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59

Your Visit to Varanasi, India

I magine that you’re on a visit to the city of Varanasi (vuh-RAH-nuh-see) as a part of a tour of India. You know that Varanasi, located on the Ganges (GAN-jeez) River in north India, is unique among the cities of the world, but nothing can

quite prepare you for its sights, sounds, and smells. Your visit begins with a pre-dawn boat ride on the

Ganges. As your rowboat glides along the river, you see Hindu pilgrims on the western shore of the river descending the wide steps—two miles of them at Varanasi— leading down to the water. They wash themselves physically and spiritually, and pray toward the rising sun. A man dressed only in a loincloth and his sacred thread fi lls a small copper kettle with river water and then pours it out in a small stream while saying a prayer in the ancient Sanskrit language. After the boat ride, you walk to the Golden Temple, the most sacred of the city’s many shrines dedicated to Shiva (SHEE-vuh), the patron deity of Varanasi. You see Hindus making off erings of fl owers to the black stone emblem of Shiva. You also visit the newer Hindu temple inau- gurated by Mohandas Gandhi, the father of modern Indian indepen- dence. You return to the hotel for breakfast before taking a guided tour of Varanasi.

As you walk with your group through the narrow, twist- ing streets down to the river, you pass several cows wandering freely, and even a bull sacred to Shiva. You notice many small

temples and even smaller shrines that seem to be everywhere. You also notice many old, frail people, some in the doorways of ashrams and others living on the street, who have come to die in Varanasi in the hope of achieving liberation from the cycle of endless reincarnation. You see human bodies, wrapped and propped up on rickshaws, on their way to the water. As

you get close to the Ganges, you notice three men with wild hair, squatting on a stone platform overlook- ing the river. You can’t tell if they are wearing anything at all, and your tour guide explains that their bodies are smeared with ash and dried cow dung. They are smoking hashish in a pipe, praising Shiva loudly as they draw on the pipe. (You wince

when one of your tour mates makes a pun about “ganja on the Ganges.”) On the right you see a

large group of women bathing fully clothed in the water near the steps, and in a separate but close-by area a

group of men in Indian loincloths. Both the men and the women have come

to wash away their sins, and perhaps even the necessity of reincarnation. The river seems polluted to you, but this means nothing to the thousands of

Hindus who worship in it.

“Encountering Hinduism is like your fi rst visit to an Indian buffet. You can’t sample everything, but if you choose a good variety you’ll have a good introduction.”

Hinduism is mostly about escaping this material world.

Strongly Disagree Strongly Agree 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

What Do YOU Think?

A man who has renounced the world to devote himself to Shiva smokes a drug.

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< The Hindu god Shiva is often portrayed as the Lord of the Dance.

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60 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

As you keep walking up the river, you notice a cluster of large fi res and hundreds of large logs stacked up behind them, and you real- ize with a bit of a shock that you’ve reached Varanasi’s open-air cremation area. In a scene that you’ll remember for a long time, you see the steps of the Hindu funeral: piling wood into a pyre, lay- ing on the wood a body that has just been dipped into the Ganges, a son light- ing a pyre, priests intoning ancient scriptures as a body begins to burn, members of the Dom group gently tend- ing a body over three hours of burning to burn it as fully as possible, and Doms pushing cre- mated remains into the river to fl oat away. To die and be cremated in Varanasi is thought to bring automatic liberation from the cycle of reincarnation. Your group must stand respect- fully at the top of the steps, where you happily realize that you have a better view and the odor is better, too.

In the evening, you join your guide at the shore of the Ganges to witness the happy Aarti ceremony that is part of the evening religious devotions to Shiva. The celebrative music and dancing, and small candles lit on miniature “boats” and put into the river to memorialize the dead, soothe your spirits and make for a good, inspiring end to a challenging day.

If this is your fi rst encounter with the Hindu religion, you may become bewildered by all its varied beliefs and practices. Calling something a “religion” usually implies a unifi ed system of belief and practice, but Hinduism has little obvious unity. It has no personal founder, defi ned core beliefs, common scripture that guides all Hindus, standardized worship practice, or central authority. This diversity has led to what you may consider contradictions. For example:

● Hinduism has literally millions of gods, but many Hindus typically see one god behind them all, and some see only an impersonal Oneness in and beyond the universe.

● Hindus often control their bodies to pursue a hidden spiritual reality behind all physical things, seeking liberation from the endless cycle of

reincarnation and pursuing the peace that liberation brings here and now. At the same

time, they joyously affi rm bodily existence with a striking affi rmation of sexuality, for example with erotic statues in some temples.

● Many Hindus are strict vegetarians for religious reasons, but others eat meat on occasion, and some even sacrifi ce animals at Hindu temples.

● Hinduism teaches personal duties tied to one’s place in a rather rigid social structure but allows some people to “drop out” of ordinary life com- pletely to pursue individual religious goals.

● Hindus number around 900 million today in India, a number that includes some 220 million Indian “outcastes.” The modern Indian state now considers these 220 million as Hindus, but they are not considered as such by most other Hindu castes, nor do they often call themselves Hindus.

● Hinduism has a long history of at least three thousand years but constantly combines old tradi- tions with new elements to produce a richer, more diverse faith and culture that bring ancient tradi- tions into the twenty-fi rst century.

In light of all this obvious diversity, what is the hidden unity of Hinduism that binds it together? Scholars have argued about this for more than one hundred years, and it’s not an easy question to answer. The most common answer is this: Hinduism, and faithful Hindus, have a rev- erence for the ancient Hindu scriptures called the Vedas and perform their caste duties. But this may seem a bit

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Varanasi’s open-air

cremation area.

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61T H E N A M E H I N D U I S M

vague to you, and you should keep the question open as you study this chapter. In sum, encountering Hinduism is a bit like going to an Indian restau-

rant for the fi rst time. When you see a wide variety of exotic dishes on the menu, or even if you go to an Indian buffet, you realize that you can’t taste them all. But at the end of the meal, you know that your experience in the restaurant gave you a good introduction to Indian cuisine.

Religion usually implies a unified system

of belief and practice, but Hinduism has

little obvious unity.

LO1 The Name Hinduism Like the names of a few other world religions, the for- mal name of Hinduism came from outside the faith. Hindu fi rst appears around 500 B.C.E. as the ancient

Persian word for the Indus River and the inhabitants of its val- ley. From the 1300s C.E., invading Muslim rulers of northern India used “Hindu” for all non-Muslim Indians, whatever religion they were, to distinguish them from Indian converts to Islam. Beginning in the 1500s, European colonizers coming to India used it in its current sense to mean the members of the supposedly single religion to which all Indians other than groups like Muslims, Christians, and Zoroastrians belonged. Then, from about 1800 on, Hinduism gradually became accepted by most Hindus in India as a valid name for their religion, especially to distinguish their religion from others. Thus, Hinduism is an umbrella term gradually imposed on Hindus and then accepted by them.

The approximately 2 million Hindus living in North America and the sizeable Hindu communi- ties in other parts of south Asia (especially Bali, Indonesia), a few parts of Africa, and Great Britain also embrace this name. However, more-upper-class

Om (Aum) [OHM] Spoken syllable symbolizing the fundamental hidden reality of the universe

Symbols of Hinduism

Om Although Hinduism has no offi cial symbol, the religious symbol most sacred to most Hindus is the mystical syllable Om. You will also fi nd the spelling “Aum,” and in fact the symbol is composed of the equivalent of our letters a, u, and m. Although as a syllable it has no literal meaning, Om symbolizes the fundamental hidden reality of the universe and is the basic spiritual sound the universe makes, particularly the sound of the world soul. Om is writ- ten daily in formal contexts and often pronounced at the beginning of religious reading or meditation. Many Hindus wear this symbol in jewelry, and it is found in family shrines and in temples. Pronounced in a deep, lengthy way, it can resonate throughout the body and the sound of Brahman can penetrate to one’s center of being.

The Swastika You may be surprised, even shocked, to encounter the swastika as a common, ancient symbol in Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. Svastika (SWAHS-tee-kuh) is an ancient Indian word meaning “sign of good fortune,” and this symbol is widely used as a good-luck charm. The swastika has “crooked” arms facing in a clockwise or counterclockwise direction (both direc- tions are common in Asia). Its arms extend in all directions, suggesting to Hindus the universal presence of the world soul. It is continually rotating like the wheel that it resembles, symbolizing the eternal nature of ultimate truth. This symbol is often found on Hindu, Jain, and Buddhist temples, and it is worn on neck pendants. In 1935, the Nazi Party of Germany adopted the swastika known in Europe, with no historical connection to the Indian svastika, as its symbol of the party and the nation—of course with no intent to endorse Hindu teachings. It is still used today by some neo-Nazi groups. So we have an odd situation: For people of many Asian religions, the swastika is a much-loved symbol; for people in the Western world, the swastika is much despised.

A Closer Look:

ILLUSTRATIONS BY: BONNIE VAN VOORST © CENGAGE LEARNING

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62 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

Hindus often refer to their religion as the “eternal teaching” or “eternal way of life.” Some scholars of religion also question the adequacy of Hinduism as a name, preferring to speak of “Hinduisms.” On the whole, it is fi tting that a vague term like Hinduism is used today for a religious tradition that has so much internal diversity.

LO2 The Hindu Present as Shaped by Its Past

At dawn, a group of men in northern India sits around an outdoor fi re pit and chants poetic hymns from memory. Nearby, outside a boundary rope that encloses the area of sacrifi ce, their teenage sons sit studying the sacrifi ce, quietly repeating the men’s words and movements. Also outside the rope, women are pounding rice, cooking it, and shaping it into balls. The men occasionally pour a bit of liquefi ed butter from a wooden bowl onto the fi re, which fl ares up momentarily. The men are singing ancient hymns to Agni, the Hindu god of fi re, comparing him to the rising sun. After the sacrifi ce, the rice balls will fi rst be off ered to Agni, and then some will be eaten in turn by the priests, then by their sons, the women, and the whole community. This ceremony from more than three thousand years ago is carried out with increasing frequency in India as interest in ancient Hindu practices grows. However, some Hindus are not happy about the re-creation of ancient sacrifi ces, preferring instead the adaptations of these rituals that have arisen in the course of Hindu history.

History is an important tool for those who study today’s religions from a Western academic standpoint. We understand the present of religions by way of their past. Although Hinduism must be understood histori- cally as well, history itself is not an important concept in Hinduism. Most Hindus don’t think of their religion in historical terms, preferring to look to the spiritual truths beyond historical events. They often look to cycles of change for individuals (for example, death and reincarnation) and for the universe itself (repeated creation and dissolution), not to the kind of linear developmental process that “history” usually implies to Westerners. Nevertheless, studying Hinduism’s past is valid and helpful, particularly because in Hinduism

new developments reinterpret and update past practices rather than end them. In Hinduism today, we can see important beliefs and practices from the entire sweep of Indian history.

The Vedic Period

(1500–600 B.C.E.)

Around 2500 B.C.E., an Indus Valley civilization thrived in northwest India, in what is now the nation of Pakistan (see Map 3.1). It centered in two city-states on the Indus River, Harappa (huh-RAHP-uh) and Mohenjo-Daro (moh-HEN-joh-DAHR-oh). The Indus Valley inhabit- ants were a dark-skinned people whom most scholars connect with today’s Indians called Dravidians (druh-

VID-ee-uhnz). (About 25 percent of Indians today are Dravidians.) This civi- lization traded internationally and had a high material culture; its main cities of Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro were care- fully planned and even had a sewage sys- tem connected to private houses. Their system of writing has not yet been deci- phered by scholars. The religion of the Indus Valley civilization is also largely unknown to us. Many

female deity fi gurines have been found by archaeolo- gists, and the Indus Valley people probably worshiped goddesses of fertility in con- nection with their farming. The cows on their offi cial seals—a variety of stone objects prob- ably used in worship—and sculptures of people in seated meditation may suggest reli- gious practices that infl u- enced Hinduism. But until much more is known about these and other features of Indus Valley religion, its effect on Hinduism must remain uncertain.

Most Hindus don’t think

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spiritual truths beyond

historical events.

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The Indus Valley people’s offi cial seals featured the cows still venerated today in Hinduism.

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63T H E H I N D U P R E S E N T A S S H A P E D B Y I T S PA S T

The Indus Valley civiliza- tion was in decline around 1500 B.C.E., when nomadic tribes who called themselves Aryans (AIR-ee-unzs), or

“noble ones,” migrated into northwest India from their home in the Caucasus area between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea. These Aryans must be dis- tinguished from the modern Nazi misuse of this term, which was identifi ed with Nordic-Germanic people as a claimed superior race. Moreover, many Hindus dis- pute this migration/invasion, so Hindu scholars some- times refer to it as the “Aryan Invasion Theory.” The Aryans were light-skinned cattle-herding and warlike tribes with horse-drawn chariots. They were a part of the migration from central Asia into both India and Europe; hence the term Indo-Europeans is much more common than Aryans. They soon took over control of the Indus Valley peoples. These Indo-Europeans spoke

Sanskrit, a language closely related to most European languages, including English. They had oral collec- tions called the Vedas, which form the foundation of Hinduism. The Vedas represent a diversifi ed and continuous oral tradition that extends from around 1200 to 800 B.C.E.; they were written down much later. The earliest Vedas, four in number, were “books of knowledge” compiling hymns to various deities, instructions for sacrifi ce, songs to accompany sacri- fi ce, and spells for everyday life to bring on blessings and keep away evil.

The heart of Vedic religion was sacrifi ce by means of fi re, accompanied by sung praises and requests to the gods. Vedic gods living in the skies or in heaven play a role in human life as forces of nature, forces that can be infl uenced by sacrifi ce. In general, Vedic sacrifi cial

Vedas [VAY-duhs] Hindu “books of knowledge” consisting of Rig, Yajur, Sama, and Atharva Vedas

Map 3.1 Indus Valley Civilization and Aryan Migrations The Indus Valley culture emerged in the city–states of the Indus River Basin. It was in decline

when the Aryan (Indo-European) peoples began migrating into India around 1500 B.C.E.

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64 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

rituals aim at aiding and strengthening the gods, who then strengthen the world to remain alive and strong, so that those who offer sacrifi ce may prosper. In this world- view the gods and humans are partners in a “circle of life” that maintains the ongoing creative processes of the world. Both need each other to thrive. The Vedic stage of Hinduism affi rms the world, accepting the physical aspects of the world as good and proper. At the  daily and domestic level, the simple Agnihotra ritual to the sun was performed by the head of most Vedic households three times each day and is still common in India. Even given its adaptations over time, it is arguably the old- est continually practiced ritual in the world. The gods to whom Agni (AHG-nee), the god of fi re, carried the sacrifi cial offerings included Indra, the king of the gods, with traits of both a war god and a thunder god; Varuna (vah-ROON-uh), the god guaranteeing moral order; and Brahma (BRAH-muh), the god of creation. Many other gods, mostly male with some female, are also associated with physical and spiritual forces of nature.

A key person of Vedic times was the rishi, or “seer” of the divine, a priest who was able to commune directly with the gods. The rishis achieved an altered

state of consciousness in which they could see and hear the gods. To reach this state, they drank a drug called

soma, probably hallucino- genic, pressed out perhaps from a mushroom. When the rishi drank soma as a part of Vedic sacrifi ce, he took a trip to the realm

of the gods and experienced their hidden truth. He then was inspired to compose hymns in their praise, hymns which came into the Rig Veda. Soma even became a god, so powerful were its effects. This quest for a direct individual encounter with ultimate, hidden truth has per- sisted in the Hindu tradition to this day, although the encounter itself has changed. No longer is it an encounter with all the gods; it is discovery of an ultimate reality hidden in one’s soul or ecstatic devotion to one’s cho- sen god. The means of achieving it have changed (no longer a drug, but intense meditation), as have those who can achieve it (no longer limited to soma drinkers, but open to all).

“ The sun would not rise if the priests did not

sacrifice.” —Famous saying of Vedic times

Near the end of the Vedic period, for reasons not clear to us, the Vedic system of sacrifi ce grew into a dominant power in Aryan society. The power of sac- rifi ce was no longer dependent on the gods’ favor as infl uenced by the humble prayer and household sacri- fi ces of ordinary Aryans, but on the faultless priestly performance of increasingly more elaborate sacrifi cial rituals. At least sixteen priests, and many more assis- tants, were needed for the regular sacrifi ces. Sacrifi ce was no longer just a means to the attainment of bless- ings such as children and prosperity, but a requirement for the maintenance of the world itself. A famous say- ing of the time claimed that “the sun would not rise if the priest did not sacrifi ce” (Satapatha Brahmana 1.3.1). Religious and social power collected in the hands of one type of priest among many: the priests who called themselves Brahmins. The books detail- ing sacrifi ce and its power are called the Brahmanas, “Brahmin books.” This concentration of power in the hands of the Brahmin priesthood, perhaps combined with other factors such as the infl uence of indigenous Indus Valley religious practices, would spark change for Hinduism in its next period of history. It would also catalyze the birth of a new religion, Buddhism, which would change religion in all of ancient Asia and, in modern times, the world.

The Great Bath at Harappa

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rishi [REE-shee] “Seer” of the divine, who collected the sounds of the four Vedas

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65T H E H I N D U P R E S E N T A S S H A P E D B Y I T S PA S T

The Upanishadic Period

(600–400 B.C.E.)

In the fi rst millennium B.C.E., Hindus added another dimension that has endured to this day. This is the quest for knowledge so deep and sacred that to know it is to bring eternal freedom from this world of appearances and constant change. The Upanishads, philosophical Hindu scriptures from this period, are primarily dia- logues between teachers and young students who seek this sacred knowledge in a withdrawal from ordinary life. These teachers and students renounced the Vedic value put on ordinary life and pursued extraordinary truths. They criticized the Vedic rituals as unnecessary, and they rejected the rising social and economic power of the priesthood. Their criticism of Vedic sacrifi ce was so effective that from this period through today the only remnants of Vedic sacrifi ce that survive are the relatively simple ones often incorpo- rated into newer rites, especially wed- dings, funerals, other traditional rites of passage, and simple daily sacrifi ces. The Upanishads urge physical and mental rigors that become increas- ingly important for Hindu practice. Buddhism and Jainism, which will be

considered in later chap- ters, arose at this time in India to fi nd a single required way to enlighten- ment, but each one denied key Hindu teachings and practices. Most Hindus gradually rejected these new movements in favor of Hinduism’s inclusive approach.

The Upanishads teach that underlying reality is a spiritual essence called Brahman, a single “world soul” that is the founda- tion of all physical matter, energy, time and space, and

b e i n g itself—in short, of everything in and beyond this uni- verse. (This term is not to be confused with the Vedic creator god Brahma or the Brahmin priests.) Although it is cosmic, Brahman is present in all people in the form of the atman, a

person’s innermost self or soul. In other words, each person’s innermost soul is a part of the one world soul. For most (but not all) Hindus, Brahman is not a personal being, as “world soul” might imply; it is spiritual, but it is not a spirit. The religious quest in the Upanishads involves understanding that Brahman and one’s own atman are one and the same. The realization of this truth, which is the deepest form of self-understanding, brings freedom from ignorance and misery, and release from the endless cycle of reincarnations of one’s atman. Unlike the Vedic hymns, the Upanishads do not affi rm the physical world, but rather aim at transcending it.

This goal of liberating one’s soul by perfect knowl- edge of it, and the use of physical and meditational techniques to achieve this knowledge, became per- manent, important aspects of Hinduism. These tech- niques gradually coalesced into a system called yoga, the Sanskrit word for “yoke.” Yoga is an ancient medi- tational practice that yokes the body and mind in the quest for religious deliverance. (You may know it as an exercise and meditation system, but it is much more than that for Hindus.) Yoga aims at removing humans from the overwhelming men- tal fl ow of the material world, © D

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Statue in Bangalore, India, of the god Shiva meditating in the lotus yoga position

Upanishads [oo-PAHN-ih-shahds] Literally, “Sittings Near a Teacher”; philosophical scriptures that spelled the end of the Vedas

Brahman [BRAH-muhn] “World soul,” the ground of all matter, energy, time and space

atman [AHT-muhn] Person’s innermost self or soul

yoga [YOH-guh] Ancient meditational practice that yokes the body and mind in the quest for religious deliverance

For most Hindus,

Brahman is spiritual

but is not a spirit.

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66 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

if only momentarily, in order to recap- ture their original spiritual purity.

The Classical

Period (400 B.C.E.

–600 C.E.)

A growing number of conver- sions to Buddhism and Jainism was a threat to Hinduism. The Mauryan (MOHR-yuhn) dynasty that governed north India was pro-Buddhist, and its most famous king, Ashoka (ah- SHOH-kuh), extended Aryan rule and Buddhist infl uence into all of India. Hindus dealt with this threat in a way that became typical of Hinduism through today, by integrating foreign elements into the broader Hindu tradition. The main teachings of the Upanishads were seen as compatible with the earlier Vedas—whether they were or not—and accepted into the Vedic body of scripture.

In addition, they incorpo- rated a variety of religious practices of lower, non-Aryan classes that were converting to new religions. To put it another way, the Sanskrit tradition of the Vedas, for the educated upper classes and the “high” gods, took in and controlled the tradition of the lower, non-Aryan population and the “low gods” of local village and tribal deities. Local deities became a part of the village shrines and temples. The local gods were identifi ed with the older gods, or regarded as their incarnations, or became one of their “family members.” The non-Aryans were success- fully taken into this system, some into the lower castes

and others into the “out- castes.” This development solidifi ed Brahmin power and religious teachings, and eventually stemmed the conversions of non- Aryans to other religions. However, mass conversions

to other  religions, particularly Buddhism and Christianity, are still a diffi cult issue when they occur today among lower classes in India.

Around 400 B.C.E., as the wandering Aryans fi nally settled into towns and cities, they built per- manent homes for themselves and temples for their gods. Before that, all sacrifi ce was done outdoors, with sites as nomadic as the Aryan tribes. During the Classical period the two great Hindu epics still popular today were written, the Mahabharata (MAH-huh-BAH- rah-tuh) and the Ramayana (rah- MAH-yah-nuh). Both relate royal rivalries, perhaps refl ecting politi- cal turmoil during this period as different clans struggled for ter- ritorial power when they settled

down. They feature a tension between the aim of upholding the world found in the Vedas and that of isolating a person from society in order to achieve individual liberation found in the newer Upanishadic tradi-

tion. Both epics emphasize that social and moral obligation must

be maintained, and that rulers acting in the Hindu tradition have a key role in maintaining it. However, many char- acters in these epics have renounced the world, live alone in forests or in small settlements, and are said to pos-

sess extraordinary powers to bless or to curse. The epics’ heroes almost always

treat these world renouncers, or sa- dhus (SAH-doos)—of whom we will speak

below—with great respect and learn much from them even as they take up their social duties.

Another solution to this tension is found in the Mahabharata, particularly the part of it known by the separate title of Bhagavad Gita, “Song of Heaven” or “Song of the Lord.” In the Gita, the god Krishna appears to the warrior-class leader Arjuna (are-JOON- ah), to convince him to do his social duty of fi ghting, but in a way in which he understands and controls its effect on him. The Gita’s solution is a masterful blend of world-affi rming action and world-denying detach- ment from the results of one’s actions. True renunciation

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Goddess sculpture at a temple in Mathura, northern India

Bhagavad Gita [BAH- guh-vahd GEE-tuh] “Song of the Lord”; a long poem on religious duty in the Mahabharata

True renunciation

does not mean

renouncing socially

responsible actions.

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67T H E H I N D U P R E S E N T A S S H A P E D B Y I T S PA S T

does not involve renouncing socially responsible actions. Rather,  it involves renouncing desire for the fruits of actions even as one fulfi lls one’s social duty. Selfl ess action without desire for reward is true renunciation for the Gita, and no tension should exist between one’s dual obli- gation to support the world and to seek individ- ual liberation. The Gita recognizes that this is diffi cult and that most people must use yoga

and other disciplines to accomplish it. This ingenious approach has

contributed to the Bhagavad Gita’s status as the most infl uential of Hindu scriptures today.

A different genre of lit- erature also concerned with society arose at this time, the law codes, particularly the Laws of Manu (MAH- new). What epics do in a lit- erary way, the law codes do in a formally legal way. They carefully restrict renunciation of the world to older males. One must earn the right to renounce the world by fi rst being in the world as a good student, then as a husband and father. Opting out of ordinary life can only be done after one has successfully engaged in it. Underlying all the law books is the strong Hindu affi rmation that doing one’s duty for an orderly, sta- ble society is necessary for this world and after one’s death leads to better reincarnation. This social order involves primarily the proper functioning of the main social-religious classes that arose in Vedic times, as well as the proper observance of interaction within and among these classes. Women belong to the vari- ous classes even though their social roles are not as determined by their class as their husbands’ roles are. We will consider these classes more fully below.

The Devotional Period

(600 C.E.–present)

The next period in Hinduism is characterized by three developments: the rise of devotional movements, espe- cially the main three devoted to Shiva (SHEE-vuh), Vishnu (VISH-new), and the Goddess; Tantrism; and the rise of Hindu reform movements. Of these develop- ments, the fi rst is so important and infl uential that it has given its name to the entire period.

Devotion to one’s chosen god is a main way of being Hindu. Devotion,

or bhakti, enters the Hindu tradition as early as the Bhagavad Gita, where devo-

tion to Krishna brings a cognitive mental dis- cipline to guide action in the world. Around

the sixth century C.E. in southern India, advocates of devotional Hinduism led

movements praising Shiva and Vishnu in emotional poetry and song. This

devotional experience involves often-uncontrollable joy in one’s god, sometimes with fainting, frenzy, tears of anguish, and ecstatic speech. By the seventeenth century,

this devotional movement spread into most Hindu traditions, where it remains.

The devotional movement gradually coalesced into three movements, one each for Shiva, Vishnu, and

Shakti (SHAHK-tee), the Goddess. Devotion is typically described in its poetry and

song as deep love for one’s god. Devotees are willing to sacrifi ce anything in order to revel with their divine lord in ecstatic bliss. The best example of this is the devo- tees of the cowherd Krishna, married women who leave their husbands and homes to frolic with Krishna in the woods. Women have played an important role in the rise of devotional movements. Two famous women dev- otees, Mahadeviyakka (MAH-huh-deh-vee-YAHK-uh) and Mirabai (MEER-uh-bigh), were both unhappy in traditional marriages and eventually left their husbands to devote themselves entirely to a god. Hinduism fi nds a way to balance devotion to a god and renunciation of the world. The language of love that breaks Hindu social rules is made a symbol of deep love within these rules. Even holy men who have renounced everyday life typically wear devotional marks to Vishnu or Shiva.

Hinduism finds a way to balance

devotion to a god and renunciation

of the world.

An actor in traditional clothing and makeup performs part of an Indian epic.

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bhakti [BAHK-tee] Devotion, particularly in a devotional movement or group

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68 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

The Tantras, the basis of the second major devel- opment of this period, are writings based on practices that arose outside the elite Brahmin tradition. Many Westerners today associate the Tantras with exotic sex- ual practices, but Tantrism

is much broader than that. The hundreds of Tantras often criticize established religious practices and the upholders of those practices, especially the Brahmins. However, the Tantras also often express central, tradi- tional Hindu ideas and practices. For example, an indi- vidual is a microcosm of the cosmos, and by learning the sacred “geography” and life forces of one’s body one may, by means of various yogic techniques, bring about one’s own spiritual fulfi llment. The Tantras them- selves distinguish between a right-handed path and a left-handed path. The right-handed path is open to most Hindus and uses mantras (short sacred words or sounds used in prayer or meditation), sacred diagrams called mandalas, and ritual techniques based on body geography. The left-handed path, appropriate for those with an especially adventurous, fearless temperament, centers on rituals that engage in actions strictly forbid- den in Hinduism, gaining liberation by transcending the tension between good and evil. For example, by express- ing lust in sexual intercourse with a forbidden woman, a man may seek to overcome lust. Left-handed Tantrism is highly controversial among many Hindus, but right- handed Tantrism is commonly approved.

We turn now to the next topic in the Devotional period: Hindu reform or revisionism. Hinduism was not, on the whole, so affected by Islam during Muslim rule in India that it had to make adaptive changes. However, with the arrival fi rst of European colonizers and then of Christian missionaries in the nineteenth century, their interaction with Hindus led to Hindu movements for change. Attempts were made to renew Hinduism spiritually and socially, ending practices that most Hindu reformers found objectionable: the harsh- est features of the caste system, “superstitions” like Vedic astrology, popular blessings and curses, the wor- ship of images, and the like.

● Rammohan (RAHM-moh-hahn) Roy (1774–1833), who was perhaps the world’s fi rst scholar of comparative religion, had watched in shock as his sister burned to death on the funeral pyre of her husband. He was dismayed at what he saw as the harmful effects of caste divisions. He founded the

Society of Brahmanism in 1828. Roy claimed that the Upanishads reveal the one God of all people. The One was to be worshiped through meditation, quiet worship, and a moral life, not by the emo- tions of devotional Hinduism.

● Dayananda Sarasvati (DAH-yuh-NAN-duh SAH- rahs-VAH-tee) founded the “Noble Society” (Arya Samaj) in 1875. Dayananda found the pure, origi- nal essence of Hinduism in the Vedas centering on monotheism and a reasoned morality. He opposed much of devotional Hinduism and was opposed to Islam and Christianity. His movement along with Ram Roy’s gained little steady acceptance from Hindus.

● Ramakrishna (RAH-muh-KRISH-nah), who lived from 1836 to 1886, taught traditional Hindu beliefs and spiritual techniques. He was a devoted temple priest of the goddess Kali, but he wor- shiped other Hindu deities as well—even the God of Christians and Muslims. He incorporated selected Western ideas and religions into a Hindu context and did not attempt to change Hinduism by making it conform to Western ideas of religion or rationalism. This program was widely effective and led to Ramakrishna’s fame in Hinduism.

The twentieth-century Indian movement for religious reform and independence from the British Empire—particularly its religious and political leader, Mohandas K. Gandhi (moh-HAHN-dahs GAHN-dee; 1869-1948)—shows once again the persistence and adaptability of Hinduism. Gandhi is widely known by his honorifi c name, Mahatma (“great soul”), and he certainly was one of the great fi gures of the twenti- eth century. The civil rights movement in the United States and South Africa is heavily indebted to him for nonviolent resistance as a religious-political program. Although Gandhi drew on different religious tradi- tions, especially nonviolence in Jainism (ahimsa) and Christianity (the teaching of Jesus on forgiving one’s enemies while refusing to cooperate with them in evil), he was thoroughly Hindu. He emphasized Hindu teachings and practices that the masses could appre- ciate, such as devotion, prayer, and trust in divine grace, and combined this with strong moral reasoning and action. His favorite text was the Bhagavad Gita, which provided the religious foundation for his sys- tem of “persisting in the truth.” This system involves expressing the truth in every action, no matter what the result, acting without regard for rewards. Acting for social good without any regard for personal

Tantras [TAHN-truhs] Writings in the Tantric movement of Hinduism

mantras [MAHN-truh] Short sacred formula used in prayer or meditation

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69T H E H I N D U P R E S E N T A S S H A P E D B Y I T S PA S T

reward is a main point of the Gita, but Gandhi chose to read the Gita as a text urging nonviolence, not war. He forbade violence as a tool in his political campaigns; instead, he urged self-control, negotiation and tactical compromises, and even self-sacrifi ce.

Gandhi’s style of life drew on the renouncer tradition in Hinduism. At middle age he practiced the strict poverty of a holy man and later in life took a vow of celibacy. He wore little cloth- ing and lived on a bare minimum of food, becom- ing very thin. This austere lifestyle built spiritual strength for the liberation of Hindus from caste hatred, domination by colonialists, and widespread economic poverty. The nonviolent movement he led secured independence from Great Britain in 1947, but to his sorrow this independence resulted in not one nation but two: India and the officially Muslim nation of Pakistan, to which many Muslims migrated. He was assassinated by a Hindu in 1948 after ris- ing complaints that he was too much of a pluralist and too accommodating to Muslims—some Hindus had even mocked him as “Mohammed Gandhi.” Unfortunately, his murder increased the tension between Hindus and Muslims that challenges the

whole Indian subcontinent even today, but his positive legacy continues in India and throughout the world.

The government of modern India has tolerated all reli- gions and has brought some signifi cant improvement to the lives of the lower classes and the outcastes. This has provoked a religious- political reaction widely but contro- versially referred to as “Hindu fundamentalism.” For the members of Hindu funda- mentalist groups, Hindu ism is more a symbol of national political identity than a reli- gion. The main group to arise is the Indian People’s Party, often known by its Hindi- language initials, BJP. Their principal concern is the per- ceived danger to the Hindu majority by conversions

among untouchables and other Hindus, which they see as a threat to what they call the “Hindu- ness,” Hindutva (hihn-DOOT- vah), of India. They have enacted laws restricting efforts at conver- sion by Muslims and Christians. In

1992, a Muslim mosque in the city of Ayodhya was destroyed by a mob

of militant Hindus, and then rioting by Muslims and Hindus killed more than a

thousand people. From 1998 to 2004, the BJP was in control of the

Indian government, with a leader of the BJP as prime minister. It was during this time that India openly deployed nuclear weapons, prompting Pakistan to do the same. Although they now are out of power in the national government, the BJP and its fundamentalist supporters still control a few Indian states and have a strong infl uence on the nation. For example, in 2007 they got the Indian government to give up a plan to build a shipping canal between India and Sri Lanka, claiming that this canal would destroy an ancient, holy “bridge” to Sri Lanka that Hindus believe was built by the gods. Most Hindus see Hindu fundamentalism as contrary to the generally inclusive, tolerant spirit of Hinduism. This will probably dampen its growth potential, but Hindu radicalism remains strong in several parts of India today.

Ben Kingsley as Gandhi, and Martin Sheen as newspaperman Vince Walker, in the acclaimed 1982 fi lm Gandhi

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Some Hindus

mockingly

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Gandhi “Mohammed

Gandhi” because they

thought he was too

accommodating to

Muslims.

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70 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

LO3 Essential Hindu Teachings

In central India, a woman off ers prayer and a sacrifi ce of food in a temple dedicated to Santoshi Ma (san-TOH-shee mah), or “Mother of Satisfaction." Santoshi Ma is a goddess of prosperity, especially the wife’s prosperity with modern appliances in her home, and the woman in the temple is asking for a more bearable load of housework. Santoshi Ma was unknown before her existence was discerned by a few devout Hindus in the 1960s. A few temples were then built in her honor, and in 1975 she was featured in a blockbuster Hindi-language fi lm, Hail Santoshi Ma. The fi lm presented a mythology for Santoshi Ma’s divine birth and growth as the daughter of Ganesha, and featured a simple devotional ritual to gain her blessing. Santoshi Ma became an impor- tant, much-loved goddess practically overnight, the fi rst time that modern mass media have infl uenced the rise of a deity. Because the establishment of new deities has a strong precedent in Hinduism, Santoshi Ma is now well integrated

into the pantheon of Hindu god- desses, and her many devotees see her as one with all the other goddesses.

In this section, we will dis- cuss the main beliefs of Hindus about the world, human society, and the individual. We will begin with a treatment of the

main deities in the three devo- tional movements we encoun- tered in the previous section.

Main Deities

in the Three

Devotional

Movements

Shiva. Shiva (SHEE-vah) is the god who meditates in his home in the Himalayas. He is a fearsome god with matted hair, with a body smeared with ashes and clothed with animal skins, and carrying snakes and human skulls. He repeatedly burns the god of love to ashes when the god tries to distract him. In the cosmic cycle of creation,

destruction, and re-creation, Shiva guides and empow- ers destruction. However, Shiva devotees today view this destruction positively, as symbols of the removal of obstacles to salvation; destruction is a necessary part of re-creation. The destructive side of Shiva is depicted in the popular bronze statues called Shiva Nataraja (NAH-tuh-RAHJ-uh), “Shiva the Lord of the Dance” (see the photo on the opening page of this chapter). Shiva is surrounded by fi re, which destroys in order to purify. He embodies the world-renouncing tendencies of Hinduism and as such provides a model for this aspect of the tradition. However, a good deal of Shiva’s mythology concerns his eventual marriage to the goddess Parvati (PAHR-vah-tee), mythology in which a feminine, life- promoting side of Shiva emerges. His other consorts are Durga, the goddess of death, and Kali, the frightening destroyer of evil.

Shiva is also an appealing, attractive god. His son Ganesha (or simply Ganesh), the elephant-headed god who clears away obstacles to success, is one of the best-loved Hindu divinities. Ganesha’s image is found in nearly every Hindu shop and offi ce around the world. Shiva’s most typical image in his temples is the lingam (“sign”). The meaning of this is disputed; it probably depicts the erect phallus, which celebrates Shiva’s power, but for most Hindus this meaning is not important. Shaivites often worship Shiva by pouring milk over the lingam. Another main symbol of Shiva is the bull Nandi, whose statue outside his temples is venerated by worshipers. Shiva is also represented by the trident, and his devotees often wear horizontal

The Taj Mahal, built in the 1600s as a Muslim tomb, has become the architectural symbol of India and is widely

considered one of the most beautiful buildings in the world.

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lingam [LING-gahm] Symbol of erect phallus in Shiva’s shrines

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71E S S E N T I A L H I N D U T E A C H I N G S

stripes painted on their fore- head and display a trident.

Vishnu. Vishnu, on the other hand, is a cosmic king who lives

in blissful splendor in his heavenly palace. He super- vises universal order and prosperity, protecting and preserving the world. When needed, he descends to the world in various incarnations to defeat enemies of both humans and the gods. Vishnu is a royal, gra- cious god, revered by his devotees with loving devo- tion and surrender. His female counterpart is Lakshmi (LAHK-shmee), the much-loved goddess of fortune and wealth. Vishnu is often depicted with blue skin, because he once killed a fi ve-headed snake, taking all its poison into himself; his skin then changed color due to the poison’s effect. To his worshipers, this blue color is a symbol of his power.

Vishnu’s most familiar incarnations are Rama, hero of the Ramayana, and Krishna, hero of the Bhagavad Gita. Both Rama and Krishna are today among the best- loved Hindu gods, which has ironically led to Vishnu himself being seen as too high to intervene directly on behalf of the individual in trouble. Devotees of Vishnu who have renounced the world typically wear two ver- tical markings on the forehead that come together on the bridge of the nose.

Shakti and the Goddess. The cult of Shakti and the mother aspect of the divine had its roots in the Vedas. The Rig Veda describes Shakti as the powerful upholder of the universe. She is the sister of Krishna and the

wife of Shiva. She is wor- shiped as Devi (DEH- vee), “the Goddess,” who is one with Brahman. The literature of Shaktism is found in the Tantras; it gives a high place to women and reacts strongly against caste dis- tinctions. In some regions of India, the Great Goddess (Mahadevi) is revered as the supreme divinity. Female power in the Goddess alone is seen as the ultimate cause of the creation, preser- vation, and end of the world.

Like Shiva, the Goddess is venerated both in her

gentle, motherly aspects and in her cruel, dangerous, and erotic aspects. Accordingly, she is honored under

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The deceptively lovely Durga, goddess of death

Ganesha with Om on his forehead

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72 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

a wide variety of divine forms. The most well known are Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth and consort of Vishnu; the black goddess Kali (“dark one”), riding on a lion; and the demon-slaying goddess Durga. The yoni, a stone representation of the human female genitalia usually found in Goddess temples, is a symbol of the feminine power of the cos-

mos. The lingam is often set within the yoni to suggest that the universe is powered by a combination of the male and the female.

With Hinduism’s millions of gods—traditionally put at 330 million!—and even with these three more focused devotional movements, how do Hindus put it all together in a way that makes everyday sense for them? Whether a Hindu honors Vishnu, Shiva, or Shakti, that god is for her or him the sole and the high- est, whereas other Hindu gods are lower forms. Thus, one god is thought to appear at various levels. At the “top” is a nonpersonal absolute, Brahman, the world soul that cannot be described. Brahman is so comprehensive that some Hindu scriptures describe it as encompassing everything that exists. Brahman manifests itself in various personal high divinities that create the world (Brahma), maintain it (Vishnu), and destroy it again (Shiva). In practice, however, followers of one god will attribute all three func- tions to him or her, as our treatment above suggests. They see all other gods as standing under their god or as further mani- festations of “their” god. Although the teaching of the ultimate world soul plays little or no role in the religious everyday—it’s hard to pray, sacrifi ce, express emotion to something that is unknowable—it has the effect that most Hindus see no problem

in acknowledging other Hindu traditions, and sometimes even other religions, as authentic paths to the divine.

Hindu Doctrinal Concepts

Dharma is the most basic concept of Hinduism. It is a wide-ranging term for righteousness, law, duty, moral teachings, religion itself, or the order in the universe. Dharma is also the god who embodies and promotes right order and living. The ancient Vedas emphasize the order of the cosmos, and dharma builds on it by empha- sizing the correct ordering of human life. Dharma is more than a set of cosmic-order ideas applying in the same way to all Hindus. It’s specifi c to one’s place in the world: one’s social position or caste membership, stage of life, and gender. The dharma of a member of the war- rior class is distinct from that of a laborer; the dharma of a youth is different from that of the father of a fam- ily, and a husband’s dharma differs from his wife’s.

A Hindu needs to conform primarily to his or her class and caste dharma. Most Hindu scripture teaches this, and it is a particular theme in the most-read Hindu scripture, the Bhagavad Gita. Following the social

and religious rules of one’s caste leads to better reincarnation; neglecting it

leads to a lesser rein- carnation. For a man to leave his caste for a higher one is unthink- able. Opposing the caste system itself leads to radically lesser

reincarnation. One could fi nd oneself an outcaste, a lower animal, or an insect in one’s next life. This has led to a remark- ably conservative social

structure and explains why, even today, tra- ditional Hindu val- ues often frustrate attempts at social change for women and the lower castes. Hinduism divides life into four stages, each with its own particular

dharma—what is seen as right for each stage. Some

yoni [YOH-nee] Stone or sometimes metal representation of the human female genitalia, a symbol of the feminine power of the cosmos

dharma [DAHR-muh] Righteousness, law, duty, moral teaching, order in the universe; also, the first goal of life in Hinduism

© GRIGORY KUBATYAN/SHUTTERSTOCK.COM

Lingam set in a yoni, receiving worship to Shiva

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73E S S E N T I A L H I N D U T E A C H I N G S

classes and most women do not need to observe such dharma, but the stages are an important aspect of what a Hindu would consider dharma to be. These four stages will be dealt with in more detail later.

Samsara is the cycle of reincarnation endured as a hardship by the spiritual essence of all living things. The jiva (individual soul) is subject to reincarnation, because it is only the jiva that earns reward or pun- ishment in the next reincarnation (see the next paragraph). One’s atman, the deeper soul identical with Brahman, is not subject to karma, but it goes along with the jiva. It travels with the jiva in reincarnation but is beyond it. Because actions in life involve choices, at every moment an individual is capa- ble of making the choices to ensure a good situation in one’s next life. The Brihadaranyaka (bree-hahd-uh-RUN- yah-kuh) Upanishad describes this well: “An individual creates for himself his next life as a result of his desires,

hopes, aspirations, failures, disappointments, achieve- ments and actions performed during this life of his. Just as a caterpillar gets its front feet fi rmly on the next leaf before it leaves the one it is on, a soul creates its next life before it departs the present one.” This leads us to a

fuller consideration of karma. Karma is derived from the Sanskrit

for “deeds” and is related to one’s behavior in preceding lives. After a per- son’s death, her or his spiritual essence is reborn in another life if any karma is attached to it. Whether one is rich or poor, healthy or sick, male or female, intelligent or not, talented or untal- ented, a member of a high or low caste, a Hindu or not, and endowed with many other life-defi ning traits depends on the karma inherited from the lives that have gone before. Karma explains and justifi es all human inequalities. Although the conditions of an individ- ual’s life are determined in advance by her or his deeds in previous lives, indi- viduals must assume personal responsi-

bility for their present actions and their consequences. Moksha means “liberation” from rebirth that

comes with the entry of the individual soul (atman) into the highest reality (Brahman). The idea of reincar- nating without end, or even attaining eternal life as an individual, is abhorrent to Hindus. The ultimate goal is to merge one’s atman with Brahman, like a drop of water enters the Indian Ocean. To be liberated from samsara, one must be rid not only of bad karma but also of good karma; any karma at all causes rebirth after death. Although actions take place, if the self that does them is not egoistic, karmic results cannot attach to them. Paradoxically, one must even give up the desire to achieve liberation in order to reach it. (To illustrate this from every- day life, if you’ve ever had trouble falling asleep at night, you may have found that to fall asleep you must give up trying to fall asleep or even try to stay awake.) Many Hindus, however, fi nd that complete mok- sha is diffi cult to achieve, especially in a time when many Hindus believe that their religion is in an era of

“Just as a caterpillar

gets its front feet

fi rmly on the next leaf

before it leaves the one

it is on, a soul creates

its next life before it departs

the present one.”—

Brihadaranyaka Upanishad

samsara [sahm-SAH- ruh] Cycle of reincarnation

jiva [JEE-vuh] Individual, personal soul that collects karma and is subject to reincarnation

karma [KAHR-muh] Deeds or acts as they influence reincarnation

moksha [MOHK-shuh] Liberation from rebirth and samsara

A soul, symbolized by a ray of light, travels to enlightenment through seven diff erent lives

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74 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

decline. They are content to collect good karma and be reincarnated to a better life.

Three main paths lead to moksha, whether one fi nds it or not. There is a tendency among Hindus to see one chosen path as the best, but the paths are often combined as well. The way of active, obedient life,

called the path of deeds (karma), is doing ritual actions of worship and meditation, as well as carry- ing out daily conduct according to one’s own dharma, but with- out a selfi sh intent that causes bad karma. Second, those on the path of knowledge see the central prob- lem with human beings as their inability to realize that they are living in an unreal world and that the only thing real is the spirit. The path of knowledge brings personal merging with the ultimate unity behind the visible things of the world, particularly knowledge of the unity of the individual soul

and the world soul through yoga and meditation. Third, the path of devotion is a loving surrender

and service to one’s main deity. Some who follow this path see their deity as a manifestation of the imper- sonal Brahman, but others see their god or goddess as the Supreme Being, with no Brahman above him or her.

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Garlands for the gods for sale outside a Hindu temple

Popular Misunderstandings of Karma, Mantra, Guru, and Avatar

Karma is not “fate,” as we often hear today in North America and Europe. Fate is a random, uncontrollable power that determines human actions and events. In fact, karma is the opposite of what “fate” means in the Western world. In karma, each person generates her or his own reward or punishment, which comes in one’s condition after reincarnation. Also, one hears muddled talk about “group” karma—for example, Hollywood actress Sharon Stone’s suggestion that the 2008 earthquake in China that killed seventy thousand ordinary people was some sort of karmic retribution for the Chinese government’s violent crackdown on dissent in Tibet. Stone said, “And then all this earthquake and all this stuff happened, and I thought, is that karma—when you’re not nice that bad things hap- pen to you?”

A mantra is not a slogan or proverb of “words to live by,” such as “Her mantra is to enjoy life to the fullest” or “The candidate’s mantra of change was very powerful.”

Rather, a mantra is a short mystical utterance of great sacred power, as illustrated by the greatest of all man- tras, Om.

A guru is not anyone who acquires followers in any sort of movement, or a person who has wide authority because of his or her secular knowledge or skills. Rather, a guru is a private teacher of transcendent religious truth to a student; a guru leads the student to full knowledge and release.

An avatar is not only a computer user’s self- representation in a three-dimensional model for computer games or a two-dimensional icon for Internet communi- ties. In Hinduism, an avatar is an incarnation (diff erent, human form) of a god, as for example Krishna is an avatar of Vishnu. This understanding of avatar was adapted by fi lm director James Cameron in his blockbuster 2009 fi lm by that name, in which a human mind is projected into the body of a human-like being.

A Closer Look:

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75H I N D U E T H I C S A N D W AY S O F L I F E

LO4 Hindu Ethics and Ways of Life

Krishnan, a thirty-year-old computer engineer in Illinois, logs onto shaadi.com to begin the process of fi nding a wife. This Indian website bills itself as the “world’s largest matrimonial service.” Some of Krishnan’s friends have used it and have urged him to try it, because his parents’ eff orts at matchmaking haven’t succeeded. (Other young Hindus rely on the more traditional means of getting a wife.) He enters the search terms “Hindu,” his social-religious class, and also his birthday for a “Vedic astrology horoscope” used in traditional Hindu matchmaking. In his personal statement for the website, he writes that he is looking for a traditional Hindu young woman who can grow to love him after they

are married. His parents will always come fi rst in his life, he says, then his wife, and then his brothers and other relatives.

Hindus often say that Hinduism is more a way of life than a religion. For observant Hindus today, every- day life and religious life are not separated, because Hindu ethics traditionally plays a leading role in everyday life: caste and class, marriage and children, career and retirement.

Hindus often say that Hinduism is more

a way of life than a religion.

The Caste System

You’ve probably heard about the Hindu caste system, which divides people in society into economic and social groups, giving all people their occupations, level of income, and particular pattern of religious duties. India has more than six thousand castes and subcastes, and scholars have long debated the roles of color, eco- nomics, and power in the caste system. There is a long history of dissent in Hinduism from the caste system— and there are many activists working to reform it—but for the most part it has endured as one of the main features of Hinduism. Two words are used in Hindu society to refer to this social system: varna and jati.

Varna means “color” (it is related to our word varnish). It refers to a Hindu system of classifi cation

of people into four classes, dating back to Vedic times. Some scholars have theorized that social classes are based on color, with the lightest at the top and the darkest on the bottom. This is probably an oversim- plifi cation, and is controversial in Hinduism, but even today in India there is a general cultural preference for the lighter skin tones found in the upper varnas. Also, class is generally related to economic standing: The lower one’s class, the lower one’s income. But there are many exceptions to this; some upper-caste Brahmins are of modest means, and one can fi nd members of the  common-people Vaisya class who are wealthy merchants. As a rule, outcastes are desperately poor, existing on the equivalent of a few dollars a day.

A well-known hymn in the Rig Veda (10.90) tells of how the four main classes arose from the sacrifi ce of Purusha (POOR-oo-shuh), a man as large as the universe. “The Brahmin was made from his mouth; his arms were made into the Prince; his thighs became the common people; and from his feet the servants were born.” The Brahmins are the priests who spring from the mouth, and it is the mouth that one needs for chanting the sacred scriptures. The Purusha myth sug- gests that some people are born with the capabilities for leading others in important religious ritual. When Aryans fi rst arrived in India, their scriptures were not written down but memorized by the priests, who were seen as the only class of people capable of learning, memorizing, and reciting them with precise correct- ness for the purpose of carrying out religious rituals that mediate between humankind and the divine.

The myth also relates that the arms formed the “Prince.” This is the class of Kshatriyas, the people in society who are rulers, such as rajas (kings), govern- ment administrators, and, because rulership always involved protection of one’s subjects and expansion of one’s kingdom, warriors in particular. The strong arms of Purusha are needed for action, for an active way of life, so the myth shows us that it is the dharma of some people in life to be the protectors of others. A Brahmin could not per- form this duty, because he would not have the right ingredients (of Purusha) in his personality to be a war- rior. (However, Brahmins have often been advisors to rulers.)

varna [VAHR-nuh] “Color,” a system of classification of people in Hinduism into four main classes

Brahmins [BRAH-munz] The top priestly class in the varna system

Kshatriyas [kshuh- TREE-yuhz] The warrior and princely varna class

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76 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

The thighs of Purusha form the large class of the common people, the Vaishyas, who provide the necessary semiskilled labor for society to func- tion. The thighs of the body are strong, so Vaishyas have the temperament and ability to work at manual tasks. They are merchants, small farmers, and arti- sans. Finally, the servant or peasant is born from the feet of Purusha. The task of the Shudras, people in the fourth class, is to support the rest of society by acting as a servant. Religiously, it is only men in the top three classes who are “twice-born” and are able to go through a ceremony to initi- ate them into the stages of Hindu religious life. Shudras and women of the top three varnas are not generally thought to have the personal qualities to be twice- born Hindus. But Shudras can do well economically, and women (not men) are allowed to marry a per- son of one class above them. If Shudras follow their dharma well, they can be reincarnated into a higher jati or even varna.

“Outcastes” are those outside the caste

system, not those “cast out” of it.

Below the class system are the outcastes, a term not legally accepted in India today. (Note

that this term means “those out- side of the caste system,” not “those cast out.”) The Indian government calls them “scheduled classes,” but others call them Harijans (HAHR-ee-jahns), “Children of God,” a posi- tive term with an unfortu- nate negative connotation in that “Harijans” is also a Indian euphemism for illegitimate children. They prefer today to call them- selves Dalits, “oppressed ones.” Their sheer size—an

estimated 160,000,000—means that they can wield considerable political power in elections. Some rise to political fame, and there have been a number of cabinet ministers and even one prime minister from the Dalit class. Despite affi rmative action programs for Dalits that give some a higher education and well-paid govern- ment jobs, strong discrimination against Dalits persists. In June of 2007, a group of Shudra shepherds peti- tioned to be offi cially downgraded into the Dalit class, hoping to gain access to preferential treatment afforded by the government; their attempt was met with rioting by other Hindus. Most Dalits are still confi ned to the most menial, ritually polluting jobs such as street clean- ing, manual scavenging, and handling bodies of dead animals or humans. They cannot drink from the same water pumps as the twice-born castes or eat in restaurants with them. In some villages, occa- sional violence is used to keep Dalits “in their place.” Hindus of the four classes do not con- sider them to be Hindus, and their rights and political status have been problematic in mod- ern India. They are today the poorest of Indians.

Jati means “birth,” and this birth caste is more impor- tant than varna for Hindus because it affects so many aspects of daily life. (Modern scholars disagree about how to trans- late varna and jati. Here we render varna as “class” and jati as “caste.” Both comprise the caste system.) Although there are only four varnas in Hinduism, there are thousands of jatis. Caste is not a religious institution as the varna sys- tem is, but is economic and geographical in origin, now

Vaishyas [VIGH-shuhs] Third Varna class, the “common people”

Shudras [SHOO-druhs] Fourth Varna class, “servants”

Dalits [DAHL-its] “Oppressed ones,” the outcastes below the four Hindu castes

jati [JAH-tee] Caste into which one is born

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Dalits in northern India protesting the caste system, 2009

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77H I N D U E T H I C S A N D W AY S O F L I F E

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S Indian wedding ceremonial plate, with a variety of foods and spices

combined with varna into an overall religious system. Most Hindus today refer to jati when they talk of caste, and it is one’s jati that really dictates the life of the aver- age Hindu. Each jati has its own special caste regulations in terms of food, occupation, marriage, social interaction, and the like. From each caste come a number of subcastes, making the whole system even more complicated. Castes may often be occupational, but this does not preclude a member of one caste working at the occupation of another, for example in agriculture, adding even more complexity to the system. The Brahmin class is subdivided into many castes, just as there are many castes in the Kshatriya, Vaisya, and Shudra classes, and even among Dalits. Just as the four varnas are hierarchically organized, so also are the various castes within a particular varna. A male is obli- gated to marry within his jati. Expulsion from the family and caste as a whole is likely to result should this obliga- tion be broken, but if this and other caste obligations are kept, the individual is provided a strong network of sup- port and protection.

The Four Stages

of a Man’s Life

The life of a Hindu male is traditionally divided into four stages of time. In modern India, fewer people than in previous centuries observe the system completely and formally, but even today it is an infl uential pattern for a man’s life. However, Shudras, Dalits, and women of all four classes rarely follow the stages. Passage through these represents the realization of the necessary stages of life, through which one travels to success in sustaining this world and to ultimate liberation from this world. Most Hindu males do not go through the four stages; many never advance beyond the second.

A Hindu man today

averages age twenty-three

at marriage; a woman,

eighteen.

The fi rst stage of life is that of a student. A  male is taught by his

elders from childhood, sometimes by a single guru as well. His education

will not only fi t him for a future profes- sion appropriate to his caste, but will equip

him also for family, social, and religious life in a way appropriate to his varna and jati. In older times, this period could last for twenty years or more, but today the fi rst stage has shrunk to between twelve and fi fteen years, except for those few who obtain higher education in a university.

The second is the householder stage, in which the Hindu male must marry and raise a family. Marriages are often arranged by parents while their children are still young—marriage is much too important to family and society to leave it up to young people! In villages “child marriages” often occur, but after the marriage the child bride and child groom are separated until puberty sets in. On average, a young man is around twenty-three at the time of marriage, a young woman around eighteen. Hindus have always felt it important to raise a family, and even today poor Hindu couples will continue to have chil- dren until a boy or two are born. During the householder stage a man works at a trade or profession appropriate to his caste, primarily to support his family, but also to contribute to the welfare of the community. He engages in public and private religious duties appropriate to his caste.

The third stage of life is that of retirement, traditionally called the “forest dweller.” When a man’s children have grown up, when he sees signs of aging like gray hair and wrinkles, his duty as a householder can end. In this third stage—if he lives to see it, which in most of Hindu history isn’t a given—the man is expected to retire not only from his job, but also from family and social life and much (but not all) of his wealth and possessions. Sometimes men in this stage retreat to the forest to live a more spiritual life, either alone or in a small group of retirees, but this is rarer today than in the past. Most pleasures are renounced, although in some cases a wife could accompany her husband into retirement. His life

Copyright 2011 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

78 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

would be that of the celibate recluse. In view of the hardships that this kind of life brings, it is not diffi cult to see why the stage of par- tial renunciation of the world has become obsolete for all but a few.

The fourth stage is that of the “renouncer” or sannyasin (sahn-YAH-sin), when a Hindu renounces the world and his previous life completely. This stage traditionally does not follow after the third; a man can enter it directly from the householder stage. All cares and pleasures of life are abandoned, and his concentration is devoted to achieving moksha before he dies. The renouncer engages in intense study and medi- tation, typically with yoga and austerities like solitude and a sparse diet. He is treated with greatest respect in Hindu lands. But this respect is mingled with a certain degree of fear and skepticism, because some holy men can be hostile, even ferocious, in their words, and some can be frauds. On taking up the life of the renouncer, men will often burn an effi gy of their body to show that they have died to the world. When a renouncer has achieved moksha, at his death his fellow renouncers tie stones onto his body and throw it in a river. He needs no funeral with cremation, for the soul has already been released from the dreaded cycle of reincarnation.

The Kama Sutra is often seen as a sex manual, but kama is much

more than that.

The Four Goals of Life

Most Hindus hold to four main goals in life and con- nect them roughly with the stages of life. The fi rst goal of life, dharma, a term we have seen above, is a

comprehensive religious concept that governs all stages of life. A good Hindu must know the truth of Hinduism, particularly the truth that relates to his or her caste sta- tus, and practice it. This practice includes both social morality and ritual duties. Without this fi rst goal, the others cannot be met. The second goal of life is artha, material success and prosperity, especially for the sake of one’s family. A householder is expected to become as prosperous as possible, while observing the bounds of proper dharma. This ties into the world-affi rming side of Hindu tradition and helps to explain the entrepre- neurial drive and economic success of many Indians in modern times.

The third goal of life is kama, aesthetic pleasure both of the mind and the body, obviously also world- affi rming. This goal is restricted to the householder stage. Kama is a comprehensive term for all types of spiritual, intellectual, artistic, and physical pleasures. The Kama Sutra (SOO-trah), or Scripture on Pleasure, is often seen as a sex manual, but both kama and the Kama Sutra are much more than that. Hinduism is per- haps unique in teaching that the pursuit of pleasure and wealth is a valid and important religious goal. Though this may seem either strange or appealing to you, remem- ber that in Hinduism the pursuit of pleasure and wealth is always subject to the retributive laws of karma. The fourth goal of life is moksha, which we defi ned above. It means “release” from life, particularly from the con- tinuous cycle of death and rebirth. This goal is best practiced in the retirement and renouncer stages of life, although it can be sought in all the stages of life, par- ticularly in the two paths of deeds and devotion.

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artha [AHR-thuh] Material success and prosperity, the second goal of life in Hinduism

kama [KAH-muh] Spiritual, mental, and physical pleasure, the third goal of Hindu life

Two renouncers in Katmandu, Nepal

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79H I N D U E T H I C S A N D W AY S O F L I F E

Hindu Dress No particular type of religious dress is required in Hinduism, as you might expect, and regional cultural styles in India diff er considerably. The traditional dress for most Indian women is the sari, a piece of material fi ve or six meters long that is wrapped and pleated around the waist and then drawn round over the shoulder so that the free end is left loose. In diff erent parts of India, and among Jains, the sari is wrapped in diff erent ways. Underneath the sari, an ankle-length skirt and a blouse are worn, often with a bare midriff . In northern India, women prefer light, baggy trousers called “pyjamas” (from which we get our term) and a long, loose-fi tting shirt. In mixed company outside the home or when worshiping in the home or temple, women will normally cover their hair with the loose end of their saris or with a separate piece of material. Covering the head is a sign of respect to the gods as well as to other people.

Indian women of all classes typically love jewelry. Long earlobes are an ancient Indian sign of nobility, so heavy ear-

rings are often used to stretch the earlobes slightly. The most distinc- tive decora- tive mark of a married woman is the bindi (“little drop”) on her forehead. The bindi may be a circle of colored paste, or it may be a circle of felt with an adhesive backing, which can more easily be put on and decorated with sequins. Unmarried girls

often have a small black spot on their forehead; it is not a bindi, but rather a protection against the “evil eye.”

Although Hindu women most often dress in tradi- tional Indian ways, Hindu men very often wear Western clothing, especially in Indian cities. Typical Indian village dress for men has traditionally been the dhoti. This single piece of usually white cloth is worn wrapped around the waist and tucked up between the legs. The kurta (called a “panjabi” in the U.K. and Canada) is a loose shirt coat falling around the knees and is worn by both men and women. It can be worn with a dhoti, with pants and jeans, and is both casual and formal. The wearing of a turban is usually associated with observant Sikh men (see Chapter 6), but in India some Hindu men will also wear turbans. The most important item worn is the sacred thread, a thin cotton cord worn on the body by men of the upper three classes, symbolizing full Hindu status. It is given in a spe- cial ceremony near the age of ten. The traditional garb of Hindu men, long dis- dained by the Indian upper classes in favor of more-Western-style clothing, is now mak- ing a strong comeback in social circles and in fashion design.

Holy men have a distinctive but not uniform look. Their hair is often wildly matted, and they sometimes cover their body in light-colored dust or powdered cow dung, giving them the look of death. Some go around only in a thong, to sym- bolize their full control of the senses and bodily desire. They can some- times be seen with their sacred thread, but not wearing one shows that they have left the distinctions of once-born and twice-born behind.

Man in dhoti and sacred thread

Woman in sari, with bindi on her forehead

A Closer Look: B

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Copyright 2011 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

80 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

The Lives of

Hindu Women

The vast majority of Hindu young women get married.

The Hindu wife is responsible to bear children, raise them, and run the home. Motherhood is so important that a woman is considered to be a failure if she is with- out children, especially a son; this is true even of modern Hindu women who may work outside the home. On the other hand, being a mother of sons brings great pride and auspiciousness. The wife performs worship in the home at the household shrine, often leading worship there. However, no woman who is menstruating is traditionally allowed at the shrine or in the kitchen. She is considered ritually unclean, and her husband will not touch her dur- ing this time. After ritual bath- ing at the end of her menstrual period, a woman resumes nor- mal life in the home.

Despite the value placed on motherhood, abortion is legal and very frequent in India, even among Hindus. Prenatal testing by ultrasound is now used widely to ascertain the sex of a fetus in the womb, even though this has been outlawed in India since 1994, and if it is a female, it is often aborted. Some parents think it better to abort a female than to support a second or third daughter and pay for her expensive dowry. Contraception is encouraged by the Indian government, but having sons is necessary for economic support in one’s old age because India has no national pension system. One also needs a son to perform one’s funeral rites. The use of selective abortion to obtain sons has led in some parts of India to an ominous imbalance between the proportion of males and females. As a result, in 2007 the Indian government and private agencies launched a “Save the Girl Child” campaign.

Divorce for a woman is diffi - cult to obtain, especially for women of the higher classes, despite the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 that osten- sibly made it possible for any woman to get a divorce. Although divorce and remarriage are quite common among the lower castes, there is still a general

feeling in village life that a wife is to blame if divorce occurs or even if the husband dies fi rst. The divorced or wid- owed woman is regarded as “unlucky” by her family and friends, and life can be diffi cult for her. Widows rarely remarry and are often socially ostracized. The suicide rate for widows is high, even if the ancient (if irregularly practiced) “widow burning”—when widows climbed onto their dead hus- band’s funeral pyre to go to heaven with him, an act of great merit—is now almost unheard of. In urban areas women do have more status today; for example, they can now own property, keep their own salary, and open bank accounts in their own name. Many young Hindu women go to college, get a job, and delay marriage. Yet marriage is important, and a woman’s self-esteem and social standing still have much to do with her husband. By serving him faithfully, just as she serves a god, good karma will come to her.

LO5 Hindu Rituals

As you drive up to the new Hindu temple in Omaha, Nebraska, you notice its traditional Indian architectural design. Inside, the richness of the Hindu tradition is refl ected in the many diff erent

deities represented there. Most large temples in India are dedicated to one god, but this temple has twelve separate sanctums, or holy areas with altars, each with one or more statues represent- ing a diff erent god. People from various parts of

India have certain deities that they honor, so Hindu immigrants from all parts of India can

feel comfortable in the Omaha temple. You are struck at once by the many

colorful sights, unusual sounds, and fragrant smells of the temple. Women

are dressed in traditional Indian saris; men are in Western clothing, except for the two priests, whose upper bodies are half bare and who have a sacred thread visible

over the shoulder. You see diff erent sorts of worship activities: people bowing

and prostrating themselves in front of the statues and people sitting quietly in meditation,

some in a yoga position. In a side room, men and women are practicing sacred songs to be sung at a ser-

vice later in the week. You also notice that in some areas of the temple, men tend to be separated from women and children.

In 2007 the Indian

government and

private agencies

launched a “Save

the Girl Child”

campaign.

© S

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bindi [BIHN-dee] Forehead mark of a married Hindu woman

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81H I N D U R I T U A L S

Your guide for the tour is a University of Nebraska professor, a member of the temple’s leadership. As he skillfully leads you around, he tells you that the temple was built primarily as a center of wor- ship, teaching, and Indian cultural life for people from India who live in Nebraska and Iowa. The temple is open for Hindu festivals, for a main weekly service on Sunday morning—an adaptation to American religion, he says—and for tradi- tional ceremonies marking the life stages of Hindus, from birth to death. He adds that an important part of the temple’s purpose is the education of people of other religious backgrounds, visiting or participating in prayers and rituals.

As you might expect, worship and meditation in Hinduism are diverse. Worship is a daily event for observant Hindus, whether performed at home, at a temple, at an outdoor shrine, or on a pilgrimage. Worship is most commonly called puja, a word suggest- ing “honor” and “venera- tion.” Ritual is important to the Hindu, and much of it is ancient, although with regional and devotional-group variations.

Images

Most people associate Hinduism with many gods, all of them represented by images. Westerners, especially Protestant Christians who look upon images as objects that encourage false worship, often use the term idol, but image is more appropriate. Idol suggests that it is the statue or picture alone that is worshiped, and it is generally a pejorative term, although one will hear Hindus using it happily. Image suggests some- thing beyond the visible form that receives the worship offered to the visible form. Hindus use the term murti for the image of a deity, whether three-dimensional (as in a statue) or two-dimensional (as in a picture or poster). The murtis are representations of the deities, rather like a photograph represents a person. A murti draws the mind of the worshiper to the greater essence of the god. However, an image can be more than just a symbol. The power or essence of the deity is believed to be in the murti, either temporarily, as for some

festivals, or permanently, as in the case of some temple images that are treated as the gods themselves, with the god thought to reside inside the statue.

Shiva has both an anthropo- morphic form in an image and the powerful symbols of the lingam and

the trident. The female side of the divine, the Goddess, is rep- resented by the yoni, the symbol

of creative female power that is the counterpart to the lingam. Hindus of the lower castes and those Hindus outside caste do not worship the “high” gods of Hinduism, but the “low gods,” especially village and localized urban deities. The high gods such as Vishnu and Shiva are generally con- sidered to be uninterested in the daily events of the

ordinary man or woman; their avatars and related lower gods do that duty for them.

Worship in the Temple

and the Home

Temples large and small are present in India, from great pilgrimage centers to humble huts along a side street. At many of these temples a great variety of deities are worshiped. Generally, however, the deity and the tem- ple belong to one of three strands within the Hindu pantheon—Shaivite, Vaishnavite, and Shakta, including all their avatars and family members.

The deity, represented by a statue, picture, or other symbol, is the central part of the temple. The god is considered to be a royal guest and is treated as such throughout puja with adoration, attention, care, and entertainment. Purifi cation is essential for the wor- shiper, and one usually bathes in running water and sips a little water three times to indicate purity. Washing the murti is essential, but often the washing is symbolic—a fl ower or a small piece of

© DINODIA PHOTOS/BRAND X PICTURES/JUPITER IMAGES

An image draws the mind to the greater essence of the god.

puja [POO-juh] Devotional actions of worshiping a god or venerating a human person

murti [MUHR-tee] An image of a deity

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82 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

cotton is used to touch the deity. Dressing the deity is also important, and the clothes chosen are bright, beau- tiful, and often embroidered with gold-colored threads. Ornaments are also placed on the murti, as well as fl ower garlands, perfumes, and oils. Because the deity remains at a temple, it is both woken up in the morn- ing and put to rest at night with equal care. At many temples, sculptures help to teach about the gods and their stories, and they both shape and direct devotion. Larger temples will have priests who act as teachers.

The offering of food is also important— usually cooked rice, fruit and vegetables, liquefi ed butter, and sugar. The Hindu women of Bali, Indonesia, make elaborate pyramids of food (the wealthier they are, the higher the pyramids) that they carry to the temple on their head as a sacrifi cial offer- ing to the deity. A cooked chicken may be put in the pyramid, surrounded by rice dishes and many kinds of fruit. The deity is believed to take the essence of the food, and the “left- overs” are given back to the worshiper as what is known as prasad (PRAH-sahd). Whatever the offering, both the gods and the worshipers eat the food and benefi t from its richness. Fragrance and light are also offered the deity—fragrance in the form of incense sticks and light in the form of a burning lamp usu- ally made from a burning wick placed in ghee (clarifi ed butter), which is waved before the deity. By applying a tilak (TEE-lahk)—a mark made with crushed fl owers some- times mixed with another substance—to the forehead between the eyebrows of the deity, the worshiper indicates awareness of the spiritual purity and power of the deity, which in turn is passed to the worshiper. The worshiper may also entertain the deity with hymns that offer praise and of course increase the devotion of the worshipers. Groups of people— usually males, but sometimes with women, who sit separately—can be seen singing hymns infor- mally on the temple verandas in the evening.

Bowing is the traditional way of showing respect to someone in India. The more respect one wishes to show, the lower one bows. In the case of a god or a royal person, lying fl at on one’s face is in order. Combined with bow- ing, bringing the palms together and raising them to the forehead are actions normally used in greeting in India,

and they are used to greet the gods as well. The Hindi word namaste (NAHM-ahs-tee) or its equivalent in other Indian languages, “I bow to you,” are spoken as this is done. Because famous gurus are also honored with puja that sometimes approaches the worship of a god, people might touch the guru’s feet in respect or remove by hand the dust from his feet before touching their own head,

indicating that the dusty feet of the guru are holier than the head of the one paying respect.

For worship in the home, nearly every Hindu household has a home shrine, frequently in a special devo- tional room or in the kitchen, which is considered ritually pure. In this shrine, the family god, together

with the gods and goddesses hon- ored by individual family members, has the central place as images done in brass; often, photographs

of a guru or saint and the fam- ily ancestors are in the shrine.

To begin daily worship in the home, the believer purifi es himself or her- self by bathing. Then, with the help of man-

tras, the place of ritual is purifi ed, and any evil spirits lurking to inter- fere with the puja are driven away. A small bell

is rung to honor the gods and get their attention as the

ritual begins. On occasion the gods are washed, clothed, fed, and given gifts, but worshipers always stand reverently with palms joined. At the climax of the ritual, a lamp is swung

before the shrine: the divin- ity resides in the fi re, and the faithful receive it within themselves by holding the palms of their hands over the fl ames for an instant and then touching their eyes.

Pilgrimage

Pilgrimage is an aspect of ritual life important for many Hindus, although most Hindus do not have the time or money to engage in it. The destination of a pilgrimage is often a river, the ocean, or a spring. But temples built on sacred mountains or in sacred cities are also places of pil- grimage. Worshiping in a place with a stronger connection

© DINODIA PHOTOS/BRAND X PICTURES/JUPITER IMAGES

South Indian bride making namaste

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83H I N D U R I T U A L S

to the divine brings purifi cation from sin and ritual impurity, gains merit, fulfi lls vows, leads to the betterment of one’s next lives in this world, and even brings deliverance from the cycle of rebirth. Millions of pilgrims come to Varanasi on the Ganges River every year to wash their sins away in the water. The larg- est pilgrimage event in the world is the Kumbha Mela (KOOM-buh MEHL-uh), held once every twelve years, when tens of millions of pilgrims gather near Allahabad, where the two sacred rivers— the Ganges and the Yamuna— merge. Pilgrimage is often “big business” in cities that host it.

Funerals

Despite all the emphasis in Hinduism on karma and reincarnation, its death rites still emphasize the deceased happily joining dead ancestors rather than achieving a good reincarnation or release from all moksha. (A period of refreshment in heaven is often thought of as a prelude to being reincarnated.) Death is considered so ritually polluting and inauspicious that the images of deities in the home shrine are removed while the body is in the house. Unlike Western funerals, no one partakes of food or drink in any part of a Hindu funeral ritual.

The body of the deceased is washed soon after death, wrapped in a new cloth—white for men and red for women—and carried on a stretcher from the home to the cremation ground in a procession led by the eldest son. (Of course, funerals are held all over India, not just at the cities on the Ganges River, such as Varanasi.) Cremation on a wood fi re is the traditional Indian method of dispos- ing of human remains. Cremation is thought to separate the immortal soul from the body in a good way, remi- niscent of fi re sacrifi ce. At the funeral ground, Dalits of the Dom caste handle the body and incur the ritual pol- lution of burning it. Fresh, fl owing water is usually near the cremation grounds, and the body is dipped in it for ritual purifi cation. The body is then placed on the wood, with the feet facing south toward the home of the god who rules the dead. It is covered with a layer of wood

and then clarifi ed butter, and scrip- tures are chanted over the

body by a priest as the fam- ily circles the body. The

eldest son then lights the funeral pyre, which will burn for two to three hours. After cremation begins, the youngest son leads the procession home.

The Doms tend the fi re for several hours to keep it burning

hot, occasionally turning the body with long poles to consume it more fully. The ashes and remaining bones (the larger and denser bones of the human body cannot be consumed by a natural cremation alone) are fi nally put by the Doms into fl owing water and left there, for a cooling and puri- fying effect. When the period of death rites is over, a Dalit is given all the household linen to wash. On the twelfth day, four balls of rice are offered to symbolize the happy union of the deceased with his or her forebears, the point of the funeral rites. Only when the house has been thor- oughly cleaned can the household deities be returned.

Although cremation is the desired method of disposal of the dead, burial is not uncommon. The poorer classes usually practice burial because it is cheaper. Young chil- dren of most castes who die are buried, or sometimes put into a fl owing river, rather than cremated. In the cities of India, cremation in modern crematoriums is now the norm, with ashes scattered later in sacred rivers. Customs are slightly different in North America. The body will be washed and dressed in new clothes, placed in a coffi n, and surrounded by fl owers. Cremation has to take place a day or two after death because of the necessary legal arrange- ments. At the crematorium the priest will talk about the life of the person, and after returning to the house after cremation has begun, prayers are said for the departed soul in front of the sacred fi re or household shrine. The ashes of the deceased would preferably be sent to a relative in India to be scattered in the Ganges, or sent to one of the businesses recently sprung up to receive and scatter ashes, or if that is not possible cast into a fast-fl owing river in North America.

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Worship at a home shrine

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84 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

Yoga

Yoga, with its emphasis on fi tness for the body and mind, has become a main tool for achieving libera- tion, or at least the mental disci- pline that can lead to liberation. Buddhists, Christians, and people of no formal faith have adapted yogic methods to help them on their own paths to peace and freedom, or just to physical fi t- ness. As said above, yoga means “yoke,” which its spelling resembles. This refers to the path of union with, or yoking to, a god or Brahman. The most popular type of yoga in India and the West is hatha yoga, which empha- sizes breathing and physical posture as a way to ultimate knowledge of Brahman in one’s atman; karma yoga is the path of active service that breathing and postures assist; jnana yoga is refl ective, philo- sophical yoga; and bhakti yoga is the path of devotion

to a god. Bhakti yoga is the simplest form, using repeated chanting of a mantra in a fi xed posture to focus on a god and offer one’s life to a god.

The most popular form of yoga in the

West is hatha yoga, with its emphasis on

breathing and physical posture.

Most yogic practices draw, at least in signifi cant mea- sure, on these eight steps.

1. First following fi ve ethical guidelines on behavior toward others, avoiding violence, untruthfulness, stealing, lust, and covetousness

2. Following guidelines on behavior toward oneself: cleanliness of body and mind, contentment, sustained practice, self-knowledge, study, and surrender to God

3. Learning and using formal yoga postures

4. Practice of breathing exercises, coordinated with physical postures

5. Withdrawal of the senses, meaning that the exterior world is no longer a distraction from discovering the interior world within oneself, particularly the atman within

6. Concentration, meaning the ability to focus on a single thing, uninterrupted by external or internal distractions

7. Meditation no l onger focused on a single thing, but all encompassing

8. Finally, achieving samadhi or “bliss.” Building on meditation, the self transcends itself through meditation and discovery of the atman that brings one to Brahman.

LO6 Hinduism in North America Today

Shortly before the 2008 release of the Hollywood fi lm The Love Guru, written by and starring Mike Myers, self-styled North American Hindu leader Rajan Zed complains about it to mass-media outlets. Zed charges that its portrayal of Hinduism is inaccurate and insulting. The potential for damage to North American Hindus is great, Zed argues, because Hinduism is not widely understood here. Despite Zed’s eff orts, the consensus among Hindus living in North America seems to be that they feel comfortable laughing at themselves and even laugh at well-meaning stereotypes like Apu the convenience-store merchant on television’s The Simpsons. However, some por- trayals of Hinduism in the mass media—such as the 1984 fi lm Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom, with its false, brutal depiction of worship of the Hindu goddess Kali—have caused concern to many Hindus. Any concern over The Love Guru, however, fades rapidly as it is harshly reviewed in the press and then fails miserably at the box offi ce.

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A Bharatnatyam dancer shows yoga expertise

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85H I N D U I S M I N N O R T H A M E R I C A T O D AY

Although Hinduism had moved beyond its own bor- ders before the modern period, it was primarily a result of Indian emigration to other countries and the result- ing establishment of Hindu culture in such places as Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Bali. Sometimes, as with Nepal and Sri Lanka, it was the result of Indian conquests that brought along principal aspects of Hindu culture and belief. In the main, Hinduism has been the religion of only the Indian people, and converting other peoples has not been done. However, in the last two centuries various Hindus have indeed sought to spread Hinduism outside of India, particularly in North America.

Hinduism has been viewed in widely differing ways in the West during the last two centuries. Customs such as widow burning (rarely done these days) and a caste system that resists reform have made many North Americans resistant to Hinduism until more recently. However, some Westerners were attracted by Hindu ideas of life in harmony with nature on the outside and the spirit within. Vegetarianism and Hindu philosophy, particularly Vedanta, have also attracted Westerners to Hinduism, especially in the more intellectual echelons of North America.

Hindu Movements in

North America

In the last century or so, varied expressions of Hinduism have found their way to the West in movements led by Hindu gurus. Ramakrishna’s favorite disciple, Vivekananda (VIH-veh-kah-NAHN-duh; 1863–1902), was the fi rst successful Hindu missionary to the West. In 1893 he addressed the fi rst World Parliament of Religions at Chicago; he was enthusiastically received there and in his other travels throughout the United States. In 1906, Vivekananda established the fi rst Hindu temple in North America, in San Francisco. He returned to India as a national hero. The Hinduism of Vivekananda was much less devotional than Ramakrishna’s own piety and stressed the philosophi- cal teachings of the Upanishads. Vivekananda believed that the Vedanta was the sum of all world religions, and he was one of the world’s fi rst advocates of religious pluralism. After Vivekananda came the Self-Realization Fellowship of North America, founded by Paramahansa Yogananda (PAR-uh-mah-HAN-suh YO-guh-NAN-duh) in 1920 and based in Los Angeles, where it still has its headquarters. It teaches a form of yoga to enable mem- bers to realize “the god within.” The  Self-Realization Fellowship has more than one hundred local meeting places in the United States and Canada today.

Two recent gurus who have gained wide popu- larity in North America are Maharishi Mahesh Yogi (MAH-ha-REE-shee MAH-hesh YOH-gee; 1911–2008), founder of the Spiritual Regeneration Movement better known as Transcendental Meditation (TM), and Swami A. C. Bhaktivedanta (BAHK-tee-veh-DAHN-tuh; 1896– 1977), founder of the International Society for Krishna Consciousness, or ISKCON. Both movements have emphasized how their teachings align with Western science and the mental or emotional benefi ts obtained from them. TM is based on Vedanta, emphasizing each person’s inner divine essence and the liberating pow- ers that may be harnessed when one knows one’s true identity. Yogic meditation practiced in the morning and evening is the way to tap into the transcendent and its calming, directing power. When the English musical group the Beatles took continued instruction in Great Britain and in India from the Maharishi in the late 1960s, Transcendental Meditation became even more popular. The popularity of yogic meditation today in North America, severed from its deep religious connec- tions, is due in large part to the TM movement.

ISKCON is more commonly known as the Hare (HAHR-ee, “divine lord”) Krishna movement after its main mantra. A part of the devotional movement, it emphasizes enthusiastic devotion to Lord Krishna. Many academics regard it as an authentic (true to Indian roots) form of Hinduism practiced in the West, but at times it has been dogged with charges that it is a dangerous “cult.”

Some Hindu parents in North America

send their children to a Hindu

summer camp.

Hindu Migration and Life

in North America

In the past few decades, especially since a liberalization of immigration laws in the 1960s, an increasing num- ber of Indians who practice Hinduism have moved to the United States and Canada. This Hindu “diaspora” (dee-ASS-pohr-uh), a “spreading” from its native land, has brought hundreds of thousands of Hindus to North American cities, especially on the east and west coasts. Some of these more recent immigrants are merchants, but many of them are highly skilled professionals who

Copyright 2011 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

86 C H A P T E R 3 E N C O U N T E R I N G H I N D U I S M : M A N Y PAT H S T O L I B E R AT I O N

are eager to integrate into North American civic life. They also want to preserve basic Hindu beliefs and behaviors in an environment not conducive to them. Every home of observant Hindus has a shrine to the god(s) the family serves, and worship is conducted at the shrine a few times a day. In 2001, the American Museum of Natural History in New York City opened an exhibit, “Meeting God,” that documented the home  and business shrines of several Hindus in the New York area.

Many Hindus join cul- tural organizations to keep traditions like music and cuisine alive. Some Hindu parents have started to send their children to summer camp—but camp that pro- vides teaching and experience in Hindu life. They also build Hindu temples in which to practice Hindu worship, and at times these temples are built in authentic ways by workers brought from India. Finding Brahmin priests

from India to staff these temples is diffi cult, so activi- ties like singing devotional songs that can be practiced by all Hindus become even more important than in India. Having many different Hindu groups worshiping under one roof, something not done in India, can be a challenge.

Hindus typically view marriage within one’s caste as a necessity, and because most marriages are often still arranged to some extent, Hindu parents may network for suitable spouses living in North America or even in India. As with most immigrant groups in North America, intergenerational tension often springs up as second- and third-generation Hindu young people take on the val- ues and practices of their non-Hindu peers. Dating and mating are often diffi cult for Hindu young people with Western ways; this is the theme of several fi lms, such as Mira Nair’s excellent “Monsoon Wedding” and “The Namesake.” Over time, Hindus, like other religious groups, will probably reach a workable, if uneasy, compromise between their reli- gion and life in North America.

Hindu Faith and Indian Food India has considerable regional variations in food, many of which have come to North America, but the most impor- tant aspect is a preference for vegetarianism. Because all animals are sacred to Hindus due to a general reverence for life, and particularly for the souls incarnated in animals, it is most often considered wrong to kill animals for food. Vegetarianism is believed to benefi t the body, the mind, and the soul. Even so, many Hindus are not strict vegetar- ians, and those who can aff ord it will eat meat occasionally. The sacrifi ce and subsequent eating of animals, the goat in particular, is common enough in India and Nepal. Brahmin priests are rarely involved in such sacrifi ces, which are done by lower-caste priests mainly in the smaller village temples.

The cow is the most sacred of all animals to Hindus, and no observant Hindu would ever eat beef. (You should never look for a beef dish at any self-respecting Indian restaurant!) Although meat from a cow is forbidden, cow’s milk and the products made from it are considered very healthy. To put it in our terms today, vegetarianism is com- mon, but a vegan diet that excludes all animal products would be unthinkable to most Hindus.

Foods high in protein are important in a basically vegetarian diet, and dal, a lentil dish, is popular through- out India. Vegetables cooked in spices are common, as are foods that are quickly fried in butter. The Bhagavad Gita (17:8-10) teaches that healthy foods are “tasty, soothing and nourishing.” It describes unhealthy food as things that are “acidic, sour, and excessively hot.” (The strong curries of Indian food often make Westerners’ eyes water, but of course what makes food “excessively” hot is a matter of acculturation. The Gita notes foods that will give an Indian indigestion.) The particular balance of having both hot and cool foods in a meal is also important for bodily and spiritual health.

The males of the family traditionally eat fi rst and separately from the women, and then the females eat what remains. Because all food in Hindu sacrifi ce is fi rst off ered to the deities and then received back by the worshiper, the practice of eating the males’ leftovers as a sort of sacrifi cial food enables the wife to pay honor to her husband. This cus- tom is still maintained in traditional India today, though it is not so common among Hindus living in the Western world.

A Closer Look:

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