Chapter 3 The Microcultural Context

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! % IStock corn/funky-data THE IvIICROCULTURAL CONTEXT

For those of us who hve m/between, being requwed, on the one hand, to cast off our cu[tura[ se[ves tn order to don the wortdvtew and ethos of an allen culture, on the other hand to cast off the influences of the alien culture as a means of

purlficahon and identification most of all is a more condition than of a personal hvlng in/between chLemma, Lt Is atways and

=Richard NIort Isÿ

Chapter3 m The MIcrocuLtura[ Context

Defne and explain the concept ofa miciocultuÿe and the critei,a for membership
Recount the fundamental assumptions of the muted group theory

3. Provide examples of the various mlcrocultures in the United States

Microcultural Context Cultural Context

ithin most cultures are groups of people who differ from the general societal culture in some custom, habit, or practice. These groups are sometimes called minorities, subcultures, or co-cultures. In thÿs book, the term rmcroculture ÿs used to refer to those

dentifiable groups of people who share the same set of values, beliefs, and behaviors of the microculture; have a common history; and use a common verbal and nonverbal symbol system. In some way, however,, the microculture varies from the largei, often dominant macrocultulal milieu. Most microcultural groups are made up of indwiduals who have much ,n common with the larger macroculture yet are bonded together by sim ilar experiences, traits, values, or, in some cases, histories. Hence, the term rnicroculture includes different types of groups that could be classified by age, class, geographic region, sexual preference, disability (e.g., the deaf), ethmclty, race, size, or even occupation. Most people, regardless of culture, are hkely members of some kind of microcultural group.

Microcultures can be different from the larger culture in a variety of ways, often because of race or ethniclty. In the United States, for example, about 61°/o of the popula tion is classified as White or Caucasian.2

In this context, Black Americans, Hlspamc/Latmos, and Asian Americans might be con sldered m,ctocultulal groups. Microcultures can also differ from the larger culture on account

88 Intercutturat Communication

minority groups Subordmate groups whose members have

slgmflcantty

tess power and controt over their own rives than do members of the dominant or majority group

of language or religion. For example, Christians and Jews might be considered microcukural groups. Finally, persons might be classified as members of microcultures because of their behaviolal practices. Persons who use drugs are often said to belong to a counter- or drug culture--not because of their race, ethnicity, or rehgion but because they use drugs. Members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer/questioning (LGBTQ) com mumty could be considered a mlcroculture because of their sexual orientation. In any culture, microcultural groups often develop their own language for commu nicating outside the dominant or majority culture's context or value system. Indeed, deaf persons, who communicate using sign language, can be considered a microculture. Though not always, mlcrocultural groups generally have less power than the majority or macroculture. Even in small power distance cultures such as the United States, power among groups is not distributed equally. 7he majority group's power may be legal, polit ical, economic, or even religious. In the United States, for example, legal power is not distributed equally. Persons under the age of 18 years are not legally allowed to vote. In many cultures, religious power is not distributed equally. The United States has no officially recognized religion, and ovei 300 religions are recognized and practiced there. Islam is the only recognized religion of Saudi Arabia, and Saudi law requires all its' citizens to be Muslims. Public worship by a member of any religion other than Islam is forbidden. Moreover, any person wanting to become a citizen of Saudt Arabia must convert to Islam. The group with the most power is consideled the dominant or majority group, while the less powerful groups have been known as minority groups. Sociologist Richard Schaefer argues that the term minority group is a misnomer, however, in that it does not refer to the relative size of a group. According to Schaefer, a minority group is a subordi nate group whose members have significantly less power and control over their own lives than do members of the dominant or majority group? Although defined as a minority, such groups may actually be larger (in population) than the majority group. A classic example is South Africa. From 1948 to 1994, Caucasians, who were greatly outnumbered by Black South Africans, ruled the country under the political system of apartheid. In many countries colonized by Europeans, the indigenous people outnumbered the dom inant Europeans. And in parts of the United States, certain ethnic or cultural groups outnumbei the dominant group. The term subculture is sometimes used to refer to microcultural groups. Like minority group, the term subculture carries negative connotations. By definition, sub- means beneath, below, and inferior. The perspective of this book is that no cultural group is beneath or below any other cultural group. To be sure, some cultures are subordinate to (i.e., have less power than) other groups, but such groups should not be considered infe riol. Hence, the term mleroculturalgÿvup has been chosen as the most appiopriate label for these groups.

MICROCULTURAL GROUP STATUS

In many cultures, including the United States, mlcrocultural group status is determined by one's membership in sex, racial, ethnic, or religious groups. Schaefer notes that social scientists generally recognize five characteristics that distinguish microcultuial groups

from the dominant culture. The first characteristic is that members of the group have

some physical or cultural trait that distinguishes them from others. Two obvious physical

properties that distinguish one group from another are skin color and sex. In the United States, for example, Black Americans and women are considered minorities (even though women constitute about 51% of the population). White males are considered the most powerful political and economic group in the United States. Black people are also con sidered a minority in Brazil, which depended on slave trading much more than did the

United States. In fact, Bÿazil imported 8 times the number of African slaves than were

brought to the United States in the mid-1800s.4

Other traits that can distinguish a microcultural group include language or distinc tive dress habits. A microcultural gloup in Jamaica came out of the Rastafarian religious movement. According to Leonard E. Barrett, the Jamaican Rastafarian movement is the largest, most identifiable indigenous group in Jamaica. Many Rastas are recognizable by their dreadlock hair and unique dress habits. Barrett argues that their appearance is the most distinguishing mark of the Rastafarians.5 Regardless of culture, the dominant group decides, perhaps arbitrarily, which characteristics afford a group its microcultural status. Such traits vary considerably across cultures Ihe second distinguishing characteristic is that microcultural group membership is usually not voluntary. Though not always, people are generally born into their micro culture. For example, people cannot choose to be of a certain race, ethnicity, or sex.

Although people can choose their religion, most people are born into a religion and find

it difficult to leave. In tracing Northern Ireland's history, Schaefer notes that the root of the violence there is based in religion. Northern Ireland is two-thirds Protestant and

one-third Catholic. The Catholics in Northern Ireland, a minority in both numbers and power, complain of inadequate housing and education, low income, and high unemploy ment. They often blame the Protestant majority for their problems. Armed conflict has been the result. Plttu Laungani notes that a unique feature of India's society is the caste system--that is, a rigid social hierarchy. In India, one is born into a given caste level, and it is virtually impossible to move from one caste level to another.6

The third property that distinguishes a microcultural group from the macroculture

is that microcultt]ral group members generally practice endogamy (i.e., marrying within the in-group). In many cultures, the dominant group staunchly discourages or even pro hibits exogamy (i.e., marrying outside one's own group). Ethnologist Suzan Ilcan of the University of Windsor writes that majority groups believe that endogamy strengthens

familial ties, pieserves family property through inheritance, and upholds cultural and

group traditions. Ilcan's work has focused on marital practices in Turkey, where endog amous marriages are viewed as a family oÿ community affair. According to Ilcan, in the village of Sakli in the northwestern region of Turlÿey, spousal selection and all aspects of

marriage are contiolled by celtain membeis of the family. Couples have little to do with the arrangements. Moreovei, any meaningful romance between unmarried persons is not valued. Love and mutual attraction are expected to come after marriage and, even then, are not consideied necessities. In Sakli, people are consideied suitable marriage partners based on the compatibility of their families. Familial reputation and compara ble economic and social classes are the crucial elements of a marriage.7 Foi some groups in Pakistan, China, India, and Laos, among others, endogamous marilages are often arranged.

90 Intercultural Commumcahon

The fourth chalactenstic that distinguishes a mmrocultmal group from the dominant group is that the gloup membels are aware of their suboldinate status. Because they know they ale less powerful within a particular cultme, some mtcrocultural gloups become very cohesive. In many cultures, microcultural group membeis may prefer to live in the same neighborhoods and socialize among themselves.

Finally, perhaps the most disturbing aspect ofmlcrocultural group membership is that such groups often experience unequal treatment from the dominant group in the form of segreganon and discrimination.8

MIUTED MICROCULTURAL GROUPS

Anothm type of power that most microcultural groups lack is linguistic power--that is, the power of language. In all cultures, language ts the vehicle foi representing and explessmg experience And the experiences and perceptions of suboldinate micro cultural gloups are often different from those of the dominant cultmal group For example, microcultural groups often are not able to communicate as freely as the dom inant gloup does. Historically in the United States, for example, women and Black Americans could not vote or join the armed services. And only since 1994 have Black

South Afiicans been allowed to vote in theii countw; foi decades, they had no legal

voice or representation?

muted group theory

Microculturat groups are forced to express themselves [eg , speak, wHtel within the dominant mode of expresslon

In many cultmes, the subordinate microcultural groups do not contribute to the construction of the language of the dominant gioup. In this sense, the language of a particular culture does not benefit its members equally. Yet the language of the dominant group may not provide the words and symbols representative of the micro cultural group's perceptions and experiences. Thus, because such groups are forced to communicate within the dominant mode of expression, they become "muted." In essence, the language of the dominant cultural group, which is the pleferred lan guage, contributes to the microcultural group's subordination. This idea is known as the muted group theory.1°

The manifestation of the muted group theory is that microcultural groups' speech and writing are not valued by the dominant cultural group. Moreover, mlcrocultural

groups experience difficulty expressing themselves fluently within the dominant mode of expression; that is, they may not speak the same language as the dominant group, so "micro-macro" interaction is difficult. However, because microcultural groups must communicate within the dominant mode, they must achieve some level of linguistic competence to survive. The same is not true of the dominant group, howeveL In fact, the dominant cultural group experiences more difficulty than microcultural groups in undelstanding those groups' communication because the dominant group is not required to learn the microcultural groups' codes. Indeed, the dominant group often considers the communication style of a microcultmal gioup substandard or infenoi and rejects it as a legitimate form of communication.

Shirley Weber contends that microcultural groups may respond to the dominant mode of expression In two ways. Some will refuse to live by the standards set forth by the dominant group and will try to change the dominant mode of expression. In the

United States, for example, the replacement of words such as chawman with simply chair or mailman with mall carrier is demonstrative of this phenomenon. Another way subol dinate groups respond is by using theii own plivate language. They create symbols not understood or used by the dominant group They use their own language to express their unique expelmnces. Weber argues that sometimes the language of subordinate groups serves as a political statement that the mlciocultural groups have not relinquished or abandoned their political or social identity. The groups' ability to sustain a living lan guage indicates that the members have control over a certain aspect of their lives and are determined to preserve their culture. As Webei notes, one's language is a model of that culture's adjustment to the world,n

MICROCULTURES IN THE UNITED STATES

Many microcultures exist in the United States. The formation of mlcrocultural groups is often the result of immigration, annexation, oi colonization.I2 In this chapter, six U.S. microcultures are explored, with particular attention paid to the communication of each and how it differs from the dominant macioculture.

The first micmcultural group to be examined is the Hispanic/Latino group.

Hispamcs/Latinos represent the largest miclocultural group in the United States. The second group consists of Black Americans. This group iepresents perhaps the most

powerful mlcrocultural group in the United States And although Black Americans

have made strides in social, legal, economic, and political power in the United States

in the past centmy, they lemain socially disenfranchised by many in the dominant

culture. The third microcultural group to be discussed is Asian Ameilcans. Asian Americans now leplesent the fastest growing microculture in the United States. The

fourth group to be explored is Native Americans/American Indians. Of the 562 tribes

in the United States, Native Amencans/Amerman Indians represent less than 2% of

the overall population. The fifth gioup is Arab Americans. In 2000, for the first time in its history, the U S. Census Bureau officially classified persons in the United States who had Arab arÿcestry. Neaily 3.6 million U.S. citizens trace their roots to an Arab country. The sixth and final microculture to be discussed is the LGBTQ community.

A debate continues over the rights of LGBTQ persons and whether they have a unique

communication system.

Hispanics/Latinos

Hispanics/Latmos are the laigest microcultural group in the United States. The Hispanic/ Latmo population in the Umted States was nearly 58 million pdople in 2016, about 18% of the U.S. population. Mole than one in six Americans claims Hispanic origin. By 2030, that number is expected to reach 72 million.13 According to Antonio Flores of the Pew Research Center, Hispamcs are the youngest miclocultmal group in the United States with a median age of 28 years. Floles leports that neatly 40% of Hispanics/Latmos have some college experience, up from 30% in 2000. While the majonty of Hispamcs/Latinos speak Spanish, 35 million Hispanics ages 5 and older are English ploficmnt. California

Hlspam¢/

Latmo Defined

by the U S

government as a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto RIcan, South or Central American, or other Spamsh culture or origin, regardless of race

92 Intercul.tural. Commumcahon

has the largest percentage of Hlspanics/Latmos, followed by Texas, Florida, New York, and Ilhnois.14

Recall from Chapter 1 that the U.S. government distinguishes between race and Hispamc/Latmo origin, consrdermg the two to be separate and distinct. Hence, Hlspamcs/ Latinos are not considered a racial group. Specifically, the government defines Hispanic or Latmo as "a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puelto Rrcan, South or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race." Flores notes that 64% of the Hlspamc/

Latino population in the United States is of Mexican origin But that number is down from a peak of 66% in 2000.15 o

The Hispanic/Latino microculture plays a sigmficant role m the U.S. economy. Matt

Weeks reports that the U.S. Hispanic/Latmo buying power in 2016 was larger than the

gross domestic product of the entire country of Mexico and larger than the economies of 14 other countries in the world. In the United States, Hrspamc/Latino buying power reached $1.4 trillion in 2016, which is nearly 10% of total U.S. buying power. Weeks reports that Hlspanics/Latmos spend more on groceries, clothing, cell phone servrces, and car insurance than they spend on tobacco, health care, entertainment, furmture, and personal insurance.16

So Who Is Hispanic/Latino9

Given the previous drscussion, the term Hispanw is confusing to many. Ned Crouch argues that the label is a cultural reference, a way of identifying people that ,s nei ther racial nor geographic. According to Crouch, persons who consider themselves

Hispanic/Latmo may be Black, as in the Dominican Republic; White, as in Argentina;

or of mixed racral heritage, as in Mexico. Crouch argues that Hispanic is a cultural

reference to people from any Spanish-speaking country except Spain (where people insist that they are Spanish, not Hispanic). In additron, Crouch argues that the term Latino ,s a cultural reference more or less interchangeable with Hispamc, although some may disagree.17

Cul.turat Vatues and Communication of Hispanics/Latinos

Although diverse, the Hispanic/Latino mlcroculture is united by values, language, and religion. Consultants Anne Marie Pajewski and Lurs Enrrquez argue that m Hispanic/ Latino socrety the family or group needs take precedence over indivrdual needs and that

Hispanics/Latinos seem collectivistic across a variety of contexts, including academics.

According to Pajewski and Enriquez, in school settings Hrspanic/Latino students tend to be cooperative, whereas White students tend to be competitrve and mdividuahstic. When Hispanic/Latino students work in groups, not everyone is expected to do an equal share; a group member who does not work is not sanctroned. In a White group, however, each student is expected to do his or her share)8

Pelhaps nowhere is the Hrspanic/Latmo group orientation more prevalent than in the faintly, orfami[ia 19 Commitment to the family is a dominant cultural value among

virtually all Hlspamcs/Latmos. Indeed, Crouch argues that

the group bonding process begins the minute Mexican children are brought home

from the hospital and put into the children's room--not their own, separate little

pink or blue nursery. Their families tend to congregate in one large room. They

are taught to play nicely with each other. Toys are toys and are played with by

all the children. They are not owned by boy number one or girl number three. In Anglo culture, the more we mÿsbehave with our siblings, the more attention we get ... But beyond the conflicting pressures of adolescence, we seem to emerge as individualists .... unhke the Mexicans, who beheve that the more they conform, the more they will all prosper.2°

Hispamcs/Latinos are thought to be a very religious mlcroculture, but that appears to be changing. According to a recent Pew Research Center survey of over 5,000 U.S.

Hispamcs/Latinos, just over 55% belong to the Roman Cathohc Church, but the survey also reports that the number of Hispamcs/Latinos leaving the Catholic Church is rising signrficanflÿ In fact, about 25% of Hispanrc/Latmo adults now consider themselves fbr mer Catholics. About 22% are Protestant, while just under 20% are religiously unaffil

iated. 7he Pew Research Center suggests that the percentage of Hlspanlcs/Latinos who are Catholic has been in dedine for at least the last few decades. For example, in 2010, polling by the Pew Research Center found that over two thirds of Hispanics/Latinos were

Cathohc. Th,s indicates that the number of Catholic Hlspamcs/Latinos has dechned con siderably over the past few years. Moreover, according to the Pew Research Center, the Hispanics/Latmos who have left the Catholic Church tend to move in two directions. Many have become born-again or evangelical Protestants, a group that has a very hrgh level ofreligrous commitment. The other Hispanics/Latlnos have become religiously unaf filiated. In fact, many indicate that they have no particular religion or are atheist or agnos tic. Interestingly, these survey results indicate that unaffiliated Hispanics/Latmos resemble

the religiously unaffiliated segment of the general U.S. pubhc.2ÿ

In their communication modes, Hispanics/Latinos are also group oriented. They are exceptionally concerned about any behavior that would upset the harmony of their house hold, church, or workplace. Hrspanics/Latinos value harmony above all else. A mother or father expressing favoritism to an indwidual son or daughter will upset the harmony and shatter the familial spirit. 22 Hispamcs/Latinos generally practice large power drstance communication.'Spanlsh rs replete with words and phrases that communicate hierarchy (e.g., proper titles, salutations, and honorifics) and emphasize the Idea that some peo ple hold superior positions over others. Crouch asserts that Hispanics/Latmos hold to traditional hierarchical roles based on family, education, age, and position. According to Crouch, Hispanics/Latinos may be confused by U.S. citizens' casual and informal communication style.23

Stereotypes of Hispanics/Latinos

In most cultures, microcultural groups are often stereotyped {)y the dom,nant cultural group. In the United States, the Hispamc/Latino microculture has been the target of several unfortunate stereotypes. Perhaps the most common, and the most hotly debated, stereotype about Hispanics/Latinos revolves around the construct of male gender identity called machzsmo. Machismo centers on the notron of masculinity, male superiority, and dominance in the traditional patriarchal Hispamc/Latlno society. Stereotypical charac teristics associated wÿth macho males include aggressrveness, violence, dominance and supremacy over women, infidelity, and emotional insensmvitv. Researchers at Fnrdhÿ m

Umversity aigue that thele is no consensus on the definition of the telm. Some definitions focus on negative and exaggerated forms of the male gender role such as heavy dunking, aggressiveness, ol virility. But other definitions offel culturally valued tiaits suggesting that machismo emphasizes courage; physical strength; and the provider, authority fig ure, and protector roles. ÿIhese researchers also note a tendency to focus on the negative characteristics.24

To be sure, scholars disagree about the uniqueness of machismo m Hispanic/Latino culture. Counsÿhng psychologist J. Manuel Casas and his associates argue that machismo has never been a umquely Htspÿmic/Latino phenomenon. Instead, they argue that many of the traits associated with machismo can be found in vu tually eveiy culture. They note, however, that differences may exist in how the eqmvalent of the machismo constluct is defined across cultures.25

In other words, many cultures may associate male gender identity with aggressive ness, male supremacy, infidelity, and so on. Although there has not been a substantial amount of research conducted on the machismo identity, some data indicate that at least one characteristic associated with machismo--infidelity--Is not unique to Hlspamc/ Latino males University of Chicago sociologists Michael, Gagnon, Laumann, and

Kolata--authors of the widely publicized Sex tn America study--found that the infidelity

rate among Hlspamcs/Latinos in the Umted States is about the same as for the genelal U.S. population. In fact, in the Pew Research Center storey mentioned pleviously, the malonty of Hispanics/Latmos lqect traditional views of gender roles. The overwhelming

majouty of Hispanics/Latlnos indicate that a malrlage in which both the husband and wife hold jobs and care for the children is plefelable to a traditional anangement that sees the husband as the financial provider and the wife as caretakel of the house and children.

Moreovel, over 60% of Hispamcs/Latinos reject the idea that the husband should have the final say in family matters On the othei hand, just ovel one third indicate the hus

bands shouldhave the final say.26

U.S. me&a, especially advertisels, have been particularly culpable in the dissemina tion of Hispanic/Latino steleotypes. Octavio Nuiry points out that one of the ealliest images of Hispanics/Latmos, and particulally Mexicans, is that of the ruthless ban&to. This image has been depicted in all sorts of media, fiom movie Westerns to a famous advertising campaign for Fritos corn chips. In 1967, Flito-Lay Corporation launched this advertising campaign for Its brand of corn chips. The ads featmed a cartoon char acter called the Frlto Ban&to, whose persona was replete with a thick Spanish accent, a long handlebar mustache, a sombrelo, and a pan of six-shooters. In the ads, the bandito was descubed as "cunning, clevei, and sly." Contempolary ads for Taco Bell encourage taco lovels to "Run for the Boidei!" in an apparent refelence to the lmmiglation issue. Interestingly, in what advertiseis call a crossover commelcial, a Miller Lite beei adver tisement features boxing champion Carlos Palomino encouraging viewers to "Drink Miller Llte, but don't dnnk the water.''27 +lhe influences of the Hlspanic/Latino micro culture in the United States are growing Now more than ever, Hlspanics/Latinos are noticed by the dominant culture. We see Hlspamc/Latmo characteis in television and movies Hispanic/tattoo cuisine is popular across the country. Although their unem ployment rates ate high and their incomes are low, as a microcultural group Hlspamcs/ Latinos are mcieasing then political and economic power Soon, their voices wdl not be muted

Btack Americans

According to Schaefer, the history of Black

Americans m the United States dates as far back as the histoiy of Euro-Americans (persons of European descent). Black'peo

ple arrived in the New World with the fiist

White explorers. Schaefer reports that in

1619, 20 Africans arrived in Jamestown

as indentured servants. At that time, theii

children were boln free people By the

1660s, however, the British colonies passed

laws making Africans slaves for life.28

According to Schaefer, the propoltlon of

Black people in the United States has varied

over the centuries and actually declined until the 1940s, primarily because White immi gration (mostly flora Emope) far outdistanced Blacks' population growth. In 1790, Black people represented a little more than 19% of the population of the United States. That percentage declined to 9.7% in 1910.29

In 2017, the Black population was 47.4 million, or approximately 14.6% of the U.S.

population According to the U.S. Census Bureau, nearly 60% of all Black Americans live in just 10 states--New Yolk, Flouda, Texas, Geoigia, Cahfornla, North Caiolina, Illinois, Maryland, Virginia, and Ohio. Black Americans are the second-lalgest micro cultural group in the United States. Curlently, Black Americans and Hlspanics/Latmos compose nearly 32% of the U.S. population. Unlike the lapid and dispropomonate growth of the Hispanic/Latmo population since 1990, the late of Black Ameiman popu

lation growth remains relatively stable,g0

Black Americans made great progress in the 20th and 21st centunes, due mostly to the civil rights movement. Although significant gaps lemain between Black Americans and Caucasians in such areas as income, education, employment, and housing, Black Americans have ,come a long way in the past 70 years. In 2018, the median house hold income among Black Americans was $40,202. Fol all races it was $60,336. Black

American buying power increased 98% from 2000 to 2016. Moreover, Black Americans increasingly own theil own businesses, which glew 34% in the 5-year span from 2007 to 2012. Schaefer notes an Jnterestingphenomenon: An ever-growing propoltion of the Black population is foleign-born. Since 1984, the percentage of Black people in the United States born outside the countly (mostly in the Caribbean) has almost doubled.31

Black American Communicatmn

The term Ebonics (from the combination of the wolds ebony and phonics) was fiist corned in

1973 and refers to a giammatically complex speech pattern used by many BlackAmericans. The "Nonstandard term was cleated Negro English." by Black Ebonics, scholars oi who Black dlshked language, the connotations is uniquely derived associated from with the language of descendants of slaves. Many linguists recognize that this speech pattern devel oped as a result of contact between slaves and Europeans; a new language was formed that was influenced by both languages and took on a variety of forms, depending on whether the

PHOTO 31 Fam@

retatmns play a pwotaL rote for Black Americans

Ebonlcs From the terms ebony and phonics, a grammatically robust and rich African American speech pattern whose roots are In Wlÿqf A frl¢'ÿ

influence was French, Portuguese, or English. Accoiding to Weber, there is evidence that these languages were spoken on the western coast of Afllca as early as the 1500S?2

One of the primary ways members of cultural groups define themselves and establish in-group and out-group identities is through verbal and nonverbal language--that is, through conversation. Language is the foundation of individual and group construction.

In a study published in 2009, researchers at Stanford University explored the meanings of racial identity fol BlackAmerican students in a predominantly Black American urban high school. 7he authors viewed racial identity as both related to membership in a racial group

and as a fluid and dynamic disposition maintained by students in the local school context. After interviewing students in focus groups for 9 weeks, their findings showed that stu

dents carried diffeient meanings of Black American racial identity and that these meanings were linked to academic achievement and engagement. ÿheir findings also demonstrated that both high-achieving and low-achieving students considered language patterns to be important for their racial identity. The researchers noted that all the students they inter viewed consistently used Ebomcs and felt that its use was a part of their racial identity?3

Accolding to John Rickford, a professor oflmgmstics at Stanford University, Ebonics

pronunciation as past (i.e., pas9 includes and features hand (i.e., such hang, as the the omission pronunciation of the of final the-th consonant in bath in as words t (i.e., such bat) orf0.e., baf), and the pronunciation of the vowel in words such as my and ride as a long ah (i.e., mah, rahd). Rlckford notes that these kinds of pronunciation occur in vernacular

White English as well, emphasizing that they are systematic and the result of regular

grammatical rules; they are not random grammatical errols)4

In addition to its phonological and syntactic elements, Black language includes other communication dimensions that distinguish it from other languages and mark its speak els as members of a unique group. Thomas Kochman argues that Black Ameiican expres sion is characterisucally "emotionally intense, dynamic, and demonstrative," whereas Euro-American expression is "more modest and emotionally restrained."35

Stereotypes of Black Americans

In 1987, filmmaker Marion Riggs produced, directed, and distributed Ethmc Notions, a

multi-award-winning documentary tracing the depiction of Black Americans throughout U.S. history. This film remains a standard in many high school and college classrooms and has been watched by millions of people in the United States and abroad. The film chronicles the stereotypes that triggered powerful and lasting prejudices against Black

Americans, It graphically shows that throughout U.S. history, in literature, children's books, music, cartoons, television shows, advertisements, and films, Black Americans have been portrayed as Uncle Toms, Sambos, obese Mammies, Coons, savage Brutes, and wide-eyed Pickaninnies. These dehumanizing steleotypes saturated popular culture for over 200 years. In the end, the film suggests that these images send a powerful message that (1) Black is ugly, (2) Black people descended from savages, (3) Black people are pre occupied with their inborn rhythm and musical talent and are indifferent to poverty, and (4) they take pride in and enjoy providing service to White people.36

Asian Americans

Aÿian Americans are the fastest growing microcultural group in the United States.. In

Americans make up nearly 6% of the U S.

population. The Asmn American popula

tion grew over 70% between 2000 and 2015 from 12 million in 2000 to over 20 million in 2015.37

Asian Americans are a divelse micro

cultural group. Of the 20 million persons

classified as Asian American, about 5 mil lion are Chinese, 4 million are Indian,

just under 4 million are Filipino, 2 mil

lion are Vietnamese, and just under 2 million are Korean. Other cultural groups represented include Japanese, Pakistanis, Cambodians, Hmong, Thai, and Laotians.

More than 50% of Asian Americans are

Chapter3 m The Microculturat Context

college educated, but that varies accord ing to the Asian origin group. For example, over 70% of Indians hold a bachelor's degiee, whereas 17% of Hmong do. In 2015, 70% of U.S. Asians reported that they speak English proficiently. ÿIhe median household income among Asian Amellcans m 2015 was $73,000, the highest among all racial groups in the United States, including

Caucasians. But once again, this vaiies byAslan origin group. Indian households have the highest median income at $100,000, whereas the Napalese median annual income

is $43,000.38

As mentioned, the Asian American population is 6% of the U.S. total, and it controls 6% of U.S. purchasing power. Since 2000, Asian American buying power has grown over 200%, the largest increase of any microcultural group. Asian American buying power ranks 15th m the world. Asian Americans spend more on dining out, housing, public transportation, education, and clothing than they spend on utilities, used cars, cash con tributions, health care, and entertainment?9

Compared . with \ Black Americans and Hispamcs/Latmos, Asian Americans do not see discrimination against their group as a major problem.4° Specifically, only 13% of poll respondents see discrimination as a problem, whereas 48% see it as only a minor problem, and 35% say discrimmanon is not an issue with their group. Bryan Klm and his colleagues have conducted a number of studies on Asian Americans, and they caution against a "homogenized" view of Aslafi Americans that distorts important differences among the various Asian American ethnic groups.41

Asian American Values

For more than a decade, Klm and his colleagues have focused most of their work on Asmn American values. They agree that while Asian Americans share many cultural val ues, the various ethnic groups differ in their adherence to these values. They also have studied howAsian American acculturation into U.S. culture affects behavioral adherence to the values held by Asian Americans.42 Based on their studies, Kim and his colleagues have identified six dominant values held by most Asian Americans: collectivism, con forming to norms, emotional self-control, family recognition through achievement, filml

PHOTO3 2 As)an

Ar'nerlcans are the fastest-growing racial, group m the

Umted States

In subsequent work, Klm's iesearch group found that while most Asian Americans relate and attiibute similar meaning to these six values, individual groups diffei in their level of adherence to them--that is, the extent to which the values are reflected in group members' behavior. In one study comparing Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Filipino groups, Klm and his colleagues found that Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans indicated greater behavioral adherence to the six values than did Filipinos. And they found that across the four groups, Japanese scored higher on values than did the other thiee groups.44

Asian American VaLues and'Communication Styles Recall fiom Chapter 2 that cultures tend to prefer (along a continuum) either high- or low-context communication. Recall also that collectivistic cultures often prefei high context communication. In some of his research, William Gudykunst found that collec uvistic values predict the use of indirect communication. ÿhus, to the extent that Asian Americans value collectivism, we would expect them to prefel an indirect communica tion style, in which the speaker's intentions are hidden or only hinted at during interac tion. The use of ambiguity and vagueness is also characteustic of an mduect style.45 Park and Klm also studied the relationship between cultural values and communication styles among Asian American and European American college students. In their study, they found that European American students preferred a more open style of communication than did Asian American students, who preferred a more indirect communication style. Interestingly, they found no differences between the two groups in preferences for a con tenuous, dramatic, interpersonal sensitivity, o1 inferring-meaning style of communica tion. But they found that as adherence to the Asian American value ofhumihty increased in both groups, the preference for the contentious and dramatic styles deoeased while the preference for the inferring-meaning style increased.46

ASIAN AHERICAN VALUES

Cottectivism: The importance of thinking about one's group before onesel,f, considering the

needs of others before one's own needs

Conform,ng to norms: The ÿmportance of

conforming to familial, and social, expectations,

fol,l,owmg rote expectations such as gender rotes and famll,y hierarchy, being concerned about bnngmg disgrace to one's famll,y reputation

Emotionat setf-control,.. The importance of having the abtl,ity to control, one's emotions

and having tuner resources to sol,ve emotional.

probl,ems, understanding yet not openl,y

expressing parental. Love

Family recognition through achmvement: The importance of not bringing shame to the famt[y by avoiding occupational, and educational, fall,ures and by achieving academleatl,y

Fihat piety: The importance of taking care of one's parents when parents are unabl,e to take care of themsel,ves, not pl,acmg parents m retirement homes, recogmzmg that el,ders have more wisdom than younger peopl,e

HumiLity= The Importance of being humbl,e, not being boastful., and having modesty

Source These value definitions are taken directly from Kÿm, B S K, Yang, P H, Atkmson, D R, Wolfe, M M, & Hong, S

{2001] CuLtural Value SimiLarities and Differences Among Asian American Ethnic Groups Cultural DwersRyandEthmc Minority

Stereotypes of Asian Americans: The Model Minority

Unlike the negative and often blutal stereotypes of Hlspanic/Latmo and Black Americans, Asian Americans are often referred to as the model mmouty. Research has consistently shown that Black Americans, Hispanics/Latmos, and Native Americans/American Indians are seen as less competent than Asian Americans. Intelestmgly, Asian Americans also are seen as more competent than Caucasians; however, they are also seen as cold, impersonal, unso cial, and unlikable. Hence, Asian Ameucans are stereotyped as competent (e.g., ambitious, hardworking, intelhgent, mathematical, obedient, self-disciplined, seuous, traditional) but cold (e.g., antisocial, cunning, deceitful, narrow-minded, nerdy, pushy, selfish, shy). Some researchers contend that being stereotyped as competent but cold (i e., unsociable) renders Asian Americans as targets of piejudice accompanied with envy and anxiety--hence, the tendency to disparage, fear, and discriminate against them. Ironically, perceptions and ste reotypes of Asian Americans trigger reluctant coopeiauon and active harm.47

Monica Lm and her colleagues developed a scale that measuxes anti-Asian Ameucan stereotypes (see the Self-Assessment 3.1 box).48

Normative Communication StyLes of BLack Americans,

Asian Americans, and Hispanics/Latinos

In combination, Black Americans, Asian Ameiicans, and Hlspamcs/Latinos con stitute about 37% of the U.S. population and are increasing in numbers annually. In the previous paragraphs, we reviewed the fundamental values associated with these microcultural groups and theii corlesponding communication styles. Candia Elliot of Divelsity Training Associates in Portland, Oregon; R. Jelry Adams of the Evaluation and Development Institute, also in Portland, O1egon; and Suganya Sockalingam of the

Office of Multicultural Health in the Department of Human Resources of the State of

Oregon have put together a summary of the normative communication styles and values of Black Americans, Asian Americans, and Hlspanics/Latmos. This summary is based on their review of the literature associated with these microcultmes, as well as focus gloup interviews with membeis of these microcultural groups. Theil work was, in part, funded by the UO.fSfic.e o f M\ in o r it y A' ff a i rs'. The authols argue that many of these communica tion style differences are "invisible" and create difficulties and conflict in communication when they are wlongly assumed to be based on an individual's personality rather than a culturally learned style. See Table 3.1 for an abridged version of their summary.49

Native Americans/American Indians

According to a 2018 census report, just under 7 million people, or just over 2% of the American population, identify themselves as Native American/American Indian ol

Alaska Native. According to the National Congless of American Indians (NCAI), there are 562 federally recognized Indian Nations, sometimes referred to as tribes, nations, bands, pueblos, or communities. 7he NCAI points out that the U.S. Constitution rec ognizes that Indian Nations ale soveieign. ÿe largest tubal groups were Chmokee and Navajo. States with the highest proportion of Native Amermans/American Indians and

Alaska Natives include Alaska, Oklahoma, and New Mexico 50 Jens Manuel Krogstad, writing for the Pew Research Center, leports that the median age of a Native American/

American [riffian iÿ al ............. .1 L .,

. . _

1 Emotional expression

2 Gestures

3 Vocahcs [vocal

pitch variation) 4 VocaLvotume

5 Directness

6 Eyecontact

Asian American

Htspamc/Lahno

Astan American

Asian American

AsianAmerlcan

7 Haphcs {touching} Asian American

Emphasis on hierarchy

Proximity [closeness while interacting wÿth others)

10 Formality

tl Self-promotion

BLack American

Asian, American

Hispamc/Latmo

Hispanic/Latino

Hispanlc/Latmo . Hispanlc/Latmo Hispamc/Latmo

Asian American

Hispanlc/Latlno BLack

American

AslanAmerlcan Hispanlc/Latmo

BLack American

Hmpamc/Latmo BLack American

Asian American

Hispamc/Latmo

BLack American

Hispamc/Latmo

Asian American

BLack American

24 Many Asian Americans always

Source Ettlott, C, Adams, R J , & Sockatmgam, S {2010} Summary of Normative Communication Styles and Values Retrieved from http//www awesomettbrary org/muLttcuLtura[toolklt-styteschart-normattve htm[

to 5% for Caucasians. Seventeen percent of Nauve Americans/American Indians have a bachelor' s d eeg r e . ÿ h e p o vaemrtyo rnagte Native Amencans/Amencan Indians is 26%, more than double that for Caucasians or Asian Ameucans but about equal to that of

Black Americans and Hispanics/Latinos.51

Directions: The fol.Lowmg are a number of state ments with which you wilt agree or disagree

There are absoLuteLy no right or wrong answers Use the specified scale [0 = strongly disagree;

Chapter3 m The Mmrocutturat Context 101

1 = moderately disagree, 2 = slightly disagree, 3 = sbghtty agree; 4 = moderately agree, 5 = strongly agree] to indicate the number that best matches your response to each statement Complete the scale to see how you view Asian Am'ericans

Asian Americans seem to be

striving to become number one.

Asian Americans commit Less hme to soclabzmg than others do

In order to get ahead of others, Asÿan Americans can be overly competitive

19 Oftentimes, AsJan Americans think they are smarter than everyone else IS Asian Americans do not usually Like to be the center of attention at social gatherings

Most Asian Americans have a mentality that stresses gain of

economic power

6. Asian Americans can sometimes be regarded as acting too smart

w7, Asÿan Americans put high priority

on their social Lives

Asian Americans do not interact with others smoothly In social situations __9. As a group, Asian Americans are not constantly in pursuit of more

power.

10, When it comes to education, Asian Americans aim to achieve too much.

__11 Asian Americans tend to have

Less fun compared to other social

groups.

12 A tot of Aszan Americans can be described as working all. of the

__13 The majority of Asian Americans

tend to be shy and quiet

__14 Asian Americans are not very

street-smart

__15 Asian Amerlcans know how to have

__16 Most Asian Americans are not very fun and can be pretty relaxed

vocal

__17. Asian Americans are a group not

obsessed with compehtion

__18 Asian Americans spend a tot of

time at social gatherings,

__20 Asian Americans enjoy a

dlspreporhonate amount of

economic success.

___21 Asÿan Americans are not as socla[

as other groups of people 22 Aslan Americans are motwated

to obtain too much power m our society

__23 Most Asian Americans function

weLL in social situations

seem to compare their own

__25 Asmn Americans rarely Initiate achievements to other people's.

social events or gatherings.

Scoring. To score the instrument, reverse your score for Items 7, 9, 15, 17, 18, and 23 fl e, 0 =

1=4,2=3,3=2,4=1, and5=0} After revers

time.

Ing your score for these six items, sum your responses to the 25 items Total scores must range from 0 to 125 Higher scores {75-125} indicate a higher Level of anti-Asian American stereotypes.

Source Lm, M, Kwan, V S Y, Cheung, A,, & Flske, S T {2005] Stereotype Content Model Explains Prejudice for an Envied Outgroup Scale of Anti-Asian American Stereotypes Personaltty and Social Psychology Bulletin, 31, 34-47 {scale ts on p 46}

102 Intercutturat Commumcatmn m_

PHOTO 33

TradRmn continues to pray an important rote among Native Americans/ American Indians

Who is eligible for lecognltion as a membel of a Native American/American

Indian tribe can be confusing. The NCAI

states that individual tllbes determine their own cuterla for tribal citizenship. Thus,

as Stephanie Siek of CNN points out, the rules for establishing tribal membership

can vary considerably from tribe to tribe. Many tribes use an individual's pedigree as a means of defining membership. Known

as blood quantum, this method defines

one's tribal membeiship according to the

percentage of pure blood belonging to that

tribe. For example, Siek notes that a person with one grandparent belonging to one tribe and three grandparents not belonging to that tribe would be considered to have a blood quantum of one quartei. She points out that the minimum amount of blood quantum tequiied for one tribe might be as little as one thirty-second (equivalent to one great-great-great-grandparent) or as high as one half

(equivalent to one full-blooded tribal parent).52

According to the NCAI, Native Americans/American Indians suffer from illness at highei rates than other U.S. citizens. The tuberculosis rate among Native Ameiicans/ American Indians is 5 times higher. According to Indian Health Selvices, the late of alcohohsm among Native Americans/American Indians is 6 times the U.S. average. According to the American Diabetes Association, the likelihood of a Native American/ American Indian to have diabetes is 2.2 times higher compared to non-Hispanic White

individuals, and 95% have type 2 rather than type 1 diabetes. Both the gonorrhea and

chlamydia rate among Native Americans/American Indians is nearly 5 times greater than

among White people. The NCAI repoits that Native American/American Indian youth have the highest rate of suicide among all ethnic groups in the United States, and it is the second-leading cause of death for Native Americans/American Indians ages 15 to 24Y

The label Natzve American is not without controversy. Steven Pratt and Merly Buchanan Pratt note that the U.S. government coined the term Native American during the civil rights movement of the 1960s. They note that while some prefei the term Native American, otheis prefer American Indian. Pratt and Pratt observe that most Native Ameucans lefer to themselves by their tribal affiliation first and then as an American Indian.54

Communicatmn Patterns of Native Americans/American Indtans

Pratt and Platt, both of the University of Central Oldahoma, have written extensively about Native Amelican/American Indian communication pattelns. They are careful to point out that modes of communication vaiy among tribal affiliations, but cole commu mcation styles are practiced among those who identify as Native Amencan/American Indian. They maintain that ways of speaking specific to Native Americans/American Indians include high context and collectivism as well as the use of silence, space, and

time.55

Pratt and Pratt argue that among Native Americans/Amelican Indians, collectivism IS a key communicative component. Native Ameucans/American Indians cultivate the idea of identity that "we" is more impoltant than "me" and that maintaining intergroup har mony and not disrupting the relational orientation with others is paramount. Pratt and Pratt assert that the conversational constraints for Native Americans/American Indians ate relatlonally oriented, wheleas fol individualists (e.g., Caucasians) they are task ori ented. Silence is another important dimension of Native American/American Indian communication, whmh is characteristic of high-context cultures. Pratt and Pratt suggest that there is no such thing as the awkward silence among Native Americans/American Indians that is often experienced by low-context cultures. They maintain that Native Americans/American Indians feel no need to fill silence with unnecessary talk. Pratt and Pratt explain:

Native Americans generally do not interrupt. Interrupting another's talk is seen as an individualist act; putting oneself above another, or even as a show of aggression. To let someone speak is considered to be cultmally competent. To not lespond to every single comment ol question is considered appropriate as well, Silence may serve as an answer. Pausing during talk is also employed as is a slower

rate of speaking:6

The use of proxemics among Native Americans/American Indians is also designed to communicate unity and harmony. During conversations, Native Americans/American Indians will sit or stand at the same level as others. Positioning the body outward during talk, rather than toward each other, and sitting or standing side by side is common. Likewise, eye contact is usuallyindirect and at a minimum. Spatial arrangements in church "sitting or tribal at meetings the head ate of the usually table."57 circular to minimize any power differential, as opposed to

Finally, time is another major dimension of Native American/American Indian com munication. Consistent with a high-context orientation, the context rules, not the dock or schedules, which, by definition, deny context. Pratt and Pratt discuss the concept

of event-ovei-tlme, whereas individualists focus on time-over-event. Event-over-time is the practice that the communicative event--for example, church or tribal meetings- may not have well-defined starting and ending times, and the members of the group are expected to stay lot the dmation of the meeting.58

Stereotypes of Native Americans/American Indtans

Professor Debia Merskm, of the University of Oregon, writes the following about Native

American/American Indian stereotypes:

If you are among the 99% non-Indian population and the only source of

information you have about American Indians comes from product packages, advertising, and mass media portiayals, what would you conclude about the physical, emotional, and intellectual chalacteristics of indigenous North

Americans? Bloodthirsty savages? Chlldien of nature? Indian princessesÿ Defilers

of White virgins? These are a few of the persistent stereotypes that appear in the

lOZ, Intercultural Communtcatlon

mass media, particularly in advertising and as brands that feature images and attributes of Native Americans .59

Merslun maintains that images on packages, in advertisements, on television, in films, and as sports mascots are often the only Native Americans/American Indians seen by non-Native Americans/American Indians. Merskin asserts that without one-to-one direct

Apemresroicnaanl si/nAtmmearÿictmann Iwnditiah nNs aatriev eli kAemly etori ccaonmse/ Afrmome rtiecxatnb oInodksia, npsa,r epnetsrc, etepaticohnesr so, fm Noavtieivse, television programs, cartoons, songs, commercials, art, product logos, and the media, but not Native Americans/American Indians themselves.6° (For a representative list, see the

typical

representations of Native Americans/American Indians deny them of their human

following Examples of Products and Services box.) Merskan points out that such stereo

ity and

present them as existing only in the past as single, monolithic Indians.61

EXAMPLES OF PRODUCTS AND SERVICES USING NATIVE AMERICAN/AMERICAN INDIAN NAMES AND IMAGES

American Splnt cÿgarettes Apache hehcopter Apache Rib doormats Apache web server

Big Chmf sugar Black Hawk helicopter

Calumet baking powder Cherokee brand ctothmg Cherokee tobacco Chinook hebcopter Comanche firearms Dodge Dakota Eskimo Pÿes

Ford Apache

Indlan motorcycl.es Indlan Spirit air freshener Jeep Cherokee Land O'Lakes products

Mmnetonka moccasins

Mohave clothing

Mohawk Carpet M,tts

Mutual of Omaha

Narragansett beer Oneida s{Lverware Pontiac Aztek Red Man chewing tobacco

Red Man snuff

Seneca julce Smokin' Joes cigars Sue Bee honey Tomahawk missiLe Tomahawk mutcher Tootsle Roll "Savage Chief" figure Toyota Tacoma Umpqua Dairy Wmnebago

Source Merskln, D, (2014) How Many More Indlans9 An Argument for a Representatlona[ Ethics of Native Amermans Journal

have relimous tradinons and rÿracr,ceÿ thor d ,{:Fÿr ann dcbÿrÿkhr gr.,,ÿ ÿh .... tc ÿ1ÿ .... 1 ...... ofCommunrcatmn Inqurry, 38(3], 18/4-203,

Arab Americans

Since the attacks on the World Trade

Center towers in New York and the Pentagon in Washington, DC, increased

racial, ethnic, and religious hostility

has left Arab Americans in a precarious state. Arab American groups (such as the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee) report numerous attacks on people from these various cultural and ethnic groups since September 11,

to oÿ oo.. oÿ

PHOTO 3.4 Arab Americans are one of the most diverse groups .n the United

States

2001. Hundreds of people have been beaten, killed, threatened, ridiculed, and harassed because they were thought to be Arab and somehow associated with those who attacked the United States. But of all the mlcrocultural groups discussed in this chapter thus far, Arab Americans are one of the most ethnically, racially, and religmusly diverse groups in the country. In fact, to classify them into one group is impossible. The U.S. Census Bureau classifies Arabs as White. Recall that in 2000, for the first time in its history, the U.S. Census Bureau officially classified persons in the United

States who had Arab

The Arab American

ancestry. According to the Census Bureau,

originating from Arabm-speaking countries or areas of the world were classified as Arab.

people with ancestries

Institute Foundation indicates that nearly

3.6 million U.S. citizens

trace their roots to an Arab country. The largest number of Arab immigrants to the

United Sates in the past decade are from Iraq, Somalia, and Egypt. Arab Americans are found in every state, but more than two thirds of them live in just 10 states: California,

Michigan, New York, Florida, Texas, New Jersey, Illinois, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and

Virginia. Metropolitan Los Angeles, Detroit, and New York are home to one third of the population. Nearly 90% of Arab American adults carry a high school diploma.

Approximately 50% of U.S. citizens of Arab descent have a bachelor's degree or higher, compared to about 30% of U.S. citizens at large. Nearly 20% of Arab Americans have

a postgraduate degree, which is nearly twice

thirds of Arab American adults are in

agenal, professional,

the natmnal average. Approximately two force, with nearly 75% employed in man

technical, sales, or administrative fields.62

Americans are often

the

labor

thought to be Muslim.

To be sure, the Arab American population is misunderstood. For example, Arab

Arab American Institute, points out that

But Helen Hatab Samhan, board member of

Arab Americans are as diverse as any other

microcultural group in the United States. Moreover, she maintains that religious affiliation among Arab Americans is one of their most defining characteristics. Most people do not know, for example, that the majority of Arab Americans descend from mostly Christian immigrants. In fact, roughly two thirds of the Arab population identifies with one or more

Christian sects. However, Samhan notes that since the 1950s, Arab Muslims have repre

sented the fastest-growing segment of the Arab American community.

ognizes

And Samhan rec

that this creates some challenges for this group. For example, Muslims in America

Chapter3 [] The MIcrocuttura[ Context 107 106 Intercultural Commumcahon

in the United States. Many interpretations of Islam emphasize the importance of mod esty, reject interfaith marriage, and object to typical standards of dating oi gender inte gration. at Ramadan, Other beards rehgious for practmes men, and such the wearing as the five-times-daffy of the hljab (head prayers, cover) the for monthlong women render fast Muslims more visible than other microcultural gioups and, thus, open to stereotypes.63

Communication Patterns of Arab Americans Ellen Kussman Feghali and °Chuck Bralthwaite have studied Arab communication modes. Feghah and Braithwaite maintain that being aware of Arabic religious phrases in everyday conversation is paramount to understanding Arab American culture Tney

write the following:

Native speakers can confirm that it is nearly impossible to find a convelsation without religious expressions across Arabic dialects. ÿhe more common the expression, the more useful, reflecting the color, liveliness, and essence of the local cukute.64

Feghah and Braithwaite also note that a failme to understand the fine distinction of these

Arabic religious phrases in conversation (which might sound similar to "bless you" after someone sneezes) can lead to significant misunderstandings and misjudgments. Inshallah, or "God willing," is perhaps the most common religious expression used in conversation. 7hey point out that the literal meaning of mshallah communicates a submission to God--that one does not plan to carry out futme events or happenings without God's will. What good

is a plan if God does not decree it? Feghali and Bralthwalte also note that inshallah can be used to mitigate plans or predictions, to empower speakers, or to wish or be hopeful that something will happen, but it can also be used to evade or postpone an event.65 Rhonda Zaharna, a professor in the School of Communication at American Univeisity and a former senior Fulbright Scholar, has also written about Arab communication. In her work, Zaharna points out that repetition--that is, to repeat something over and over again or to be wordy or verbose--is common among Arabs. She writes that to find a string of descriptive phrases or words all referring to one phenomenon is not uncommon. She also notes that Arabic speakers use metaphors that may seem peculiar to many in the United States. Zaharna suggests that where other Americans may use distinct facts and figures to make a point, an Arabic speaker may use one strong, vivid example to convey a point. Alabic speakers also tend to use descriptive adjectives and adverbs. Although this seems contradictory, Zaharna and others have noted that Arab speakers tend to be high context, hence they prefer indirect, vague, oi ambiguous statements. This stems fiom the function of language as a means of promoting social harmony. Any dnect question or answer could expose the other to a public loss of face.66

Stereotypes of Arab Americans

Like the other microcultural groups profiled in this chapter, Arab Americans are subject to misleading and brutal stereotypes. Jack Shaheen has dedicated his career to identifying

and contesting damaging stereotypes of Arabs in U.S. media. Shaheen is the author of several hooks but is best known for his award-winning Reel Baddrabs: How Hollywood

r..t,_eÿ, , rÿ,,lÿ (Onalÿ ,,,M,-h ..... mÿcte into a film of the same name in 2006. In his

Arab characters, 12 were positive depictions, 52 wele neutral, and 936 were negative portrayals of Arabs. Shaheen notes that Arab characters are frequently portrayed as evil terrousts, causing mayhem and myriad attacks. They are portrayed as the naive, shallow, or silly character who pursues lust and extravagance. Then there is the Bedouin Arab, liv ing in a tent with his camel nearby. Finally, there is the arlogant, neurotic Arab, repressive of women and incapable of emotion or romance.67

Despite the challenges, Samhan notes that Arab Americans continue to make sigmf lcant contributions to U.S. culture. She points out that the Lebanese-born poet/altist

Kahhl Gibian is widely read and appreciated by U.S. readers, and author William Peter Blatty (The Exorclst), children's author Naomi Shlhab Nye, and Edward Said are also well known. Former White House pless corps leader Helen Thomas and consumer advo cate and framer presidential candidate Ralph Nader ale internationally known. In the field of entertainment, both past and present, Alab Americans are represented by the actoi/comlc Danny Thomas, actresses Kathy Najimy and Ten Hatcher, and actor Tony

Shalhoub; singers Paul Anka, Frank Zappa, and Paula Abdul; and Casey Kasem, the former American Top 40 disc jockey. Well-known sports figures include Doug Flutie,

Brandon Saad, and Jeff George. Such business stars as J. M. Haggar, the clothing man ufacturer, and Pan[ Orfalea, founder of Kmko's photocopy stores, are among the many Aiabs who have made significant contributions to U.S. culture.68

Lesbian, Gay, BisexuaL, Transgender, and Queer/ Questioning Microcutturat Groups

Of the six microcultural gloups discussed in this chapter, the lesbian, gay, bisexual, irons

gender, and queer/questioning (LGBTQ) microcultural group is the most difficult to

define and characterize. LGBTQ issues are some of the most controversial and politically contested areas of cultm al dlvelsity facing us today. Of the five characteristics that define

microcultural groups plesented at the beginning of this chapter, LGBTQ groups seem to meet all of them, but not definitively. First, LGBTQ groups have a distinguishing cul tural trait--that is, theil sexual or gender orientation. Beyond that, however, members of the LGBTQ i>nicrocultme belong to myriad other demoglaphic, educational, occu pational, and social groups. Moreover, one's sexual orientation is not as overtly distinct as, say, skin color or style of dress. LGBTQ persons can be of any sex, lace, ethnicity, nationality, occupation, or othel demographic group.

Second, membership in this microculture appears to be involuntary--although some

might disagree. In their recent book on LGBTQ studies, Meem, Gibson, and Alexander point out that for more than a century scientists and scholals have sought to identify the factors that make certain people feel sexual desire fol someone of the same sexy Meem and her colleagues chronicle decades oflesearch that has tried to answer the question of whether one's sexual orientation is innate oi learned. Some research suggests that it is learned, while other research points to an innate hypothesis. Meem and her colleagues point out that both sides have strengths and weaknesses in theii arguments. They conclude with this:

Methodological weaknesses have been perceived in both biological and

psychological reseaich, not the least ofwhmh is that both still assume

heterosexuality as the default position. We can see herernnnrrnÿr,vÿrÿr o* ..... I,ÿ ,,ÿ

LGBTQ Persons

who consider themsetves [esbÿan, gay, bisexual, transgencler, or queer/questioning

108 IntercuLturaL Commumcatlon

to isolate a "stra,ght gene"? Presumably, only the nonnormative--the queer- needs to be explained, while the normative goes unremarked as obviously and unquestionably natural.7° So while the question of whether one's sexuality is innate or learned goes unanswered, most members of the LGBTQ mmroculture maintain that their membership Is involun tary. In a recenÿ survey of sexual behavior in the United States, scholars at the Center for

Sexual Health Promotion at Indiana University surveyed nearly 6,000 individuals ranging in age from 14 to 94 years old. "They found that among adolescent males, 96% indicated

they were heterosexual and just under 4% indicated they were gay or lesbxan, bisexual, or other. Among adolescent females, just over 90% indicated they were heterosexual, while just males, under just 10% over reported 92% leported that they being were heterosexual; gay or lesbian, thus, just bisexual, under or 8% other. indicated Among that adult they were gay or lesbian, bisexual, or other. Among adult women, 93% reported being hetero sexual, while just under 7% indicated being gay or lesbian, bisexual, or other.71

Like other microcultural groups, LGBTQ members tend to live in certain geograph ical regions of the United States, primarily large urban areas. For example, the 10 U.S.

cities with the largest percentage of LGBTQ inhabitants are as follows:72

City and Proportion of LGBTQ Inhabitants 1. San Francisco: 15.4%

Seattle: 12.9%
Atlanta: 12.8%
Minneapolis: 12.5%

5. Boston: 12 3%

6. Sacramento: 9,8%

7. Portland: 8.8%

8. Denver: 8.2%

Washington, DC: 8.1%
Orlando: 7.7%

The third characteristic defining microcultural groups is endogamy. In a landmark

pinion, a divided Supreme Court ruled on June 26, 2015, that states cannot ban same- sex marriage. The United States is now the 21st country to legalize same-sex marriage nationwide. Prior to this ruling, addressing endogamy among LGBTQs in the United States was virtually impossible because same-sex marriage between LGBTQ persons was illegal in most states. According to 2017 U.S. Census Bureau data, there are nearly 1 million same-sex households in the United States equally divided among male same- sex households and female same-sex households. Over 80% of same-sex households are White, with just over 7% Black, 3% Asian, and 3% some other race. Nearly 50% of the persons in same-sex households have at least a bachelor's degree. Over 16% have children in the household, most of which are in female same-sex households. Nearly 46% of same- sex households have annual incomes over $100,000.r3
- The fourth and fifth defining characteristics ofmicrocultures are their awareness of their
subordination and unequal treatment by the larger dominant group. Clearly, the LGBTQ microculture is aware of its subordination and is treated unequally, even legally. For exam- ple, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was the landmark piece of legislation signed by President Lyndon B. Johnson that legally banned discrimination against Black Americans and women, including segregation based on race and/or sex. The act banned iacial segrega- tion in schools, in the workplace, and by those facilities that serve the general public. But as Julie Gedro points out in her review of the legal environment for LGBTQs, noticeably absent from the Qvil Rights Act is any mention of sexual orientation. Gedro highlights that there are no federal prohibitions against employment discrimination for LGBTQpersons in the United States. Indeed, Gedro notes that currently in 29 states it is legal to discriminate in the workplace based on sexual orientation. More recent legislation, titled the Employment Non-Discrimination Act, would prohibit employment discrimination, preferential treat- ment, and retaliation based on sexual orientation or gender identity by employers with 15
r more employees. The act has been introduced to the U.S. Congress at least 11 times--m
1995, 1996, 1997, 1998, 1999, 2002, 2003, 2009, 2011, and 2013. On November
2013, the bill passed the Senate with bipartisan support by a'vote of 64-32. President Barack Obama supported the bill's passage, but the House Rules Committee voted against
As of 2019, ENDA still hadn't become law. Yet Gedro identifies no fewer than 30 other countries across the globe that prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation.74
- In addition to the lack of federal prohibition against discrimination, a number of orga-
nizatmns across the United States actively protest against the equal rights of LGBTQs. Not
nly do many of these groups actively try to subordinate LGBTQ groups, but they also advocate violence against LGBTQ persons and strive for their complete eradication. In

110 Intercultural Commumcatlon

targeted by hate crimes. The center profiled 18 organized groups, many of which are reli giously oriented, whose primary goal was to thwart LGBTQprogless and equal rights. For

example, Abiding Tiuth Ministries of Springfield, Massachusetts, sponsors an inteinational

anti-LGBTQ campaign. The roundel, Scott Lively, coauthored the book 7he Pink Swastika.

Homosexuakty in the Nazi Party, which accuses homosexuals of running the Nazi Party and is widely cited by gay bashers. Lively has taken his antl-LGBTQ rhetoric to eastern Europe,

Africa, and Russia. Americans for Truth About Homosexuality was formed in 1996 by Peter LaBarbera, who reorganized it in 2006 as a much more serious and influential, if often vidous, operation. The Christian Anti-Defamation Commission (CADC) is focused on the

evils of homosexuality and has called the idea of allowing gays to serve openly in the mili

tary "evil." The CADC opposes hate crimes legislation and has written that "homosexuals have turned away from humbly worshipping the true and living God and his transcendent

moral order in older to make an idol out of their sexual pervelsion and chaos."75

Gayspeak: Communication of the LGBTQ Microculture

In 1981, Gayspeak: Gay Male/Lesbmn Commumcation was published The book was the

first scholarly volume devoted to gay and lesbian communication.76 With a few excep tions, the book is a collection of essays articulating the thesis that the gay community uses language differently than does the heterosexual community. But the assertion that the LGBTQmlcroculture communicates in ways that distinguish it as a unique linguistic community is misleading because the LGBTQcommunity is so demographically diverse.

For example, in one essay in GaysDeak, Joseph Hayes asserts that gayspeak serves three functions: (1) It is a language that protects against detection of one's homosexual status,

(2) it facilitates the expression of gay and lesbian roles within gay culture, and (3) it is a vehicle for political identity and activism. While these claims seem reasonable and cer tainly may apply to LGBTQ communication, they are not unique to this microculture. Any number of demographic, political, or social groups use language in this way.77

Stephen Rupsch

Lwmg as an openty gay man and working as a professor for a Cathohc cotl.ege has been an i[l.ummatmg experience Before I arrived here m the MJdwest to take a teaching posJhon, I hved most of my adutt hfe on the West Coast and In

larger clhes, such as San FrancJsco 1 atso

work m the theater as a dwector and teacher Within those geographic and socJat groups, the fact that I am gay was, for the most part, a nomssue San Francisco has a I.arge LGBTQ

Chapter3 e The MJcrocu[turaL Context

commumty, and the theater wortd htstorrcat[y has been a refuge for a[[ sorts of people from fringe groups I am also50and h,ave been out smce lwas 17 I knowwhat dlrectsltencmg rooks hke and how It feets What I was surprised with when I arrived for my new job was the amount of mdwect sltenclng This is what I now col[soft

discrimination

Example I I am speaking with a cotl.eague about minor personal, matters My col.teague tel.l.s me al.t about his or her husband or wife, his or her kids, and his or her parents but never asks about my partner, Brett [whom he or she has met] I woutdn't use this as an example If it did not happen frequently

Example 2 I meet a new col.l.eague at a cotl.ege social, function We have some pol.lte conversation about general. [fie on and off campus As soon as that person realizes that I am gay, he or she says something bke, "1 have a friend who IS gay" or "1 l.ove gay people " I know when peopl.e do this, they are trying to connect with me, but seriously, making a big dear about my gayness just makes me fee[ as

though they are not reatty OK with It Again, this has happened several, hmes

111

Example 3 My partner, Brett, and I are grocery shopping Brett roves big, beauhful, rings and wears them often I hear a man behind me

make a strange, "disgusted" sound and turn

to see him stanng at Brett's ring, then at Brett, and then at me I turn [probably rol.hng my eyesJ and hear the sound of someone spKtlng and turn again to see the "[oogle" at our feet and the man huffing away And yes, this has happened a few hmes

What is happening when one of your bosses speaks about dwerslty to a smal.[ group but doesn't [ook you in the eye9 Am I Imagining It9 What Is happening when you teach your crass about a pl.aywlth a gay character, but none of the students can (ook at you when you are speaking about it9

I direct pl.ays for a l.wmg and teach acting I know that you can convey a lot of meaning with very subtle actions Maybe it Is Invo[untary, but maybe somehmes it's not And somehmes It

sdences

Unfortunate sÿtereotypes abound that gay men speak like heterosexual women and les bians sound like heterosexual men. The classic stereotypes that gay men speak with overly

careful pronunciation, a high and rapidly changing pitch, a breathy tone, and use of sexual

and erotic references, and that lesbians use a lower pitch than do heterosexual women, is

not supported by any sound, empilical research. Virtually all legitimate scholarly research

in this area rejects these stereotypes. An&ea Sims notes that a distinctive communication style unique to LGBTQ has not been identified because the LGBTQ microculture does

not represent a single unified or dehneable social or demographic group.78

On the other hand, some scholars have argued that members of the LGBTQ com munity may, at times, use a specialized vocabulary, particularly when interacting among themselves. For example, 1972's 2he Queen's Vernacula,:. d Gay Lexicon is thought to be

the fiist published dictionary of gay slang.79 Examples from the book include the term

chzcken, leferrmg to a young boy, orpackage, referring to a man's genitalia. Critics have maintained that many of the terms in the book are outdated and no longer used or recog nized by LGBTQ groups. In his well-known 1996 book Word's Out. Gay Men's Enghsh,

William Leap argues that gay men's speech is a ÿenclerPd ....... b, .................

112 Intercultural Commumcatlon

for display (e.g., compliments, flirting).8°

that may include a specialized vocabulary but may not. Leap maintains that much gay communication is subtle, due to the stigmatized nature of being gay. He describes openly gay communication as a language of risk and points to several functions of gay men's speech, including a language of desire, release of shame (from parents, society, religious institutions), cooperation, and a format

So scholars from across a variety of academic disciplines disagree about whether the

phenomenon of gayspeak exists. The communication patterns of the LGBTQ microcul ture are only beginning to be idennfied and understood. But, as Sims notes, the topic is

a growing

and promising area ofres&rch.8ÿ