Week 5 assignment

3.1 Culture and Communication

We are often unaware or not fully conscious of how culture influences our behavior and co mmunication, but it infuses almost every aspect of our lives. Culture influences how we dre ss, how we act, what and when we eat, what and when we celebrate, how we raise and educ ate our children, and even how we view life and death. It affects our concepts of time, whet her we prefer direct or indirect messages, and whether we view the world more as an indiv idual or as a member of a group.

We are also often unaware of the extent to which culture acts as a perceptual filter on how we view the world. A perceptual filter is the mental structure through which we organize a nd assign meaning to new information (Jackson & Hogg, 2010). In fact, because our own cul tural norms are so ubiquitous, we are likely not aware that even the way we think is influen ced by our culture. Let’s think about two coworkers: John and Kiera. John’s culture values c ertain table manners. John attends a work lunch with his new coworker Kiera, and her food arrives before his does. Without checking with him, Kiera begins eating her food, while con tinuing to chat, without waiting for John’s food to arrive as well. Because of his culturally de veloped perceptual filter— that waiting for everyone’s food to arrive before eating is expected— John may perceive Kiera negatively as a result, and he may feel justified in doing so. He mig ht label her as inconsiderate. His ability to get to know Kiera (and have a positive impressio n of her) was impeded by his culture’s perceptual filter about table manners. Perceptual filters can be changed, both individually and within cultures overall. For exampl e, in a Trinidadian fishing village in the Caribbean, the hunting and consumption of leatherb ack turtles—the largest of all sea turtles— was a cultural norm. Due to a worldwide declining population of these turtles, one man stra tegically used interpersonal communication through storytelling to change his village’s cult ural norms (BBC Earth, 2017). He did this by shifting people’s perception of the cultural val ue of turtles by highlighting that the turtles were good for tourism and by visiting local ele mentary schools to teach children about the value of the turtles (BBC Earth, 2017). All of thi s was only possible by reshaping the perceptual filter of how his neighbors thought about t he turtles. Instead of “turtle → food,” he helped the filter change to “turtle → tourist attracti on.”

Steve Raymer/Asia Images/Getty Images

Culture often seems instinctual because it is such an integral part of life, but its rules and no rms are learned from birth.

Essentially, all of the messages we receive are filtered through our cultural norms. Without reading a chapter like this one, people can remain unaware of these filters, experiencing bia s toward, misunderstanding of, or negative perceptions of others who act differently from t hem. Therefore, this knowledge is a crucial way that we can “acknowledge multiple views,” a key principle of competent communication covered in Chapter 1. Throughout this chapter , we will discuss various aspects of culture and how each affects interpersonal communicati on. As you read, try to identify how these components of culture have influenced your perce ption of, or communication with, a friend, acquaintance, classmate, or coworker from anoth er culture.

What Is Culture?

When you travel to a new country, to a different region in the United States, or even to an e vent or environment that is unfamiliar to you, you will likely encounter people who speak d ifferent languages, wear different clothing, and have different customs from your own. Ever y society has a culture, or a number of different cultures. Culture is a relatively specialized s et of traditions, beliefs, values, and norms, or standards of behavior that have been passed down from generation to generation by way of communication. Culture is often described a s “the way we learn to do things.” Everyday parts of our lives, such as etiquette, customs, la nguage, courtesy, and rituals such as shaking hands when you meet someone, are at least p artially formed, shaped, and changed by culture. Culture provides structure in a society by defining the roles of group members and the hier archy or status of groups within the culture. In this sense, culture is normative, which mean s that it provides the rules, regulations, and norms that govern society and the manner in w hich people act with other members of that society. Rules can be unsanctioned, meaning th at they are expected, implied, and unofficially- rewarded or punished behaviors. Think about the expected rules in the United States when checking out at a chain grocery store. We tend to expect a normalized and polite interaction (e.g., “Hello, how are you?” or “Thank you!”). It would be frowned upon to try to haggle, wh ich is a normal behavior in other cultures, such as in Nepal or India. These rules are not stri ctly followed but are very ingrained in American culture. On the other hand, there are also s trictly followed rules, which are organizationally or legally enforced, such as driving on a sp ecific side of the road. All societies have a system of social organization, and culture serves t o provide an ordered and organized system for dealing with people within that society thro ugh norms and rules (Novinger, 2001). Culture is learned, but it seems natural because it is such an integral part of life. People are conditioned by culture to fit into a particular society, and the rules for interacting with othe r people are learned from birth. These rules become hidden, subtle influences on our behav ior. You learn when to talk, when to keep quiet, and what tone of voice to use. You are taug ht which gestures are and are not acceptable. You learn what facial expressions are approv ed and which will earn a reprimand. You learn to sit up straight, cover your mouth to sneez e, and not to pick your nose (Novinger, 2001). At the same time, we use interpersonal com munication to reinforce our cultural norms (Shank et al., 2018). By casually discussing wha t we should be doing or gossiping about others, we reinforce what our culture defines as no rmal or expected (Shank et al., 2018). In these ways, culture and interpersonal communicat ion are reciprocal and build off one another.

Historically, most societies had a shared culture— a consistent set of cultural traits, norms, and customs among members of that society. Most modern societies, however, are a mix of different cultures. But you do not have to travel ab road today to encounter cultural differences. Intercultural communication, which is a signif icant area of study in the communication discipline, is “the communication process in whic h individual participants of differing cultural and subcultural backgrounds come into direct contact with one another” (Kim, 2010, p. 454). The United States, for example, is an ethnica lly diverse nation of immigrants; in 2010, its foreign- born population was estimated at 40 million people, or 13% of the population (United State

s Census Bureau, 2012). If you reside and work in the United States, you live in a multicultu ral environment, and you may regularly come into contact with people whose cultural back grounds differ from yours. We can view the United States as an open system culture: a culture that has continuous inpu ts and outputs from and to the surrounding environment. In other words, American culture is influenced by and can influence elements of other cultures. One example of this is our ad aptation of British television shows such as The Office. At the same time, who we are as a cu lture has also spread around the world in the form of movies and television shows. Celebrit y international endorsements are also examples of the continued dispersal of American cult ure— for example, singer Katy Perry’s promotion of Laundrin’, a Japanese laundry detergent, or r apper and entertainer Snoop Dogg’s association with German phone and music brand Vybe mobile. Societies exert pressure on people to conform to the way things are done in that culture, bu t this pressure is often subtle. You may be unaware of it until you do something unacceptab le or encounter people from other cultures who do things differently. You may like to think of yourself as your own person, acting of your own free will. Although it is true that you can make choices about how to behave, if your actions are not considered acceptable in your s ociety, you usually suffer consequences or endure punishment for not behaving “properly.” These consequences can vary. For example, you might be excluded from group parties if yo ur manners are poor. In a more extreme example, you might be ostracized or removed from a group or from society at large if you violate the formally stated laws of the land or traditi ons of a religious group. In summary, you could think of culture as a picture frame that surrounds and creates a bor der for your behavior and your communication. You are, in a sense, bound by your culture because the words in your language, your vocal characteristics, your nonverbal communica tion, and environmental influences can only be decoded correctly if someone is familiar wit h the cultural context. If you are not knowledgeable about a culture, you will often misread cues.

Dominant Cultures and Co-Cultures

Cultural diversity can enrich a society by infusing it with new ideas, perspectives, and ways of doing things. However, this diversity can also cause social unrest and conflict. As you lear ned in Chapter 1, belonging is a basic human need, and as we discussed in Chapter 2, buildi ng and maintaining our self- concept is a strong need. Immigrants to a new culture must often make difficult choices abo ut whether to retain their cultural heritage, primarily adopt the behavior patterns of the do minant culture, or attempt to blend these cultural characteristics in some way. The domina nt culture, however, can also change when new populations are large and become significa nt subcultures, or co-cultures, within the society.

Dominant Cultures

Although many societies are multicultural, they generally have a dominant culture— a term used by sociologists, anthropologists, and researchers in cultural studies to describe the established language, religion, behavior, values, rituals, and social customs of a particul ar society. The dominant culture may or may not represent the majority of the population; i nstead, it is considered dominant because it controls or has influence over social institution s such as the media, educational institutions, law, political processes, business, and artistic expression (Marshall, 1998). When the dominant culture is not the majority in terms of pop ulation, it is known as the dominant minority. One political example of a dominant minority was White South Africans during apartheid in South Africa. Even though this ethnic group comprised only 22% of the country, it dominated the political and economic institutions of the nation and was able to enact laws and sustain other customs that kept Black South Afric ans from having equal rights and opportunities. An economic example is Chinese dominanc e in Southeast Asia, where, even though they comprise 15% of the population, they control over half of other Asian countries’ economies (Chua, 2003). This power and control is not absolute, nor is it permanent; other groups within the society may challenge the dominant culture. For example, because people from England, Ireland, a nd Scotland predominantly settled the original 13 colonies in the United States, many aspec ts of U.S. culture were based on British culture, which was itself a mix of English and other European traditions. As a result, the English language as well as elements of its legal and po litical systems, religious views, attitudes toward work, recreational pastimes, and other cha racteristics of Anglo (English) culture became dominant in the United States (Mio, Trimble, & Arredondo, 1999). These laws and traditions also established the roles of males and fema les in dominant American culture, sometimes overtly via laws that stated that married wo men were not recognized as legal entities separate from their husbands. Small but effective co- cultures such as the women’s suffrage movement in the 1920s, the women’s rights moveme nt in the 1960s and 1970s, and the current #MeToo/#TimesUp movement, built and sustai ned both interpersonally and on mediated channels, are often responsible for marked shifts in dominant cultural beliefs regarding gender roles.

When individuals are born into a particular society, they begin a process of enculturation w herein they learn and adopt the norms, traditions, and beliefs of their dominant culture. For example, they will eat food that is preferred by members of that culture, learn the primary language, and view and experience the major forms of media popular within that culture. I mmigrants usually undergo a period of acculturation as well, during which they learn and b egin to adopt the norms and the behaviors that are acceptable or preferred in the dominant culture. Acculturation, for example, involves observing others who are members of the do minant culture to see how they behave, communicate, and what their preferences and disli kes are. From these observations, and by directly interacting with the newly adopted cultur e, the individual will begin to absorb the characteristics of that culture. The acculturation pr ocess is not just one-way— as more new members join a culture, their values and beliefs shape and influence the domi nant culture as well. That being said, a society may celebrate its multicultural makeup, but its most widely share d customs, holidays, and traditions are usually those of the dominant culture, such as the U. S. holidays of Thanksgiving and Independence Day. The dominant culture of a society can c

hange, but, unless a revolution or other major social upheaval occurs, this change usually h appens slowly.

Co-Cultures

In addition to a dominant culture, most societies have several co-cultures— regional, economic, social, religious, or ethnic groups that are not the dominant culture but still exert influence in society. These co- cultures have characteristic customs and patterns of behavior that are unique to them and t hat distinguish them from the dominant culture. The terms co- culture and subculture have similar meaning, but co- culture implies that multiple cultures can exist together in the same geographic space, wher eas subculture could imply that some cultures are necessarily subsumed into, or are inferior to, other cultures. The term co- culture emphasizes that, even though you identify with a dominant culture, there may be an other culture with which you identify more closely and feel best represents who you are an d how you behave. An example of this might be your high school. Although every student in the school identified as a member of the student population dominant culture, co- cultures existed alongside each other as well, such as the football team, the theatre club, or the jazz choir. Each of these co- cultures had their own communication norms. If you were a part of two co- cultures, you may remember adapting to and changing your communication— such as using jargon or specific nonverbal cues—based on which co- culture’s members you were communicating with at a particular time. On a broader scale, y ou might identify yourself as an American, but have a particular co- culture, such as a religious affiliation, geographic region, or occupation that you also strongl y identify with and that is an important component of who you are.

REX/Alex Milan Tracy/NurPhoto/Associated Press

Some co-cultures develop in groups with shared hobbies or interests. Similar to other co- cultures, such groups have unique customs and patterns of behavior.

There are various geographic co- cultures in the U.S. that developed because different ethnic groups or nationalities immigra ted to specific regions of the United States. These regional co- cultures have their own customs and traditions, dialects of English, and foods. Regional cuis ines, such as cheesesteaks and water ice in Philadelphia, green chile stew in New Mexico, gr its and sweet tea in the South, and sushi in the West, are examples of the influence of differ ent cultural groups in parts of the United States (United States of America, 2010). Customs, traditions, and foods once unique to certain co- cultures also can become part of the dominant culture over time. For example, once unique to only a few sport-related co- cultures in the U.S., the fist bump is becoming preferable to handshakes in interpersonal co mmunication, with 49% of Americans reporting this preference (Purell Brand, 2010). Inter personal communication differs based on the culture in which someone lives, and we may b e surprised by these differences in communication norms. For example, while in a U.S. exch ange student program, two brothers from United Arab Emirates spoke to women with who m they were not related for the first times in their lives (Wilson, 1993). In stark contrast ar e the interpersonal communication norms in Mexico City, where very intimate displays of a ffection are common and acceptable in public spaces (Lithnicum, 2019).

You are likely a member of any number of co- cultures, based in part on your gender, religion, political and social beliefs, occupation, scho ol affiliation, athletic team preferences, and hobbies or interests. For example, attending Sa n Diego Comic- Con, the annual convention that celebrates comic books and related aspects of science fictio n, fantasy, and popular culture, can make someone who is not a part of the co- culture feel like they are in a foreign country. There are characters, outfits, customs, phrase s, and objects at Comic- Con that you might not understand if you are not a member of the comic book co- culture. Though the comic book co-culture seems like a small co- culture within the dominant U.S. culture, it has actually influenced, and is influenced by, mu ltiple cultures in a meaningful way. Comic book superheroes are now a driving force behind several blockbuster movies. Indeed, one researcher argues that superheroes often represe nt an ideal American identity and contribute to the narrative of “good American citizenship ” (Wanzo, 2009, p. 93).

Another example of a co- culture’s influence is the proliferation of National Breast Cancer Awareness Month (NBCAM ), held in October each year. The tradition of NBCAM started in 1985 as a health campaign s ponsored by the American Cancer Society and a pharmaceutical company; since then, breas t cancer advocates and survivors have emerged as members of an influential co- culture that gradually shifted the dominant culture’s focus to fundraising and research on t his specific form of cancer. The pink ribbon that symbolizes breast cancer awareness beca me an important marketing tool for showing support for fighting the disease and for wome n in general. Eventually, companies such as Estée Lauder, national magazines such as Self, a nd organizations such as the National Football League became involved in the event. In fact, interpersonal communication stimulated by health campaigns such as this (and their creati on of a co- culture) significantly increases positive health outcomes, highlighting interpersonal comm unication’s role in both co-culture creation and co- culture’s influence on the dominant culture (Jeong & Bae, 2018). This shift from small- scale campaign to nationwide co-culture creation illustrates the significant effects co- cultures can have on the dominant culture. But some co- cultures have customs and behaviors that are dramatically different from those of the domi nant culture; sometimes they are criticized or forbidden if they veer too far afield from con ventional norms. For example, organized gangs are prolific in many urban areas in America and often engage in illegal activities. To combat the influence of gang co- culture, cities may adopt laws prohibiting graffiti, or “tagging,” or schools may adopt dress codes that prohibit the wearing of gang colors.

In addition, one of the responsibilities of the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) is to ensure that individuals or groups do not behave in an obscene manner on television. Wh en TV broadcasts do include content that is classified by the FCC as obscene, profane, or ind ecent, the FCC has the legal authority to levy a fine or even revoke a television station’s lice nse. The threat of such punishments prompts many stations (especially those that air live b

roadcasts with potentially controversial material, such as MTV’s Video Music Awards) to us e a 5- or 10- second delay. This delay allows the station to censor itself before profanity or nudity is bro adcast to viewers. The dominant culture of a society, then, can exert a great deal of pressur e on those co- cultures it perceives as being troublesome or possibly deviant, so much so that the co- culture may begin to self-regulate to prevent punishment from the dominant culture.

In the U.S., for example, refusing to shake someone’s hand in a professional setting can be vi ewed as deeply offensive. However, many Muslim men and women living in the U.S. do not engage in physical contact with the opposite sex; thus, they must regulate their own co- cultural practices to prevent negative repercussions, especially in the workplace (Gibbs, 20 17; Jafar, 2017). Some regulatory nonverbal behaviors people in that situation have used in clude handing a business card, or faking a sneeze (Jafar, 2017; Hareem, 2013). In situations where co- culture practices differ from dominant culture customs, members of the dominant culture c an take the opportunity to educate themselves, for instance, by learning alternative ways of greeting, such as placing a hand on one’s heart or bowing (Gibbs, 2017; Jafar, 2017).

How Do Cultures Differ From One Another? Cultural Dimensions

Cultural researchers provide several lenses through which we may study and compare cult ures. Here we examine Hofstede’s dimensions of culture, Hall’s concept of low- and high- context in culture, and then time orientation.

Dimensions of Culture

While working at the international technology company IBM, social psychologist Geert Hofs tede studied variations in 100,000 company employees across 50 different countries spann ing three geographical regions. This research resulted in five cultural dimensions, or how in dividuals’ cultural memberships impact their values, in which countries differed from one a nother:

1. individualism/collectivism 2. power distance 3. uncertainty avoidance 4. long- and short-term orientation 5. masculinity/femininity (Hofstede, 2001)

Each country received a score for each dimension, and that score represented how close to one end of the continuum the country was. It is important to note that these scores refer to the country’s dominant cultural dimensions and that individual differences do exist within g roups. You can see all countries’ scores using Hofstede Insights’ country comparison tool av ailable at https://www.hofstede-insights.com. Individualism/collectivism, Hofstede’s first dimension, considers the extent to which count ries value the individual and personal rights versus the community and the public good. In i ndividualistic cultures, there is a tendency to focus on individual rights, identity, and achiev ements. The United States, for example, is an individualistic culture. Members of collectivist

ic cultures, however, focus more on group obligations, identity, and concerns. Collectivistic cultures such as China, Costa Rica, and Indonesia tend to value a strong sense of group iden tity and promote group goals and values. We will return to the concepts of individualism an d collectivism later in this chapter.

Power distance exists on a continuum ranging from high to low and refers to the degree to which a culture emphasizes inequality differences between communicators, affecting overa ll communication behaviors and cultural norms. Consider the relationship between a mana ger and her subordinate. In a high power distance society, the “power” dynamic between th e two would heavily influence how they communicate with one another, and the power diff erential would be at the forefront of both of their minds when they interact. In a low power distance culture, the manager and subordinate would communicate freely and with little th ought of their power differences, as if they were coworkers of more equal status. Research has examined how non- U.S. exchange students in the U.S. perceive relationships between students and teachers in t he U.S. These international students found their U.S. relationships to be very casual and info rmal in the U.S.’s lower power distance society, contrary to the high power distance dynami cs they experienced at home (Wilson, 1993). Think about how you feel when you are unsure if you will get a job you interviewed for or h ow you feel when you send a text to your friend that he may get mad at you about. How co mfortable do you feel waiting without “knowing with certainty”? Uncertainty avoidance ref ers to the degree to which individuals of a culture tolerate the negative feelings associated with ambiguity, or a society’s reaction to the unknown (Minkov & Hofstede, 2014). In high uncertainty avoidance countries—such as Finland and Germany— by having more rules, one will be able to predict what will happen, thus reducing any uncer tainty and associated negative feelings (Minkov & Hofstede, 2014). On the other hand, in lo w uncertainty avoidance countries, such as Jamaica, India, and South Africa, individuals are more comfortable with the unknown, with new innovations, and with unstructured days at work or school. Long- and short-

term orientation refers to how focused a country is on values related to either the past and present (short-term orientation) or the future (long-term orientation). Long- term oriented countries—such as China and South Korea— tend to value tradition and emphasize that efforts be put toward long-term goals. This long- term orientation is focused on status differences in relationships, perseverance, shame, and frugality (Hofstede & Minkov, 2010). Children are raised to “not expect immediate gratifica tion of their desires” (Hofstede & Minkov, 2010, p. 497). In moderately oriented countries —or normative cultures— traditions are maintained, though not as strongly focused on. Change is accepted, though ov er time and with suspicion, such as in Sweden, Poland, and the U.S. In short- term oriented countries—such as Pakistan, Nigeria, and Canada— children are taught to keep up with societal images of normality and stability, but also to va lue individuality and reaching one’s goals (Hofstede & Minkov, 2010). A core difference to identify in long- and short- term orientated cultures are the differing vi ews of aging. In long-term oriented cultures, old age is viewed more positively— people are more joyful about becoming old and do not seek to avoid aging (Hofstede & Min

kov, 2010). On the other hand, in short- term oriented cultures, old age is perceived more negatively and people attempt to prevent aging. Because of this, individuals communicate differently with older generations in each culture. A common interpersonal communication phenomenon in short- term cultures is “elderspeak” in which younger individuals speak slowly to aging adults, re peating themselves and using fewer words (Kemper, Ferrell, Harden, Finter- Urczyk, & Billington, 1998). Older adults perceive this as patronizing and dehumanizing (Si mpson, n.d.).

Masculinity and femininity, as they relate to culture, do not necessarily align with how we t raditionally think about the two constructs. Rather, when Hofstede (2001) identified this di mension, he conceptualized it as the degree to which cultural traditions and norms either v alue achievement and have well- defined gender roles (masculine cultures) or value equality, concern for others and the envi ronment, and have more flexible gender roles (feminine cultures). In more masculine count ries (such as Japan, Italy, and Venezuela; Hofstede, 2001), assertiveness and materialism ar e prized over cultivating interpersonal relationships. In contrast, more feminine countries ( for example, Sweden, Costa Rica, and Thailand; Hofstede, 2001) value nurturing behaviors, interdependence with others, and sexual equality. The United States ranks in the middle of this dimension, with a score leaning more toward the masculinity side of the range (Hofste de, 2001). These preferences can extend into the exam room: research has found those who have cultural masculinity prefer “closed communication behaviors” in their health patient– provider interactions, meaning that there is not a preference for patient- centered communication (Wilby, Govaerts, Austin, & Dolmans, 2017).

Culture and Media

Communication scholars agree that both mass media and social media are not only primary tools for information transmission but are also reflections of culture (Bybee, 2008). Today, due to their growing and ever- changing nature, media are more central to and interdependent with culture than ever befo re. Mass media usually include one-way information transmissions— such as newspapers, television, radio, or an informational website— or interactive media such as social media, mobile phone technology, or video gaming. The I nternet, on the other hand, is a channel through which mass media can inform the public or through which digital interpersonal communication (such as social media) can take place. Culture and mass and social media are interrelated in three ways:

• Media can provide a range of details about the issues that matter to a specific society. • Media can reflect dominant cultures and co-cultures. • Media can help individuals learn about their cultures, themselves, and others’ cultures.

First, we learn about our own culture’s politics, social issues, health information, popular m ovies, television shows, websites, and products and services via the media. As media consu mers, we are discerning about which form of media we prefer as sources of information for particular cultural issues. For example, U.S. adults’ preferred source of information about th e 2010 Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (also known as healthcare reform) was

magazine articles, whereas interpersonal information from sources such as friends and fam ily members was viewed as less satisfying and more difficult to obtain (Bevan, Sparks, Erns t, Francies, & Santora, 2013). However, when it comes to food choice and food safety, we te nd to place value on interpersonal communication with friends, family members, and healt h providers (International Food Information Council, 2018).

Second, though the dominant culture, by definition, has the greatest control and influence o ver the media (consider the FCC example discussed in the previous section), aspects of any number of co- cultures can also be portrayed in the media. For example, many residents of southern state s were upset about how their co- culture was being depicted on television programs such as MTV’s Buckwild and TLC’s Here Comes Honey Boo Boo (both now canceled). Third, media globalization means that individuals can use various forms of media to learn a bout and adapt to different cultures (Croucher, 2011). Consider the fact that the 2018 film Crazy Rich Asians, filmed in Singapore and Malaysia, grossed $174.5 million in the U.S. box office with a majority Asian and Asian- American cast (Box Office Mojo, n.d.; IMDB, n.d.). In turn, this led to a spike in individuals in terested in visiting Singapore (Hod, 2018). These examples highlight how media can be use d to open a population’s minds to the norms and experiences of different cultures. In fact, e xposure to TV or film media that features characters from a culture different than one’s ow n positively influences audience’s perceptions of that culture (Vincze & Harwood, 2013). Social media also uniquely transmit and reflect culture, though, unlike mass media, membe rs of a culture or population can all produce and engage with this type of mediated content. Individuals can use social media to communicate with other members of their culture, inter act with their dominant culture, and learn about and acculturate to new cultures (Croucher, 2011). For example, some researchers (Johnson, Tudor, & Nuseibeh, 2013) argue that Twit ter is a useful form of social media for engaging in political protest for five reasons; Twitter is

1. quick, providing real-time information in 280 characters or less 2. free 3. personal 4. highly mobile and resistant to government control 5. capable of providing users with anonymity (p. 129)

Indeed, Ginger Johnson and her colleagues (2013) conclude from their findings that Twitter was an important platform and tool that protesters used when organizing and executing th e Egyptian revolution in 2011.

Individual representatives of a dominant culture can also use social media to shape its iden tity; the White House and members of the U.S. Senate and the House of Representatives hav e their own Twitter and Facebook accounts to engage with their followers directly. Indeed, freshman Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio- Cortez hosted a popular Twitter training session for fellow House Democrats early in Janua ry 2019, and offered advice such as (Dwyer, 2019):

• “Don’t try to be anybody who you’re not.” • “It’s not the kitchen that’s popular, or the cooking that’s popular, it’s that I’m engaging peop

le doing something I’m already doing.” • “. . . We don’t want to separate ourselves [from constituents on social media].” • “The way we grow our presence is being there.”

Whether we use social media or other platforms, mediated communication channels provid e access to information and tools that we can use to learn about and participate in our cultu re and others’ cultures. (See the IPC in the Digital Age feature to read about the impact of us ing social media while studying abroad.)

3.2 Cultural Identity and Communication

As we have seen thus far in the chapter, cultures and co- cultures serve important functions in maintaining a society and establishing norms and pra ctices for its members. These practices may represent important events in the society’s hist ory and can provide a sense of communal pride, bringing people together with shared value s, symbols, holidays, and traditions. Culture also helps create a perspective, or worldview, t hat influences how its members think about the world, themselves, and other people. As we discussed in Chapter 2, culture, and how it is communicated, helps form and reinforce your self-concept and self- image. Your dominant culture is so pervasive in your life that it influences your communica tion in significant ways. Culture gives you a sense of identity (Novinger, 2001).

Identity is a consistent set of attitudes that defines who you are and shapes how you view a nd describe yourself. Your identity is what is “true of you” now, in the past, and in the futur e, and can include who you want to be, who you expect to be, who you feel obligated to try t o be, and/or who you are scared that you will become (Oyserman, Elmore, & Smith, 2012). Your traits, group memberships, roles, and social relationships combine to comprise your i dentity. Communication and interaction with others is what creates and maintains identity (Hecht, Jackson, & Ribeau, 2003). Additionally, depending on which aspect of our identity is most salient in a communication context, we hold differing expectations of communication, and communicate differently (Hecht et al., 2003).

Nick White/Digital Vision/Thinkstock

Identity can influence how we communicate with others, but our interactions with others c an also influence our identities.

Primary and Secondary Identities

Your identity can include both a primary and secondary identity. Primary identity encompa sses consistent aspects of your identity, including your biological sex, race or ethnicity, nati onality, religion, and age. In other words, an individual’s primary identity rarely changes be cause it is difficult to permanently alter it. As we saw in the beginning of the chapter, the dif ferent aspects of one’s primary identity can significantly influence how he or she communic ates— the first officers described by Malcolm Gladwell were so influenced by their primary ethnic identities that they chose indirect messages even in emergency situations. We can, however , choose to ignore or downplay certain parts of our primary identities. For example, you ma y be a member of a particular religion, but you choose not to attend its services or follow its customs. People can also ignore their age limitations; Fauja Singh, for example, ran marath ons until the age of 101 (BBC News, 2013)! In this way, we do not need to be defined by all aspects of our primary identities.

A secondary identity includes the more malleable roles and characteristics of your identity, such as your socioeconomic status, occupation, or relationship status. Your secondary ident ity can be just as important or central as any aspect of your primary identity but is more lik ely to change over time. It is also likely that the first officers were partially influenced by th eir occupations as second-in- command when not speaking out directly in the emergency flight situations described at th e beginning of the chapter. For example, as you move up the ladder in your career, your job title and responsibilities will change, and this will alter part of your secondary identity. Shif ting from full-time student to full- time employee, or vice versa, will also alter part of your secondary identity. For example, if you were a student and then got hired by your university department into a full- time position after graduation, it might be difficult to reorient your viewpoint of your new c oworkers from “professors” to “colleagues.” Calling them by their first names instead of “pr ofessor” or “doctor” might seem take some getting used to. Your identities also affect how you communicate interpersonally, even with those with who m you are close. Bilingual individuals living in the U.S. who speak both Chinese and English tend to choose one language over the other to express different sentiments: English is used more often for sexual communication or to communicate negative feelings (Xie & Galliher, 2018). Although you may not speak multiple languages, you might find that you play up one aspect of your identity in a specific situation.

Though primary and secondary identities differ, everybody has both a primary and second ary identity, and no two sets of identities are alike. The identities of individuals in an intera ction can sometimes clash. In one study that explored the communication between grandch ildren and their grandparents, it was found that young adulthood and old age are times wh en one’s primary identity is particularly salient (Kam & Hecht, 2009). Specifically, young ad ults are negotiating their identities, and older adults who are grandparents view that relati onal identity as being particularly central to them. Jennifer Kam and Michael Hecht (2009) f ound that the presence of identity gaps, or discrepancies between the authentic self and the self that you believe another person finds more appealing, between young adult grandchild ren and their grandparents was related to decreased satisfaction with the relationship and the interaction. Our interactions with others can thus shape and shift both our primary and secondary identities because communication can alter how we see ourselves and those role s or groups with which we most closely identify.

Membership, Interests, and Cultural Identities

Who you are not only includes your primary and secondary identities, but also what you en joy doing and the groups with which you seek to align yourself. Culture often has a hand in shaping which groups and interests are important. For example, the television show Friday Night Lights depicted high school football as an integral activity in Texas, with towns rallyin g around, and individuals strongly identifying with, their towns’ teams and players. On the show, football players’ families proudly displayed team signs in their front yards; wealthy a nd influential boosters provided the team with financial support and perks, such as a Jumb otron screen; and most of the businesses in town closed down during games. A male growi

ng up in this culture may want (or at least feel pressured) to be a member of this group to r eap the many benefits of its membership, including elevated status in this particular culture . The reverse can also be true: An individual may shy away from a group or interest because it is negatively perceived by a culture. The same male may not want to be characterized as a “band geek,” for example, and decide not to join the marching band, even though he loves playing a musical instrument. How you choose to describe yourself enables you to highlight what you think is important a bout you, and this can include your memberships and interests as well as your primary and secondary identities. But your identity can also cause others to create a stereotype about y ou before they get to know you. Stereotypes are fixed opinions or preconceptions about so meone based on perceived characteristics or expectations of a group rather than factual inf ormation about the specific person. In other words, stereotypes are exaggerated perception s of similarities or differences among people. People in certain groups have some shared ex periences, so some stereotypes might contain a grain of truth. To some degree, we need cer tain stereotypes to cognitively organize all of the information we can receive at any given ti me via our senses. However, stereotypes become problematic when they cause us to look at all members of a group as similar and to ignore the unique differences among individuals. I t is best never to rely only on stereotypes when making judgments or forming an opinion b ecause many stereotypes are negative judgments or are based on ignorance or misinformat ion about a culture and its members. It is very difficult to ignore our stereotypes of other groups when communicating with othe rs or obtaining new social information about others. Social categorization is a natural phen omenon that occurs when we cognitively place others into social groups (Stangor, 2014). W e categorize others in order to use the least amount of mental energy necessary to gather th e most information possible (Hugenberg & Sacco, 2008). Our minds are simply trying to av oid complex, central processing of available information by making quick assumptions (Pet ty & Cacioppo, 1986). This is why we naturally stereotype. We then organize these categori es and the relationships among them into a schema or a mental structure that provides “def ault assumptions” when we have “incomplete information” (DiMaggio, 1997, p. 269). Recall the example earlier in the chapter of John’s judgment of Kiera’s lack of table manners. John may have already socially categorized Kiera as an American, and thus, when he witnessed h er poor table manners, he “fills in the blank” with the schematic belief that Americans have poor table manners rather than cognitively processing other reasons why Kiera may be eati ng this way. John is just saving mental energy by making this assumption. While these stere otypes are not true or fair, our brain develops them to more quickly process the world arou nd us, and it is our job to recognize, deconstruct, and act contrary to them— especially if they are harmful toward others. Try the following exercise: Picture someone named Garcia. Now picture someone named Cl aire. What do these two people look like? The people you pictured are based on your stereo types of what those names signify. Would you be surprised if Garcia was a 5-year- old girl with blond hair and Claire was a 66-year- old man? Table 3.1 contains some stereotypes about U.S. culture and some common Americ an interpretations. In your interactions with other people, have you encountered any of the se stereotypes or other stereotypes based on your cultural heritage, memberships, and inte rests?

Table 3.1: Stereotypes of American culture and common American interpretat ions

Stereotype of American culture

Americans are self-centered and uncaring or disinterested in others because they rarely ask them personal questions.

Americans are insincere; they are always smiling and are unrelentingly enthusiastic.

Americans are loud, crass, and effusive. They assertively introduce themselves to others.

Americans maintain a large physical distance from one another compared to many other cultures, and yawning, passing gas, and openly breastfeeding ar e frowned on.

The word American conjures up an image of a White, middle- class person. All other residents, including the area’s indigenous inhabitants, are hyphenated or identified with an adjective: Native American, African A merican, Asian American, Mexican American. The national census does not hyphenate Americans of European descent.

Americans celebrate several national holidays, but they are regarded more as family holidays than as celebrations of patriotism. The Fourth of July mark s the Declaration of Independence from Britain in 1776, but it is also a time for summer picnics and camping trips for friends and family. Thanksgiving is an annual feast that celebrates the hardships of early colonists. However, Thanksgiving is important not primarily because of its symbolism but because it is a significant family holiday and one of the few large and elaborate meals that families prepare.

Americans are generally not opposed to social benefits such as pensions, social security, and insurance of bank deposits. However, relief programs for th e poor, known as welfare, are controversial. In a country where many believe that all its citizens have an equal chance, where opportunity is unlimited, a nd where only the lazy are poor, programs for the indigent have been vulnerable to cutbacks.

Source: Adapted from United States of America. (2010). Countries and their cultures: Culture of United States of America. Retrie

ved from https://www.everyculture.com/To-Z/United-States-of-America.html

Communication Accommodation Theory

A number of communication theories can help us understand and improve how individuals from different groups or cultures interact with one another. The most significant of these th eories is communication accommodation theory (CAT), developed 45 years ago by commu nication scholar Howard Giles. Specifically, CAT describes how communicators from differe nt social groups or cultures choose to modify or adapt their nonverbal and verbal messages to accommodate, or adjust to, one another (Shepard, Giles, & LePoire, 2001). According to CAT, convergence occurs when we align our messages with those used by othe r communicators in an interaction. For example, we might speak at the same rate, use a sim ilar tone or accent, or disclose similar levels of information. Convergence is more likely whe n individuals seek to be like the person they are interacting with, and it is usually perceived as a positive communication strategy. For instance, women are more likely than men to us e emojis, but men will increase their emoji usage when communicating online with women (Fullwood, Orchard, & Floyd, 2013). However, there is also a risk of overaccommodation w hen a communicator goes beyond what is necessary to mitigate differences between comm unicators, and such accommodations might be perceived as insincere, offensive, or condesc ending (Sparks, Bevan, & Rogers, 2012). Speaking loudly to someone from a different cultur e is one example of overaccommodation, especially if a language difference, not an auditory impairment, is the true barrier to shared meaning.

We can also exercise communication divergence if we shift our verbal and nonverbal comm unication away from other communicators in an interaction. Divergent messages emphasiz e social distance from others and whether or not one is a member of a particular group. Usi ng divergent communication is often negatively perceived and is considered a signal that th e communicator dislikes or is uninterested in the interaction (Sparks et al., 2012). An exam ple of cultural divergence is refusing to learn the language or customs of a foreign country where you are a visitor and instead behaving as if yours is the dominant culture. How can CAT help you improve your intercultural communication and reduce cultural com munication barriers? First, it is important to consider altering or accommodating your com munication when you interact with members of other cultures or co- cultures. Trying to encode convergent messages when you interact with others will increas e communication competence. But be careful not to overaccommodate because then your messages could be perceived as an insult, imitation, or overzealous attempt to gain accepta nce, thus creating a cultural communication barrier. Instead, let the conversation naturally flow. At the same time, monitor the other communicator’s responses to your messages, and be mindful of how the person adjusts his or her messages.

3.3 Cultural Membership and Interpersonal Communication

XiXinXing/Thinkstock

Both verbal and nonverbal messages can reflect one’s social background and heritage.

In his classic book The Silent Language, anthropologist Edward T. Hall states, “culture is co mmunication and communication is culture,” suggesting that culture and communication n ecessarily go hand in hand (1959, p. 186). In his view, culture governs our communication, and communication creates and reinforces culture by transmitting it through language and nonverbal communication. Think back to the idea of perceptual filters; your culture is the fr amework that tells you what is important to attend to, how to organize what you see, and h ow to interpret it. For example, suppose that someone in a room holds up an index finger. If you are from the United States, you may or may not notice the gesture. However, if the per son were, instead, to hold up the middle finger of his or her hand, it would probably get you r attention. This second gesture communicates a specific shared message to members of A merican culture, and if you are familiar with that culture, you would quickly make sense of and interpret the gesture based on cultural norms. Because our dominant culture and our i mportant co- culture(s) reinforce what communication behaviors we engage in, culture is, in a sense, co mmunication— and vice versa! Our communication behaviors create and reinforce our culture, and our cult ure creates and reinforces our communication behaviors. Both verbal and nonverbal messages reflect your social background and heritage, as well as the experiences, beliefs, values, attitudes, and role expectations supplied by your dominant culture and the co- cultures that are important to your identity. The language that you learn and use in your ev eryday communication with others is culturally bound, as is the nonverbal communication that you use or do not use. For example, though Americans and the British both speak Engli sh, certain words have different meanings depending on these specific cultures— elevator versus lift, or chips versus crisps, for example. Americans also frequently make dire ct eye contact with their conversational partners, whereas members of a number of Asian c ultures shy away from direct eye contact, believing that eye contact can be disrespectful. When you come into contact with people from other cultures, you cannot assume they will encode and decode messages the same way you do— their perceptual filters have been structured differently from yours. Indeed, the cultural, so cial, and historical context in which the message occurs must be considered to increase the likelihood that meaning will be shared (Hall, 1976). It is true that you can encounter comm unication difficulties with people from your own culture. For example, when a group of indi viduals from the U.S. order soft drinks together, they may have difficulty sharing meaning: Americans on the West Coast refer to this drink as “soda,” the Midwest calls it “pop,” and th e South refers to the drink with the singular brand name “Coke” (Vaux & Golder, n.d.). How ever, the incidence of such problems increases when you interact with people from entirely different cultures. In the personal, professional, and mediated arenas, cultural differences c an cause communication difficulties, as can different languages and different interpretation s of nonverbal messages. We discuss some of these potential communication barriers next.

Low-Context and High-Context Cultures

All cultures incorporate both verbal and nonverbal elements into their communication. Ho wever, some cultures depend more on words, while other cultures rely more on nonverbal elements such as body language, factors in the environment, or the communication situatio n itself. One way to understand these communication differences, introduced by Edward Ha ll in his 1976 book Beyond Culture, is to determine a culture’s context. Context, according to Hall (1976), is a function of culture that “designates what we pay attention to and what we i gnore” (p. 85). Context, in relation to communication, is a cultural factor that determines th e degree to which the intention or meaning of communication is explicit or implicit. A parti cular culture, as it relates to Hall’s conceptualization, can thus be placed along the continuu m ranging from low context to high context. The meaning of messages in a low- context culture tends to be clear, direct, and is typically derived from words. The United Sta tes, for example, is a low- context culture. A great deal of emphasis is placed on the words someone uses when they s peak, and, in U.S. culture, phrases such as “I give you my word” and “My word is my bond” r eflect the value placed on people’s words. A great deal of significance is also placed on expli cit, written messages, including formal contracts, meeting agendas, and even course syllabi, to provide necessary information and details. Nonverbal messages such as silence, eye con tact, or gestures are generally used to reinforce words. A high- context culture, however, emphasizes the implicit and indirect meaning of messages, and th us communicators rely more on nonverbal elements. For example, in some high- context cultures a raised eyebrow might mean “yes,” as in France and Polynesia, or it might mean “no,” as in Greece (Novinger, 2001). Words are not as important as the way they are s aid or the context in which the communication takes place, so members of high- context cultures are better at “reading between the lines.” Much of the important informati on in a high- context message is contained in the nonverbal elements, in a ritualized response, or in the c ontext of the communication. To help illustrate differences between high- and low- context cultures, consider how individuals might engage in conflict with one another. Steph en Croucher and his colleagues (2012) found that members of the high- context cultures of India and Thailand would either avoid conflict or give in during conflict, whereas members of the low- context cultures of the U.S. and Ireland would be direct and dominating during a conflict. B ut it is important to remember that cultures do not rank as “low” or “high” in an absolute se nse. Instead, such distinctions occur on a continuum, or scale, from lower to higher (see Fig ure 3.1). It is also important to remember that people within a particular culture may be ex tremely diverse and that various co- cultures exist within each dominant culture. For example, even though someone may be fro m a low-context culture such as the United States, that person’s central co- culture could be higher context than the dominant U.S. culture.

Figure 3.1: A continuum of low- to high-context cultures

The different explicit and implicit meanings of communication are affected by certain cultu ral factors. Messages tend to be more direct in low- context cultures and more indirect in high-context cultures.

Source: Going International: How to Make Friends and Deal Effectively in the Global Marketplace, by Lennie Copeland and Le

wis Griggs. Copyright © 1985 Lennie Copeland and Lewis Griggs. Used by permission of Griggs Productions. For more informa

tion please visit http://www.griggs.com/

Low- and high- context categorizations do not apply to all people in a specific country, but it is important to understand the general tendencies of the dominant culture because this knowledge can hel p you communicate better with those from cultures different from your own (Copeland & G riggs, 1985). Every culture is unique, and when you interact or do business with people fro m other cultures, you must become familiar not only with the language of the other country but also with its culture. In some high- context cultures, for example, it is considered rude to directly say “no” if someone makes a

request of you, and people instead prefer to communicate the “no” without actually saying t he words. They might say, “maybe” or “I will try,” but it is clearly understood to mean “no” t o someone who is familiar with that culture. The “maybe” or “I will try” answers are simply ritualized responses, much like when we ask someone “How are you?” and they respond “fi ne” (even when they are not). This idea is illustrated in the earlier example of the pilots’ int ercultural communication. Due to the high- context communication he is probably used to given his dominant culture, the first officer a nticipated that his high- context message (“Don’t you think it rains more? In this area here?”) would be appropriatel y interpreted by the captain.

People from low- context cultures such as the United States are used to focusing on being precise and using v erbal communication. So, when an American makes a request of a person from a higher- context society who responds with an indirect, ambiguous message such as “I will try,” the American will typically ignore the ritual and the context, take the words literally, and expec t the person to try to accommodate the request. Then the American may become upset whe n the other person makes no attempt to do so. If the American protests, the high- context person may have difficulty understanding and believe the American is trying to forc e a rude response (Novinger, 2001).

When engaging in intercultural communication, you may have a tendency to be ethnocentri c— that is, to believe that your own culture or method of communication is best or does things “the right way” and that others are wrong. One of the most important skills of competent co mmunicators in this multicultural and globalized world is to recognize that most aspects of cultures are not right or wrong; they are merely different from one another. For example, c onsider oceanic fishing practices. Some cultures perceive fishing to be wrong because of its environmental harm (“What is the environmental impact of the fishing industry?”, 2017). H owever, for a number of indigenous coastal cultures, fishing in the ocean not only provides food, but a connection to the earth and to family (Ota & Cisneros- Montemayor, 2017). This shows that one culture’s values are viewed entirely differently by members of another culture. While neither is right or wrong, this clashing of values may ca use conflict. Figure 3.2 summarizes the different characteristics of communication in low- context and high-context cultures.

Figure 3.2: Communication in low-context and high-context cultures

Every culture is unique, but there are some general factors that we can keep in mind when we interact with individuals from low-context and high-context cultures.

Source: Based on information from Novinger, T. (2001). Intercultural communication: A practical guide. Austin, TX: Universit y of Texas Press.

Individualistic and Collectivistic Cultures

In addition to differences between low- and high- context communication in cultures, another fundamental way in which cultures differ is the ir tendency toward individualism or collectivism. We first introduced the concepts of indivi dualism and collectivism when we discussed Hofstede’s five cultural dimensions. Recall tha t individualistic cultures value a strong sense of personal identity and promote individual g oals, rights, choices, and freedoms. People in the United States, as well as in other individua listic cultures such as Australia and the Netherlands, are encouraged to be unique and self- reliant. They are generally stimulated by individual competition, place personal goals over others’ motivations, and often attribute their achievements to their individual strengths. In an individualistic culture, meeting new people often involves questions about accomplishm ents such as “What do you do for a living?” Many believe that they create their own identity, and they are proud of their personal success. Members of collectivistic cultures, however, value close ties, cooperation and harmony, conf orming to the group, and relying on others for support. The group, family, or community a person belongs to is of high importance in these cultures, and people are more interdepend ent and closely associated with their social network. What is best for the group is the overri ding factor in decision making. Often, there is no differentiation between an individual’s pri orities and the group’s priorities (Hofstede, 2001). In Japanese business situations, for insta nce, decisions are made within the group with little or no personal recognition for individu als (Morrison & Conaway, 2006). Interpersonal communication differs according to how individualistic or collectivistic a cult ure is. In interpersonal communication, individualists focus more on the content of the inte raction, or what is being said, while collectivist communicators focus on the relational impli cations of the interaction, or what the interaction means for the relationship (Goldstein, Ma rtin, & Cialdini, 2008).

One significant difference between individualistic and collectivistic cultures is how membe rs of the cultures save face. The term face refers to the standing or position a person has in the eyes of others, or “an individual’s claimed sense of positive image in the context of socia l interaction” (Oetzel & Ting- Toomey, 2003, p. 600). When we attempt to “save face,” we strive to maintain a positive po sition in the eyes of other people with whom we communicate or to respect the position of others. When we “lose face,” we are embarrassed or humiliated, and we believe that our po sition in the eyes of others is diminished. When a culturally individualist person’s face is thr eatened, they prefer communication from others that is direct and helps them manage the t hreat. On the other hand, collectivist people prefer that others communicate with them indi rectly in order to retain harmony (Merkin, 2015). Those from collectivist cultures are more likely to use plural possessive pronouns (e.g., “our”) rather than singular possessive pronou ns (e.g., “my”), though we are not sure whether collectivism influences language or if indivi duals are primed to use collectivist language (Na & Choi, 2009). The concept of face appears in most cultures, but it manifests itself in different ways. Interc ultural communication researchers John Oetzel and Stella Ting- Toomey (2003) have found that those in collectivistic cultures place more emphasis on the face of others. In an individualistic culture, face is often the source of one’s personal pride o

r self- respect, and saving face is a personal goal. It is one reason why one may make excuses, rati onalize, laugh, or excuse her behavior rather than admit she is wrong. For example, the first officers discussed in Malcolm Gladwell’s book Outliers likely were swayed by their perspec tives about face, meaning that they chose not to threaten the captain’s or air traffic controll er’s face when they made a request or offered a suggestion, even when lives were at stake. But U.S. air traffic controllers were more interested in accomplishing tasks rather than savi ng face, which the first officers could have viewed as a threat to their own face. In a collectivistic culture, face influences a person’s status in the social group or in society a s a whole, and people feel an obligation not only to save face themselves but also to help ot hers save face and not bring shame on their group (Fitzgerald, 2003). In this way, individua ls in a collectivistic culture might view their self- concept through the lens of their group or community memberships. In China’s collectivisti c culture, for instance, the Chinese word for “politeness” includes four components: respect fulness, modesty, a warm attitude, and meeting standards. In this culture, saving face mean s first respecting others by showing appreciation and admiration for them. Second, one mu st be modest, which is demonstrated by not calling attention to oneself or elevating oneself. Third, an attitude of warmth requires that people show consideration, kindness, and hospi tality to others. Finally, one must behave in ways that are appropriate and that meet society ’s standards. To meet these goals in conversation, Chinese people often present themselves in a modest or self- deprecating way and will avoid saying what they actually think if it might hurt others (Chen g, 2004).

Like low-context and high- context communication characteristics, the differences between individualistic and collecti vistic cultures exist on a continuum. There are elements of individualism and collectivism i n all cultures, but to greater or lesser degrees. For example, Germany is classified as a mode rately individualistic culture, whereas Japan is moderately collectivistic (Oetzel & Ting- Toomey, 2003). Nearly three- quarters of the world’s cultures can be described as collectivistic (Triandis, 1989).

Based on what we have discussed about the differences between individualistic and collecti vistic cultures, you probably understand how conflicts can occur when people interact with others who have different values on issues such as what is best for the group versus what i s best for the individual, being unique versus fitting in, and self- reliance versus cooperation. If you want to be a competent communicator when interacting with individuals from other cultures, you must strive to understand the social norms of pe ople from other cultural backgrounds. Figure 3.3 summarizes some differences in the chara cteristics of individualistic and collectivistic cultures that can influence communication.

Figure 3.3: Communication in individualistic versus collectivistic cultures

Similar to cultural orientations toward low or high context, a culture can have a tendency t oward individualism or collectivism. There are elements of both in all cultures, but to great er or lesser degrees.

Source: Based on information from Novinger, T. (2001). Intercultural communication: A practical guide. Austin, TX: Universit y of Texas Press

Cultural Differences and Interpersonal Communication

Narrated video covering communication differences between low-context and high- context cultures and individualistic and collectivistic cultures.

Time Orientation and Culture

Time is a finite concept; we measure it in seconds, minutes, hours, days, months, and years or by cycles of the moon and tides, the weather, and the movement of planets and stars in t he solar system. Time is also a form of nonverbal communication that is structured formall y and informally by a culture. Chronemics is the study of how a culture structures and uses time, including how individuals perceive, structure, emphasize, and respond to time, as wel l as how they interpret messages about time. Though time is a structured and formalized en tity within and across cultures now, it was not always this way. For example, standard time in the United States did not commence until the spread of railroads as a popular form of hu man transportation in the mid- 1800s made it necessary to establish cultural agreement about exact time. Trains were the f irst method of transportation that could move passengers from place to place in a relatively short amount of time. Unless 2 p.m. was the same time for every station, it would be difficu lt for passengers to arrive at the station on time and board the trains before departure. Issu es such as the importance of punctuality, the timing and duration of business and social visi ts, and the amount of time you should wait for someone who is late all vary from culture to culture. For example, arriving five minutes late for a business appointment in the United St ates would usually require a brief apology, but it may not be even be noticed in another cou ntry. When you communicate with people of different cultures, variations in how you structure a nd use time can cause people to take offense when none was intended. However, time can a lso be used to send intentional messages to another person, and the person who has more p ower or influence in the interaction typically uses it for that purpose. For example, former U.S. President Harry Truman reportedly once kept a newspaper editor waiting for an appoi ntment for more than 45 minutes. Finally, the editor asked the president’s aide to check wit h the president about the long wait. Truman is said to have replied that when he had been a junior senator, the editor had kept him waiting for an hour and a half, so, as far as Truman was concerned, the editor still had “45 minutes to go” (Sowell, 1994). Since Truman was pr esident, and had more power than he did as a junior senator, he chose to and was permitte d to use time in this intentional way. President Truman also intentionally emphasized the p ower distance between himself and the reporter using time as an interpersonal communica tion message. Time can, of course, be used to send a positive message as well— arriving very early for a presentation or submitting a project early can indicate great intere st. Additionally, consider the length of time you may take to text a friend back. While you m ay simply view other activities as more important than texting, this may negatively impact your friend’s perception of you. Research shows that this is indeed true with instructors— students tend to more positively perceive those professors who respond quickly to their e- mails (Tatum, Martin, & Kemper, 2018).

Keith Levit Photography/Thinkstock

Though time is a finite concept, it is a form of nonverbal communication that differs across cultures. Chronemics is the study of how cultures structure and use time.

Hall (1959) introduced one important relationship between time and culture when he desc ribed monochronic and polychronic systems of time. In monochronic time system cultures, members prefer to attend to or schedule one task at a time. Time is viewed as a tangible an d valuable item that can be gained or lost, and individuals adhere to formal time, which is r egulated by a clock. Sayings such as “Time is money” and “I’m wasting time” are expression s of a monochronic time system. In the United States, for example, people tend to be punctu al about appointments, to focus on one thing at a time, and to get to the point quickly in con versation, even interrupting others, if necessary, to move the conversation along. Such beha viors reflect an emphasis on concentration, commitment to a task, promptness, and compar tmentalization, which are characteristic of a monochronic time system culture. In contrast, individuals in polychronic time system cultures prefer to focus on and schedule multiple tasks at once. Time, according to this system, is ever changing and flexible and is b ased more on events rather than actual time. For example, Latin American and Mediterrane an countries take much more time to establish a point in a conversation and to establish a r elationship with someone. People in these cultures may carry on more than one conversati on at a time (e.g., managing multiple issues with clients during a meeting or texting your fri end and talking face-to- face with your wife) and often consider it offensive to interrupt others when they are speak ing (Novinger, 2001). Such characteristics reflect a culture’s emphasis on commitment duri ng interactions and interpersonal relationships and on acceptance of interruptions.

Monochronic and polychronic time are not just a product of dominant cultures; there can b e differences between dominant and co- cultures and also between contexts. For example, though the United States as a whole tends to be a monochronic time system culture, residents of regions such as the South and Califor nia have a looser, more polychronic time system. In contrast, those from the Northeast typi cally adhere to a more monochronic time system. In addition, business and organizational c ontexts are more likely to be monochronic, and personal relationship contexts tend more to ward polychronic time (Hall, 1990). You can determine your own temporal orientation usin g Ballard and Seibold’s (2000) scale, provided in the Self-Test feature.

3.4 Developing Intercultural Communication Competence

You live and work in a multicultural world. To communicate well with someone whose cult ural background is different from your own, you must understand the customs, values, and characteristics of that person’s cultural heritage. One of the first requirements for understa nding others is to be open- minded about foreign cultures and eager to learn how another person’s perceptions and be haviors may differ from yours. The sections below identify steps to help you improve your i ntercultural communication competence, which is defined as “the ability to communicate ef fectively and appropriately in intercultural situations based on one’s intercultural knowled ge, skills, and attitudes” (Deardorff, 2006, p. 249). As with interpersonal communication co mpetence, intercultural communication competence involves acknowledging and balancing effectiveness and appropriateness, with a special consideration and appreciation of how k nowledge, motivation, and skill— the three factors that facilitate communication competence that we introduced in Chapter 2 —are particularly important to accomplish this delicate balance.

Travel Ink/Gallo Images/Getty Images

Be sure to consider possible cultural differences when you interact with others. This can he lp improve your communication competence.

Understand Your Own and Others’ Cultures

The first step in improved effectiveness and appropriateness is understanding your culture as well as the cultures of those with whom you frequently interact or in which you spend ti me. In other words, you should become knowledgeable about which messages and behavio rs are most appropriate and effective within the context of a particular culture and how tho se might differ in interactions with people from other, specific cultures. Consider and explo re the unique combination of dominant and co- cultures that are part of your background and heritage, and then evaluate your interactions

with others from different cultural backgrounds. Do you express an interest in learning ab out others’ cultures? For example, when you have booked a trip to visit a foreign country, d o you attempt to learn more about its culture before you visit? While there, do you chat wit h locals and spend time in areas that are not visited by many tourists? Are you open to the s pecific traditions and preferences of that culture, or do you behave entirely as you would if you were in your dominant culture? Most people are eager to share information about their heritage and the unique features of their cultures, and you will learn a great deal not only a bout the other culture but about yourself as well. Being open to this knowledge will go a lon g way in building your intercultural communication competence and is a key way to “ackno wledge multiple views.” When you engage in communication with people from other cultur es, remember to also keep in mind the aspects and characteristics of intercultural communi cation discussed in this chapter.

Acknowledge and Accept Cultural Differences

Whether you interact with different cultural values where you live or when you are travelin g, it is important to recognize that you will encounter cultural differences. Basic informatio n about different cultures—which can be accessed online or in travel guides— can help you anticipate and accept intercultural communication differences that may arise during your interactions with others. Such attempts are an example of being motivated to i mprove your intercultural communication competence— you are propelled to want to be appropriate and effective and are preparing to do so ahead of time. For example, when in a country where a language that is foreign to you is spoken, l earning to say “hello,” “goodbye,” “please,” and “thank you” in that language is a good place to start. Also keep in mind the principles of CAT described in this chapter, and be conscious of how you adjust your verbal and nonverbal messages. Specifically, accommodate how you communicate when communicating with members of different cultures, but be aware duri ng these interactions so that you don’t overaccommodate.

These efforts help decrease negative perceptions people sometimes have of cultures other t han their own. For instance, the expression “ugly American,” coined in a 1958 novel of the s ame name by Eugene Burdick and William J. Lederer, has been used to describe Americans traveling abroad who act offensively with their arrogance and privilege. What factors adva nced this stereotype of Americans traveling abroad? It may be tied to the strongly individua listic culture in the United States, but it is primarily the result of specific travelers who acte d inappropriately in a new place or who were likely unmotivated to learn about where they were traveling in order to be more interculturally competent travelers. The lesson here is t hat you can facilitate your communication competence and change preconceptions by ackn owledging and accepting the inevitable differences between cultures. The Web Field Trip fe ature offers more tips on how to deal with the culture shock involved in traveling abroad.

Web Field Trip

Strive to Overcome Ethnocentrism

As discussed earlier, resist the tendency to think “mine is better” when comparing your cult ure to that of others. We are inclined to evaluate other cultures on the basis of our own soci ety’s dominant culture, and too often people conclude that their own way of doing things is superior. We occasionally convey an ethnocentric attitude, without realizing it, through our language choices. Instead of saying, for example, “In Britain, they drive on the wrong side o f the road,” say, “In Britain, they drive on the left side of the road.” Remember that other cul tures can be (and frequently are) different. These differences are not wrong or strange, and we can learn to recognize the importance and value of other people’s cultures. In fact, whe n we are open to learning about other people’s unique cultural experiences, we reduce our own uncertainty and increase our positive attitude toward those individuals (Nelson, 1992; Wilson, 1993).

One specific way to do this is to apply the concepts in this chapter to a culture that is differe nt than yours. For example, is that culture low or high context? Individualistic or collectivis tic? Monochronic or polychronic? Identifying these cultural characteristics can help you un derstand why members of that culture behave and communicate the way that they do. Und erstanding the source of the differences between your culture and another culture can shift your thinking away from evaluating other cultures as simply “good” or “bad,” Cultural syst ems are often much more complex than that. The ability to do this shows that you have skill in applying your knowledge and motivation in understanding cultural distinctions and facil itating intercultural communication competence.

Engage in Communication with Individuals from Cultures Other Than Your Own

One effective way to reduce your ethnocentrism and your brain’s natural tendency to stere otype is to seek out opportunities to communicate with people who are culturally different than you. In 1954, Gordon Allport developed the contact hypothesis— commonly referred to as intergroup contact theory— which claims that the best tool to reduce one’s negative perceptions of, stigma toward, or p rejudice toward a specific group different from one’s own (or an “outgroup”) is interperson al communication with individuals from that group. For example, Japanese students who to ok part in volunteer abroad programs had better interpersonal communication skills, less e thnocentric viewpoints, and greater overall intercultural competence than students who di d not volunteer abroad (Yashima, 2010). While the theory originally referred to racial ingro ups and outgroups, it has since been expanded to various outgroup types, including those who might be differently abled or of a different religion, gender, or sexuality (Pettigrew & T ropp, 2006). Think about the example of the co- cultures that existed at your high school. Perhaps you had stereotyped perceptions about st udents in theatre. Maybe you were assigned a group project with someone from theatre, an d by working together outside of class, you soon learned that your stereotypes were misgui ded. This is Allport’s premise: By having positive, interpersonal communication with some one who is “different” than us, we are likely to find that those differences are only minimal. Then, we will generalize these positive perceptions to the entire outgroup.

Recognize the Unique Importance of Nonverbal Communication

As individuals in a dominant, low- context culture, most Americans rely more on verbal communication to communicate with one another, but nonverbal communication sometimes is more helpful for intercultural co mmunication. On a wider scale, nonverbal communication includes aspects of the environm ent, time, and appearance, so observe your surroundings and monitor what people are wea ring to better understand and adjust to different cultures you visit. Though it is difficult to u nderstand someone who speaks a different language, there are also many nonverbal messa ges that have the same, or similar, meanings across cultures, and using such messages in an intercultural interaction can better help you achieve shared meaning with someone, even i f you do not share the same language. For example, nodding one’s head is a nearly universal nonverbal gesture that indicates yes— though in certain areas of central Europe, such as Bulgaria, Albania, and Macedonia, a singl e head nod upward may also communicate disagreement. Though there is no official univer sal language or nonverbal way to communicate with others, acknowledging and accepting t hat each culture is unique can motivate you to learn about other cultures and teach you to b e flexible, accepting the differences that may arise between your culture and another cultur e.

The following interactive scenario encourages students to apply their understanding of elements

of culture to a variety of situations.