religion

6

SEXUALITY OF RELIGIOUS NATIONALISM

Roger Friedland

D eligious nationalism, unlike the capital- Nist market or the democratic state, has the

In the United States, the unifying core of Protestant fundamentalism today is likewise its

organization of sexuality at its center. Religious defense ofthe heterosexual and male-dominated

nationalists give primacy to the family, not to

democracy or the market, as the social space through which society should be conceived and

composed Familial discourse, with its particu- laristic and sexual logic of love and loyalty, is is the family" This is also the message of James pervasive in religious nationalism.

"The family" the Ayatollah Khomeini declared, "is the fundamental unit of society and out the world" Martin Riesebrodt has argued the main center of growth and transcendence for humanity"3 Indeed, if one looks at the politi- caprograms of Islamic movements, there is no

family' For example, Pat Robertson, the founder of the Christian Broadcasting Network, writes, "The basic unit of social, local, national and international organization in God's world order

Dobson's Christian radio empire, Focus on Fam- ily, which reaches 500 million listeners through-

that the defense of the patriarchal family is indeed the core of fundamentalism in general Fundamentalisms track the origins of societal

consistent nt economic policy, nor form of govern- crisis to the erosion of the family3

Modern nationalism was premised on an ment. The two pillars of contemporary Islamicpolitics involve, on the one side, a restrictiveegulation of sexuality, eliminating it as a pub presence and containing it within the family LOn the other side, the promotion of a wel-

abstract individual, all of whom are considered

equivalent members of the nation. As Craig Calhoun has pointed out, modern nationalism

promotes a categorical identity, not the rela-

are state that not only enables families to survive tional identities that predominate in the orga- Pnysically, but also especially to care for thoseorphans and widows in particular, as enjoined

nization of kinship." The enemies of the French Revolution railed against this political ontology this monad-abstract, independent, egoistic,

equal." In the primacy they give to defending

in the Quran--who cannot rely on families for upport' Islamic politics are a politics of love. 113

Fart 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of

Politics

the patriarchal family, religious nationalists rep-

licate the discourse of the Catholic opponents

of the French Revolution that sheared state

cxchange and contract. Its space is the family, governed by relations of cons1l pare substanti ality and caring, not the external, space of geopolitics, the public sphere, market. Religious nationalism is about

instrume nd

authority of divine authorship and undercut

male property prerogatives within the family"

They argued that paternal authority was not

only in the nature of things; it was God given.

The anti-philosophes, as Darrin McMahon has

or the

and homeland.

Algeria's Islamic Salvation Front, which national elections in 1991 but was preventeshown, looked to each father as a monarch in from taking power, made the eliminatio

female employment part of its program. A miniature, whose authority, like that of the king,

should not be subject to revocation by those over whom he was granted dominion. To erode the authority of the patriarch-by instituting civil marriage, legalizing divorce, hemming in

the father's authority over his children's prop-

erty, career, and mate choice-was understood as a figure of and a means for the erosion of the

political authority of the king." If marriage were mere contract, morality and political authority

would be at risk. There should be no possibility of divorce between a people and the sovereign.

it was banned, fundamentalists murdered h ter

hun dreds of Algerian women for wearing Westernclothes, for not wearing a headscarf, for wort. ing side by side with men. The Islamic Salvaton Front promised to impose the death penalt o those who engaged in sexual relations outside marriage. 6

The very first national religious mobiliza tion of the Iranian Islamic forces took place n 1961, after Khomeini spoke at Qum on Ashura the day of atonement, attacking the shah for

having transformed the legal status of women allowing women into the army, the police, and the judiciary, giving them the vote, and over riding Islamic law such that divorce requirad

.

A PATRIARCHAL POLITICS .

Some analysts argue that religious regimes, such as that of lIran or Pakistan, center their attention mutual consent." Iran's 1979 Islamic Revoluton

forbade coeducation, closed down the hild

care centers, and made the veil obligatory-n in government offices and then in every pubue place. Women, of whatever age, had to oDu

permission of their fathers when they naricu

for the first time.

on familial relations because they have failed to

reduce unemployment or redistribute wealth, as

though family politics were a substitute for or sideshow from the real business of state. This is to miss religious nationalism's distinct ontol- Ogy of power-as a moral project that derives

its authority from divine sources and operates through the family as the basis of social order. The state of the family is taken as the primary criterion for the condition of the state. In Juda- ism, Christianity, and Islam, the ability to con- trol sexual desire is understood as a template for one's ability and willingness to obey the law. The elemental agents of religious national-ism are gendered and fleshy men and women, not the abstract individuals ordered through

*****

..

The Egyptian case suggests that it was

ed to Islamic entry into the public sphere

thl

SO much the failures of secular nationalibi

led he modern nationalists' comnitiens

gender equality. "|

Gamal Nasser, who had just come lo po

Opoueris plete as they were, to

mobilize women as full articipants

in he pror result of a coup by the Free

Oticers,

ect to modernize the country. This ue ating im

the Islamists to break with him, ev« 114

Friedland, Sexuality of Religious Nationalism

sharia courts with a unitary secular state court,

mediate response to which was the first assas-

sination attempt by the Muslim Brothers. Sadat's widows are burned alive on the funeral pyre

their repression. In 1954, Nasser supplanted the desire to protect the rights of women per se. At the same time that it has fought against the legal force of Islamic family law, the BJP has fero-

ciously defended the practice of sati, in which

thereby expanding womens legal recourse, the

commitment to improving the legal, economic, with their husbands, has attacked feminism as a and political status of women likewise galva- nized massive Islamic opposition.

pernicious, Westernizing force that undermines the family, and has sought to censor films and

The US fundamentalist embrace of the advertisements that display women's bodies.family is a post-World War II phenomenon. As Margaret Bendroth has shown, during the

nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, con- cern with the tamily was at the center of main-

line Protestantism, a preoccupation that earlier

Christian fundamentalists understood as femi- nized and sentimental.0 The fundamentalists then viewed the veneration of the family as a

diversion from the redemptive tasks at hand. It ture. That role is one of subordination to men. was only with the rise of middle-class divorce

that defense of the family became the central her? "The wife should think that she is paying issue for adherents of the Christian Right and the primal medium through which they sought to reconstruct the social order. The polemical series that today constitutes US fundamentalist discourse is organized almost completely around familial issues: divorce, birth control, abortion,

The BJP, a political party seeking power, depends for the core of its activists and elec- toral support on the RSS, a religious nationalist organization, which has created an alternative civil society, the Sangh parivar. This community espouses a particularly patriarchal worldview.

Basu reports on the books espousing the proper role for Hindu women based on Hindu Scrip-

What should a woman do if her husband beats

her debt to her previous life" replies a religious authority, "and thus her sins are being destroyed and she is becoming pure2 Although the BJP's women's organization has brought women into the streets as part of the Hindu national- ist campaign, the women have played subordi- nate, traditional roles-albeit in a public space. Although the women's organization of the BJP

at variance with the pattern. As Amrita Basu is independent, it has not campaigned against

feminism, homosexuality, and sex education. The case of Hindu nationalism at first seems

notes, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has not oPposed abortion or birth control, nor has it taken particularly conservative positions on adultery or widow remarriage2 The BJP has also been a strong advocate of a universal civil code regarding family matters, a code that gives another dowry: Women more rights than do the corresponding

the physical violence to which Indian women

are routinely exposed, such as dowry deaths-in which husbands and their families murder their wives on the grounds that the dowry was insuf ficient, enabling them to remarry and collect yet

eligious laws. However, a closer look indicates 15 ism as sexist reaction, animated by interests in

It is tempting to interpret religious national that Hindu nationalism likewise is committed to

of Islamic fundamentali the defense of the patriarchal family. The Hindunationalists defense of a uniform civil code was animated by their desire to erode the communal rights of the Islamic community, not by their

masculine privilege. In accounting for the rise

of Islamic fundamentalism in North Africa, Fatima Mernissi, for example, has pointed to

the rapid increase of educated and employed women, who not only compete with men for

115

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of

Politics

the grand ideas of service, self.. limited employment opportunities but are also

able to choose when they marry and to exert -teliance a dedication in the cause of our dear and sacted else, mother needs such

men-young. in ligent, dedicated and more than all vinle an

motherland. . . . Today more than amyhina and

more influence within their families on

account

of the monies they bring home. For men, funda-

mentalism is understood as a way to win

back

money and power; for potential rulers, it is

a

way to reduce unemployment.

Martin Reise-

brodt likewise interprets the emergence of fun-

damentalism in both Iran and the United States

masculine. And such are the men history-men with capital "M"2 mae The Hindu nationalists

.

have transfom the iconography of Ram, underston divine avatar of Vishnu and the originary women have encroached steadily on male pre- sovereign. Hindu nationalists h as a

defense of patriarchalism in a world where

nationalists have ma rogatives, an

encroachment whose weight falls

forcefully on the father inside the family, par

ticularly the sexual regulation of his daughters."

mythic ideal of Ram, the warrior-king celebra in the Ramayana, a Sanskrit epic whose rer ta tion in Hindi makes it accessible to all indians

e

sert patriarchal structural principles in the fam-

ily, the economy, and the state.

Fundamentalism, he argues, is a means to reas- whatever their caste or gender. Speakingof Ram Kapur writes that, traditionally,

the rendition of his body and temper is not for instance, like Shiva or like Krishna. Rant udar, compassionate, benign, and graceful;he is ever-serene and ever-forgiving; he is ever youthful, boyish alm0st, with a conspicuou lack of masculine power; and yet, he is the lond of the universe, the maryada purushotam."

THE MANLY STATE

The defense of male power is certainly involved

here, but religious nationalism is more than a defense of male privilege. Religious national-

ism involves both an outraged assault on the

effeminization of the collective public body and a celebration of its renewed maleness. Hindu

nationalism, for example, repudiates the associa- tion of Indian spiritualism with the feminine and seeks to masculinize its men.2 During the com-the late 1980s, the Hindu nationalists had made munal violence accompanying the politicization of Ram a muscled warrior, his bow drawn, his

of sacred space, Hindu nationalist women often pressed feminine bangles on men who refused to participate in the fighting.2" Hindu national- ists draw on a long tradition of Indian cultural nationalism that looks to the physical disci- pline of men as a technique of creating a strong national subject. M. S. Golwalkar, the leading ideologue of the RSS, wrote the following.

d. n his

mud-t1

R goibe kmght.

Hinli

C nesblty of hnding t

In Tulsidas's Ramcharitmanas, Ram is pae trayed as a generous god, immanent in all Hin-

dus, protected by the monkey god Hanuman. by

haman dut aso,

kRLHIT gTips the ime

image associated with the model of the tempie whose rebuilding in Ayodhya would be prepared

by such ferocious violence.30 This rehiguring on

Ram, of course, was associated with a repudla

tion of the foundational nonviolent, feminine MlALnE anLL the pre

Gandhian civil culture In May 1998, 0 du

of the first actions of the newly elected u

Let us shake off the present-day emasculat- ing notions and become real living men, bub- bling with national pride, living and breathing Rambo,32

nationalist's government was to detonate a nu

ber of nuclear blasts, perceived by Indias

reli

gious nationalists as a emonstration

of Induas

manliness. Ran had been ansmogrihed.

116

Friedland, Sexuality of Religious Nationalism

Likewise US fundamentalists are profoundlv

ed with restoring both the difference

and the esteem of masculinity,

notwithstanding

play in carrying

forward the evangelical and

sible, women are believed to be intellectually and morally weak, sexually dangerous to men, and polluters of sacred spaces. They are for- bidden to interpret sacred texts and preach, or speak, in public.4

concerned

the large role that right-wing

Christian women

fundamentalist political agenda. A brief exam-

ple suffices: Sarah Hinlicky, a Princeton divinity

student, writing in Boundless, a web magazine

for the Christian Righe's Focus on the Family,

describes her visit to a dance club in New York

City's Village. When a drunken man, a stranger,

attempted to grope her, one of her escorts offered

to beat the offender up. She writes as follows.

In US fundamentalist congregations, women predominate numerically but play almost no leadership roles.35 The voice of public authority is masculine.

It is the female body, particularly its public display, that is the most consistent object of fun- damentalist concern. Pointing to the common- alities between Iranian and US fundamentalism,

The punishment hardly fit the crime, so I

declined his offer. But my friend and I were

wildly impressed. Neither of us in our lives had met a guy willing to do that for us.33

Martin Riesebrodt writes that

fundamentalism is particularly occupied with the public display of the female body. In both the United States and Iran its themes

What made it more astounding was that her defender had no romantic entanglement with her, and, in his mid-twenties, he was still a

virgin. Her friends all wanted to meet this emi- nent eligible knight. Hinlicky goes on to argue that premarital sexuality not only robs men of the possibility of finding true love and forming a family, but also,

are the immoral dress of women in pub- lic, the creation of a uniform type of decent women's clothing (veiling, national costume), the stimulation of male sexuality by women

(dress, films, theatre, swimming pools), and unsupervised contact between the sexes and opportunities for meeting (dance halls, swim-

ming pools, coeducation).36

Sexuality grips the imagination so because life and death are wrapped up in it. Rightly ful- nlled, it creates humanity in both the lovers and their children. Abused, it kills not only physically but spiritually as well.

The public status of women's bodies appears to be a critical site and source for religious nationalist political mobilization. "Refusal to

wear the veil" declared the Ayatollah Khomeini, "is against the law of God and the Prophet, and a material and moral aftront to the entire Religious fundamentalists build the publicasculine and the private fenminine body. Ries-ebrodt and Chong write as follows.

in legalistic-literalist fundamentalism, womenend to be seen as less qualified religiously than en and, at the same time, are prevented from achieving religious qualification by circular,m1sogynist gender ideology. Where men are Seen as heroic, rational, moral, and respon

country"37 That religious nationalists concentrate their

energies on the female body is not, as Karen Brown has argued, a search "to control the fear- some mute power of flesh" for which women

operate as projective screens and metonymic

carriers.3 Sexual desire is integral to power, a relation that social theorists have either erased

or instrumentalized." It is the organization of

117

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of Politics

support for religious nationalism. Women the erotic, not its erasure, that is at issue in reli- find fundamentali compelling- -and not jus because of the corrosive powers of unboundflesh. In the United States, for instance, both

gious nationalist movements.40

The remasking of the female body is not just

imposed by men, but it is also chosen by women.

This is particularly the case in countries whose evangelicalism and fundamentalism draw d. citizens follow Islam, a religion that understands proportionately from women, not from men

womens sexuality, their desire, as particularly

disruptive." In Turkey for example, women actively participated in the struggle against after the revolution, they delivered their suppon the government, which had prohibited Turk-

ish women students from wearing the Islamic headscarf" likewise in Iran." Donning Islamic transition." Women responded to Khomeinis

dress, for instance, as Nikki Keddie has noted, enables women to garner more respect from men in public places; it enables them to maneu-

ver better, and it prevents sexual harassment. Religious nationalist movements also create new

public spaces-associations, organizations- where women can operate outside the purview

of their parents and their husbands.5 When reli- a post-Khomeini wave of mobilization by gious nationalist women participate in religious women, not only at the polls but also for elected

nationalist politics, moving into public space, office, these women are pushing for social, civil,

they do so in a way that preserves both gender and political equalities within the framework of

segregation and hierarchy. Amrita Basu notes, an Islamic republic. Not patriarchal power but a for examples, that women were very active in moralized family order appears still to organize the campaign to "liberate" Ayodhya from the their claims. It is the primacy of the family that

Muslims, but they did so in a way that reenacted has allowed them to promote birth control and women's traditional roles in the public sphere. Women sent the male activists off to battle with

In Iran, women were major public supporters of Khomeini in his struggle against the shah, 2nd

in the national referendum that secured cleri cal power over the technocrats managing the

call to strengthen the nation by giving birth to

an average of seven children between 1979 and 1986, causing the population to jump from 34

million to over 50 million." Khomeini himself who never disenfranchised women after tak

ing power, actually praised their primary role. Indeed, the evidence so far indicates that despite

Inin

to obtain more flexible working hours for motn-

ers and wives. food, placed vermilion tilaks on their foreheads, surrounded the men to prevent them from being physically attacked by Indian soldiers. Speaking of women's activism, she writes, "Their experi ence of self-affirmation through self-sacrifice and their empowerment through public activ-

Women are attracted by the primacy tna relgious nationalists give to the family, its al mation of male familial obligations as a religous

duty, and to the language of love. The relig ha-

nationalist community also offers a mec

nism of social control of men, something that

ism... ultimately renewed their commitment to becomes increasingly important as t the eyes,circulate the domestic roles"o ulate

nvitations, and the opprobrium that cir

in extended families and Male reaction alone, however, cannot

hoods attenuate with geographic migration the

rising incidence of divorce, and the investnm ment

long-lived ighbor-

explain religious nationalism's commitment to the patriarchal family. Women, too, find fun- damentalism compelling. It is arguable that having of social energy in friendship networks

nothing to do with kinship. women, in fact, have been a hidden source of

118

Friedland, Sexuality of Religious Nationalism

Religious nationalists do not seek a return the individuals of which it is composed. What

extended networks of kin loyalties, but to the representation refers to the way societies sym- to the premodern amilial structure, with its is the nature of the national body? Collective

bourgeois nuclear family. As Lila Abu-Lughod

notes in the case of Egyptian Islamists, it is their

idealization of a nuclear family grounded in love, is true whether the collective representation is

an imported Western middle-class notion, that a god or a parliament. Collective representa-

bolize their existence, the way the social takes symbolic form, the making of a metaphor. This

attracts so many Egyptian women to the move- tion is located in the public sphere. Men have ment Women turn to fundamentalism in hopes historically dominated the public sphere, their

of finding men who will be good fathers and good bodies massed, displayed, and sacrificed, as the husbands, provide for their families, remain with primary medium and content of collective rep-

their wives, and contain their sexuality within the family Female entry into the labor market,

mass secular education, the geographic erosion

of extended family life and communal social con- trol, and the eroticization of mass culture have all public sphere has been sexed, a masculine space,

variously created opportunities and constraints that have strained the familial contract.

resentation, the way a collectivity exhibits itself to itself and to the world. The public sphere is

the locus of the law, where rules binding on all

are formulated and enforced. For millennia, the

a space for male bodies.

The public sphere was first defined by its difference from the domestic, a private space identified as feminine, associated with the fleshy motherly matter of reproduction. The property of being a male, of thence of being a subject,

and the will to discipline their children, as well someone who did something, was dependent on the fact of owning the reproductive powers of women. Male subjectivity, in other words, was

damentalist women in the United States, the historically constituted through the ownership of women's bodies, bodies housed as and in the

In the United States, although fundamental-

ist Christianity typically endorses wifelysubmis sion to her husband, it also sacralizes women's role as mothers, who have the time to care for

as the passion to keep their husbands. As Linda

Kintz discovered in her sojourn among fun-

chance to occupy the sacred status of mother hood was, for many, a refuge from the uncer tainty and constant threat of worthlessness they faced in the market.2 Even though men from

property of men, both of those properties-the woman's body and the house-dependent on a

law, a nomos, defined outside the household, a the Christian Right dominate the antiabortion law that originates in the public sphere, in mas-

culine territory. The house emerges as a bounded provided the bulk of its popular support. These space for the institution of marriage, as a means to

women look to the movement as an integral part protect a father's genealogical claims, his line, by

movement in the United States, women have

isolating the women whose reproductive powers are his property.5" It is through the construction

of houses as private property, houses that house

the reproductive powers of women, that men

were constituted as public beings, social sub-

jects, who control nature first by controlling the

procreative powers of women. ln other words,

men are made into subjects, agents capable of

of their affirmation of a sexuality that has been domesticated by monogamous marriage and 8endered family roles."

THE COUNTRY's BODY

The nation is understood by the people as a DOdy, a super corpus that is homologous with

119

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of Politics

both in the modern and the ancient state is known through socially recognized action, by making women

into objects whom they exchange between them,

the exchange of women being the first econ omy, a commerce in sexual rights. Being a man depended on the right to have women.

To forge a modern nation, the state depends

on an abstract space, upon the bland fact of resi- dence, mere location, to build a universal citizen

world a its boundaries, through

the continuous territory that it controls, by its for capacity to regulate the conditions A woman's bodily purity and state sovere are thus parallel symboli orders. In absolutir Europe, with its celebration of iolence as prerogative of the prince, pictorial, sculp'

entry

the and literary renderings of the rape of WOma

transcending other group loyalties. Modern citi- zenship depends on the empty space of the state. Religious nationalism fills that space, the joining of God to the territorial nation, the fusion of two

laces were regularly incorporated into the nala.and the ritual spaces of rule as

representations collective representations, a couplet of spirit and matter, a male force joined to a female territorial

body55 If religious nationalism is a way to mark the

land, to defend or redefine a nation's boundar-

of their success in the subjugation of territory For example, Federigo Gonzagas Palazzo del Tel in Mantua is chock-full of rape scenes, includ.ing Vasari's Jupiter's Rape of Europa, to com- memorate Duke Cosimo de Medici's conquestof Piombino and the establishment of a naval

ies, we might interpret religious nationalisms base on Elba. In 1583, Francesco de Medici placed Giovanni da Bologna's Rape of the Sabine obsessive control of women's bodies as a paral-

lel figuration, the policing of a bodily frontier3 in the Piazza della Signoria as a monument to Clothing, controlling, and sequestering the the Medici's success in subjugating both the citi

zen and the subject territories of Florence. The

violent appropriation of female flesh was under stood as the analogue to the territorial conquest

female body, taking it out of the sites of collective

representation, religious nationalists reassert the maleness of the public body and the femaleness of the territory-as a loved body that must be

maintained inviolate, a perpetual possession. Men are to rule both the little house and the big house. In the cosmology of religious national-

The Rap=

B0logna ustoryof territory. RomanIndian nationalists have always understood

the nation as the body of a woman, typicaly the neg

rape m= Bharat Mata, or "mother India." The secular

prevaler ism, the nation has two bodies, one political, the nationalist Jawaharlal Nehru sought to redres second, territorial. Religious nationalists seek to this village woman, to "give her as he note

the garb of modernity60 For Gandhi, "mother

India was a barefoot widow, a renunciane

The Hindu nationalists understand India as

"

woman who requires protection from her vu

ile sons.1 One of the few leading women

n

nationalist movement Sadhvi

Ritambakh

conjures the Islamic dismembern

of lndia

his sct Ble, der Into th

regender these two bodies as male and female, respectively. Theirs is a sexualized politics and a politicized sexuality. Manliness is known by one's capacity to compete for, to penetrate, and to possess the bodies of women. Woman's vagina is, of course, the ultimate sacred space in sexual cosmogony, that which must not be violated,

COnsid-

UWe Hindu

itual an eroticized template for other divisions. But as rape. "In Kashmir," she

eclared, "the

of the Hindu

va was a minority and was

hounded out of the

vah

ley. Slogans of 'Long live Pakistan'

were carv carvedthe estimation of manliness is not validated by

women, but by other men.57

Woman's body as a token of national ter- ritoriality is common in nationalist discourse,

Hindu

with red-hot irons on the thighs of our

1aughters."62 Hindu nationalists

have ridden

to

120

Friedland, Sexuality of Religious Nationalism

widely during these communal confrontation, as do stories of decapitation and the poisoning of food In the Hindu nationalist imaginary, one of the things that makes Muslims a national threat is, in fact, their food habits, most impor tantly that they eat beef. Not only is the con- sumption of beef believed to be polluting, but, since the late nineteenth century, the cow, the

gau mata or "mother cow"' has been understood

symbol of the nation. The Muslim, then, lit-

pur) NODT

atinn erally eats mother India. Sumathi Ramaswamy shows how the

struggle between India and the would-be Tamil nation has been played out as battle of two vir ginal mothers, one, Bharata Mata, originating in Bengal, representing India, and the other, Tamilttay, "Tamil mother, representing the non- Brahmanical Tamil nation.5 Tamil patriots expe- rience an erotic longing for this virginal mother.

In a typical expression, Mudiyarason, a popular Dravidian poet, declares: "If you reject me, how can I endure this life? Is it not your sweet passion that drives me crazy?" As Ramaswamy points out, the virgin quality of these fecund female col

history of Rome in which the first generation of lective representations is meant to stand for the Roman men acquired wives for themselves from inviolability of the language and the land. And,

indeed, violent struggles between the Tamil- and rape means abduction-raptio-rather than its Hindi-speaking communities coincided with

images of the body of Tamilttay on the verge

of being disrobed, dishonored. The unfulfilled and unfulfillable eroticization of the relation

"tory delT Nclud

COm

nques nar

ledii Sabine ent to

The Rape of the Sabine Women by Giovanni da

Bologna represents an episode in the legendary inder

quest

stood

ical the neighboring Sabine families. (In this context,

ecular prevalent modern meaning of sexual violation.) This sculpture, carved from a single block of mar- ble, depicts three figures (a man lijfting a woman

dres

oted

into the air while a second man crouches) and is between male nationalist and the national fig- ure is thus displaced into actual Tamil women, who are understood to be embodiments of this

Cian considered Bologna's masterpiece.

as

untouchable nation.n the power through politicizing the communal divi- Sexual desire for the nation's territorial Sions between Muslims and Hindus by staging body courses through the symbolism of Hindu Controntations over sacred space The nationalism as well. Uma Barati was one of the Muslim as a rapist of Indian woman is integral to

nda

few, and certainly the most prominent, women the

nationalist imaginary and was indeed leaders of Hindu nationalism, a movement that integral to the formation of the women's organi abhors India's partition and fears any further zation of the RSS. Stories of gang rape circulate dismemberment of India. In 1992, Uma Barati

Tved

121

Part 1Religion and Culture in

the Space of Politics

But Uma Barati is an eroti. figure. Therean exquisite sexual tensior in the stories that she

the cbestofP

9), Kabin 2

PO chiet ás

led masses of men in the movement to destroy

the Babri Masjid mosque where, they believe,

Ram was born. In one of her speeches, as that

struggle moved to its violent climax, Uma

Barati declared, "In this country for forty-four

years we have been robbed, beaten. ... People

who think that Hindus were weak, impotent,

always a slave, this is an illusion. . . . Just to

maintain the spirit of brotherhood we cut the

organs of our own mother. You have divided

the country yet you are not sitting in peace. You

could not understand with talk-now you will

tells her followers. The river of which she embodiment is a goddess is an who loses in love and Uma Barati herself will hover which she is named, on the eve of the

massingof men to take back Ayodhya, the birthpla o

becomes celibate.

ceding of te

Covenantedta h 1994

on the brink of marriage. But, like the riv

oNer a huge<

the king, who had been exiled from his wife Sit Uma Barati also takes the vows of renunciatiom Perhaps a semiotic logic joins these two acts Ram has not yet returned. One must wait.

For this woman, wh0, as a girl, fashioned Siva linga, or phalluses, out of mud and worshiped them, a woman whose destiny was revealed and put in motion at the moment of a wedding pro- cession passing through Dunda, where as a sit. year-old girl she corrected a Brahmin who could not remember a verse in the Ramcharitmanas, in the way she talks of India, she is penetrated by Ram. "Everywhere there is Ram. So just grb him. Grab his name. Fill yourself with him. Uma Barati, as she seeks to represent the body of India, reerotizes that body as a woman who must be husbanded and loved properly by strong men. Millions of men hang on her every wor.

Women, however, largely ignore her. This same ancient identification of female

body with national territory in the ancien World, in this case of the Israelites movn under the guidance of Moses from bgyp the promised land, provided the warrant

SCOres ot M

Labor govera

of removing

devout docto

Hebron. It s

understand with kicks. So let the bloodshed Cwo thousan take place7

As Katherine Komenda has shown, Uma

Barati, a low-caste woman, the child of a landed

to unity the-

the city in

matriarchs

widow, works the semiotics of the land, identify- ing her body with the body of the nation, with a river, the Narmada, a goddess who fell in love with another river, the Sombhadra, who refused

pushed. Am

es teritori

toreigners,

minister ou to marry her. Uma Barati claims that her mother, well on in years, realized that she was pregnant when she was making the ritual circumambu- lation of Narmada. Uma Barati remembers her

Amir

assassinati

caly the t

mother's realization: "Now I am pregnant with Narmada in my womb. She is coming now. I am pregnant with the Narmada River. She is com- ing as my daughter" Komenda analyzes the Uma Barati's narrative like this:

explains tt ng the m the worsh.

and tertili

Whil By ascribing to herself goddess status, she informs us that this memory, this telling of her life has a sacred dimension and that it is con-

to pla

hese

nected to the stories associated with a sacred contemporary Jewish nationalist violence.ir flesh of its women represents the territoriality o

wants the listeners to know that from the very is a figure for a foreign country, for the

danger

their dow

river that are enshrined in the memories of the Baal

devotees of Narmada as a river goddess. She kind men

a nation, in this case the flesh of foreign won

body alone but with the body of a nation,a the theological basis for the first assassinatio of

start of her life she stands not for herself but for a collectivity; she is not identified with her enihed with her session. In our day, this identification rovidedbut of exile, for the prospect of perfidious

ispos

nation which coalesces through the threads of sacred narratives spun out through the memo ries of its people. an Israeli Prime Minister. In

1995, a

devout Jewish nationalist, Yigal Ami, pumped

two high-velocity, hollow-point bullets thro

wOTmen 122

Friedland, Sexuality of Religious Nationalism

the chest of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. In in plain view, the prospect of intermarriage

was

1993, Rabin had signed the Oslo Accords with

PLO chief, Yasser Arafat, accords that led to the

ceding of territory and ultimately sovereignty authorization, took up a spear

and killed both

over a huge chunk of the lands that God had

covenanted to the Jewish people 8

In 1994, after Dr. Baruch Goldstein, a

devout doctor from Kiryat Arba, had murdered the plague with which he is punishing

the people

scores of Muslims as they prayed in Hebron, the

Labor government seriously broached the idea

of removing Jewish settlers from the center of

Hebron. It was from this city that King David, only forgave the act but also rewarded it, for Pin

two thousand years ago, had launched his drive

to unify the twelve tribes under his leadership

the city in which the originary patriarchs and

matriarchs of Israel are buried. This prospect

pushed Amir into action. Seeking to defend Isra-

el's territorial body, to prevent it being passed to

foreigners, Yigal Amir killed the Jewish prime

evident. Pinchas (Phinehas), without obtaining legal

the Israelite man and the Midianite woman. To

kill a Jew without authorization by a judicial

process violates the Torah. Yet here, God stops

and makes of Pinchass line a "perpetual priest hood" The Talmud records that, even though

the elders condemned Pinchas's act, God not

chas "was zealous for my sake among them." It

is significant, I think, that it is immediately after

this moment, this punished penetration of a for

eign woman, that God directs Moses to take a

census of the "congregation" to divide the cov-

enanted lands.

Just before assassinating the prime minister, a man who would give the land of Israel to for

Amir found the biblical rationale for his eigners, Yigal Amir read precisely this passage.

assassination in the book of Numbers, specifi- In Amirs view, one is obligated to kill a Jew who

would give up his country in the same way that Pinchas killed a Jew who, moving homeward,

chose to enter the body of a foreign woman. The import for religious nationalists of

women's bodies as symbolic figures for the prop-

erty over which the state, and the patriarchs who

represent it, claim sovereignty is apparent in

the Shah Bano case, which exploded in India in

1985. This contest, a contlict over the primacy of

Islamic personal law as opposed to lndian civil

law, was a site of intense emotional and political

interest in India. In 1975, Shah Bano, the Mus

lim daughter of an lndian police constable, was

God instructs Moses to have the judges divorced by her husband of forty years, who, by

slay those men who have "yoked themselves to uttering the performative ('l divorce you") three

minister out of love for God.

cally the twenty-fifth chapter, in which the text

explains that Moabite women were sexually lur

ing the men of Israel into idolatrous rites, into

the worship of Baal, the Canaanite god of storm

and fertility.

While Israel dwelt in Shittim the people began to play the harlot with the daughters of Moab.

These invited the people to the sacrifices of their gods, and the people ate, and bowed

down to their gods. So Israel yoked himself to

Baal of Peor. And the anger of the Lord was

kindled against Israel. (Num. 25:1-3)

Baal" While this was transpiring, an lsraelite

man, a certain Zimri, brought one of the foreign Women, a Midianite named Cozbi, to his fam- or skill

to survive." Shah Bano appealed to uni-

ily in the sight of Moses and the community. Whether or not he actually made love with her

times, repaid her dowry and ejected her from

her home without sutficient nmonetary nmeans

fied Indian criminal law, as opposed to particu- laristic Muslim personal law, and, in 1985, the

123

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of Politics

Indian Supreme Court finally confirmed her women is joined symbolicallu to the munity's outrage that this violated the force of en's bodies, territory is e configured Controla

as the natins This legal contest between Indian civil law Throughout the 1990s, the Turkish state, t

right to alimony-over the Indian Islamic com- territory. Through nationalist control of wo Islamic family law, which also operated under

the authority of the Indian state. other natural material body4The Turkish case is also

itlustralive and Islamic personal law polarized India, creat- Islamic state to create a secular constitutic ing a huge rift between Hindus and Muslims, a faced both a growing Islamic political challchalengeand a territorial challenge from the Kurds c rift politicized by the Hindu nationalists. The Shah Bano case, which generated unprecedented press coverage, coincided with a material threat to "Mother India," Indira Gandhi having just been assassinated by Sikh separatists. This strug- gle over the right of a Muslim man to control

centrated in southeastern Turkey, bordering) and Iran. The Islamic offensive has been fough Con

ng raq

R

over the bodies of women, with the governmed forbidding young women from wearing headt. carves to school, a normative sign of modest given the erotic associations of female hair. With some measure of state complicity, and with In nian backing, the violent wing of an lslamit militant group, naming itself Hizbullah, whose

ment

Muslim women in dehance of the Indian state set the stage for the Hindu nationalist drive, which began immediately thereafter, to eject the Muslims from Ayodhya.72

The political, as opposed to legal, conse- quences of the Shah Bano case were equally

goal is to create an Islamic republic in Turkey unleashed a reign of terror against the folow important to the mobilization of Hindu nation- ers of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). The alism. In the wake of the court's finding in favor Hizbullah are believed responsible for up to two of Shah Bano, the congress government of Rajiv thousand unsolved murders over this periodGandhi, to secure electoral support from Indias particularly those of Kurdish businessmen who were kidnapped and tortured to death. The violent Islamists not only targeted Kurds and

enormous Islamic community, introduced leg- islation that exempted Muslim women from Indian law regarding their rights to support in separatists, in particular, but they also directed the event of divorce. The Hindu nationalists saw, their violence against Muslim women who cha among other things, that political pressure by a lenged the gender divisions that they believe ae

inscribed in the Quran. In January 200, amang the graves of the tortured Kurdish bodies, the

police discovered the body of Konca Kuris,onk of those rare feminist Islamists who had aug that the QQur neither requires that ho

women

L mobilized religious community could force the Indian government to retreat from its secular universalist commitments. The very next year, in 1987, the Hindu nationalist movement mobi- lized around the defense of the sati, the immola-tion of a widow on her husband's funeral pyre,in this case, an eighteen-year-old bride, Roop Kanwar." Although this traditional practice s illegal, Hindu nationalists sprang to its defense as something that represented classical Hindu

cover their heads nor that men and women.

be separated physically in schools."

The case of gypt illustrates the way

o the

which Islamists joined women's entry public sphere with the limited territoral practice, to be cherished and preserved. In their of the state. Prestdetnt for, his c

Vilthed

Of the state. President Anwar Sadat was mpow individuality and their contrapuntal association, by, and ultimately ass lges

make

by, and ultimately assassinated to, his cu

CTent ot women and his willingnes

we again see the way in which the control of 124

Friedland, Sexuality of Religious Nationalism

a result of the Civil War, and, for the second, as with Israel. thereby relingquishing

the terri- eacewith.

a result of unprecedented immigration, and per haps, one could argue, as a result of the defeat of

the US military in Vietnam. (Eric Rudolph, the

reputed abortion bomber, who also hit the 1996 Atlantic Olympics for having refused to allow its torch to pass through a North Carolina county that had passed an ordinance against "sodomy was also motivated by a hatred of what he called

Om torially

bitions of Nasser's Arab nationalism. 1978-1979, one legal Two events occurred

and domestic, the other diplomatic. Students of

Sadat's assassination tend to center their atten-

tion on the second, not the first event. It is their

coincidence that inferests us here. The year 1979

saw the passage of the "Personal Status Laws"

providing women with various legal protections

in their conjugal relations, including the right "atheistic internationalism.") I venture that it

to initiate divorce, as well as a law guaranteeing

women thirty seats in parliament. This was the

same period when Sadat secured the passage of

in

nag

is their appropriation of the body as a collec-

tive representation that accounts for the fact that Protestant opponents of abortion, who defend

ht ent

s-

the Camp David accords with Israel, in which their stance by "the right to life" also support the the Egyptians abdicated their responsibility

to right to bear arms and oppose gun control." It

press Palestinian claims, becoming the first Arab also makes sense of the fact that abortion was

nation to make peace with Israel, and this while

Israel asserted its unique sovereignty over Jeru-

salem. In the eyes of Sadae's opponents, these

two were of a piece. The Islamists, who shortly

thereafter assassinated him, fought both to

reverse women's legal and political advance and

to reverse the peace, cold as it was, with Israel.76

And finally, US fundamentalist hostility to controlled and cordoned off by men. To be a

abortion can be read in terms of this same cou- man is to be able to protect ones woman from

pling of female flesh and national territory" Jane unwanted penetration. Possession and property

De Hart shows the discursive parallels between two eforts to criminalize abortion in the United

h

not a fundamentalist issue until the late 1970s."

Control over the bodies of women easily assimilates to nationalist discourse. The word

nation derives etymologically from natio and

natus, birth and born, respectively. Nations are

living creatures, collective subjects. They are drawn out of female flesh, flesh that must be

NO

0

d are marked by the ability to monopolize that

sexualized sacred space.

States, one between 1840 and 1880 and the other after 1973, and the historic Roe v. Wade decision THE SUBJECT OF SEXx of that year. In both, abortion was targeted as a

threat to the family and to the nation. In both, the woman was linguistically reduced to a "con- tainer, not a person with civil rights enabling her to control her body as her property, but an inCu- bator, nurturant ground in which grows a sepa

That religious nationalists celebrate patriarchal

authority and sequester and subordinate the

feminine is more than a reactionary reassertion of male privileges in a world that has been newly

flooded by female participation in the labur

Tate living being. Although the agents attacking force and the political stage, although it is that as

abortion were divergent-professional doctors well. In their struggle to restore the tamily, hier-

n the first case, Christian fundamentalists in the arch Llizel semiotic code, « second-it is striking that, in both, the boundar Es of the nation-state, its territorial integrity, and S raclal purity were at risk, for the first time, as

archical gender divisions should also be under-

stood as part of a sexualized semiotic code, one

that seeks to regulate both the tormation of self

and society, individual and collective subjects.

125

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of Politics

The struggle to reassert the institutional divi-

sion between masculine and feminine spheres, between man and woman, is also a medium to

not simply to nstitute the but also a way for men to reconstitute way

colleciv the siB Religious nationalism Aourisha ject itself.refigure the self.

It is the father-who wields that first life- a world where not only do the fathers wordy

shes in increasingly fail to signify, where transformation undercuts paternal autho but also where agency itself i

econome and-death power-to whose authority we must first submit. His is the originary model of sov-

ereignty. The father-centered family is the pri- mordial ethical monist world to which religious nationalists would have us return. In that the father is the first authority, the sovereign of a total state, the one whose rule relied overwhelm-

f is at stake. Mat Juergensmeyer traces the rise of fundamenta ism to a situation wher "male-gendered role Mark

in general are challenged that denies agency to individuals" leading to defense of what are perceived to be traditional

by a public order plaunas tetver

male roles.83

Individuality has a sexual constitution. In a mothered world, boys and girls, NanoyChodorow has taught us, learn to individa. ate differentlys Whereas boys must reject the feminine to arrive at their gendered selves,gits need not. If religious nationalism is understood as a social movement seeking to reestablih agency for men, and not simply as a movement

to reestablish male hegemony, the strugle to fortify the binary of gender and to cleanse the

public sphere sexually takes on a supplemen- tal meaning, an effort to create a world where men can be subjects, a subjectivity to which a

ingly on his voice, the celebration of patriarchy

cannot be understood simply as a sexist back- wash but also as an effort to construct authority, to combat a situation in which powers abound

without the words that would make them make

undtar alA

sense, and desperate and longing words prolifer- ate without any power at all. Capital acts with-

out speaking and social solidarities cannot find

voice. The obedience granted by children and

wives and the solidarity of which it is a part offer

BTINICAIlt;

Ceicr pons to

trtin miltiean alternative model of social order to market-

place competition or democratic conflict. Men and women both learn the sense of

hsine, Sheik

subjectivity and of authority through their pro duction and orchestration in the family. This distinctive masculinity is essential. So, too, are involves, as Pierre Bourdieu and Sigmund Freud other men. have both insisted, a process of embodiment, a forgotten history of corporeal mimesis, leaving in its wake an unconscious habitus. Habitus is produced in a gendered habitat, a sexualized

corporeal scene. In the prototypical family, mother love is body talk through the nurturant medium of the mothers bodies working on the bodies of their children, whereas fathers choreo-

Collective representation, a making of syne

bols, originates outside of the realm ofindividual

body-making, the domain of sexual reprodk tion, of wombs and breast milk, of

women a children. Collective representation, the tabrtu

ion of collective bodies, has historically ben

conducted exclusively and then dominatl y

men. Although they are no less maleraluy

Sequential, men populate the world

with n bud

graph their children primarily through words, signs that are often backed by the threat of vio- lence. The family is constituted by the mothers body and the father's word.

The celebration of the male and the expul- sion of the female from the public body is a

symbols; women do so with their living

s the ies. Certainly the sexuality of the

female bou

sex of male body:relevant to their roduction

IS relevant to their production of humlali

symbols? We shall see. 126

Friedland, Sexuality of Religious Nationalism

gendered self depends on a disavowed, yet inter nalized, object, namely the body of the same-sex

THE HOMOSOCIAL COMPACT

Collective representation is the translation of parent. A boy's identification with his father, she

society into a symbol. Complex societies have

heen most commonly symbolized as a body pol- and the desire, and so embodies the grieved

itic. Not only do men speak in the name of the loss of the homosexual cathexis." In this logic,

writes, "contains within it both the prohibition

collectivity, but the collectivity is also typically

located in and symbolized as a male body

kings, emperors, sultans. Men represent the

collectivity. Is this, as feminists claim, a matter of

relations between men and women, of protect

ing arbitrary male powers and privileges against

the claims of women? Or is there something

between men that animates the logic of collec-

men want the femininity they can never be and

want to be the masculinity they can never have.

Becoming a man, learning heterosexual desire,

requires that one prohibit the feminine within. The constitution of the self involves both a con-

structed gender and sexuality, exclusively male

or female, exclusively heterosexual.

Masculine, as well as feminine, identifica- tion and desire are both haunted by homosexual

desire. "In a man,' Butler writes, "the terror of tive representation?

It is striking that religious nationalists coun-

ter the feminine heterosexual "other with male

homosociality, the lures of sexualized women with the solidarities of men. Religious nation-

alism is typically centered on energetic, diffuse,

indeed, erotic forms of male bonding. Juergens-

meyer points to the male-bonded center of the Christian militia in the United States, Hamas in failure leads both to homoerotic terror and

Palestine, Sheik Omar Abdul Rahman's Islamic Party in Egypt, the Afghani Taliban, the Sikh decomposing within this structure, it would not Khalistani movement in the Punjab, and the Hindu Nationalist Rashtriya Swyamsevak Sangh (RSS) in India.6 The RSS was organized around

refashioned akhara, wrestling pits for young from both the social and the individual body"

homosexual desire may lead to a terror of being construed as feminine, feminized, of no longer being properly a man, of being a failed' man, or being in some sense a igure of monstrosity or abjection. But perhaps it also operates the

other way around, that the sense of masculine

desire. If the self is under assault, endangered,

be surprising for homosexuality to emerge both

as problem and solution, a solution that must

be ultimately disavowed, discharged, expelled

men, called shakha, where its cadre of boys and young men are daily trained, physically disci- energies that make it pulse, stands as a well

plined, and develop lifelong male solidarities." Sikh militants speak of being joined together in a "bond of love." Religious nationalism is a homosocial affair. The homoerotic hovers in

In other words, homosociality, and the erotic

the homosocial world as a dangerous and unac knowledged desire.

In Ego and the ld, Freud argues that the selt, tne ego, is first constructed as a bodily form,

through the surface of an imagined human morphology, the image of a sexed body" Judith butler contends that the accomplishment of the

out of which to reconstruct manhood, to place women apart, to reenact Freud's mythic primal

scene. One returns to men for the energy to be a man, to be a self, which is the same thing; each

helps fabricate a male collective representation,

a collection of male bodies, in order to be rep-

resented as a man. In the company of brothers, one has and is a man. Religious nationalisnm

reeroticizes the public sphere as a masculine

space, restores the male as the body language

of agency.

127

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of Politics

These sexual politics were there at the birth grounded in a fierce, unshakable love sovereignty olves and one is reborn thre

of God, eliever's self-sufici e submission in which the of the modern demos. The religious nationalists

recapitulate the original republican imaginary.

Jean-lacques Rousseau, the foundational fabri- cator of the "general will," likewise stripped the

public sphere of women, made citizenship into a masculine performance. For Rousseau, men's

political relation to the state is founded not on reason, but on love. "The authority the populace accords to those it loves and by it is loved," he

wrote in Discourse on Political Economy, "is a

hundred times more absolute than all the tyr-

anny of usurpers." Rousseau made it clear that homosocial love had to be purged of the homo-

ual." In his unpublished Le Levite dEphraim,

Rousseau took Ephraims story from Judges that as these.

takes place before Israelite kingship as a parable Erotic love is the originary experienceofan

for his own republican drama. In the story, it is

the lust of the men of the tribe of Benjamin for

Ephraim and then their subsequent rape and murder of his concubine that sets in motion a

hcient movements

a relation to a supreme Other, These mw are modern in that they put primacy on t macy on the indi. vidual, on his or her relationship to God a tionship that has the capacity to transce a rela-

nscend class and hnic division, that even supersedes the intimate

demands of kinship. They promote an intin faith, a faith beyond creed, faith in a God who is present in the members' lives and who makesthat life sacred. Although there is considerable historical variation in the primacy of politics in these movements, the premise is that one can win and build a new polis from individuals such

FOR FO

kt renar tug

intimate relationship with another, who givesyou to yourself only on condition that you risk your self, that you cede your ego, at first not knowing whom you love or who you will be as you love and are loved. As Jean-Luc Marion has pointed out, one only knows oneself in allowing oneslf

murderous civil war. The homoerotic threatens

the homosocial logic of friendship, centralized political authority being a solution to politically to be vulnerable to the other, not through bodies

divisive homoerotic forces. observed and penetrated, but through the giving of a flesh that allows itself to be affected." FleshAnd indeed the French Revolution begins

in 1789 with bourgeois men massed on a tennis

court, each with one arm grasping the man next

to him and the other raised in ritual oath, break-

individualizes me in relation, not as a sovereign

gaway from the Estates General, an institution

for the collective representation of the domi-

nant strata of French society, to speak for a new

France, a new democratic body politic, a demos.

European democracy is launched in a touching

ego. Through the flesh-beyond language and reason-love requires one's passivity, one's lack,

ones vulnerability. Love depends on a taith win

out reason in the presence of the other, the other

to whom one is given and who gives hersell. t

depends on the gap between a me and a you t

can never be crossed, transcended, tused. One

might even argue that the divine is a figure

r

the phenomenology of this love, tor an c

male scene.

Whout which we would tind lite

not wun

Ving, one, indeed, for which we are willng

bul

thal

THE STATE OF LOVE

Religious nationalists are preoccupied with the erotic. This preoccupation is also driven, I sus

give our lives. Perhaps I have gone

pect, by the affinity between love and divinity. those who seek to radicalize an dividualhce

he parallels suggest that we should expe

One's faith, for which one is willing to die, is ntiate relationship with God woukd 128

Friedland, Sexuality of Religious Nationalism

f. erotic lives apart, to

make their Modern India. Princeton: Princeton Univer-

eek to set their

love sacred, to

ground it in a relation to divin-

sity Press, 1999.

ity. And we

should

sometimes are willing to

die and indeed to mur-

der to defend that love,

that exceptional force.

Rethinking religious violence pushes us to think

of love as a political force, to explore and critique

not be surprised that they Hawley, John Stratton, ed.

Fundamentalism and

Gender. New York: Oxford University Press,

1994.

Juergensmeyer, Mark. Terror in the Mind of God:

The Global Rise of Religious Violence. Berke-

ley: University of California Press, 1999.

ntima the sex of our

states.

maks Lawrence, Bruce B. Shattering

the Myth: Islam

Beyond Violence. Princeton: Princeton Uni-

versity Press, 1998.derade FOR FURTHER READINNG

jifticsa ne ca Becker, Penny Edgell.

Congregations in Conflict: Riesebrodt, Martin. Pious Passion: The

Emer

Cultural Models of Local Religious Life. New

York: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

gence of Modern Fundamentalism in the

United States and Iran. Berkeley: University

of California Press, 1993.

Calhoun, Craig. Nationalism. Minneapolis: Uni-

versity of Minnesota Press, 1997.Nesyou

youI OWing

Sprinzak, Ehud. Brother against Brother. New

York: Free Press, 1999.

Hansen, Thomas Blom. The Saffron Wave:

Democracy and Hindu Nationalism

in

u love ointel neser

bodis giving

Flesh

erein and

lac WIU

other

sellt Lhat

Ont

re or

XCES

arth

Lthal

Zea

WIBE

129