A Cultural Critique

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Chapter 2

Studying the Self

2.1 Who Am I?

My Self

Awareness of the Self

Evalua�ng the Self: Self-Esteem

The Posi�ve Self

2.2 The Ac�ng Self

Presen�ng the Self

Regula�ng the Self

The Power of the Self

Chapter Summary

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Learning Objec�ves

By the end of this chapter, you should be able to:

Define social psychology

Describe the history of social psychology

Describe the scien�fic method

Discuss the observa�onal method and explain when that method is most appropriate to the research ques�on

Discuss the correla�onal method and explain when that method is most appropriate to the research ques�on

Discuss the experimental method and explain when that method is most appropriate to the research ques�on

Define terms associated with the experimental method including independent and dependent variable, experimental group and control group, random assignment and random sampling, internal and external validity, generalizability, experimental and mundane realism, and demand characteris�cs

Understand the dangers of hindsight bias

Chapter Outline

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Think back to your last job interview. What did the interviewer ask you? If you have been through a number of interviewers, have you no�ced any common ques�ons? Job applicants are o�en asked to describe themselves in an interview (Kennedy, 2008). Ar�cula�ng strengths and weaknesses is also common (Powers, 2010). What do you think a job interviewer is trying to discover by asking these ques�ons? How does your understanding and view of self impact how you answer these ques�ons?

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Our possible selves can influence our behaviors.

2.1 Who Am I? "Tell us about yourself" is a popular interviewer request. If you were asked the ques�on "Who are you?" how would you answer it? Psychologists have long explored our views of our self and how we come to those views (James, 1890). Self-concept is the collec�on of things you know about yourself—such as your overall cogni�ve understanding (beliefs, a�tudes, and opinions) about yourself. When you answer the ques�on "Who am I?" you are describing your self- concept.

My Self

What we know about ourselves is not just a random collec�on of facts and beliefs. Human beings (or at least the brains of human beings) like organiza�on and pa�ern. We naturally categorize and organize informa�on that comes into our environment (Markus, 1977; Macrae, Milne, & Bodenhausen, 1994). These organized categories of informa�on are called schemas. You may recognize this term if you have taken a developmental psychology course. Developmental psychologists inves�gate how children learn to sort through, recognize, and categorize informa�on. Children do not know what a dog is when they come into the world—they must learn this concept. You know that dogs are furry, have four legs, and bark; your schema of a dog is a barking, four-legged, furry animal.

We have schemas about ourselves as well. Self-schemas are knowledge structures about the self. Although some�mes the terms self-schema and self-concept are used interchangeably, self-schemas organize and help us use the vast amounts of informa�on within the self-concept. Because they organize and help us use informa�on about ourselves, self-schemas affect how we view the world (Markus, 1977). People tend to no�ce things in the world that are associated with their schema, and engage in behavior that fits with their self-schema. For example, would you describe yourself as an exerciser? Do you like to keep in shape, stay physically ac�ve, and work out regularly? If so, you have an exercise self-schema. Researchers consider schemas to be on a con�nuum, so if your responses to the preceding ques�ons were "absolutely not," you would have a nonexercise self-schema. Those in the middle researchers call aschema�c in regard to a self- schema for exercise. Aschema�c simply means "without schema." In general, individuals who have a self-schema for exercise are quicker to respond to s�muli that pertains to their schema (energe�c), are able to provide more examples of behaviors that relate to their schema (running), and are more likely to choose and do behaviors in accord with that schema (par�cipate in an exercise program) (Kendzierski, 1990).

We have a tendency to be�er remember those things that are related to ourselves, something called the self-reference effect (Rogers, Kuiper, & Kirker, 1977). For example, you might remember that Joelle has a blue car like yours, but not remember what color car Shana drives because it is different from yours. We o�en think about ourselves and relate things to ourselves, and this appears to be a good strategy for memory (Symons & Johnson, 1997; Yang, Truong, Fuss, & Bislimovic, 2012). Researchers have even located the area of the brain associated with the self-reference effect, an area of the prefrontal cortex, a part of the brain in the front of your head, behind your forehead (Leshikar & Duarte, 2012). Individuals with damage to this part of the brain do not engage in the self- reference effect (Philippi, Duff, Denburg, Tranel, & Radrauf, 2012). As you study, keeping the self-reference effect in mind may be helpful. Relate new material to your life, and when it is �me to remember the material later, you will be more likely to be able to come up with it.

Possible Self

Another popular interview ques�on is "Where do you see yourself in 5 years?" Our concep�ons of ourselves include not only what we currently are but also who we might become. Possible selves are the selves we hope to be and the selves we fear we might become (Erikson, 2007; Markus & Nurius, 1986). A job applicant, for example, might have a vision of herself as the inhabitant of the corner office, efficiently handling mul�ple tasks before a�ending a mee�ng where she gives a brilliant sales presenta�on. Possible selves influence the choices we make (Markus and Nurius, 1986). For example, a job applicant with a "successful execu�ve" possible self is likely to apply for jobs that will help her get closer to that possible self and work hard to prepare for job interviews. Possible selves also change the way we view our current circumstances. The applicant with the "successful execu�ve" possible self is likely to be more upset by a rejec�on le�er from a company where she could have moved into that execu�ve posi�on than would another applicant without that possible self. Possible selves, however, are more suscep�ble to change based on feedback from the environment than are other parts of the self. For example, a�er receiving several rejec�ons, the job applicant may revise her "successful execu�ve" possible self to a poten�ally more a�ainable "adequate sales manager" possible self.

We have possible selves for what we hope to become, but we also have possible selves for what we fear we may become. For example, someone may have a possible self that sits in front of a pile of bills, unemployed and broke. Such an image mo�vates a person to apply for jobs and prepare well for interviews. Mo�va�on is highest when there is a balance between a feared possible self and a possible self in a posi�ve and desired state.

Delinquent youth have a feared self that con�nues involvement in delinquent ac�vity but o�en that is not balanced out with an expected self that does well in school or gets a part-�me job. Without a vision of themselves in a more posi�ve role, these youth lack the mo�va�on to do the things they might to put them on a more posi�ve path (Oyserman & Markus, 1990). Possible selves do seem to become less important with �me; perhaps because our possible selves become our current selves, and we let go of selves we will never become. Over the course of adulthood, possible selves play less of a role in self- mo�va�on (Frazier, Barreto, & Newman, 2012).

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Even without achieving a hoped for possible self, simply imagining a successful possible self can have a posi�ve impact on our well-being (King, 2001). As might be expected, people who get closer to their hoped for possible selves and avoid feared possible selves during life transi�ons have more posi�ve emo�ons and less depression (Manzi, Vignoles, & Regalia, 2010). That is not to say all of our hoped for possible selves need to be realized for us to lead full and sa�sfying lives. Possible selves that have been lost due to life circumstances or missed opportuni�es can lead to greater maturity and courage in facing life's challenges (King & Hicks, 2007). A mother with a disabled child may have lost her "proud mother of valedictorian son at college gradua�on" possible self, but may also have learned to face each day with joy and courage in mourning the loss of that possible self.

Ought, Ideal, and Actual Self

Possible selves can be categorized as a self that fulfills all responsibili�es and obliga�ons, and a self that achieves hopes, wishes, or dreams. An ought self is the self we feel we should be or others feel we should be, and includes obliga�ons, responsibili�es, and roles. The ideal self is the self we want to be or think others want us to be, and includes our hopes and dreams for ourselves in the future. The actual self is the self we believe we are today. Self-discrepancy theory proposes that differences between our actual selves and our ought selves or ideal selves lead to different emo�ons and mo�va�ons (Higgins, 1987). The ideal self and the ought self serve as guides for evalua�ng one's behavior, called self-guides. For example if a person's ideal self contains a dream of ge�ng all As in college, then grades received in classes would be judged based on that standard for behavior.

Differences between the different selves bring about different emo�ons. A discrepancy between the actual self and the ideal self can bring about dejec�on- related emo�ons like disappointment, dissa�sfac�on, or hopelessness (Higgins, 1987). At the extreme, hopelessness contributes to depression and thoughts of suicide (Corne�e, Strauman, Abramson, & Busch, 2009). When ideal selves are defined by others rather than by the self, a gap between the two will s�ll result in dejec�on-related emo�ons, but those emo�ons may focus more on being ashamed or embarrassed. On the other hand, when the actual self and the ought self do not align, emo�ons of anxiety, nervousness, guilt, or fear may result (Higgins, 1987). A son who believes it is his duty to call his mother regularly but does not do so may feel anxious or guilty about that behavior. The discrepancies between our actual selves and our ideal or ought selves tend to be stable over �me (Strauman, 1996). Although one may achieve a goal of the ideal self or do a duty of the ought self, other goals and du�es tend to replace those that have been achieved, contribu�ng to a stability in the way one sees oneself and approaches the world.

Test Yourself

Click on each ques�on below to reveal the answer.

If you saw yourself as a gardener, gardening was part of your self-schema, how would that impact you? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Research suggests you would choose and do behaviors in line with your gardener self-schema: You might peruse seed catalogs rather than fashion catalogs in the winter, grow tomatoes and beans if you had space, or talk to others about gardening. The self-reference effect means you would likely know which of your neighbors were growing gardens.

Sam has a feared possible self that includes being unemployed and depressed, but this is not balanced out by a possible self that is successful at a job and happy. Should we worry about Sam? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Yes. Lack of balance between a feared and a more posi�ve possible self can be problema�c. Without a posi�ve vision to work toward, Sam may lack the mo�va�on to work to avoid the feared possible self, because he is not working toward anything posi�ve.

Awareness of the Self

In answering a "Who am I?" ques�on for an interviewer, we may answer to the best of our ability, but the degree to which we are aware of ourselves, or par�cular aspects of ourselves, can vary. Your awareness of your internal states—for example, your thoughts, feelings, or desires—is your private self-awareness. Knowing you are nervous for your interview is part of your private self-awareness. Awareness of how you appear to others is your public self-awareness. Knowing that the interviewer will be evalua�ng the professional image you present, you dress carefully and try to smile.

Private self-awareness can make us more aware of our a�tudes and values (Fejfar & Hoyle, 2000). When our behaviors do not match our a�tudes or values (our standards), a discrepancy is created. Because we do not like discrepancies, we usually seek to change our behavior or avoid being self-aware (Gibbons, 1990; Silvia & Duval, 2001). A discrepancy could lead people to act in a more posi�ve way, striving to live up to their values. In the case of the job interview, your awareness of your own deep desire for the job may mo�vate you to act in such a way that demonstrates your desire to the interviewer, rather than the casual or sarcas�c way you may usually act. However, private self-awareness can also lead to destruc�ve behaviors. Realizing their behavior on an interview did not match their high standards for that situa�on, someone might engage in binge ea�ng, drug use, or have suicidal thoughts in an a�empt to escape self-awareness (Tassava, & Ruderman, 1999). In one study of adolescent drinking, more nega�ve self-schemas in teens predicted an earlier onset of drinking (Corte & Zucker, 2008). For these youth, ge�ng drunk was a way to escape knowledge of the nega�ve aspects of themselves (see Figure 2.1).

Figure 2.1: Drinking outcomes based on healthy or vulnerable self-concepts

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Due to heightened public self-awareness, people are more likely to wash their hands if someone else is in the restroom.

The results of this study support the idea that private self-awareness can lead to destruc�ve and dangerous behaviors. Based on Corte, C. & Zucker, R. A. (2008). Self-concept disturbances: Cogni�ve vulnerability for early drinking and early drunkenness in adolescents at high risk for alcohol problems. Addic�ve Behavior, 33, 1282–1290. doi: 10.1016/j.addbeh.2008.06.002

Public self-awareness is higher when we believe we are being observed. For example, if you knew you were being videotaped or saw yourself in a mirror, your public self-awareness would rise (George & Stopa, 2008). Children were less likely to steal Halloween candy when a mirror was placed behind the bowl (Beaman, Klentz, Diener, & Svanum, 1979). People with faith in God who believe God knows their thoughts and ac�ons show greater self-awareness when reminded about God (Gervais & Norenzayan, 2012). We o�en have high public self-awareness on a job interview because we, rightly or wrongly, believe our every behavior is being watched. Public self-awareness can be problema�c for individuals who are not as confident in their social abili�es. Individuals who are socially anxious show higher public self-awareness when they are made aware of their public ac�ons, contribu�ng to their social anxiety (George & Stopa, 2008). When high in public self-awareness, individuals who do not believe in their ability to do well in social interac�ons retreat from such interac�ons and believe their interac�on partners will like them less. Perhaps because of their nervous behavior their partners do like them less (Alden, Teschuk, & Tee, 1992).

Even those without social anxiety may have trouble processing incoming informa�on when public self-awareness is high. When students with high public self-consciousness were asked to recall the names of people they met, they were less likely to be able to do it than those who were not high in public self-consciousness (Kimble, Hirt, & Arnold, 1985). You may have encountered such a phenomenon in a class or a mee�ng where everyone introduced themselves. Nervous about how you would appear when your turn came, you failed to catch the names of the people si�ng around you. During public self-consciousness, when we are focused on the image we present, our ability to process new informa�on is impaired.

Public self-awareness generally leads individuals to act in ways that sa�sfy social norms. One set of researchers measured how o�en women in a public restroom washed their hands (Munger & Harris, 1989). When someone else was in the restroom, increasing public self-awareness, 24 of the 31 women (77%) washed their hands. When the women believed they were alone in the restroom—public self- awareness was rela�vely low—11 of the 28 women (39%) washed their hands. However, public self-awareness may not always have a posi�ve effect on behavior. In a study on chea�ng on an academic task and self-awareness, researchers found that par�cipants with high public self-awareness were more likely to cheat because they were concerned about how their performance on a task would be viewed (Malcolm &

Ng, 1989). High public self-awareness can also lead to compensatory behaviors. College students with low evalua�ons of themselves who were high in public awareness friended more people on Facebook than those with low evalua�ons of themselves who were low in public awareness (Lee, Moore, Park, & Park, 2012). When more aware of the image they might be showing the world, these students a�empted to project an image of popularity with a high friend count on social media.

Test Yourself

Which of the following is likely to increase your public self-awareness? Which will increase your private self-awareness? Click on each statement below to reveal the answer.

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Expand Your Knowledge: Test Your Self-Esteem

Wondering where you fall on the con�nuum of self-esteem? The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale is a short measure of self-esteem and is widely used by researchers. Rosenberg originally tested the scale on high school juniors and seniors, but it has been used with various popula�ons since its development. It tends to have good reliability and validity. The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale can be found here (h�p://www.bsos.umd.edu/socy/research/rosenberg.htm) .

You see a sign at the store that says you are being watched over closed circuit television. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Public self-awareness

The therapist asks you about your hopes for the future. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Private self-awareness

You are told that Santa Claus is making a list, trying to figure out who is naughty and who is nice. Provided, of course, you believe in Santa Claus. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Public self-awareness

You give a speech in front of 100 people. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Public self-awareness

You write a journal entry about how you feel about the events of the day. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Private self-awareness

Evalua�ng the Self: Self-Esteem

When mee�ng new people or going on a job interview, our descrip�ons of ourselves may include how we feel about ourselves and our abili�es. Researchers are also interested in our evalua�ons of ourselves, both the quali�es we believe we have and the ac�ons we believe we can do. If you were to describe yourself to someone, it is likely you would list some things about yourself that you liked (I am helpful) and some things you didn't like (I get angry easily). Your overall evalua�on of these quali�es or how you emo�onally feel about or value yourself is your self-esteem. Self-esteem, at least theore�cally, is on a con�nuum from very high, individuals who think very well of themselves, to very low, individuals who think very poorly of themselves. When large groups of people are given self-esteem evalua�ons, researchers find that most people feel pre�y good about themselves, and very few actually evaluate themselves nega�vely. Therefore, when researchers compare those with high self-esteem to those with lower levels of self-esteem, they generally end up looking at those who simply feel okay about themselves, rather than those who evaluate themselves nega�vely (Baumeister, Campbell, Krueger, & Vohs, 2003).

There are two different types of self-esteem: implicit and explicit. Explicit self- esteem pertains to the global evalua�on of personal quali�es that one is consciously aware of and can report on. However, some of our evalua�ons of ourselves are more deeply rooted; they are unconscious and automa�c. This unconscious, automa�c evalua�on of the self is called implicit self-esteem (Greenwald & Farnham, 2000; Koole, Dijksterhuis, & van Knippenberg, 2001). People with high explicit self-esteem are more likely to take ini�a�ve, speak up in social situa�ons, make friends, and take risks (Baumeister et al., 2003). Individuals with low explicit self-esteem are more vulnerable to depression (Orth, Robins, Trzesniewski, Maes, & Schmi�, 2009). This vulnerability seems to be independent of the stressful events one experiences. Studies have shown that it is how you view the quali�es you possess and how you value yourself that affects your

tendency toward depression (Sowislo & Orth, 2013; Orth, Robins, & Meier, 2009).

Although it might be logically assumed that high implicit self-esteem, like high explicit self-esteem, would be related to more posi�ve mental health, that has not reliably been the case (De Raedt, Schacht, Franck, & De Houwer, 2006; Franck, De Raedt, & De Houwer, 2007). Individuals whose implicit and explicit self-esteem does not match up have less posi�ve physical and psychological health (Creemers, Scholte, Engels, Prinstein, & Wiers, 2012; Schroder-Abe, Rudolph, & Schutz, 2007). An individual whose outwardly stated evalua�on is nega�ve but whose automa�c self-evalua�on is posi�ve would have a mismatch of explicit and implicit self-esteem. This person is likely to show more depressive symptoms and report feeling lonely. Similarly, high self-esteem does not have a universally posi�ve effect on people. Those with high self-esteem may take more risks, providing them with opportuni�es for be�er jobs or more adventuresome travel experiences. But these risks can also include experimenta�on with drugs and risky sexual prac�ces (Baumeister et al., 2003; Baumeister, Heatherton, & Tice, 1993).

Self-esteem influences how accurately we perceive ourselves. For example, people with high self-esteem believe they are smarter, more well-liked, and very a�rac�ve; but objec�vely they are not (Adams, Ryan, Ketsetzis, & Kea�ng, 2000; Bowles, 1999; Gabriel, Critelli, & Ee, 1994). Researchers find that when people with high self-esteem are given IQ tests, their friends are surveyed, and their a�rac�veness is judged by others, none of these hold true. This inaccuracy is found for both those within the normal range of self-esteem and narcissists. Self-esteem does, however, give us a general idea of our social standing and tends to rise and fall with feelings of acceptance or rejec�on by others, an idea proposed by the sociometer theory (Leary, Tambor, Terdal, & Downs, 1995). Outward quali�es that are more important to social acceptance like popularity and a�rac�veness are therefore more important to self-esteem than communal quali�es like kindness, suppor�veness, and honesty. People who view themselves as popular have higher self-esteem than if they believe they are unpopular, no ma�er what

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Self-efficacy, or a person's evalua�on of his ability to carry out tasks and goals, can vary between behaviors.

they believe about their kindness and honesty. This principle does not hold true for those in roles or cultures where communal quali�es are more valued; in these cultures honesty, suppor�veness, and kindness tend to rise in importance in determining self-esteem (Anthony, Holmes, & Wood, 2007).

Self-esteem has been found to correlate with academic success. Individuals with high self-esteem tend to have higher grades than those with lower self-esteem (Bachman & O'Malley, 1986). Does having a high self-esteem help one get be�er grades, or does ge�ng be�er grades help raise one's self-esteem? Remember, correla�on is not causa�on. Just because self-esteem is related to academic success does not mean that raising one's self-esteem causes a rise in grades. A child may have high self-esteem because of her success in school, or school success and self-esteem may both be related to other factors such as ability or a suppor�ve home environment (Bachman & O'Malley, 1986; Maruyama, Rubin, & Kingsbury, 1981). Raising or suppor�ng self-esteem through encouragement may even be harmful to performance. Low-achieving college students that read a message bolstering their self-esteem along with review ques�ons for tests did worse on subsequent tests than those who simply got the review ques�ons (Forsyth, Lawrence, Burne�e, & Baumeister, 2007). Interven�ons to raise academic achievement should focus on increasing capabili�es rather than increasing self-esteem.

Narcissism

Explicit self-esteem can be excessively posi�ve and lead to an inflated view of self. This overly posi�ve and grandiose view of self is called narcissism. People high in narcissism perceive themselves as deserving of special favors (Campbell, Bonacci, Shelton, Exline, & Bushman, 2004). Narcissists upload more photos of themselves on social media, and portray images that are more self-promo�ng and sexy. Narcissists also do more pos�ng of status updates and update profile informa�on more o�en than those low in narcissism (Carpenter, 2012; DeWall, Buffardi, Bonser, & Campbell, 2011). Although nega�ve feedback may not change their inflated views, narcissists can react badly to this feedback. When narcissists feel as though par�cularly valued parts of themselves are being challenged or mocked, they may respond with aggression toward the challenger (Konrath, Bushman, & Campbell, 2006).

Individuals with a strong need to maintain and present a posi�ve image of themselves and to have others acknowledge and admire that image are said to be high in grandiose narcissism. Grandiose narcissists tend to be insensi�ve to nega�ve feedback, maintaining a posi�ve view of themselves despite evidence to the contrary (Campbell, Reeder, Sedikides, & Elliot, 2000; Zuckerman & O'Loughlin, 2009). At first acquaintance, grandiose narcissists tend to be liked. The a�rac�ve, warm, confident, and wi�y manner narcissists exhibit is designed to elicit admira�on and tends to be appealing at first blush (Back, Schmukle, & Egloff, 2010; Paulhus, 1998). The self-promo�on of grandiose narcissists is found beyond face-to-face interac�ons.

Another form of narcissism, called vulnerable narcissism, is associated with unstable or low self-esteem. Vulnerable narcissists have fantasies of greatness, but cycle between overly posi�ve views of themselves and feelings of inferiority. These narcissists are vulnerable to nega�ve feedback because of a fragile self- concept (Rohman, Neumann, Herner, & Bierhoff, 2012). In more extreme cases, narcissism can rise to the level of a disorder. Narcissis�c personality disorder can be diagnosed when self-esteem is high, empathy is low, and the need for admira�on leads the individual to manipula�ve and self-centered behavior.

Despite their a�empts to portray themselves posi�vely, the self-focused nature of narcissists' beliefs and ac�ons tends to turn people off once they become more acquainted (Paulhus, 1998). Roman�c rela�onships fall apart as the lure of the narcissist's charm wears off and his or her selfishness, lack of commitment, and disinterest in in�macy becomes clear (Campbell, Foster, & Finkel, 2002; Foster, Shrira, & Campbell, 2006). Annoyed that they get blamed for failures while the narcissist takes credit for success while exhibi�ng hypercompe��veness, friends at work become enemies (Campbell et al., 2000; Luchner, Houston, Walker, & Houston, 2011; Sedikides, Campbell, Reeder, Elliot, & Gregg, 2002). The increased likelihood of chea�ng in narcissists may at first allow them to succeed, but their chea�ng may eventually lead to academic failure or other nega�ve consequences (Brunell, Staats, Barden, & Hupp, 2011). Narcissists may also suffer the consequences of overly ambi�ous risks combined with a failure to take responsibility for and correct the mistakes their behavior brought about (Campbell & Buffardi, 2008).

Self-efficacy

While self-esteem involves an evalua�on of the quali�es one possesses, self-efficacy involves a person's ability to perform par�cular tasks (Bandura, 1977, 2000). Have you ever read the children's book "The Li�le Engine That Could" (Piper & Long, 2005)? In this book, a small train engine pulling a train loaded with animals a�empts to climb a mountain. As the engine puffs up the hill, she says, "I think I can, I think I can, I think I can." This mantra is the essence of self-efficacy. People with high self-efficacy believe they are very capable, and this self-assurance generally has posi�ve outcomes. Individuals with higher self-efficacy are more persistent, more produc�ve, and less depressed (Chemers, Hu, & Garcia, 2001; Cheung & Sun, 2000; Huang, 1998).

Self-efficacy beliefs can vary depending on the behavior. For example, someone might have high self-efficacy for academics, but low self-efficacy for athle�cs. Because we have a sense of self-efficacy for any behavior we might engage in, self-efficacy can be fairly specific. Researchers have studied everything from leadership self-efficacy (Ng, Ang, & Chan, 2008) to bicultural self-efficacy (David, Okazaki, & Saw, 2009), harm reduc�on self-efficacy in drug abusers (Phillips & Rosenberg, 2008), and driver competence self-efficacy (Sundstrom, 2008). In a job search it is likely that your job- search self-efficacy would come into play (Brown, Cober, Kane, Levy, & Shalhoop, 2006).

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Test Yourself

Click on each ques�on below to reveal the answer.

A person with high self-esteem is likely to show all of these characteris�cs EXCEPT (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

a. greater happiness

b. lower depression

c. academic success

d. greater physical a�rac�veness

Correct answer: d

Lisa gets an award in the mail for volunteering in the community. Marcia wins a contest where beauty and popularity were primary factors in winning. Lisa shows no rise in self-esteem, while Marcia's self-esteem shows a big boost. What theory helps us explain the difference? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Sociometer theory of self-esteem. According to this theory, aspects of the self that are �ed to social acceptance, like popularity, are more likely to determine self-esteem than aspects of the self like kindness.

Are narcissists liked more than people with less inflated self-esteem? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

At first narcissists are liked. They work hard to present a posi�ve image, so they will be admired by others. Later their overly inflated self- esteem becomes difficult for others to deal with, so they are liked less over �me.

What effect does self-efficacy have on a person? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

People with high self-efficacy tend to be more persistent at tasks, more produc�ve in their work, and show less depression than those with lower self-efficacy.

The Posi�ve Self

When we think about ourselves, our ins�nctual desire is to view ourselves posi�vely. For this reason, we may have a tendency to distort reality, no�cing only the good things and largely ignoring the bad (Heider, 1976). This bias toward a posi�ve view of self is called the self-serving bias. The self-serving bias means that when we succeed at something, we a�ribute that success to something about us or something we did; we more o�en a�ribute failure to things outside of ourselves. The self-serving bias is more likely to occur when we are thinking about and aware of ourselves (Duval & Silvia, 2002). For example, if you got an A on your last test, you might a�ribute it to your level of intelligence. If you got an F, you might a�ribute it to the fact that the teacher was unreasonable and the test was impossible. Although we have this tendency to a�ribute success to something inherent to the self, we may also a�ribute failure to ourselves when self- awareness is high, and the failure mo�vates us to improvement (Duval & Silvia, 2002). For example, if you misunderstood what you would be tested on for your history test, you could a�ribute the failure to yourself, knowing that next �me you will do be�er. The next �me we do the task we would presumably improve, providing us with a boost in our posi�ve sense of self.

As noted in the sec�on on self-awareness, we are uncomfortable when there is a discrepancy between our behavior and a�tudes—something that could lead to a self-serving bias. Who do people with high self-awareness blame when receiving a nega�ve evalua�on? If possible, they blame someone they do not like (Silvia & Duval, 2001). For example, if you were to fail a group project, you would likely blame that annoying group member you do not like rather than the friendly and fun group member you enjoyed working with. We also tend toward the self-serving bias when we feel a threat to our sense of self (Campbell & Sedikides, 1999). If someone were to ques�on whether you are a good student, you would want to find evidence of your academic prowess, such as the good test score, and find an excuse for your failures.

Although the assump�on might be that living with a skewed view of reality is not op�mal for one's mental health, the research suggests otherwise. Fully func�oning self-serving bias is related to greater happiness and less depression (Abramson & Alloy, 1981; Kuiper, 1978; Rizley, 1978). For example, when depressed and non-depressed par�cipants were given a word associa�on task and told they either succeeded or failed, the non-depressed people tended to a�ribute their success to their own ability or effort and blamed failures on luck or the difficulty of the task (Kuiper, 1978). When the self-serving bias is not at work, people are much more likely to show symptoms of depression (Greenberg, Pyszczynski, Burling, & Tibbs, 1992; Sweeney, Anderson, & Bailey, 1986). The self-serving bias is common across cultures, though its strength can vary. The effect is not as strong in people from Asia as it is in individuals from Western cultures (Mezulis, Abramson, Hyde, & Hankin, 2004). Western cultures, such as the United States, tend to put more value on individual effort and celebrate those who seem to have made it on their own. Because of this, people from such cultures may have more incen�ve for taking credit for success and passing off failure as something unrelated to themselves. More on cultural differences in views of the self will be discussed in the chapter on culture.

The self-serving bias may be in place partly because it is easier for our brains to process in a self-serving way and is therefore quite common. In a study looking at brain ac�vity while people made a�ribu�ons, non-self-serving a�ribu�ons required brain ac�vity associated with self-control. Our self-serving a�ribu�ons

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seem to occur more naturally, and only when we exert self-control do we make less self-serving judgments (Krusemark, Campbell, & Clementz, 2008). Do you engage in the self-serving bias? Students who learn about the self-serving bias believe they engage in the bias less o�en than others do, though this is logically improbable (Friedrich, 1996).

Test Yourself

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How does the self-serving bias serve the self? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

By biasing us toward taking credit for success and eschewing responsibility for failure, the self-serving bias helps us to develop and retain a posi�ve view of ourselves.

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An interviewer might see a well-dressed applicant as more qualified for a job than a casually dressed applicant.

2.2 The Ac�ng Self From the previous sec�on you know that this thing we call the self is something we think about and evaluate. But does the self affect our ac�ons? We present ourselves to others in ways that promote an image we want others to have of us. The roles we play affect our ac�ons. Applying self-regula�on within situa�ons has an effect on our future abili�es to engage in ac�ons. The beliefs we have about our own ability to act influences how we act. The self may also affect where we live and the profession we pursue, some�mes in surprising ways.

Presen�ng the Self

When going on a job interview, a�ending a party, or star�ng something new (new job, new school), we o�en pay special a�en�on to our appearance. Why? In our interac�ons with others, we are interested in presen�ng a certain image of ourselves. Given the self-serving bias, we would expect that image we are trying to project to be posi�ve, and it is. In a job interview, for example, people want to present a favorable image with the hope that the employer will give them a job. If you think back to the sociometer theory of self-esteem, you know that how others view you affects your self-esteem.

In interac�ons we use a variety of tac�cs to influence the impressions others have of us. We might make excuses, jus�fica�ons, or apologies for our ac�ons— tac�cs that are defensive. An employee might provide an excuse for being late to a mee�ng as due to traffic or a phone call from a client. A friend might disarm our complaints about rude behavior by apologizing for the ac�on and jus�fying it by describing his or her bad day. Defensive tac�cs are designed to protect or repair our image (Shaw, Wild, & Colqui�, 2003; Tata, 2002).

We might a�empt to project a posi�ve image through techniques that ac�vely help construct a posi�ve image—asser�ve techniques. One such asser�ve technique, ingra�a�on, involves some form of fla�ery, most o�en to someone of greater power. For example, one might compliment the boss on a new ou�it or admire the supervisor's ability to have accurately predicted a sports team win. When others have power over us, we engage in more impression management. For the employed, impression management tends to increase in �mes of employment insecurity (Kang, Gold, & Kim, 2012). At such �mes our employers have more power over us, so we react by presen�ng the best side of ourselves that we can.

In an a�empt to influence others we may try to appear more a�rac�ve or professional. Manipula�ng the impression of our pres�ge, power, or credibility can influence a person's view of us (Tedeschi & Melburg, 1984). Although such behavior may seem disingenuous, like we are faking an image, appropriate self-presenta�on is o�en expected and reveals that we know how to monitor and change our behavior to accurately suit the social situa�on (Jansen, Konig, Stadelmann, & Kleinmann, 2012). Some degree of impression management is an�cipated by interviewers and is employed by most interviewees (Ellis, West, Ryan, & DeShon, 2002; Swider, Barrick, Harris, & Stoverink, 2011). You might engage in some impression management during a job search—hopefully with posi�ve results.

In trying to make an impression on others we do need to choose the impression we think is most important to portray in the context. The best strategy will depend on what needs to be portrayed (explain an employment gap or promote one's special talents), when the informa�on will be important (an immediate job opening or one in the future), and what is appropriate within the culture (modesty or self-promo�on) (Konig, Hafsteinsson, Jansen, & Stadelmann, 2011; Mast, Frauendorfer, & Popovic, 2011; Proost, Germeys, & Schreurs, 2012; Tsai, Huang, Wu, & Lo, 2010). Some�mes posi�ve images are in conflict. For example, when people portray an image of competence, this o�en comes at the detriment of portraying an image of warmth (Holoien & Fiske, 2013). An applicant to a job as an administra�ve assistant may get high marks for friendliness, but this is likely to come at the expense of the interviewer's belief in his competence for the posi�on.

The image a person projects does ma�er. Interviewers need to make rela�vely quick decisions about hiring based on limited informa�on. Impression management statements on a resume tend to lead to more posi�ve impressions of an applicant's hireability (Knouse, 1994). Impression management tac�cs in interviews also tend to be related to more posi�ve evalua�ons by an interviewer, provided they are not overly decep�ve (Jansen et al., 2012; Swider et al., 2011; Tsai et al., 2010). Despite the hopes of many to the contrary, physical appearance affects the ra�ng of the interviewer for a job candidate more than other things a job candidate might have or do, such as agreeing with the interviewer (Barrick, Shaffer, & DeGrassi, 2009).

Self-presenta�on is a necessary part of social life, but it can create problems. A woman might take diet pills, smoke, or yo-yo diet to try to control weight, seriously damaging her health (Camp, Klesges, & Relyea, 1993; Gritz & Crane, 1991; Wang, Houshyar, & Prinstein, 2006). The same woman may avoid the gym or even the local jogging trails because of concerns about how she would look to others (Leary, Tchividjian, & Kraxberger, 1994). Some men might use steroids to assist in gaining or maintaining a muscular body, despite medical issues like heart problems and stunted growth and psychological problems like depression and increased aggressiveness (Leary et al., 1994; Galli & Reel, 2009).

Mar�n and Leary (1999) conducted a clever study that inves�gated how far people would go to make sure another person had a favorable impression of them. A confederate offered the par�cipant a drink out of his water bo�le a�er the par�cipant had tasted something unpleasant. Although the researchers used clean water bo�les, it appeared to the par�cipant that the confederate had already drunk out of the bo�le, presumably making the transfer of germs a dis�nct

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possibility. Some of the par�cipants were challenged by the confederate with the phrase "if you're not worried about drinking out of the same bo�le as me" (p. 1095). The challenge brought up self-presenta�on concerns in the par�cipant, who did not want to be seen as overly cau�ous. The researchers found that those par�cipants who were challenged by the confederate drank more than those who were offered the water but not challenged. For these par�cipants, concern about how they might look to others caused them to engage in a poten�ally risky behavior.

The cross-cultural research tradi�on uses the term face to describe the roles we play. When we inhabit different roles, we have different faces. The face exists by virtue of the posi�on rather than the person. For example, by occupying the posi�on of CEO one has a face as CEO, a face that must be maintained by performing the ac�vi�es required by that role. When others judge that the individual occupying the role is not living up to requirements, that person can lose face. Loss of face makes it difficult for an individual to con�nue in a role (Hamamura & Heine, 2008). Face also requires others, with their own face, to respond appropriately. The manager face would require the person occupying that role to show some degree of deference and respect to the individual in the CEO posi�on.

At �mes, the self we present needs to become the self we are, such as when we move from an interviewee to an employee. Have you ever started a new job and felt out of place and awkward? This is not unusual. As we move into a new role there is a period of transi�on (Morrison, 1993). As we enter a role, it is as if we are actors learning a new part; we learn our lines and what is expected of us. Erving Goffman's (1959) classic theory proposes that in everyday life we engage in a drama. It is as if we are on stage and must play a part. This approach to describing how we present ourselves is called the dramaturgical approach. The power of roles and the transi�on we must go through as we enter these roles was drama�cally demonstrated in a study by Philip Zimbardo.

In 1973, Zimbardo and colleagues (Haney, Banks, & Zimbardo, 1973) recruited 24 college men to par�cipate in a simulated prison for two weeks. Half were randomly assigned the role of guard and half the role of prisoner. The prisoners were picked up by the local police, fingerprinted, and brought to a makeshi� prison in the basement of the psychology building on campus. The guards were asked to maintain order but were not allowed to use physical force. Each par�cipant wore a uniform appropriate for his role. Both prisoners and guards quickly became engrossed in their roles. Guards were controlling and manipula�ve of the prisoners, some became verbally abusive. Prisoners acted in a passive way. Some prisoners became so distressed about their lack of power and control over their situa�on that they exhibited extreme emo�onal reac�ons, including symptoms of depression, crying, anxiety, and rage. Condi�ons deteriorated and prisoners were in such misery that the experiment was stopped a�er 6 days. It would have been unethical to con�nue. This study demonstrates just how powerful roles can be in affec�ng our behavior.

In Season 9 of The Biggest Loser, one of the contestants, Daris, gained two pounds at the last weigh-in before the final episode. During his �me at home before the weigh-in, he would binge-eat late at night (Barile, 2010). Knowing that the weigh-in was coming, why would he engage in such self-destruc�ve behavior? There are a large number of factors at work here but one is self-handicapping. With self-handicapping, people create an excuse for a later failure by doing something that is likely to hinder their success. Public performance is par�cularly vulnerable. If Daris really tried his hardest to lose weight and failed, he would have no excuses to offer those watching. Sabotaging his own success failure was expected, and he could maintain, to himself and to others, that if he had really tried, he would have succeeded. When others are more confident in your success than you are, self-handicapping allows you to maintain that posi�ve image others hold (Lupien, Seery, & Almonte, 2010).

Self-handicapping behaviors come in various forms. A student might get drunk or take drugs the night before a test or procras�nate studying un�l the last minute (Beck, Koons, & Milgram, 2000; Berglas & Jones, 1978; Higgins & Harris, 1988; Strunk & Steele, 2011). An employee might quit working on an important presenta�on before it is done, and an athlete might quit prac�cing before a skill is well-learned (Baumeister, Hamilton, & Tice, 1985; Hirt, Deppe, & Gordon, 1991; Hirt, McCrea, & Kimble, 2000). At �mes, self-handicapping is not a behavior, or lack thereof, but a claim of performance anxiety or nega�ve mood (Baumgardner, Lake, & Arkin, 1985; Smith, Snyder, & Handelsman, 1982). When the student fails the test, the employee does not get the account, or the athlete misses the shot, they can point to the hangover, lack of prepara�on, or anxiety as the problem. This allows for maintenance of self-image in the eyes of others. If each of these individuals worked their hardest and s�ll failed to do well on the test, get the big account, or make the shot, it might affect self-esteem or public image (Bailis, 2001; Feick & Rhodewalt, 1997). If they do well despite the handicapping, their success is even more remarkable (Feick & Rhodewalt, 1997; Tice, 1991).

Self-handicapping can occur rarely or it can become habitual. Individuals who o�en engage in self-handicapping, have a low self-worth and believe that abili�es are fixed—they cannot be changed with prac�ce or learning (Rhodewalt & Tragakis, 2002). Although self-handicapping may help some feel be�er about themselves over the short term, long term self-handicapping is related to lower well-being, lower sa�sfac�on with one's competence, and greater use of alcohol, marijuana, and other drugs (Zuckerman & Tsai, 2005). Generally, men are more likely to self-handicap than women as are those who have a less certain sense of iden�ty (Chorba, Was, & Isaacson, 2012; Kimble & Hirt, 2004; Lucas & Lovaglia, 2005). Table 2.1 provides defini�ons and examples of each of the self terms in this sec�on.

Test Yourself

Click on each ques�on below to reveal the answer.

A�er an adequate, but not stellar, sales presenta�on by his boss, Jeffery compliments her on a wonderful presenta�on. What impression management technique is he using? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Ingra�a�on. He is using fla�ery to a�empt to make a good impression on his boss.

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Is the use of impression management techniques good or bad? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Both. Some level of impression management is expected in interview and professional situa�ons. Use of such techniques helps people get jobs, deal well with people, and be appropriate to the social situa�on. But impression management can lead to nega�ve, self-destruc�ve behaviors such as yo-yo die�ng or drug use. People may also take unnecessary risks because they are trying to present a par�cular image.

If it o�en results in nega�ve outcomes (e.g., failure on a test, weight gain), how is self-handicapping helpful to people? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Self-handicapping gives people an excuse for the nega�ve outcomes, so they can maintain a posi�ve view of themselves and present a posi�ve image to others even when they fail. If they failed and had no excuse, they would not be able to keep their posi�ve view of themselves or the posi�ve image others have of them.

What is the name of the approach that suggests we engage in a drama in everyday life, playing various roles? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Dramaturgical approach

Why did Zimbardo quit his study involving a simulated prison early? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

It would have been unethical for Zimbardo to con�nue. The students playing the role of guards were verbally abusive toward the prisoners; and the students who played the role of prisoners were showing extreme stress reac�ons such as crying, anger, and anxiety.

Table 2.1: Self terms: Defini�ons and examples

Term Defini�on Example

Self-awareness Self-awareness involves being aware of par�cular aspects of one's self-concept. There are two types: Private self-awareness is awareness of one's internal states such as thoughts, feelings, or desires. Public self-awareness is awareness of how one appears to others.

Having been asked what she hopes to do a�er college, Bri�any has an increase in private self- awareness. Standing in front of her colleagues at work, ready to give a speech, Selena has an increase in public self-awareness.

Self-concept The collec�on of things one knows about the self. This collec�on is large and diverse.

Elaine likes the color yellow, is good at math, can run a mile in 8 minutes, enjoys jazz, is a mother of two children, and wants to be a teacher.

Self-efficacy One's evalua�on of one's ability to perform a par�cular task.

If Andy believes he can do differen�al calculus, he would be described as high in self-efficacy for differen�al calculus.

Self-esteem One's evalua�on of the quali�es one possesses; how one values oneself.

Trina has an overall posi�ve evalua�on of herself, she has high self-esteem.

Self-handicapping Crea�ng an excuse for later poor performance by doing something that hinders success.

Shawna stays up late playing video games before taking the Scholas�c Ap�tude Test (SAT), crea�ng an excuse for her low scores.

Self-reference effect The tendency to remember be�er those things related to the self.

Cindy remembers that her date takes his coffee with cream, like she does, but forgets that he told her he likes rock climbing, something she has no interest in.

Self-regula�on Exer�ng control over your ac�ons. Although they look good to him, John does not buy the donuts at the convenience store.

Self-schemas Knowledge structures about the self. Self- schemas organize the informa�on within our self-concept and affect our processing of informa�on and our ability to remember informa�on.

Music is very important to Ed. He thinks of himself as a musician and a music lover.

Self-serving bias A bias toward viewing successes as something we can a�ribute to the self and failure owing to something outside the self, such as a difficult situa�on. The self-serving bias helps us maintain our self-schema and self-efficacy and influences our tendency to self-handicap and use impression management strategies.

Devon believes his success at selling used cars is due to his intelligence and charm. He blames his failure in his marriage on his ex-wife's unreasonable demands and unpleasant personality.

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If you had just spent 3 hours at the library wri�ng a term paper, you might be less able to do another difficult task. This is ego deple�on.

Regula�ng the Self

Imagine you've signed up to be part of a study on taste percep�on. To prepare, you were asked not to eat anything for 3 hours. When you enter the room where the study will take place, you smell baking chocolate chip cookies. A plate of warm cookies and other chocolates sits on a table, alongside a bowl of radishes. The researcher explains to you that for this study you will be ea�ng one of two dis�nc�ve foods, radishes or chocolate. You have been assigned to the radish condi�on. You are asked to eat two or three radishes within the next 5 minutes. The experimenter leaves the room. Even though you would probably prefer the chocolate chip cookies, you du�fully eat three radishes before the researcher returns. While (supposedly) wai�ng for the sensory memory of the radishes to diminish, you are asked to do a task that the researcher presents as unrelated to the taste percep�on study. You are asked to work as long as you can on a task requiring you to trace a geometric figure without li�ing your pencil. Frustrated by your lack of success, you quit a�er only a couple minutes.

Unbeknownst to you, the researchers were very interested in how long you worked on those geometric figures. The geometric figures were unsolvable, and the researchers wanted to know how long you would persist without success. They believed you would work for a shorter period because you ate radishes rather than the chocolate (Baumeister, Bratslavsky, Mauraven, & Tice, 1998). Any ideas on why that might be? Take a minute to think about it before reading on.

The researchers were studying something called ego deple�on. In this context, ego refers to a resource that each of us has for voli�onal (chosen) ac�on. The idea is that when you choose to do something, you use some of this resource, leaving less for future ac�ons (Hagger, Wood, S�ff, & Chatzisaran�s, 2010). While exer�ng control over yourself, you are doing what social psychologists call self-regula�on. By doing something you would rather not do, like ea�ng radishes in the presence of chocolate, you use a lot of this resource, deple�ng it. Because you've depleted the ego, you are less able to work on other difficult tasks. Think of the ego like a muscle. A�er li�ing something very light, you have plenty of strength le� for li�ing again. If you li� something very heavy, the muscle gets �red and you no longer have the strength to help your friend move that refrigerator.

Unless you are on a diet, you are not likely to spend much �me ea�ng radishes instead of chocolate. It is also unlikely you would subject yourself to tracing geometric figures that are actually untraceable. So why does this ma�er? Baumeister and colleagues (1998) believe that we encounter such situa�ons every day. When you are studying for social psychology rather than watching TV, you are deple�ng your ego. Ego deple�on will make other tasks (mowing the lawn, cooking dinner) more difficult for you to get the energy to complete.

If you are on a diet, a student, have a tough job, or have household chores, this sounds like bad news. But there is good news. It is our percep�on of deple�on more than actual deple�on of this resource that seems to have the largest effect. When individuals engaged in a lot of self-regula�on but perceived the task as not using much, they did be�er on later tasks (Clarkson, Hirt, Jia, & Alexander, 2010). Encouragement can also help us out when we are depleted. Students who wrote about a personal quality that was very important to them a�er they engaged in an ego-deple�ng ac�vity did be�er at a later task than if they wrote about something that was not important to them

and was therefore not self-affirming (Schmeichel & Vohs, 2009). Theore�cally, you should also be able to work on increasing your ability to self-regulate by strengthening the ego. If the ego is like a muscle, the more you use it the more you will have in the future. You might exhaust the ego today, but day a�er day as you work and go to school and build rela�onships with friends and family, you will be building up strength for the future.

We may use self-regula�on to do ac�vi�es imposed on us by others, such as a job at work, but also might impose tasks on ourselves. One place such tasks originate is in our possible selves. Envisioning your future self speaking French at a business mee�ng for the French company you want to work for, you sign up for a French language class. Imagining turning heads on the beach as you walk by this summer, you put yourself on a diet. The hoped for and feared possible selves give us an image that mo�vates us and influences our current self-regulatory behavior (Hoyle & Sherrill, 2006; van Dellen & Hoyle, 2008). Researchers have found that specific parts of the prefrontal cortex contribute to self-regula�on. Damage to this part of the brain inhibits self-regula�on, and it is development in this part of the brain that increases self-regula�on over childhood and adolescence (Berger, 2011; Heatherton, 2011).

Social Psychology in Depth: Tes�ng our Self-Regula�on

Is our capacity for self-regula�on like a muscle, or is it a skill we develop? If self-regula�on is like a muscle, it would �re as we use it. If self- regula�on is a skill, using it should not affect later performance. The study by Baumeister and colleagues (1998) discussed earlier in the chapter involving chocolate chip cookies and radishes cleverly pi�ed these two possibili�es against each other. A�er controlling their urge for freshly baked chocolate chip cookies and forcing themselves to eat radishes instead, research par�cipants were less able to con�nue working on a frustra�ng task. Self-regula�on, then, appears to work more like a muscle than skill set. When we engage in self-regula�on, we deplete the ego, consume our limited store of self-regulatory strength, and have difficulty in the short term with tasks requiring more self-regula�on.

Ego deple�on can affect a number of behaviors. Ego deple�on is related to greater aggression. With ego deple�on we are less able to inhibit our tendencies toward aggression (Stucke & Baumeister, 2006). Dieters asked to exhibit self-regula�on in making a choice or in not showing emo�on

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while watching a distressing movie clip later ate more than dieters who were not asked to exhibit self-regula�on (Kahan, Polivy, & Herman, 2003; Vohs & Heatherton, 2000). Complex intellectual tasks and decision making also deteriorate with ego deple�on. Tasks that require a great deal of mental energy and self-regula�on such as logic, reasoning, decision making, and reading comprehension suffer when we are depleted while tasks requiring less from our systems such as simple memoriza�on do not suffer (Schmeichel, Vohs, & Baumeister, 2003; Zyphur, Warren, Landis, & Thoresen, 2007).

The effects of ego deple�on are not irreversible, and a number of techniques can be used to avoid the effects. Ego deple�on is short term. A�er a rest period, people regain their capacity for self-regula�on. Distrac�on can be an effec�ve counterstrategy. Even when ego is depleted, distrac�ng individuals from what they are doing will lessen the decline in strength (Alberts, Mar�jn, Nievelstein, Jansen, & de Vries, 2008). Individuals who engaged in self-affirma�on, focusing on a value that was important to them, showed more self-regula�on a�er ego deple�on than those who did not engage in self-affirma�on (Schmeichel & Vohs, 2009). Inducing a posi�ve emo�on or reminding people of a persistent person also has posi�ve effects for performance in the face of ego deple�on (Mar�jn et al., 2007; Ren, Hu, Zhang, & Huang, 2010). Posi�ons of leadership can mo�vate people to expend resources even when depleted. Leadership, it seems, induces people to engage in self-regula�on, some�mes even beyond their capaci�es (DeWall, Baumeister, Mead, & Vohs, 2011). A surprising source of self-regulatory strength is sugar (glucose). Researchers have found that a�er a wide variety of acts of self-control, having people drink a sugary drink eliminates ego deple�on (Gailliot et al. 2007). In fact, it seems that simply swishing a glucose/carbohydrate solu�on around in the mouth can improve self-regula�on (Hagger & Chatzisaran�s, 2013; Molden et al., 2012). Above all, it is important to remember that prac�ce can increase capacity for self-regula�on (Hagger et al., 2010). As with physical ac�vity, if you want to avoid straining a muscle in the short term, it is best to pace yourself in behavior involving self-regula�on, but if you want to build up muscle over the long term, engaging in ego-deple�ng ac�vi�es is good for your future strength.

Test Yourself

Click on each ques�on below to reveal the answer.

According to research on ego deple�on, should you start a new exercise program in the middle of an intense �me of prepara�on for presenta�ons at work or school? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Doing two ac�vi�es that both require self-regula�on may be a problem because of ego deple�on. These ac�vi�es will use up all ego strength, and you are likely to have problems con�nuing both at the same �me.

What does it mean to say that the ego is like a muscle in the context of self-regula�on? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

The ego is like a muscle in that in using it we exhaust it over the short term, but with con�nued use we can strengthen it over the long term.

The Power of the Self

How much control do you have over what happens to you? If you go to a job interview, to what extent do the results of that interview depend on you? Some people think that, for the most part, their behavior and decisions dictate the events that occur and the outcomes of those events. Others consider the things that happen to them as due to forces outside of their control. These two perspec�ves represent a difference in locus of control (Ro�er, 1966). Individuals who believe that events and outcomes are primarily con�ngent on their own ac�ons have an internal locus of control. Individuals who believe that the things that occur are due to something beyond their control have an external locus of control. For people with an external locus of control, the things that happen to them might be due to chance or due to powerful others (e.g., a boss, God) (Levenson, 1981).

Overall, people have greater life sa�sfac�on and show fewer symptoms of depression when they believe they have some control over their lives (Cheng, Cheung, Chio, & Chan, 2013; Wang, Bowling, & Eschleman, 2010). College students with an external locus of control that a�ributed much to chance had higher stress levels (de Carvalho, Gadzella, Henley, & Ball, 2009). People who have an internal locus of control, either generally or focused specifically on health, are o�en healthier, at lower risk for developing disease, and deal be�er with chronic diseases than those with an external locus of control (Gerstorf , Rocke, & Lachman, 2011; Hall, Chipperfield, Heckhausen, & Perry, 2011; Nabors, McGrady, & Kichler, 2010).

Part of the effect of locus of control is demonstrated by the behaviors someone engages in. If you believe that what you do will affect the outcome of your job interview, you are more likely to prepare carefully, answer though�ully, and be more engaged. An internal locus of control for health leads to be�er health behaviors such as exercise and preventa�ve care (Grotz, Hapke, Lampert, & Baumeister, 2010; Rodin, 1986; Seeman, Unger, McAvay, & Mendes de Leon, 1999). However, there are circumstances where high internal control can be detrimental. A person dealing with a terminal disease, where nothing can be done to prolong life, may become frustrated and depressed when he a�empts to gain control over the situa�on, blaming himself for his con�nued decline. Similarly, an addict who says she has control over her behavior ("I could quit drinking if I wanted to") may avoid ge�ng the help she needs to break the addic�on, and that internal locus of control could set her up for failure (Shapiro, Schwartz, & As�n, 1996). When people believe they have control but are afraid they might fail, different behaviors can manifest.

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Figure 2.2: Likelihood of living in a specific state as a func�on of one's surname

Results from Pelham's study show that implicit ego�sm can be present even in a person's decision of where to live. From Pelham, B. W., Mirenberg, M. C., & Jones, J. T. (2002). Why Susie sells seashells by the seashore: Implicit ego�sm and major life decisions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 82(4), 469–487. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Associa�on. Reprinted with permission.

Researchers have found evidence that the effect of the self on decisions goes further than most people realize. For example, do you think your name has any rela�onship to where you live? Pelham, Mirenberg, and Jones (2002) argue that it does. These researchers looked at people's first names and the city where they lived (see Figure 2.2). They found that sta�s�cally, with the data they were using, we would expect 288 people with the name of Jack in Jacksonville, but 436 Jacks call this city home. Similar results were found for surnames. We would expect 760 people with a surnames beginning with the le�ers Cali to be living in California, but 929 were in the telephone directory. Similarly, although we would expect only 7 entries for someone with a surname beginning with Texa in Texas, 34 are listed. This holds true for first names as well. There are more Florences in Florida, Georgias in Georgia, Louises in Louisiana, and Virginias in Virginia than we would expect by chance. Lest you think all the parents in Georgia have the brilliant idea to name their child Georgia a�er the state they live in, the researchers also found that Georgias move to Georgia at a greater rate than one would expect by chance. This unconscious a�rac�on to things that are related to one's self is called implicit ego�sm.

Implicit ego�sm interacts with self-esteem. Individuals with low self-esteem sat farther from other people sharing their ini�als than those with high self-esteem. When par�cipants with high self-esteem met someone who shared their ini�als, they sat closer (Kocan & Cur�s, 2009). Feeling good about themselves, they wanted to associate with someone who was similar to themselves, even if that similarity was just in the ini�als of their name. People who have focused on their nega�ve quali�es and therefore need a self-esteem boost show greater social ego�sm than those who have been thinking about their posi�ve quali�es (Brownlow, A�ea, Makransky, & Lopez, 2007). All of this is done without our conscious awareness. We are not being egocentric or selfish; our sense of self seems to compel us to respond in par�cular ways. Implicit ego�sm shows us just how important the self is, even to aspects of our lives we would never suspect being influenced by the self. Few Lauras would likely claim that their name helped a�ract them to the study of law, but the evidence is that this is so. If we unconsciously make choices in line with our self, how much more might our conscious sense of self influence our lives?

Test Yourself

Click on each ques�on below to reveal the answer.

Why is an internal locus of control generally be�er for people? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

People with an internal locus of control believe their ac�ons make a difference, so they are more likely to do things that make a posi�ve difference for them.

Given the findings about social ego�sm, would we expect to find more people with the last name of Jones living on Jones Street or Richards living on Richard Street? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Yes. Researchers have found this to be true about first and last names and states and a�rac�on to brands and professions that match one's names. Logically, we should see similar findings for names and streets.

Conclusion

Social psychologists are interested in who we are. We know a great deal about ourselves, and that knowledge affects how we process informa�on and view the world around us. The self is a powerful force. The self affects how we feel, what we think we can do, and what we in fact do.

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Chapter Summary

Who Am I?

Self-concepts are the collec�on of things one knows about oneself. Self-schemas organize this informa�on, affec�ng how one views the world and takes in informa�on. Our sense of our selves is not just one based in the present, we also envision possible selves in the future. We vary in our awareness of aspects of ourselves. Private self-awareness is our focus on our internal thoughts, feelings, and desires, while public self-awareness is our awareness of how we appear to others.

Evalua�ng the quali�es we associate with ourselves provides us with self-esteem. As a global evalua�on of the self, self-esteem can influence our confidence and happiness. Individuals with high self-esteem report being be�er in many areas (e.g., they may believe they are smarter than their peers), but this belief seems to be a result of self-esteem, not a cause. According to the sociometer theory of self-esteem, our self-esteem is based in our social standing. Narcissism occurs when people have excessively high self-esteem. Our belief about our ability to do par�cular ac�ons or tasks makes up our self-efficacy. Self-efficacy can be measured for very specific behaviors and tends to be related to persistence and performance of tasks related to those behaviors. To maintain posi�ve views of ourselves we engage in the self-serving bias.

The Ac�ng Self

People a�empt to present certain images of themselves to others. We most o�en do this through presen�ng a posi�ve side of ourselves (e.g., appearing more powerful or credible), and it does affect the judgments others make of us. Although it takes us a bit to enter into new social roles, these roles have a powerful impact on our behaviors. In Zimbardo's famous prison study, normal college men were quickly turned into defeated prisoners and power-hungry guards. In self- handicapping we engage in behaviors that hinder our success, allowing us an excuse when things do not turn out well or greater accolades when we succeed. Ego deple�on describes what happens when we have used self-regula�on and no longer have the willpower to perform in other ac�ons. We can avoid ego deple�on by perceiving that an ac�on took less self-regula�on, by engaging in self-affirma�on, or by building up the ego through long-term use of self-regula�on. When we have engaged in ac�ons involving self-regula�on, we find it more difficult to do other, seemingly unrelated ac�ons. We may differ in the control we believe we have over what happens to us. Some people believe they have control over outcomes, with an internal locus of control, while others believe what occurs is due to change or the ac�ons of others, with an external locus of control. Our self can have an impact of which we are not even aware. Researchers have found that people live in places with names resembling their names at higher rates than would be expected by chance.

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons

1. Throughout the chapter, job interviews were used as an example of how we think about and encounter the self on a day-to-day basis. Are there other aspects of job interviews that you might apply to concepts from the chapter?

2. Where might narcissism come from? Why might people develop such inflated self-esteem?

3. How might high academic self-efficacy affect you?

4. If a friend of yours said that how she feels about herself is not important, that it has no effect on her ac�ons, how would you respond? Does the self affect everyday life?

5. How might your knowledge of ego deple�on affect how you structure your ac�vi�es?

Key Terms

Click on each key term to reveal the defini�on.

actual self (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Within self-discrepancy theory, the self a person believes he or she is presently.

ego deple�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

The diminished capacity for voli�onal ac�on people experience a�er engaging in some other voli�onal ac�on.

explicit self-esteem (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Conscious, global evalua�on of the quali�es people believe they possess. Contrast with implicit self-esteem.

external locus of control (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A sense that the things that occur are due to something beyond the individual's control. Control may be held by chance or powerful others (e.g., boss).

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ideal self (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Within self-discrepancy theory, the self one wants to be or believes others want one to be, including hopes, wishes, and dreams.

implicit ego�sm (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

An unconscious a�rac�on to things related to one's self.

implicit self-esteem (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Unconscious, automa�c evalua�ons of the self. Contrast with explicit self-esteem.

ingra�a�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Impression management strategy involving fla�ery.

internal locus of control (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A sense that events and outcomes are primarily con�ngent on the individual's own ac�ons.

narcissism (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

An inflated, overly posi�ve view of the self.

ought self (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Within self-discrepancy theory, the self one believes one should be or that others believe one should be, including obliga�ons, responsibili�es, and roles.

possible selves (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

The selves we hope to be, and the selves we fear we might become

private self-awareness (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Your awareness of your internal states, for example, your thoughts, feelings, or desires.

public self-awareness (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Awareness of how you appear to others.

self-concept (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

The collec�on of things you know about yourself.

self-discrepancy theory (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A theory that proposes that differences between one's actual self and ideal self and one's actual self and ought self will lead to different emo�ons and mo�va�ons.

self-efficacy (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Your evalua�on of your ability to perform par�cular tasks.

self-esteem (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Your overall evalua�on of the quali�es you associate with yourself.

self-guides (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

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Within self-discrepancy, the idea that ideal selves and ought selves serve as guides for evalua�ng behavior.

self-handicapping (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Crea�ng an excuse for a later failure by doing something that is likely to hinder one's success.

self-reference effect (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

The tendency to be�er remember those things related to the self.

self-regula�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Exer�ng control over your ac�ons.

self-schemas (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Knowledge structures about the self.

self-serving bias (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A bias toward viewing successes as something we can a�ribute to ourselves and blaming failures as something outside of the self. Overall, this bias allows for people to maintain a posi�ve view of themselves.

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Chapter 3

Culture and Gender

3.1 Culture

Independent Versus Interdependent Cultures

Cultural Dimensions

The Source of Cultural Differences

3.2 Gender

Comstock Images/Thinkstock

Learning Objec�ves

By the end of the chapter you should be able to:

Explain how culture allows large groups of people to live with one another

Differen�ate how independent and interdependent cultures define the self and affect cogni�on, emo�on, and mo�va�on

Describe the cultural dimensions of power distance, uncertainty avoidance, masculinity versus femininity, and short-term versus long-term orienta�on

Describe some possible sources of cultural differences

Differen�ate sex and gender, gender role, and gender stereotype

Explain what gender differences researchers have found regarding for math ability and aggression

Explain what gender differences researchers have found regarding acceptance of casual sex, desired number of sexual partners, reasons for jealousy in a roman�c rela�onship, and quali�es desired in a roman�c partner and a possible explana�on for this group of differences

Chapter Outline

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Gender Differences: Source and Method

Gender Differences: What Are They?

Chapter Summary

* * *

The 7 billion people on planet Earth inhabit the approximate 57,500,000 square miles of land surface. Gathered into groups, they make up around 196 countries and speak approximately 6,800–6,900 languages, depending on the defini�on of country and language. As groups of people have organized themselves, differen�a�ons have developed. For instance, with some groups an ac�vity begins at a specific �me, while for others the star�ng �me is more fluid and the ac�vi�es begin whenever everyone arrives. Such things as views of �me are developed by people, but some differences are inborn; for instance, roughly half of the world popula�on is male and half is female. In this chapter we explore some ways in which people are differen�ated from one another on a large scale, first inves�ga�ng cultural differences and then looking at possible gender differences.

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Many Western stories, like The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, center on an independent individual.

3.1 Culture One challenge for people living in large social groups such as extended families, clans, tribes, states, and na�ons is organiza�on. The human brain with all its complexity and ability to organize enables large social groups to live together with some degree of harmony (Adolphs, 2009; Dunbar, 1998). Groups must be able to get along and not hurt one another, to feed and shelter themselves, and to take care of offspring. Culture—shared beliefs, a�tudes, values, and norms for behavior—allows large groups to maintain social order and avoid chaos by developing and passing down standard ways of living together. For example, when everyone in a culture shares an understanding of expected and appropriate gree�ngs, everyone knows what to do when they meet friends and strangers. By having standard rules for shared and private space, groups know where to keep resources, engage in in�mate acts, or deal with bodily needs.

Culture is visible in a variety of ways and also influences the structure of our brains. How people engage in daily interac�ons within a culture influences the way the brain is built (Kitayama & Park, 2010). As people meet and collaborate with one another, they learn how to engage in rewarding interac�ons and how to avoid unpleasant or poten�ally dangerous interac�ons. This learning strengthens neural pathways, influencing future mee�ngs as well as the general way in which the individual approaches the world. Each of our brains is uniquely qualified to engage in culture and specifically tuned to our own culture.

Independent Versus Interdependent Cultures

Our sense of self is developed and con�nues to change over our life�mes (Greve, Rothermund, & Wentura, 2005). Culture has a large impact on the development of our self-concepts. Cultures vary greatly in many ways, one large difference being the way cultures view the self and connec�ons with others. In independent cultures (or individualis�c), people are viewed as separate, unique individuals whose quali�es are independent of their social connec�ons. In interdependent cultures (or collec�vis�c), people are viewed as enmeshed within social connec�ons such that the person cannot be described adequately without social context and connec�ons (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Some of the differences between these cultures are summarized in Table 3.1.

Table 3.1: Characteris�cs of independent and interdependent cultures

Independent/Individualis�c Interdependent/Collec�vis�c

Tend to be found in . . .

United States, Western Europe Asia (e.g., Japan, Korea, China), Central and South America

The self is seen as . . .

unique, not dependent on social context flexible, varies with context

Internal a�ributes are . . .

expressed through interac�ons with others; others allow for an expression of internal a�ributes

meaningful and complete only in interac�ons with others

Behavior is . . .

largely determined by the self and one's internal a�ributes

a result of the situa�on and social roles; internal a�ributes of the self are not powerful in regula�ng behavior

When individuals from an interdependent culture are asked to write down statements in response to the ques�on "Who am I?" they tend to include more role- specific and concrete informa�on (Cousins, 1989). For example, a Korean student might write that she is silly when with friends. People from independent cultures respond with more trait or a�ribute characteriza�ons. An American might write that he is ar�s�c. No�ce how the individual from an interdependent culture included context (with friends) when describing herself, but the person from an independent culture did not. This is not to say that people in an independent culture never take into account the context or refer to themselves in rela�on to others or that people in an interdependent culture never describe themselves according to traits; individuals from each culture are simply more likely to use each descrip�on (Kashima, Koval, & Kashima, 2011).

Test Yourself

Click on each ques�on below to reveal the answer.

Arnold offers to stay late at work to finish a project. How might explana�ons of his behavior be different in independent and interdependent cultures? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

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In an interdependent culture explana�ons might include his role as an employee or as provider for his family while in an independent culture explana�ons are likely to focus on his personal strong work ethic.

When answering the ques�on "Who am I?" for themselves, how do people in independent and interdependent cultures differ? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

People from interdependent cultures are more likely to include context or role-related informa�on in their responses than those from independent cultures.

Figure 3.1: Conceptual representa�ons of the self

Researchers have discovered that par�cipants with independent cultures (like North Americans) tend to focus more on the self, while those with interdependent cultures (like Chinese) tend to focus more on rela�onships. From Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implica�ons for cogni�on, emo�on, and mo�va�on. Psychological Review, 98, 224–253. doi: 10.1037/0033-295X.98.2.224 Copyright © 1991 by the American Psychological Associa�on. Reprinted with permission.

Different cultural construc�ons of the self will impact people's reac�ons to the environment. For instance, individuals in interdependent cultures pay much more a�en�on to the se�ng or the surroundings in all sorts of circumstances, while those from independent cultures focus on the main object or person, largely ignoring the se�ng. In a study that illustrates this difference, par�cipants were asked to watch an animated scene of fish, seaweed, and other aqua�c objects. Both the American (independent culture) and Japanese (interdependent culture) par�cipants noted the main fish, but the Japanese par�cipants were much more likely to also make statements about the environment ("there was a pond"). Their judgments in later tasks were affected if the background was changed, though the background change made no difference for the American par�cipants (Nisbe�, Peng, Choi, & Norenzayan, 2001).

This tendency also plays out in rela�onships and view of self. Because independent cultures focus on the unique self, people have a large and elaborate body of knowledge about the self and a less elaborate body of knowledge about others (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). On the other hand, interdependent cultures focus more on rela�onships—something evidenced in the way categories are formed (see Figure 3.1). When a group of Chinese children were asked to group cards containing pictures, they put women and babies into one category because of their rela�onship. American children tended to put the adults together because of shared category membership (i.e., they were both adults) (Chiu, 1972).

The expression of emo�ons also differs depending on culture. Individuals in interdependent cultures tend to express more other-focused emo�ons, emo�ons like shame or sympathy that are centered on other people (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Ego-focused emo�ons, or those emo�ons that express a person's a�ributes and are centered on the individual, are more o�en expressed by those in independent cultures. Anger and pride are ego-focused emo�ons. Expressing an

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emo�on like anger is considered childish in interdependent cultures but is more accepted in independent cultures because these emo�ons come out of and help dis�nguish the self. For example, in order for people to express anger, they must feel some sort of injury or offense to the self, and they must also believe that it is all right for them to express that injury to the self.

In other studies on emo�ons, culture researchers found that independent cultures tend to focus more on posi�ve feelings than nega�ve feelings. Because independent cultures view emo�ons as an expression of the self, it makes sense that people would encourage their posi�ve emo�ons and suppress or avoid nega�ve emo�ons. Emo�ons as expressions of the self are less important in interdependent cultures since the self is more clearly defined by others. Emo�ons, posi�ve or nega�ve, therefore receive less a�en�on (Kitayama, Markus, & Kurokawa, 2000). People in independent cultures generally report feeling emo�ons longer and more intensely than those from interdependent cultures (Mastumoto, Kudoh, Scherer, & Wallbo�, 1988). For interdependent cultures such as Japan, such expressions disrupt social rela�onships and the harmony in the group, so they are less acceptable than interpersonally engaged emo�ons (e.g., friendly feelings) (Kitayama, Markus, & Kurokawa, 2000). For this reason, the Japanese have a series of emo�ons that involve relying on others that do not have counterparts in English. For example, amae refers to a dependence on others, feeling or hoping to feel cared for by someone (Markus & Kitayama, 1991).

Social Psychology in Depth: Personal Space

Each person on our planet requires a certain amount of space. The space needed to feel comfortable when interac�ng with others varies from culture to culture. Personal space is the bubble of space around an individual over which a person feels some kind of ownership. Because of this sense of ownership, individuals feel a sense of discomfort when their personal space is violated by someone being too close physically. If someone invades our space, we do not get more comfortable over the short term; our high level of discomfort remains (Hayduk, 1981). To prevent such invasions, we o�en erect barriers such as placing personal objects in a space near to us (Fisher & Byrne, 1975). When someone does invade our space, we may do nothing, move personal belongings away from them, leave, say something to the invader, or strike up a conversa�on (Skolnick, Frasier, & Hadar, 1977).

Some space universals exist. Across cultures all people have a personal space. We begin to develop our sense of personal space around 3 years old, and it con�nues to enlarge un�l about age 21 (Hayduk, 1983).When strangers encounter one another, they leave space between them, though how that space is used will vary depending on situa�onal factors (Høgh-Olesen, 2008; Pedersen & Heaston, 1972; Mazur, 1977).

In some cultures personal space is small. Such cultures are o�en called contact cultures and include Southern European countries, La�n American countries, and Arabian countries. Cultures with larger personal space are called no contact cultures. No contact cultures can be found in the countries of Northern Europe and North America (Remland, Jones, & Brinkman, 1995). Even greater distance for interac�ng dyads can be found in Asian cultures such as Japan (Beaulieu, 2004; Sussman & Rosenfeld, 1982).

Gender differences also exist for personal space. Women generally expect less personal space than men, par�cularly when interac�ng with other women (Skolnick, Frasier, & Hadar, 1977; Sussman & Rosenfeld, 1982). When space is invaded and they are touched with no jus�fica�on for the contact, men react nega�vely to the intrusion. Women, on average, do not react nega�vely (Sussman & Rosenfeld, 1978).

Researchers have found physiological reac�ons to space invasion. When seated close to one another on a train, people showed an increase in stress hormones (Evans & Wener, 2007). Within the brain the amygdala seems to be important in the reac�on to invasions of personal space. The amygdala is part of the brain's limbic system and plays a role in emo�onal reac�ons, par�cularly aggression and fear. A pa�ent with severe damage to her amygdala felt no discomfort even when standing nose-to-nose with another person (Kennedy, Gläscher, Tyszka, & Adolphs, 2009).

The tendency toward contextualiza�on can create problems for counterfactual thinking, "what-if" types of thinking, or abstract reasoning. When par�cipants in Taiwan and Hong Kong were asked to decide which paren�ng technique was most appropriate based on a paragraph explaining why a par�cular technique would be most helpful, many of them chose incorrectly. Their responses were not due to a lack of intelligence but rather a reluctance to answer something in a way that went against their own experience. They did not want to suggest paren�ng behavior to others that they believed would not work. American par�cipants may have disagreed with the conclusion of the paragraph based on their own experiences, but they were willing to answer in the abstract and choose the op�on suggested by the paragraph (Bloom, 1981; Markus & Kitayama, 1991).

Mo�va�ons differ for those from different cultures. In independent cultures, mo�ves are internal and individual. Examples of mo�ves might include achievement, self-actualiza�on, or enhancing self-esteem. A student in an independent culture may enter a wri�ng contest with the goal of showing how great a writer he is and to receive praise for his abili�es. Mo�ves for those in interdependent cultures, on the other hand, restrain the self and focus on others. These mo�ves might include affilia�on, nurturance, or deference (i.e., respect or submission) (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). A student in an interdependent culture may join the chess club primarily as a way of gaining friends or honoring a teacher who asked her to join, rather than showing her abili�es in compe��ons. When a student in interdependent cultures engages in ac�ons because of a need for achievement, that achievement is not focused on achieving for the self but rather achieving to bring honor or meet expecta�ons of one's in-group (Yang, 1982). Mo�va�ons for ac�ons in the two cultures certainly do overlap, but in each type of culture, each type of mo�ve will be more dominant.

A mo�va�on for people in Western (independent) cultures is not to fit in but to show their own traits, preferably in a favorable light. People from Western cultures take pride in their posi�ve a�ributes to a greater degree than they are remorseful about their nega�ve a�ributes. A great basketball player may take great pride in that a�ribute and be mo�vated to work to improve basketball skills even more. A lack of cooking skills probably will not bother him or her, so that person will not focus �me and energy on improving those skills. For interdependent cultures, there is less of a discrepancy between ra�ngs of posi�ve and

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nega�ve a�ributes, as well as less emphasis on posi�ve a�ributes. Individuals from interdependent cultures also desire to improve their nega�ve a�ributes rather than their posi�ve a�ributes (Lo, Helwig, & Chen, 2011).

Test Yourself

For each of the following, decide whether you'd be more likely to see it in an independent or an interdependent culture. Click on each phrase below to reveal the answer.

Expression of anger (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

independent culture

Accurate assessment of control in a situa�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

interdependent culture

More intense emo�ons (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

independent culture

Counterfactual thinking (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

independent culture

Categoriza�on based on rela�onships between objects (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

interdependent culture

Sympathy (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

interdependent culture

Achievement to be�er one's own situa�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

independent culture

Cultural Dimensions

There is more than one dimension of cultural differences. Hofstede (2001) explored cultural variability beyond differences in independent and interdependent cultures by surveying thousands of employees at mul�na�onal corpora�ons, covering 72 different countries and many different languages. His early work was with the large, mul�na�onal company IBM, but he found similar results within par�cular cultures when he surveyed people in other organiza�ons. To determine how cultures differ, he examined individualism versus collec�vism (independent and interdependent), but also looked at power distance, uncertainty avoidance, masculinity versus femininity, and long-term versus short-term orienta�on (see Figure 3.2).

Figure 3.2: Hofstede's cultural dimensions

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Employees from large power distance countries might be less likely to openly disagree with business execu�ves.

Hofstede surveyed various countries and discovered differing ranges between cultures on dimensions such as masculinity, long-term orienta�on, individualism, power distance, and uncertainty avoidance. Based on Hofstede, G. H. (2001). Culture's consequences: Comparing values, behaviors, ins�tu�ons, and organiza�ons across na�ons (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Power Distance

Power distance has to do with the acceptance and promo�on of a distance between those at different levels of power. In some countries, people are differen�ated based on their posi�on in a hierarchy, and rights and benefits come with posi�ons of power that are not afforded to those lower on the hierarchy. Japan, for instance, has a large power distance. A strong respect for the hierarchy is evident in the Japanese language. The way individuals refer to themselves, for instance, changes depending on whether they are talking to a peer or to someone with power over them, like a teacher or a boss (Hamamura & Heine, 2008). Other countries high in power distance include Malaysia, Guatemala, and Panama.

In cultures with low power distance, such as Israel, Denmark, Austria, New Zealand, Canada, and the United States, rules and rituals that maintain status and power differences are rarer. O�en the people within these cultures demand jus�fica�on for inequality and work to equalize power. In countries with lower power distance, an employee might make sugges�ons or disagree with the supervisor. Rituals, like having the boss sit at the head of the table, may not be as rigidly adhered to, and leaders may use different strategies and styles to influence their workers (Jackson, Meyer, & Wang, 2013; Pasa, 2000). Cultures with a lower power distance, as well as more independent cultures, also tend to show more innova�ve ideas and products (Rinne, Steel, & Fairweather, 2012).

Uncertainty Avoidance

Different cultures have different ways of dealing with the uncertain�es of life. Some cultures prescribe specific behaviors in specific situa�ons as a way to avoid life's uncertain�es. In many situa�ons, new, different, or unorthodox ideas are unwelcome and viewed as poten�ally dangerous. In Guatemala, for example, appropriate rituals for gree�ng and saying good-bye are expected, and people have fairly rigid rules for acceptable behavior in various social situa�ons. A�empts to change these rituals or disregard them will lead to nega�ve interac�ons and loss of trust. Countries high in uncertainty avoidance include Greece, Guatemala, Uruguay, Portugal, Belgium, and Japan.

Other cultures are more relaxed when it comes to ambiguity, with few rules or rituals. Rather than being rigid, these cultures tend to be flexible and easygoing. In Jamaica, for instance, gree�ngs may be quite informal, and few rituals are followed in everyday interac�ons. In cultures like Jamaica, wearing unusual clothing or engaging in non-norma�ve behavior will have few social consequences. Countries low in uncertainty avoidance are Singapore, Sweden, Jamaica, and Denmark.

Masculinity Versus Femininity

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Culture and its influence on our behavior.

Cultural Context for our Behavior

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons

Why is it so important to consider cultural context? What is an example of how culture is "dynamic" as

opposed to "monolithic"?

Masculine cultures are those in which men and women are expected to exhibit different quali�es—men are expected to be asser�ve, and women are expected to be tender and caring. Some of the most masculine countries in the world are Japan, Austria, Venezuela, Italy, and Switzerland. In masculine cultures, men are socialized to be tough and focused on success, while women are to be modest. These cultures seek to foster and maintain differences between men and women through different norms for men/boys and women/girls (e.g., boys don't cry), and by teaching men and women different things (e.g., women learn to cook). Masculine cultures tend to be more driven by quali�es that are more o�en associated with men, such as achievement and success.

Feminine cultures are those where both men and women are socialized to be modest and tender (Hofstede, 2000). Feminine cultures tend to focus more on caring for their ci�zens and overall quality of life, inves�ng more in human development programs (Rodrigues & Blumberg, 2000). For such cultures, some success may need to be sacrificed for the good of the people, rather than the people sacrificing to help the society succeed as would be done in a more masculine culture (van den Bos et al., 2010). Countries with more of a feminine culture include Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands, Denmark, and Costa Rica. The United States is closer to the masculine than feminine end of the spectrum but has elements of both.

Long-Term Versus Short-Term Orienta�on

Some cultures encourage delay of gra�fica�on and forward-thinking. These cultures are considered to have a long-term orienta�on and are focused on preparing for future events through saving and persistence in the present. For example, individuals in these cultures should show a higher savings rate and lower debt, since current wants or needs will receive lower priority than having resources for the future. Asian cultures o�en have a long-term orienta�on, with Japan, China, and Taiwan having the highest prevalence of this view.

Other cultures with a short-term orienta�on are more focused on the present and past. In these cultures, there is a greater emphasis on quick results, spending now instead of saving for the future, as well as a respect for past tradi�ons. Cultures with short-term orienta�on include Ghana, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Spain, Philippines, Spain, Canada, and the United States. One's orienta�on also influences the culture's view of truth. For those with more of a short-term orienta�on, truth is absolute whereas with a long-term orienta�on, truth is more dependent on the situa�on (Hofstede, 1993).

Test Yourself

Click on the ques�on below to reveal the answer.

Where does U.S. culture stand on power distance, uncertainty avoidance, masculinity versus femininity, and long-term versus short-term orienta�on? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

The U.S. culture is one of low power distance, rela�vely low uncertainty avoidance, more masculinity than femininity, and a short-term orienta�on.

The Source of Cultural Differences

Where do these cultural differences originate? Poin�ng to just one source is difficult because such differences arise from many places. One theory about the source of differences points to explora�on of new fron�ers. For example, when we compare the culture of those who migrated to new territories to those cultures who stayed put, differences in focus on the individual emerge. European Americans in the United States tend to be more individualis�c than Europeans (Kitayama, Park, Sevincer, Karasawa, & Uskul, 2009). Greater individualism is also found within Japan among those who migrated from their original homes to new islands (Kitayama, Duffy, & Uchida, 2007). Researchers should find Spanish-speaking people in La�n America and Portuguese-speaking people in Brazil versus their counterparts in Spain or Portugal to be more individualis�c (Kashima et al., 2011).

Physical environment is also a factor in defining culture. Greater independence is needed in parts of the world where making a living requires constant adjustment and movement. Among nomadic people and those who herd animals, we tend to find more independent cultures. Greater interdependence tends to develop when people are living in close geographic proximity and have low geographic mobility, such as those found in agriculturally based communi�es (Kitayama & Uskul, 2011). Addi�onal differences are found when agricultural prac�ces that require vigilance and hard work, such as those needed to grow rice, lead to a different approach to life than agricultural prac�ces that rely on factors like the weather that are outside one's control, such as those needed to grow wheat and other grains (Nisbe�, 2003). Cultures with historic agricultural prac�ces that require a�en�on and diligent labor tend to see achievement as based on those factors. Cultures with historic agricultural prac�ces that rely on wishes and prayers tend to view achievement as at least par�ally

outside of their control.

Cultures are not sta�c; they are constantly changing, affected by history, economics, and changes in the natural world. Some of the current differences in cultures come from events in history (Kitayama, Conway, Pietromanaco, Park, & Plaut, 2010). Japan, for example, made a dras�c change in its poli�cal organiza�on a�er World War II, moving from an empire to a democracy (Kashima, Koval, & Kashima, 2011). Yet on an individual level, culture is passed down from genera�on to genera�on and is changed by each genera�on.

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A culture begins to exhibit cultural values with its children early on. For example, children in independent cultures tend to sleep in their own beds in their own rooms rather than co-sleeping, or sleeping in the same room or same bed as another family member (Shweder, Jensen & Goldstein, 1995). Co-sleeping is more common in interdependent cultures such as China (Huang, Wang, Zhang, Liu, 2010). Parents in the United States tend to direct their baby's a�en�on to objects in the world, while parents in Japan direct their baby's a�en�on to themselves or other people (Rothbaum, Weisz, Po�, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000). In these and hundreds of other ways, children learn how to exist within their own culture and carry those pa�erns of behavior and percep�on into adulthood.

iStockphoto/Thinkstock; iStockphoto/Thinkstock

Parents begin ins�lling different cultural values in their children during infancy.

Because culturally appropriate responses to situa�ons are learned early and feel natural, visi�ng or living in a place with a different culture creates culture shock. Culture shock is the result of a disparity between what feels natural or what one expects in a situa�on and the demands of that situa�on (Kitayama, Markus, Matsumoto, & Norasakkunkit, 1997). The larger the difference between one's home country and the culture of the country one visits, the greater the culture shock (Zeitlin, 1996). Ea�ng with one's fingers at a formal occasion may feel wrong to an American but might be expected from a guest at a wedding in India. People who have more knowledge about cultural differences tend to encounter less culture shock, perhaps because the differences between cultures are not as surprising (Chen, Lin, & Sawangpa�anakul, 2012). Although ea�ng with a fork may always feel unnatural to someone who grew up ea�ng with fingers, knowing that utensils are required will not come as a shock to a more culturally knowledgeable person. Awareness of culture shock can also help someone living or traveling in a new culture to iden�fy what they are feeling and work through it (Zapf, 1991).

It is also important to remember that even though people are different across cultures, there are also a great number of differences between people within a culture. If you meet someone from a culture that is different from your own, you might use the differences between cultures described in this chapter as a star�ng point in learning about that person; however, it is important to remember that these descrip�ons may not all be present in that individual.

Test Yourself

Click on the ques�on below to reveal the answer.

If someone were to tell you she came from a place that was se�led by people who migrated from a distant homeland and were sheepherders, what could you predict about her culture? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Given the findings discussed in the sec�on, it is likely her culture is more independent.

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Gender roles are o�en prescribed in early childhood. A young girl might be given a doll to care for, while a young boy might be encouraged to manage a wooden train track.

3.2 Gender Besides culture, another poten�al source of difference between people is their sex. Although the words sex and gender are o�en used interchangeably, most psychologists differen�ate between the two terms. Sex refers to biological sex, based on chromosomes or genitalia. Gender, on the other hand, refers to differences between men and women that are based in culture, or to differences between men and women whose causality has not been established. Gender is socially constructed; sex is biologically based (Gen�le, 1993; Unger & Crawford, 1993). Psychologists have inves�gated many poten�al differences between men and women and the source of those differences.

Gender Differences: Source and Method

Biology is a major source of difference between men and women. Most men and women have different sex chromosomes, different hormone levels, different genitalia, and different reproduc�ve capabili�es. If biology is the basis for differences between men and women, we should see such differences among almost all men and women in all cultures and over history. One theory that has its basis in the biological differences between men and women, par�cularly in their reproduc�ve capaci�es, is evolu�onary theory. Evolu�onary theory will be described in more detail in the next sec�on.

Another poten�al source of difference between men and women is the environment. A social group may prescribe par�cular behaviors as appropriate for men and a different set of behaviors for women. Gender roles are cultural or group-based norms for appropriate behaviors and ac�vi�es for men and women. For example, the female gender role in certain cultures and groups may include being nurturing and caring for others. A gender stereotype is a set of beliefs about what individuals of a certain gender are and should do and be. A gender stereotype might be that only women should be nurses. If the environment is the cause of differences between men and women, we should find somewhat different gender roles in different cultures and at different periods.

Test Yourself

Click on the ques�on below to reveal the answer.

If your friend said, "My husband should mow the lawn. That's his job, he's a man." What is she expressing? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover#)

A gender stereotype because she is saying what a man should do because he is a man.

Gender Differences: What Are They?

One stereotype about women is that they are not as good at math as men (Nosek et al., 2009). Is there truth to this stereotype? In recent meta-analyses, researchers found no difference between the mathema�cal ability of boys/men and girls/women (Lindberg, Hyde, Petersen, & Linn, 2010). In direct opposi�on to this stereotype, girls earn be�er grades than boys in mathema�cs in elementary and high school (Kenney-Benson, Pomerantz, Ryan, & Patrick, 2006). Neither gender is favored in general mathema�cs ability in elementary and middle school, but researchers have found slight preference for men in complex problem solving in high school and college (Lindberg et al., 2010). In the past, girls were less likely to take advanced mathema�cs courses and are s�ll somewhat less likely to take physics courses, so the discrepancy in complex problem solving may be due to lack of exposure and training in complex problem solving rather than something inherent in the female sex.

In a study assessing nine predictors of mathema�cs performance at age 10, Melhuish and colleagues (2008) found that the best predictors were the mother's educa�on, quality of the home learning environment, and the effec�veness of the elementary school—not gender. Other predictors were birth weight, father's educa�on, family income, socioeconomic status, and preschool effec�veness. While gender gaps in math achievement do exist in different na�ons around the world, these gaps tend to occur when there are differences in school enrollment, par�cipa�on of women in science and technology fields, and par�cipa�on of women in roles of governmental leadership (Else-Quest, Hyde, & Linn, 2010). Given all of these findings, we can fairly safely conclude that, with opportuni�es and encouragement, women and girls are just as capable in mathema�cs as men and boys.

Aggression is another variable where gender stereotypes are prevalent. In a meta-analysis of aggression, researchers find that men tend to be more aggressive than women, though the effect size is small (Be�encourt & Miller, 1996; Eagly & Steffen, 1986). In instances of aggression without provoca�on, men are more aggressive than women. But when a situa�on includes provoca�on, this difference largely disappears (Be�encourt & Miller, 1996). Provoca�on might include being insulted or being harmed by another person. When showing aggression, men and women have different responses. Women are more likely to aggress if they can use verbal aggression rather than physical aggression, and are also more likely to aggress if it is toward another woman rather than a man. Men also

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Gender differences impact the nature of da�ng violence.

Age and Gender Differences in Teen Da�ng

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons

Who perpetrates more acts of violence in their teen years, girls or boys?

Why does age ma�er?

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Evolu�onary psychologists believe that biological factors, like paternity uncertainty and maternal investment, have shaped gender differences in mate selec�on.

aggress more toward other men (Be�encourt & Miller, 1996). Because men and women are equally aggressive when provoked, some researchers have suggested that differences are largely based in social roles (Richardson & Hammock, 2007). Men are aggressive generally because their masculine social role calls for it, and women are not aggressive generally because their social role prohibits it. If, however, there is reason for aggression, both men and women are willing to show it.

On the other end of the spectrum, is there a difference between men and women in levels of coopera�on? As with aggression, there is essen�ally no difference between the general coopera�veness of men and women (Balliet, Li, Macfarlan, & Van Vugt, 2011). There are some differences in the context in which men and women are coopera�ve. Men tend to cooperate more when they are working with other men. Women cooperate more in groups that include both men and women.

Men and women are different in their tendencies to forgive. Men are less likely to forgive than women. In a meta-analysis the effect size for this difference was small (Miller, Worthington, & McDaniel, 2008). A large difference between men and women was found for vengeance. Men had a greater desire for vengeance than women. The results of studies in other cultures suggest that this desire for vengeance is one encouraged by culture. In some cultures there are no differences in vengeance between men and women (Kadiangandu, Mullet, & Vinsonneau, 2001).

One possible explana�on for gender differences is found in the social roles exhibited in interdependent and independent cultures. For interdependent cultures, behaviors associated with gender roles are a�ributed to the role rather than the person. A woman's nurturing nature may not be something characteris�c of herself but rather a requirement of her role as mother. In independent cultures, on the other hand, social roles have less power, so similar nurturing behaviors are believed

to come out of an aspect of the self rather than the social role (Costa, Terracciano, & McCrae, 2001). Another possible explana�on is that inherent differences between men and women are difficult to see in cultures where social roles are prescribed. These inherent differences are more obvious only in more egalitarian cultures where men and women have the freedom to express what comes naturally to them—the personality characteris�cs they have based on biological endowment rather than based in social roles (Schmi�, Realo, Voracek, & Allik, 2008). More research is needed to tease out the source of these findings.

Across cultures, men and women also differ in their acceptance of casual sex, desired number of sexual partners, desired quali�es of mates, and source of jealousy in in�mate rela�onships. In general, men are more accep�ng of casual sex (Oliver & Hyde, 1993; Petersen & Hyde, 2010). Men prefer more sexual partners than women, par�cularly if they are asked to es�mate how many partners they would desire if there were no social or health risks and no limita�ons in their ability to find willing women. With no risks or limita�ons, men respond that their ideal number of sexual partners during their life�me is around 12.9, while women report an ideal number of 4.9. However, when viewed from a different angle, researchers found that 47% of the women had an interest in more than one partner compared to 76% of the men (Fenigstein & Preston, 2007). Another difference between men and women is that men place more emphasis on the physical a�rac�veness of a roman�c partner (Feingold, 1990). Women tend to be pickier when choosing poten�al roman�c partners and put more focus on status and poten�al to invest in children (Brase, 2006; Buss, 1989, 1995).

Evolu�onary psychologist David Buss points to differences in adap�ve challenges faced by men and women in evolu�onary history as the cause of these differences. Because of biological differences, reproduc�on requires different things. A man's genes can poten�ally be passed on by having sex one �me with a fer�le woman. A woman's genes, however, can only be passed on if she has sex, gets pregnant, invests 9 months in the pregnancy, has a successful birth, and feeds and cares for the child un�l it can make it on its own. Women, then, have an exponen�ally larger investment in each offspring than men do. Given this difference, the major tasks of men in passing down their genes are to iden�fy fer�le women and convince them to have sex.

Unlike women, men do not necessarily know if an offspring of someone they had sex with is their own—a phenomenon Buss calls paternity uncertainty. There are two, non-mutually exclusive strategies to deal with this dilemma. A man can a�empt to protect the woman he had had sex with from other men, thereby assuring that any offspring she produces are his. Because his contribu�on to future children can be as small as a single act of sex, the other strategy a man could adopt is to a�empt to have sex with as many women as possible, so even if one woman ends up not having his baby, another might. Given her large investment in each offspring she produces, the major tasks of a woman, on the other hand, is to iden�fy a man who is willing and able to invest in her and her offspring and protect herself from ge�ng pregnant from a man who will not invest.

The gender differences in acceptance of casual sex, a�rac�ve quali�es in the opposite sex, and feelings about different types of infidelity are generally found in all cultures around the world. Given this cross-cultural consistency, it is unlikely that social roles are the basis of these differences. Evolu�onary psychologist David Buss points to differences in adap�ve challenges faced by men and women in evolu�onary history as the cause of gender difference. Evolu�onary theory proposes that characteris�cs of organisms that help them survive and reproduce in a par�cular environment will allow the genes of those organisms to be passed on. Organisms that do not have those advantages will not survive and, therefore, those genes will not con�nue into the future. With evolu�onary theory, we would expect men who have the skills to provide for a woman to be more successful. In

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a hunter-gatherer society, such as that in which our ancestors lived, a man's physical a�ributes, such as his ability to throw a spear quickly and accurately, would make him more successful.

Based on their reproduc�ve challenges, it makes sense that women would be more picky when choosing mates. Women need to iden�fy men who have the resources to invest, that is, those of higher status and who are willing to invest in children. Evolu�onary theory also a�ributes women's desire for fewer sexual partners and tendency to be more upset by emo�onal infidelity to her desire to protect her children. Emo�onal infidelity could mean the man in her life would leave and invest in someone else, leaving her with fewer resources to care for her children. Evolu�onarily speaking, men's desire for more a�rac�ve partners may be rooted in the need for men to iden�fy fer�le women. Similarly, men's need to iden�fy their children as their own explains why men are more upset when their roman�c partners have sex with another person.

Evolu�onary theory may not be the only way to explain cross-cultural similari�es in gender differences. There is also the social structural theory. According to Alice Eagly and Wendy Wood (1999), some basic biological differences led, historically, to a difference in the structure of socie�es. Larger body size and strength led men to engage in more physical ac�vi�es. The physical demands of pregnancy and lacta�on led women to engage in more home-based pursuits that could be interrupted by demands of small children. Because men and women have the same biologically based capabili�es across cultures, these socie�es tended to organize themselves in similar ways. Men tended to specialize in ac�vi�es like hun�ng or herding that brought greater resources, power, and status. Women could not engage in those ac�vi�es and therefore were more likely to be dependent and specialize in nurturing ac�vi�es. According to the social structural theory, the majority of differences between men and women are based in the social structure—if the social structure is changed, so too will the differences between men and women. Indeed, in countries with greater gender equality, the social status of the man is not as important to women as in countries with less gender equality. Men are less interested in the domes�c skills of women in more egalitarian countries.

Overall, men and women are more alike than different. Some differences, par�cularly those that are common in most cultures, can reasonably be a�ributed to different challenges in evolu�onary history but might also be based in a society's social structure. Differences that vary from culture to culture, such as those in math performance, are be�er explained as due to social factors such as gender norms within a culture.

Test Yourself

Click on each statement below to reveal the answer.

Name two variables that meta-analyses have found are not appreciably different for men and women. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover#)

Math ability, aggression with provoca�on

Name three variables where differences between men and women have been found. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover#)

Aggression without provoca�on, acceptance of casual sex, desired number of sexual partners, reasons for jealousy in a roman�c rela�onship, quali�es desired in a roman�c partner

Conclusion

The billions of people who live on planet Earth have organized themselves into groups, and, as a group, have developed par�cular ways of rela�ng that are unique to their group. Cultures differ in various ways, and these differences impact the way people encounter and think about their worlds. Differences between men and women are another source of difference. Some differences between men and women are based in biology, but some differences are due to the roles they play due to group or cultural influences.

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Chapter Summary

Culture

Cultures can be divided into those that emphasize independence of the self from others, such as those found in the United States and Western Europe, and those that focus on context and social roles as important, such as those found in Asia and Central and South America. These independent and interdependent construc�ons of self affect how people think, feel, and what mo�vates them. Cultures differ in terms of power distance, uncertainty avoidance, masculinity versus femininity, and short-term orienta�on versus long-term orienta�on.

Gender

Gender differences may originate in biological differences between men and women, or may arise from different expecta�ons for men and women in different cultures or groups, or a combina�on of the two. Few differences exist in men and women, such as mathema�cal ability and aggression with provoca�on. Differences that do exist can o�en be traced to differences within cultures' social roles. Evolu�onary theory helps explain differences in men's and women's acceptance of casual sex, desired number of sexual partners, desired quali�es in a mate, and reasons for jealousy. Some of these differences can also be explained by the ways socie�es tend to build social structures to address biological differences.

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons

1. What are some advantages of living in an independent culture? What are some advantages of living in an interdependent culture?

2. If cogni�on, emo�on, and mo�va�on are different in independent and interdependent cultures, what else about people might be different?

3. The chapter discusses the effect of independent and interdependent cultures on sense of self. How might Hofstede's cultural dimensions influence a person's sense of self?

4. What other gender differences might exist? Do you think these differences are based in biology or have been developed because of social factors?

5. At �mes, evolu�onary explana�ons for behavior make people uncomfortable because someone might claim these differences are based in evolu�onary history and cannot be changed or controlled by the individual. Is such a claim legi�mate? How would you respond to someone who made that argument?

Key Terms

Click on each key term to reveal the defini�on.

evolu�onary theory (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

The theory that characteris�cs of organisms that help them survive and reproduce in a par�cular environment will allow the genes of those organisms to be passed on to the next genera�on.

gender (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Differences between men and women that are based in culture or that refer to differences between men and women whose causality has not been established. Contrast with sex.

gender roles (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Cultural or group-based norms for appropriate behaviors and ac�vi�es for men and women.

gender stereotype (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A set of beliefs about what individuals of a certain gender are and should do and be.

independent cultures (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Cultures where people are viewed as separate, unique individuals whose quali�es are independent of their social connec�ons.

interdependent cultures (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Cultures where people are viewed as enmeshed within social connec�ons such that the person cannot be described adequately without social context and connec�ons. Also referred to as collec�vis�c cultures.

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personal space (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

The bubble of space around an individual over which a person feels some kind of ownership.

sex (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Biological sex, based on chromosomes or genitalia. Contrast with gender.