitude empow- ers and guides the outer

acts will fi lial piety “work” to improve society. One must have the genuine reverence that xiao, piety toward parents, implies. Confucius taught, “Filial piety nowadays means the support of

one’s parents. But dogs and horses are also able to do something in the way of support [for the dogs and horses that gave them birth]. Without rev- erence, what is there to distinguish the one support from the other?” (Analects 2.7).

Even for those outside the Chinese cultural and reli- gious system, Confucius’s teaching on relationships has a great deal of wisdom. For example, he said that fi lial piety can be illustrated by “Not making your parents anxious about anything else than your being sick.” To those with aging parents he said, “The age of one’s parents should always be remembered, as a reason for joy and for fear” (Analects 2.6, 21).

One’s family name is

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Note how family relationships are the center and key to the fi ve relationships. When people in the West speak of “family values” in wider society, their ideas pale in comparison with China’s emphasis on family values. The impor- tance of one’s family is shown by tra- ditional Chinese names. The family name is traditionally put fi rst, then

the personal name—family is more important than the individual members of it. In general, the individual lives for the family, not vice versa. (When Chinese people in the West put their personal name fi rst, it can get a little confusing for non-Chinese to tell the personal name from the family name. The family name typically has one syllable and the personal name has two. In the tra- ditionally-ordered name of the scholar Tu Weiming, Tu is the family name, Weiming the personal name; with a scholar who Westernized his name, Wing-tsit Chan, his two-syllable personal name is fi rst.) Filial piety has continued to play a central role in Confucian thinking, and in Chinese culture, to the present day.

Reciprocity Ren, variously translated “humaneness, reciprocity, vir- tue,” is a basic Confucian value, second only to fi lial piety in its importance. Despite the hierarchical and authoritar- ian structure of life that Confucianism encourages, the more powerful people in every relationship must act with humane, gentle reciprocity toward the less powerful in the relationship. Confucius himself once said that ren is the key moral teaching, and summarized it by saying, “What you don’t want done to yourself, don’t do to others.”

Loyalty Loyalty (zhong) is closely related to fi lial piety. Loyalty

is an extension of one’s duties to friend and family, and is carried out in the Five Relationships. Loyalty

to one’s father was fi rst, then one's spouse, then to one’s ruler, and lastly to one’s friends. Like

fi lial piety, Confucius' teaching on loyalty was often subverted by the autocratic social structure of China. More emphasis was put on the obligations of the subjects to their ruler, and less on the ruler’s obligations to his subjects, whether that ruler was an emperor, a father, or a husband. Nevertheless, loyalty was always considered one of the greater human virtues.

The “Perfect Man” The term junzi (Wade-Giles, chun-tzu)

literally “a prince’s or lord’s child,” is cru- cial to Confucianism. More than any other Confucian concept, it expresses the process of self-cultivation and self- improvement. A succinct description

of the junzi is one who, in the Anglo- American phrase, is a “scholar and a gentleman.” In ancient times, the masculine gender of the phrase

ren Reciprocity, humaneness; also spelled “jen”

junzi [juhn-tzoo] Literally, “a prince’s or lord’s child”; in the teaching of Confucius, a “superior man” made so by the study and practice of virtue

Statue of Confucius in Berlin, Germany. An inscription on the base of the statue is from Analects 15.23, on reciprocity: “What you don’t want done to yourself, don’t do to others.”

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was intentional—only males could become a junzi. In modern times the masculine translation in English is still frequently used, although women are also urged in some parts of the Confucian world toward self-cultivation.

In addition to the charge of sexism, this term has also been linked with elitism. The junzi is seen as a better person than others, and he is expected to act as a moral guide to the rest of society. Indeed, junzi has often been translated “exemplary person.” However, becoming a junzi by education and then experience was open to every class. Confucius would take on as a student anyone who could pay him even the smallest amount, and later Confucianism was in many respects a meritocracy of learning and virtue, not an aristocracy of automatic privilege for the high-born.

For Confucianists, the great example of the "per- fect man" is Confucius himself. Perhaps the biggest dis- appointment of his life was that he was never awarded the high offi cial position that he desired, from which he wished to demonstrate the social blessings that would ensue if humane, wise persons ruled and administered the state. Despite this disappointment, the continued to teach his system, even when he thought that it would

die out when he did. His stu- dents carried on his teachings for hundreds of years before his system took root in Chinese life.

LO5 Ritual and Worship

A solitary sage studies ancient Chinese poems in Hong Kong. He pauses to reflect on their meaning, espe- cially on how they relate to his Confucian beliefs. After reflecting, he writes out the passage calligraphically; his artistic brush stokes as he draws the Chinese word-char- acters show the inner meaning of the text and the results of his meditation. This simple ritual helps him improve his character toward becoming a “superior man,” the high- est goal of the Confucian tradition, and his study of the ancient classics is a key ingredient in this self-cultivation. Daoists also use the drawing of key words and passages to live more deeply in the Dao.

Daoist Temples and Worship Daoist temples are more colorful and elaborate than those of other religions in China. They are ornately decorated on the exteriors and interiors. Those who

visit and worship there often add brightly colored fl owers and streamers to decorate the temple. Color, particularly red, is seen as bringing blessing and good luck. Vendors outside most temples sell small statues for taking home, as well as incense and fl owers to use in the temple. Inside is an altar at the front, on which fl owers can be placed and incense burned. Worshipers may kneel in reverence in front of this altar. Behind the altar, the focal point of the temple, are statues of the gods honored in that temple.

Sometimes there are group ceremonies in the temple, such as continuous reading of a scripture text to earn merit or monastic worship on holy days, and people in the temple are welcome to look on. But most people come to the temples for individual experiences, to seek the favor and blessing of the god(s) for a par- ticular need. One of the oldest needs of worshipers is to gain direction for their future. In ancient times, various divination rituals were used, going all the way back to oracle bones inscribed with writings; the bones would be put into the fi re, and how they cracked would indi- cate the future. Other methods arose over time, and the most common one used today in or just outside Daoist temples is casting yarrow sticks to select a passage from the Yi Jing, which a diviner will then interpret.

Stone lion covered with good-luck streamers at a Buddhist temple in Shanghai, China

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180 C H A P T E R 7 E N CO U N T E R I N G DA O I S M A N D CO N F U C I A N I S M : T W O V I E W S O F T H E E T E R N A L WAY

Confucian Temples and Worship In China before the twentieth century C.E., every county had one offi cial temple to Confucius. Most of these temples were next to Confucian schools. The front portal of the temple was an ornamental gate. Inside, there are usually three courtyards, two in smaller tem- ple complexes. The main building on the inner court- yard was the “Hall of Great Achievement” or “Hall of Great Perfection.” This housed the ancestral tablet of Confucius and the tablets of other important masters and sages, usually the fi rst main disciples of Confucius. A second signifi cant temple building was the “Shrine of the Great Wise Men,” which honored the ancestors of Confucius.

Unlike Daoist or Buddhist temples, Confucian temples do not normally have images. In early years, Confucius and his disciples were probably rep- resented with wall paintings and stat- ues. However, there was rising opposi- tion to this practice, which over time was seen as Buddhist. In the 1500s C.E., all existing images of Confucius were replaced with memorial tablets

in imperial temples in the capital and other bureaucratic locations. However, statues are still found in temples con- trolled by Confucius’s family descen- dants, such as that in Qufu. The point of almost all Confucian temples was to honor and promote Confucius’s teach- ings, not Confucius himself. Confucius was a human example, not a god.

The state-mandated worship of Confucius centered upon offering sacrifi ces to Confucius’s spirit in the Confucian temple. A dance known as the “Eight-Row Dance,” consisting of eight columns of eight dancers each, some- times carrying feathers or a weapon, was also performed. This is performed on Confucius’s birthday and is accom- panied by musical performances and

prayers. Animal sacrifi ces (the animals are killed before the service, not as a part of it) and incense are offered to the spirit of Confucius.

In addition to honoring Confucius, Confucian temples also honored other disciples and Confucian scholars through history. The composition and number of fi gures venerated changed and grew through time. Because temples were a statement of offi cial Confucian teaching, which Confucians to enshrine was often a dif- fi cult issue. Today, a total of 162 fi gures are venerated in Confucian temples.

The Traditional Chinese Funeral

Life-cycle rituals are not as plentiful or as important in China as they are in some other cultures and religions. Marriage is more a

social arrangement than a reli- gious one, for example.

But the traditional Chinese funeral is well developed and has great religious and cultural signifi - cance. It still refl ects some of the most ancient Chinese beliefs about life, death and life after death.

Infl uence of Daoism on Buddhism: tourists visiting a Buddhist temple have their fortunes told by a nun.

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The temple of Confucius in Tainan, Taiwan—the oldest on that island—shows the simplicity of Confucian temples.

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181R I T UA L A N D W O R S H I P

Cremation is rare, even unthinkable, for

Daoists and Confucianists, because it

destroys the qi that remains in the bones

of the dead.

Cremation is rare, even unthinkable, for Daoists and Confucianists, because it destroys the qi that remains in the bones of the dead. This qi is important for the spirit of the deceased in the next world. In-ground burial of the whole body is the rule. For Chinese Buddhists, how- ever, cremation is common. Male heads of the family receive the most elaborate funerals, infants or children very simple funerals, with rites for people in between on a sliding scale.

Funerals take place in the home and the cemetery, not in a temple or mortuary business. An undertaker is hired to oversee all funeral rites, especially actions involving physical contact with the corpse, because this contact is defi ling to the family. When the family prepares to receive visitors come to pay their respects, all statues of gods in the house are covered so that they will not be exposed to the body or coffi n. All mirrors are removed or covered, because seeing a body in a mirror is thought to be inauspicious. When the body of the deceased is cleaned and dressed in the deceased’s best clothing, it is put in the open coffi n and placed inside the house or in its courtyard. Flowers, gifts, food, and a portrait of the deceased are placed near the coffi n as an offering to the deceased and as a comfort to the bereaved family. The immediate family is now ready to receive visitors from their wider family, neighbors and friends.

Various activities take place in the home during the period of visitation. Relatives typi- cally cry or even wail during mourning, both out of genuine emotion and as a sign of respect and loyalty to the deceased. The spirit of the dead will see this grief and be pleased by it. A small altar with burning incense and a candle is put at the foot of the coffi n. These honor the dead, and help to keep the smell of death at bay. Symbolic paper money is burned con- tinuously outside to provide the deceased with income in the afterlife. Visitors light incense for the deceased and bow to the family out of respect. A monk reads aloud verses from Buddhist or Daoist scriptures. (Confucianists generally rely on Buddhism and Daoism for

funeral rites.) The souls of the dead face many troubles and even torment for the sins they have committed in life before they can enter the happier afterlife. Chanting by the monks eases the passage of the deceased’s soul into heaven. These prayers are accompanied by music, and the family arranges for as much scripture and music performance as it can afford.

A solemn procession then goes from the home to the cemetery. Chinese cemeteries are traditionally located on hillsides, where feng shui is best. (As we saw earlier in this chapter [p. 160], feng shui began with burials, and its infl uence on burial is still strong.) When the coffi n is removed from the hearse and lowered into the ground, the mourners look away. Then family mem- bers throw a handful of earth into the grave before it is fi lled. As they depart, the keeper of the cemetery offers other prayers for the deceased.

After the burial, the ritual continues. All clothes worn by the mourners are burned to avoid bad fortune asso- ciated with death. Special prayers to the deceased will be offered by the family at home, especially directed at the ances- tral tablet that now has the deceased’s name on it. The fam- ily’s mourning period continues for one hundred days, signi- fi ed by a piece of colored cloth worn on their sleeves. From this time on, for as long as the family endures, the dead will be venerated in the home (and in a family temple if the family is wealthy), and imitation paper money will be sent to them by burning it at their graves.

In Gansu Province, China, mourners in white shrouds burn symbolic paper money at a Daoist funeral.

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182 C H A P T E R 7 E N CO U N T E R I N G DA O I S M A N D CO N F U C I A N I S M : T W O V I E W S O F T H E E T E R N A L WAY

A Final Comparison of Daoism and Confucianism Before we turn to the topic of Daoism and Confucianism in the Western world, it may be helpful to sketch a fi nal comparison of Daoism and Confucianism. Daoism shared some emphases with classical Confucianism, such as the necessity of self-cultivation and a concern for the concrete details of life, not abstractions (the latter seen, for example, in Buddhism). Both Daoism and Confucianism are world-affi rming religions, and religions that also affi rm the ancient cultural and spiri- tual life of China. Despite these similarities, Daoism and Confucianism have been competing alternative religions—in main teachings, ethics, and ritual.

As we saw previously, Daoism teaches that human distinctions such as morality and beauty generate the troubles and problems of existence. They are imposed on the world by the human mind; they do not exist in the world itself. The person following the Dao must cease living by human distinctions. Daoists believe that the Dao naturally makes human life full and right. So it is best to practice wu wei, to act naturally, and not to oppose or tamper with how nature or even human reality is moving. Daoism teaches that it is better to be passive rather than active, yielding rather than asser- tive, quiet rather than vocal. In terms of the yin-yang, Daoism is the yin of China.

Daoists take their hands off life, but

Confucianists put their hands on

everything.

Confucius and his followers, on the other hand, have viewed themselves as the yang, the active and assertive side of life. They have been “proactive,” to use a current term, in setting human life straight. They study current life in the light of Confucian thought, plan changes, educate people to be active, and develop solutions to China’s problems. Daoists take their hands off life and let it go its own way; Confucianists put their hands on everything they can to guide and shape people. To use another illustration, Daoists let life shape them like a piece of rock or wood is shaped by natural forces; Confucianists try to carve themselves into a sculpture.

LO6 Daoism and Confucianism in North America

Daoism fi rst came to the West when its main works were translated into European languages. The Daode Jing has been consistently popular for more than two centuries and is one of the most translated books in the world. From 1927 to 1944 the chief advocate of Daoism for the Western World was Professor Henri Maspero in Paris. More recently, Michael Saso (born1930), an academic expert in Daoism and author of several lead- ing books on it, has advanced Daoism in the West. He was the fi rst Westerner to become a Daoist priest. He also served as coeditor of Taoist Resources, a major academic journal to be devoted entirely to Daoism; it ceased publication in 1997. Today, many Daoist organizations have been established throughout the West. Confucianism also came to the West by means of its writings. The Analects and the Mencius were among the fi rst books translated in Max Müller’s Sacred Books of the East project in the 1800s, and dozens of transla- tions have been made since that time into almost every European language.

Chinese religions have been spread to North America not primarily from China itself, but from neigh- boring lands in which these religions have long been present: Taiwan and Korea in particular, and also to a lesser degree Japan, Vietnam, and Indonesia. In Taiwan, despite the modernizations that have made the coun- try a thriving democracy and economic powerhouse, traditional Chinese religions remain stronger than on the mainland. Nine out of ten residents of Taiwan call themselves Buddhists, Daoists, Confucianists, or a mix of the three. In Korea, almost half the population is Christian, but the other half is devoted to Buddhism, Confucianism, and/or the service of local gods.

Confucianism is probably the only world

religion to come to North America that

doesn’t have formal temples here.

Confucianists and Daoists came to North America from these lands as well as from China. We will deal with Confucianism fi rst. Because Confucianism is a moral system that is built on elements of traditional Chinese religion found in much of Daoism, and because

183D A O I S M A N D C O N F U C I A N I S M I N N O R T H A M E R I C A

Confucian temples in Chinese lands were almost all state sponsored, Confucian temples couldn’t be trans- planted in North America as Daoist or Buddhist temples could. The temples to Confucius, with their associ- ated schools—from primary schools in every county to the imperial university in Beijing—that anchored Confucianism in Asia could not be built in North America. Indeed, they wouldn’t make sense here, in a society that isn’t Confucian and doesn’t establish any religion as the national faith. Chinese people did eventu- ally build social and educational associations that had an appreciation for Confucianism, sometimes even a room or two dedicated to the veneration of Confucius and his main disciples. But they couldn’t, and didn’t, build temples such as one fi nds in China and lands in the Chinese cultural orbit. Confucianism is probably the only world reli- gion to come to North America that doesn’t have formal temples here. Chinese cultural centers often must host Confucian ceremonies.

A much more recent feature is the establishment of “Confucius Centers” or “Confucius Institutes” in major American cities, usually connected with uni- versities, by the government of the People’s Republic of China. Dozens of these centers have been set up since about 1990; in Chicago alone, there are several. These centers and institutes are an effort at “public diplomacy” by the Chinese government, an outreach especially to secondary schools and higher education. The main Chicago Confucius Center describes itself this way: “The Confucius Center is a non-profi t insti- tute aiming to enhance intercultural understanding in the world by sponsoring courses of Chinese language and culture, so as to promote a better understanding of the Chinese language and culture among the people of the world; develop friendly relationships between China and other countries; accelerate the develop- ment of multiculturalism at the international level; and help bring about global peace and harmony.” So it’s clear that, despite the name “Confucius Centers,” the spread of Confucianism itself isn’t what they are primarily about. But there is something traditionally Chinese about this arrangement—Chinese culture and Confucian values are so deeply intertwined that to deal with the fi rst is necessarily to deal with the second. As a result, Confucianism is found at these centers and insti- tutes not only in the plentiful Confucian scriptures that are there, but even more in the pro- motion of Confucian values in Chinese life and learning.

Daoism came to North America with the fi rst Chinese, who arrived to participate in California’s gold rush. The new settlers established several temples in San Francisco. One of these, the Tin How Temple, was built in 1852 and still stands today. It was built out of gratitude to Mazu as the Queen of Heaven, for protecting the settlers on their long sea voyage. In the next decades, statues and name tablets of other gods were installed in the temple. By 1890, dozens of Chinese temples were found along the West Coast of the United States and Canada. Together they served a multitude of gods, just as their temples in China had. They were usually staffed by a trusted caretaker who acted as a janitor for the building, supervised the wor- ship and sacrifi ces, and organized festivals. Daoist priests were not yet to be found in the New World, and neither were monks. Despite the hard pressure on Daoism in China during the 1800s, priests and monks did not make the perilous trek to a non-Chinese cul- ture in the New World.

Should these be considered Daoist temples? This depends on how one understands Daoism. To use the three-fold understanding of Daoism advanced by Livia Kohn, they certainly were not temples of “philosophi- cal Daoism.” They can make a good claim for “reli- gious Daoism,” and certainly they were “folk Daoist” temples. But most gods worshiped in these temples were not the main Daoist deities, with the exception of the Jade Emperor. Rather, they were local gods that Chinese Americans could still look to for help, but these gods had long ago been taken up into the vast Daoist collection of gods.

The ups and downs of Daoism in the United States varied with immigration policies, just as all other reli- gions of immigrants did. The federal Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 effectively stopped all new Chinese immigration, and Daoist temples suffered. When the Immigration Act of 1965 was passed, a good level of Chinese immigration resumed. Temples revived, and many other Daoist organizations have been founded. The largest of these is the network of “Healing Tao” centers in the United States and Canada, a movement that combines Western and Daoist healing arts. These new associations and temples typically have well-edu- cated members from the middle and upper classes of Chinese immigrants. They have also drawn a strong following of non-Chinese and non-Daoists who are attracted to various aspects of Daoist thought and practice. Probably the greatest “draw” is the practice of tai qi, which is most often promoted as a system of physical, mental, and spiritual exercise and health, not as a system that depends deeply, as we saw previously,

184 C H A P T E R 7 E N CO U N T E R I N G DA O I S M A N D CO N F U C I A N I S M : T W O V I E W S O F T H E E T E R N A L WAY

on Daoist beliefs about the cos- mos and its relationship to the human body and soul.

The greatest infl uence of Daoism on the Western world continues to be its foundational teachings. The Daode Jing infl uences life and thought far beyond the lives of Daoists in the West. It continues to be the most translated book from Asia, and its elusive style and challenging wisdom have never ceased to fascinate North Americans. The appeal of this book is echoed in the titles of more than fi fty recent books, such as The Tao of [Winnie the] Pooh, The Tao of Parenting, The Tao of Love and Sex, The Tao of Spycraft, The Tao of

Coaching, The Tao of Sales, and even The Tao of Jesus and The Tao of Islam. Of course, many of these books are Westernized adaptations of vaguely Daoist ideas—The Tao of Golf doesn’t have many authentic Daoist teach- ings to help the author’s game—and bear little resem- blance to the rich Daoist understandings of the Dao. In a different category is the use of Daoism in psychology and psychotherapy, in which Wayne Dyer is the leading fi gure. All this adaptation of Daoism may raise questions in some minds, but it is prob- ably exactly what we should expect—a wide-ranging but wu- wei attempt to tap into the elu- sive, all- encompassing Dao.