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2.1 Review of Foundational Knowledge for Curriculum Development

As you read the following sections, keep in mind that they are much more than historical background. They are here for your practical use, not only in the near future while you are a student, but throughout your career. You will find examples of such practical application in the section "Applying Theory, Philosophy, and Research to Curriculum Development."

How Children Develop: The Theories and Philosophies

For generations, centuries even, developmental theorists have argued over the relative influence of heredity or environment on human development. This nature vs. nurture controversy can be traced back to the 17th-century writings of Englishman John Locke (1632–1714) and the next century's Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778), of Switzerland. Locke acknowledged that children were born with some inherited traits, thus keeping the lower classes in their proper place and the upper classes in theirs, but he believed that nurture, in all its forms, was more important: "I think I may say, that of all the men we meet with, nine parts of ten are what they are, good or evil, useful or not, by their education" (1910, p. 9). Rousseau (1964), in turn, acknowledged Locke's argument for the importance of education, but he argued that infants and young children were born with an innate goodness that merely needed protection and encouragement for nature to do its work. Children had simply to be nourished in a natural setting for successful development.

In recent years, developmental psychologists have generally concluded, based on many years of research, that both these views are correct and that "the expression of heritable traits depends, often strongly, on experience, including specific parental behaviors, as well as predispositions and age-related factors in the child. . . . [T]he evidence has revealed a reality that is far more complex than critics expected" (Collins, Maccoby, Steinberg, Hetherington, & Bornstein, 2000, p. 228). These researchers also note that their view of complexity makes it harder for the popular media to create quick sound bites for the public or for textbook writers to make things easy for their readers. Thus, people preparing to be professional educators of young children will need to take into account the many influences on child development, both hereditary and environmental, as they plan curricula. The following sections address the various elements of development to be considered.

Physical Development

From conception to adolescence, physical development progresses in what is known as a cephalocaudal pattern. Professionals working with infants and toddlers will be most likely to notice this as their youngsters first require that their rather large heads need to be held up. As the children's lower body parts grow and their centers of gravity move downward, they gradually find themselves able to stand and walk. Also especially important in the earliest years is the proximodistal pattern, in which development moves from the center of the body outward. For instance, youngsters initially have control of their arms, then later their hands, and by preschool can begin using the fine motor muscles of their fingers.

Caregivers and teachers can, of course, expect to see children grow taller over time. From age 5 onward, an interesting phenomenon may well come into play. Research from the 1980s and 1990s demonstrated that the sudden growth spurts allegedly observed by parents but generally regarded with skepticism were, in fact, a reality, even amounting to more than half an inch in a single day (Lampl, 1993). Teachers of kindergarten and primary children might note gloomy moods or fatigue or hunger just before one of these growth spurts takes place.

Typically developing children, during their first two years, can be expected to reach, roll over, sit up, crawl, and finally walk. Other skills such as running, hopping, throwing, and jumping develop, with skipping being the last to emerge, at about age 5. During kindergarten, children solidify these fundamental capabilities and then begin to apply them to games and sports. By the primary grades, they begin to transition into the "sport-related movement phase," in which both large- and small-muscle development takes place (Gallahue, 2006). As they begin to apply their developing skills to games and sports, children will need help with the physical complexity of these. For example, 5- and 6-year-olds may know how to kick a ball and how to run, but doing both at the same time can present a big challenge. See Case Study: Alden Deals with a Kindergarten Meltdown for a demonstration of this.

Cognitive Development

In modern times, philosophers, theorists, and researchers have come to agree that cognitive development is assuredly a blending of both nature and nurture. The differences between their views are often in the emphasis given to either side, similar to the earlier differences between Locke and Rousseau. For example, the early 20th-century psychologist and pediatrician Arnold Gesell (Gesell et al., 1940), whose research at Yale gave us ages, stages, norms, and milestones, believed that natural biological forces were strongest. His contemporary B. F. Skinner (1953), who gained fame during World War II when he trained homing pigeons to carry secret messages and when he confined his own infants to a "Skinner Box," argued for the forces of the environment.

activities that cater to all of Gardner's intelligences?

Somewhere in the middle can be found two of today's most influential theorists and researchers, the Swiss developmental psychologist Jean Piaget (1896–1980) and the Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky (1896–1934). Piaget's work included a more detailed view of development and will be reviewed here, along with input from Vygotsky where appropriate. Their ideas are widely accepted in the fields of psychology and education and still serve as an important foundation for teachers who are planning curricula and trying to build a sound pedagogy.

Piaget defined four stages of child cognitive development, proposing that both matura­tion (nature) and experience (nurture) play a role at each level. The sensorimotor stage is present from birth to about the second birthday. In this first stage, infants gain knowledge of the world through their senses and through movement (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969). At first, their impressions and movements are simply reflexive or accidental, but they become intentional once the consequences of actions are understood. Important to this stage is the development of object permanence, the understanding that when something disappears it may or may not have actually left the area. For example, if a parent hides a toy behind a blanket, a child who has not yet achieved object permanence will not try to look for the toy. In the child's mind, the toy ceases to exist. However, children who have achieved this fundamental milestone will search for the toy because they understand that objects exist independently of themselves and their actions. Toward the end of the sensorimotor stage, symbolic representation makes its appearance; at this point, older babies begin to realize that one thing can stand in for another. For example, a baby may pretend to suck milk from a bottle while holding another object such as a block. Such an example was explained by Vygotsky as a pre-linguistic approach to solving problems through actions (1986). In other words, the baby is doing more than pretending the block is a bottle. There may be giggles directed at a nearby caregiver or friend for the purpose of sharing the trick, or the young­ster might actually be figuring out how the block, as compared to the bottle, works or does not work.

The preoperational stage, typically associated with the preschool years, comes second in Piaget's theory. Egocentrism, previously present in children's thinking, now plays a large part as children face their first learning expectations. Egocentrism ensures that children see almost everything from their own point of view, whether it is an object they are playing with or their own self-interest in not sharing it.

The third stage is termed concrete operational and appears during the primary grades, lasting throughout elementary school. During this stage, children become less egocentric and begin to learn based on logic rather than only on their perceptions (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969). In general, when primary children are given opportunities to have concrete experiences rather than abstract ones, they are able to understand an ever-widening array of concepts. The fourth, and final, stage is termed formal operational, and it emerges in middle and high school. In this stage, adolescents begin to reason abstractly. They can imagine hypothetical as well as real events, can develop hypotheses from their observations, and can draw logical conclusions. These more sophisticated thought processes enable adolescents to explore their world at a more complex level.

Important to both Piaget's and Vygotsky's theories is the development of language. Both were interested in their observations of children's private speech, or the tendency of children to speak their thoughts out loud without regard to the presence of other people. Each, however, described private speech and the development away from it somewhat differently. Piaget argued that when children dropped the habit upon entering the primary grades, it was a part of their maturing into concrete operations. Vygotsky thought of private speech as a way for young children to connect their inner thoughts to actions; once they were able to complete actions based on thoughts, the thoughts became internalized and no longer needed to be outwardly expressed.

Another difference between the two theorists was their view on how children develop cognitively. In this case, Piaget focused more on the side of nature's importance, as evidenced by the humanly inherent stages just discussed. Vygotsky, on the other hand, was more interested in the nurture provided by a child's peers and mentors. There is a zone of proximal development, he argued, that exists just beyond a present level of skill or understanding, and with a little assistance from others in the child's world, that zone can be reached. Despite Piaget's and Vygotsky's differing viewpoints, however, neither held rigidly to his single outlook. Piaget would say that a child developing through his proposed stages could not jump over any, but must first inhabit the next, or proximal, one. And Vygotsky agreed that just as peers and mentors were an important influence on development, so too was a child's biology.

Although it does not directly address devel­opment, Howard Gardner's theory of mul­tiple intelligences expands on Piaget's and Vygotsky's ideas, providing educators with much to think about in curriculum creation. Gardner proposed a broad view of intelli­gence; rather than assuming each individual possessed a single cognitive capacity, he believed that intelligence could be divided into a range of abilities: the linguistic and logico-mathematical intelligences of Piagetian and Vygotskian thought, as well as visual-spatial, bodily-kinesthetic, musical, interpersonal, intrapersonal, and natural­ist intelligences (Gardner, 1998). Although preferences for, and capabilities related to, one or more intelligences develop over a number of years, infants and young children can demonstrate them all in various ways. From infancy onward, the body is used for learning kinesthetically about the environment, including relating to music as babies respond to rhythm to the best of their ability, learning to hold a toy and move it toward a goal (visual-spatial intelligence), developing relationships with other humans (interpersonal skills), and first rec­ognizing oneself in a mirror (intrapersonal intelligence). Preschool-aged children are famously intrigued by what is in the natural world and are easily encouraged to develop this intelligence. Logico-mathematical understanding develops as young children intuit numbers and amounts of everything in their environment. Finally, linguistic intelligence begins at birth as infants listen to and imitate the language, or languages, around them. Upcoming sections of this chapter will demonstrate some practical applications of Gardner's ideas.

Affective Development

Affective development includes emotional, social, and moral development. Emotions and interest in social life can be observed in infants from birth, and moral development makes a tentative appearance during toddlerhood, with a serious start at about age 4. For the purposes of our review, we will discuss the three elements of affective development collectively, with separation according to age group. We will consult theorists Erik Erikson and Jean Piaget for guidance.

Erikson's (1963) Freudian-based theory of personality development has been extremely influential in the field of psychology. Erikson proposed a developmental scheme involving eight life stages extending from infancy to old age. In Erikson's view, each stage represented a crisis, or challenge, that had to be met by the individual to achieve successful development. For example, the crisis during the school years is industry versus inferiority, in which the child must learn to work at tasks until a sense of accomplishment and satisfaction has been achieved. If the child cannot produce acceptable work, a sense of inferiority will prevail. Erikson's life stages are shown in Table 2.1.

Table 2.1: Erik Erikson's Life Stages
Stage	Chronological Age	Comparative Freudian Stage
Basic Trust vs. Mistrust	0 to 18 months	Oral
Autonomy vs. Shame/Doubt	18 months to 3 years	Anal
Initiative vs. Guilt	3 to 6 years	Phallic
Industry vs. Inferiority	6 to 12 years	Latency
Identity vs. Role Confusion	Adolescence	Genital
Intimacy vs. Isolation	Young Adulthood	Genital
Generativity vs. Stagnation	Adulthood	Genital
Ego Integrity vs. Despair	Maturity	Genital

The first stage of Erikson's model presents the infant with a conflict between trust and mis­trust that must be resolved in a healthy manner for successful advancement to the next stage at about 18 months. The infant's trust issues are connected not only with physical experi­ences, such as feeling sure about not being dropped, or about the arrival of meals, but also about the security of emotional nurturing. As an example of the interaction between physical need and emotion, a baby in need of a diaper change may first feel some discomfort and then, if no help arrives, feel anger or distress. Initially, the baby will respond in a reflexive man­ner, perhaps by scrunching up his or her face or by kicking his or her legs. If these responses lead to the attention of a caregiver, the infant will learn to produce these same behaviors intentionally to achieve similar results.

Truly self-conscious emotions appear between 12 and 18 months as young children become more aware of others' expectations and responses to such actions as the scrunched-up face and kicking. Self-conscious emotions include pride, shame, embarrassment, guilt, and regret.

From shortly after birth, infants begin to develop social attachments as they snuggle in the arms of others and make eye contact. It is believed that the development of attachments is actually necessary to survival (Bowlby, 1969).

Erikson's second stage, which begins at about 18 months and continues for another year and a half, presents young toddlers with a social-emotional conflict between autonomy and shame and doubt. Autonomy, the ability to make one's own decisions, is a thrilling discovery for toddlers, especially as they learn the power of "No!" However, they also learn that the consequences of their negative statements and behavior may not be what they had hoped or expected. It is from working through this experience, learning to control their impulses, that children begin to self-regulate. Socially, children of this age are delighted to make use of their developing understanding of others, as well as their increased motor capabilities, by engag­ing in active social games. Those at the early end of the stage love peek-a-boo and give-take interactions. As they get a little older and can grasp a soft ball, rolling it back and forth or just going after it can become popular. Peek-a-boo might now include some excited running and chasing.

Erikson's third stage covers ages 3 through 6 and presents a conflict between initiative and guilt. Children of this age not only take initiative in their lives, but also use their large stores of energy to engage in many sorts of conquests. Guilt might arise from the choice of conquest, such as competing with a same-sex parent for the attention of the other parent. From a social perspective, taking initiative can lead to positive and cooperative interactions with others, whether at home, on the playground, or at preschool.

The preschool years also introduce the beginnings of social-moral development and, for a discussion of this, we return to Piaget (1932). In Piaget's theory, moral development does not happen on its own; rather, it intertwines with cognitive development as children learn to reason about right and wrong. The importance of laws to society underlies Piaget's views of social morality, and, in the case of children, that means the importance of following and understanding rules. To see how young children develop in this regard, Piaget observed them playing games, from marbles and jump rope to wintertime snow fights. Preschool children, he noted, watched older children and tried to mimic them. Because they were cognitively and socially egocentric, however, the preschoolers would interpret the rules to suit their own needs and preferences. They had little concept of what older people considered important for keeping a game going smoothly.

The end of preschool and kindergarten brings the beginning of new stages in affective development. The emotional turmoil exemplified in the desire for the opposite-sex parent's attentions is now replaced by a period of sexual latency that will last all the way through ele­mentary school. This period of relative calm still contains conflict, however, in this case between industry and inferior­ity. Now, children are generally happy to work hard to learn new information and are especially happy when they can physically cre­ate things and learn new technology. But, of course, there is always the possibility of failure, with its attendant feelings of inferiority. Self-concepts and self-esteem are at stake during these years.

As kindergarten and primary grade children begin to move out of the egocentrism of their earlier years, they gain a better understanding of rules and the importance of them. During kindergarten, young children typically start to focus on what is fair in various aspects of social interactions, generally focusing on the need for strict equality in all cases. During the primary grades, complexities are better understood, although equality is regarded as the baseline. This growing understanding of fairness will serve them well all the way into adulthood.

The topics of the preceding discussion on child development have been chosen not only for their general importance, but also for their applicability to the practical section of this chapter. In the lives of children, or adults for that matter, physical, cognitive, and affective development and experiences do not happen in isolation. Rather, they overlap continually. The following case study presents an incident that demonstrates how this might happen.

2.2 Review of Models of Teaching and Learning

In this section, overviews of five models of early education are provided. In every case, the models have based their approaches to teaching and curriculum on the same theories of child development, and yet they can be quite different. Theorists, philosophers, and education experts may observe similar development across children's ages, but then interpret children's educational needs and interests quite differently. Additionally, in each of the five models the observer might well find all three teaching methods introduced in Chapter 1: direct instruction, group work, and play. Reflect on the similarities and differences between the models, determining what might work best for you and the children you will teach.

Montessori Education

The oldest of the models to be reviewed, Montessori education is named for its founder, Maria Montessori (1870–1952), Italy's first female physician. Her work with young children whose learning disabilities had led them to be placed in sites for adults suffering insanity eventually expanded to students of all ages and abilities. She remains best known for her work with younger children, and most Montessori schools in the United States focus on the preschool and primary years.

In determining the best learning environment for young children, Montessori decided that the classroom should be designed to foster both independence and cooperation, along with individual responsibility and sharing with others. These qualities were all critical, she felt, to creating a community of learning and preparation for life in a democracy. She referred to such a community in the preschool years as a society in embryo. She also believed that very young children could not be directed or coerced into appropriate social behavior and learning, which led to teachers taking on roles as guides or facilitators, rather than instructors. Some basic elements of a Montessori classroom include the following (Krogh & Slentz, 2011):

A mainstay of Montessori classrooms is the so-called prepared environment. Materials for each day are carefully organized in designated open cabinets so that chil­dren can work independently and grow in their self-regulation abilities.

Across all countries and cultures, many of the Montessori materials are the same, such as gold beads for teaching the decimal system and arithmetic, and "sensorial" materi­als such as smelling bottles, bells to play and listen to, and various blocks to build with and to mix and match.

Some of the materials may change depending on the culture, particularly those intended to teach about "practical life" experiences such as cleaning and serving food. Depending on a country's writing system, the traditional Montessori cardboard cutout letters, known as the "movable alphabet," might also differ as well.

The classroom for pre-primary children contains tables small and large so that children can choose for themselves if they want to work together or alone. Children are not forced into group work.

The classroom for primary children is more attuned to group work, based on the developmental needs and interests of children their age.

Children are trained to complete every activity by doing a final cleanup, so that materi­als are ready for the next person needing them.

Often, there are not enough materials to go around in a deliberate attempt to foster sharing and patient turn taking.

Ages are mixed so that a more typical society can develop. A younger group might include ages 3 to 6, and an older group ages 6 to 8.

Older or more experienced children are encouraged to help and teach others. The pur­pose is to foster caring as well as to reinforce learning.

Academic materials are relatively structured, with exploration and creativity permitted only after basic knowledge is demonstrated.

So that preschool-aged children can sort out the difference between reality and fan­tasy, literature focuses on the real. Fantasy is introduced during the primary grades.

Montessori teachers are required to possess specialized training and certification through a training institute.

Reggio Emilia

Like the Montessori model, the educational system known as Reggio Emilia also emerged in Italy. In fact, the name comes from the Italian town that created these municipally funded preschools and then later added infant-toddler centers. The Reggio Emilia schools were begun at the end of World War II by parents who rummaged through the ruins of battle to find construction materials for a preschool for their children. These determined parents were discovered by Loris Malaguzzi (1920–1994), a middle school teacher, out on a bicycle ride to see the devastation left behind by the fleeing German troops (Edwards, Gandini, & Forman, 1993).

Malaguzzi continued to interact extensively with the emerging school and others like it, his name becoming the one most closely associated with Reggio Emilia education. Although the schools were the product of much hard work by local parents, it was Malaguzzi who inspired the curriculum and methodology. He did this through reading and research, with inspiration from John Dewey, Urie Bronfenbrenner, Jean Piaget, Lev Vygotsky, and Maria Montessori (Edwards, 2003). In recent years, Reggio-inspired schools have appeared across not only the rest of Italy, but in other countries of Europe and Asia, as well as in the United States.

Reggio schools lack the formal curriculum and specified materials of Montessori classrooms. Instead, observations of the children and their interactions with each other and with new and old materials lead teachers to develop curricula. The curriculum often includes in-depth study projects that are created within a specific site. Other elements of a Reggio Emilia or Reggio-inspired school include the following (Edwards, 2003; Katz, 1993; Krogh & Slentz, 2011):

Art projects are at the core of the curriculum and are viewed as one "language" pre-literate children can use to communicate.

Visual representations are more than decorations to be posted on walls or refrigerators. As resources or refer­ence materials, they can be used for further study.

Because artistic endeavors are so highly valued, each school employs a special art teacher (an atelierista), often with his or her own special classroom (atelier).

Children are encouraged to experiment, take risks, and learn from their mistakes and misperceptions. They try out their ideas on various materials and experiences, and then reformulate those ideas as they learn more.

Democracy is valued and includes open discussions between children, teachers, and at times parents.

School staff members strive for a homelike atmosphere with a comfortable ambience.

New materials are introduced periodically as inspirations for investigation. Children are not forced to participate.

Documentation is important to every Reggio school. The forms of documentation have evolved over time and may differ across cultures and according to local preferences. Most often, photog­raphy is involved, with teachers taking pictures of children as they create artwork and other projects. Teachers may provide written comments to accompany the photog­raphy and, as children are able, they can dictate some commentary as well. Children even learn to take photos and videos themselves in some schools.

There is no specialized certificate, but Reggio schools hold teacher meetings in which they discuss classroom events and experiences. They also read and discuss writings from those who inspired Malaguzzi, as well as from more recent thinkers.

Project Approach

In-depth learning through projects is an approach to curriculum delivery with many similarities to the projects undertaken by children in Reggio schools. It was originally designed for primary students by American Lilian Katz and Canadian Sylvia Chard (Katz & Chard, 1989), and was later adapted for preschoolers by Katz in association with Judy Harris Helm (Helm & Katz, 2001). Like Malaguzzi, these North Americans were inspired in part by John Dewey and his early 20th-century efforts at creating schools in which children spent much time engaged in meaningful and in-depth projects. Whether in Reggio schools or in centers or schools where the project approach is used, it is not expected that these investigative experiences constitute the entire curriculum or take up all learning time. They are engaged in when there is a meaningful reason to do so. Here is how Helm explains them:

The goal of project work is for the children to experience learning about a topic in which they have great interest and to experience directing their own learning—to seek answers to questions that are interesting to them. This is in contrast to other curriculum approaches in which knowledge is predetermined and children seek answers to questions posed by the teacher. (2012, p. 68)

While there are many ways to approach a project, the Katz/Chard/Helm version provides teachers with a three-phase structure that many find useful, as shown in Table 2.2.

Table 2.2: A Three-Phase Project Approach
Phase	Elements
One	A topic is chosen by the class as a whole with input from the teacher.  How much the children alreadyknow about the topic is determined so that the topic  can be narrowed or broadened. The teacher helpsthe children create a list of questions for investigation.
Two	Resources such as books and videos are collected and used for investigation. Experts are called in for sharing  information. Field trips to appropriate sites are undertaken. New questions are added andaddressed as needed.
Three	Children reflect on what they have learned through discussions and lists. Children share with others their learning through presentations, creating books, dramatic play, and so on.

Waldorf Education

In 1919, just as World War I ended, the philosopher Rudolf Steiner (1861–1925) gave a talk about politics, economics, and education to workers at the Waldorf-Astoria cigarette factory in Stuttgart, Germany. Impressed with his views on education, the factory owner asked Steiner to create a school for his workers' children. The result was a model unlike any other found in the world then or now. It is presented here partly to demonstrate a different way of seeing children and their needs, and partly because Waldorf ideas may well prove practical as you create curricula for young children.

Observers of a Waldorf kindergarten will find children from about 3 to 5 years old engaged in imaginary play using natural, non-commercial materials. They will see art and music activities, but nothing in the way of academics, as these are saved for later in favor of letting children use the early years to develop their imaginations and their understanding of the natural world. Should these same observers then enter a primary class, the beginnings of academics will be seen, but with a unique Waldorf twist. From the beginnings of a Waldorf education through graduation, the importance of rhythm is stressed. It is manifested in the early years through focusing on the rhythm of the day with its repeated schedule, and the rhythm of the year with study and celebration of the seasons and holidays.

Underlying Waldorf education is a philosophy developed by Steiner from both Western and Eastern thought. Called anthroposophy, its key tenet is that the most ordinary human being is capable of becoming more spiritual. In the early years, this means bringing "the soul-spirit into harmony with the temporal body. . . . The task of the teacher is to harmonize these two parts to one another" (quoted in Trostli, 1998). This is achieved in a Waldorf classroom by doing the following (Almon, n.d.; Trostli, 1998; Uhrmacher, 1995):

Classrooms are painted in soft color washes, and curtains are made from plant-dyed fabrics.

Natural materials, such as beeswax, are used in art activities.

Technology is avoided until the upper grades.

Seasonal activities provide a feeling for the cycles of life.

In kindergarten, learning takes place largely through imitation of the teacher.

In the primary grades, the teacher becomes more of an authority fig­ure, although not in an authoritarian fashion.

Very few commercial books are used; rather, the teacher creates stories appropriate to the class.

In every grade, children engage in an art form called eurythmy, which incorporates movement, rhythm, language, and music.

For every age, there is a two-hour block of study at the beginning of each day in order to counter the typ­ical chopping up of the curriculum.

Forest Kindergarten

This model of early education is new to the United States and still quite rare, so you may not encounter an example in the near future. However, the potential for positive influences on children is high, and certain elements of the model can be adapted to any curriculum. We conclude our discussion of influential educational models with this newcomer.

The history of forest schools begins in the 1950s and 1960s in Denmark, principally through the efforts of enthusiastic parents who decided to institutionalize the experiences their children were having with a neighbor woman who enjoyed introducing them to the nearby woods (deQuetteville, 2008). Sweden and Germany soon created their own versions. Other countries have followed, with differing approaches to curriculum and site descriptions depending on their specific needs and natural resources.

The basic concept of a forest kindergarten is that it takes place principally outdoors in a natural setting. Note that the countries where these schools originated are known for their chilly winter weather. This does not stop forest kindergartens; they simply add warmer clothing. Another basic element is that children use the natural materials at hand as toys, to build structures, and to create artwork.

A few years into the 21st century, England began to experiment with forest schools, beginning in easily accessed rural areas. Then came the prospect of creating such sites in metropolitan London. Some of the city's challenges were those that have arisen in urban areas of the United States as well: high levels of child poverty, extremely crowded housing, growing obesity rates, frequent moving in and out of the city, low academic scores, and very few available spaces that could be remotely described as a "forest" (Milchem, 2011). With Swedish research demonstrating that forest school children had greater social capability, fewer sick days, better coordination, more imaginative play behavior, and better academic concentration than children in urban kindergartens (Borradaile, 2006), the potentially positive results of seeking out sites would outweigh the difficulties inherent in an overbuilt environment. London's forest kindergartens are still in development, with their supporters arguing,

Children who have played in natural spaces are far more likely to develop a deep desire to protect the natural living systems which provide us with fuel, food, health, richness and other essential services. Forest School is an effective way to develop children's pro-environmental values and behaviours. (Milchem, 2011, p. 20)

In the United States, forest kindergartens have proven especially attractive to Waldorf schools, due to their focus on nature and natural learning materials. At this time, more than 100 Waldorf programs in the United States have converted to the forest model (Leyden, 2009).

Although the curricula of forest schools vary widely depending on governmental requirements and available space, several characteristics are shared across programs:

Outdoor learning is the focus of the majority of the day.

All weather is tolerated unless dangerous.

Local woodlands are used as sites, preferably within walking distance of a school headquarters.

Teachers have typical early childhood training with specialized forest classes as appropriate.

Learning sessions are carefully planned, yet flexible.

Clear rules and boundaries are established by adults responsible for safety.

2.3 Review of the Role of Families in Early Education

The importance of family and community was presented in Chapter 1, particularly in rela­tion to inclusion in the NAEYC Standards for Early Childhood Teacher Preparation (2009). Regarding family and community resources as children's "other teachers" provides classroom teachers and caregivers with a starting point toward including them in curriculum develop­ment and delivery. As you will recall, two of the five models just discussed—the forest kin­dergartens and the Reggio Emilia schools—were in fact the product of parental inspiration and energy. Family activism that leads to the creation of a whole new form of teaching is, of course, unusual. More usual is to have a wide range of family interest in working with the professionals who teach and care for their children. At one end, there will be families who come from cultures unaccustomed to interacting with their children's school, or who hesitate to appear because they remember their own difficult childhood experiences, or who simply feel inadequate being there. At the other extreme are the families who take their inspiration from Reggio Emilia and Denmark and believe they should have some say in their children's curriculum. Depending on the site, most families will be found somewhere in the middle. The early childhood professional must be prepared to work with all levels, making every family member feel respected and included. This section provides a review of positions and sug­gestions from NAEYC for making curriculum-related interactions with family and community most productive.

Working with Families of Infants and Toddlers

In much of its writing about infants, NAEYC refers to caregivers as "infant care teachers," thus stressing the importance of what these professionals do. A major responsibility for these teachers is creating an alliance with infants' families, one in which "the parent-infant care teacher relationship becomes one of mutual support and learning about how best to care for the baby" (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009, p. 57). Important to this process is realizing that the infant comes to a home or center with patterns of behavior, including those connected to the family's culture and values. Observing the infant for cues and clues is helpful, but it is also important to learn from family members what culture, values, and child-rearing attitudes are a part of their lives. When family values differ widely from the caregiver's, it is good to remember that "acknowledging and giving equal validity to different perspectives provides an opportunity to build the alliance, thus creating an environment for the baby that reflects his home experience" (p. 58). A smooth transition from home to center and back again gives infants the confidence to learn all they can about their worlds.

When older infants become mobile, new challenges arise. One minute, they are excited to explore and practice their new freedom; the next minute, they are clinging to their parents. Emotions can run high, with adults on all sides needing to avoid getting caught up in the drama. The word no might appear now, and adults need to communicate about what this means to the child and how best to respond. Even this single development might be perceived differently between cultures, with some cheering on the new step in independence and others finding it socially inappropriate. The earlier position about the importance of mutual support between family and center continues as involved adults work toward possible compromise.

When infants move into toddlerhood, their increasing independence is represented by a new vocabulary of mine, why, and me do it or do self. NAEYC, perhaps reflecting an Eriksonian point of view, reminds us that this vocabulary demonstrates the toddler's "conflicting feelings: independence and dependence, pride and shame, confidence and doubt, fear and omnipo­tence, and hostility and intense love," and that all this is a part of the inner world of a healthy child (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009, p. 71). As Erikson has pointed out, a toddler's pride and shame are often connected to toileting. Visits to the toilet can be major events for the chil­dren, with public announcements about what is happening. Knowing what training steps are being taken at home and endeavoring to support each other during toilet training is a major part of school-home partnering at this time.

Working with families to support their toddlers' emotional security is a major responsibility of the early childhood professional. When there is good communication among all the adults, everyone can share techniques that have worked to assist their toddlers in this exciting but challenging time.

Working with Families of Preschoolers

The curriculum for infants and toddlers includes the whole world around them, absorbed from their daily routines, family and center culture, and new experiences. Once preschool and kindergarten begin, the curriculum begins to look, to parents, more like the school experi­ences they recall from their own lives. Even if their child is their first, they may now have stron­ger opinions about what should happen in the classroom. They may be reluctant to say so, of course, or they may be enthusiastic about sharing their vision. Good communication includes ensuring that mutual understanding and trust are fostered, and that parents feel comfortable sharing their opinions at the same time teachers feel comfortable sharing theirs.

Younger preschool children may bring with them issues held over from their toddler years. For example, some may still have issues with toileting and, knowing that their friends do not, this may lead to the feelings of shame suggested by Erikson. Teachers, in such a case, need to continue good communication with the parents so that children are encouraged but not unduly pressured.

Most preschoolers are still happy to take naps, but some are beginning not to need them. In addition, some parents insist that their children not take naps so that they can be put to bed right after dinner, even though the children may scarcely be able to make it through the day without falling asleep. All these variables can begin to conflict as teachers need to manage an entire group of children during the scheduled naptime. Most often, collaborating with parents of children who are outgrowing naps can lead to a compromise in which the children can look quietly at books, perhaps in an area of the room away from others.

Working with Families of Kindergarten and Primary Grade Children

In some ways, kindergarten families call to mind those of preschoolers. In others, there is much that is shared with older groups. This is particularly true if the kindergarten curriculum and assessments are more formalized. In this case, the curriculum may well be determined by legal requirements, and families need to understand what these are, as well as their implications.

Parents of these older children still need to be seen as partners in the educational process, even if many or most expectations do come from outside of the classroom. This can be especially true when some children have special needs that may require planned intervention or when linguistic difficulties suggest the need for interpreters during conferences. NAEYC has this to say about working with families of children this age:

[P]arent and family involvement in their children's education is a key ingredient for success in the early primary years. Knowledge of children's home lives and cultures helps teachers to make decisions—with parents—working through differences and reflecting on what they know will work best for individual children. . . . Understanding parents' preferences is essential to maintaining the two-way exchange necessary for any successful partnership. (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009, p. 326)

Armed now with this extensive review of child development, models of teaching, and family relationships, we consider how this knowledge can be applied to curriculum development.

2.4 Applying Theory, Philosophy, and Research to Curriculum Development

To make the connection between the preceding review sections and their application to curriculum development, we will visit three quite different early childhood sites.

A Field Trip for 3-Year-Olds

For the following case study, we meet a group of very excited 3-year-olds about to embark on an adventure outside their classroom.

CASE STUDY:

Down the Stairs to Adventure

Ten 3-year-olds head out the door of their child care center, doing their best to stay in line all the way to the end of the building and the beginning of a half-acre meadow. A visiting official walks by on his way into the building, smiling at everyone's obvious excitement to be taking this "field trip." One small boy looks up at him and fairly screams, "We're going down the stairs!"

"Down the stairs?" the official asks in some confusion.

"Yes! Down the stairs!" shouts another child, and the man sees that, to get to the meadow, the children must go down six concrete steps and that this is an important part of the journey. The teacher and aide who are supervising help the children negotiate this challenge and then watch as everyone begins to explore the random paths cut through the tall grasses or head to a couple of shade trees to see what might be hiding under the rocks.

The curriculum for the day is a simple one. Because it is only the third visit to the meadow for these children, they are not quite comfortable in their surroundings yet. Thus, they will be permitted to continue with their introductory explorations. On the surface, the meadow seems to consist simply of tall grasses and a few trees, but small children close to the ground discover new treasures continually. Some bring these to the teachers, who engage in conversations about each one, and they jointly decide which findings are valuable enough to take back to the classroom for further research or beautification. Others immediately engage in fantasy play, turning rocks and sticks into people, animals, and household furniture.

The teacher has planned a 20-minute period of exploration, but the children seem to have gained stamina from the last two visits, and they are happy to linger a bit longer. Finally, she gathers everyone around her and shares a story she has made up about children in a meadow and the treasures they find. As the youngsters line up to return to the building, the teacher looks up at the stairs and sees the visiting official, now on his way out, smiling at them all. "I see that you're going up the stairs now," he says to the class.

"Up the stairs. Up, up, up the stairs," responds one of the children, struggling a bit to navigate the high steps, but grinning victoriously at the top.

Taking a look back at the three review sections, we can see how they relate to this experience as follows:

Child Development

Physically, children who are just turning 3 are gaining control over their bodies, but they still have challenges associated not only with being small, but also with their centers of gravity still being somewhat high and the small muscles in their extremities not yet having developed fully. Thus, the stairs are not easy to negotiate. Cognitively, the children are toward the end of Piaget's sensorimotor stage, by now quite comfortable with symbolic representation. Because of this, finding natural materials leads easily and quickly into fantasy play. The children demonstrate different early manifestations of Gardner's intelligences as they engage in verbal interactions with each other and with the teachers, intuit the joys of nature, strengthen their bodies, and learn to find their way around what is, to them, a large wilderness.

Model of Teaching and Learning

Forest schools are designed for children just a bit older than our early 3-year-olds. In the limited time they have spent outdoors, however, they are benefitting from this sort of curriculum. It is only their third visit, but their strength and endurance are growing, a result seen in forest education research. They are becoming comfortable with the "wilderness," expanding their imaginative capabilities, and learning a little science. Their teachers would not yet take them to the meadow in unpleasant weather, but the children will someday be strong enough to do that too.

Working with Families

Children who are ready to explore in the meadow are children leaving the emotional world of toddlerhood, yet not quite ready for much of the preschool curriculum. Before embarking on this new meadow adventure, the teacher sent notes home to all the parents describing what would be happening. Two or three of them expressed concerns about the safety of being in untamed nature, but the teachers had been ready for this and invited every interested family member to come along when and if they could. So far, no one has taken them up on the offer, and there have been no complaints. The enthusiasm of the children has probably been enough to counteract any of the original concerns.

Inside a Montessori Classroom

Our next case study takes us into a Montessori classroom in Washington, D.C., with children aged 3 to 5 years old.

CASE STUDY:

The Teacher's Husband Comes for a Visit

Emily's children knew just what to do when outsiders came to observe their classroom, but today was heavy with anticipation and excitement. Most of the children had never met Emily's husband, Greg, and he had finally found time to drop by to meet everyone. In the children's view, everything had to be special and done right. So, when he showed up at the door ready for the workday in business suit and tie, they seemed to think that he had dressed up just for them.

Although all of the students had practiced their greetings, Emily was a bit surprised to see that while the 4- and 5-year-olds walked confidently to the door with their hands held out to meet Greg, the 3-year-olds held back shyly. Greg looked a little startled to be met by so many out-stretched hands, but he shook each one in turn. That accomplished, a 5-year-old girl escorted him to his designated (very small) observation chair. A second girl, in charge of the snack table for the day, asked politely, "Would you like juice and crackers?" He said that he would, and then did his best to balance everything on his lap while the two girls observed him intently.

Soon the whole class was busily involved in the morning's activities. These included small groups and individual projects as the children chose. It soon became apparent to both Emily and her husband that everyone was doing her or his best to show off for him; never had the morning gone so smoothly. Occasionally, a child would put his or her project close by Greg's chair, checking every now and then to be sure he was watching. The snack monitor kept her eye on the juice and crackers, collecting cup and napkin as soon as Greg had finished and depositing them in the recycle bin.

When it was circle time, the children asked Emily if Greg could join them, and he soon found himself sitting cross-legged on the floor, answering questions about his job and life at home with Emily. As he left, everyone—including the 3-year-olds—shook hands and invited him to return any time.

Again, we will take a look at the ways in which this experience relates to the review sections:

Child Development

In this example, the 3-year-old children who initially acted with shyness toward Greg are just emerging from Erikson's stage of autonomy vs. shame and doubt. They are still unsure of themselves, but once reassured by the experiences of the morning and by the apparent safety of Emily's husband, they are ready to take the bold step of shaking hands at his departure. The 4- and 5-year-olds, on the other hand, are comfortably ready to take initiative and know that they can offer their hands in greeting and the new person will respond in kind.

Model of Teaching and Learning

One of the ways Montessori planned for the creation of a classroom community was to introduce lessons in "grace and courtesy." These would vary from culture to culture and, for Emily's class, situated as it was in a major—and rather formal—East Coast city, teaching the children to shake hands was a natural part of the curriculum. Offering juice and crackers to any visitor was also part of their classroom courtesy, and visiting adults typically entered into the experience with equal grace.

Working with Families

Through the years, one controversial element of Montessori education is the view that family members should stay on the sidelines observing rather than enter into the activities of the day as they might well do in most other settings. Often, they are not even welcome to observe. The reasoning is perhaps that the environment and approach to teaching are so well organized and planned that outsiders can easily upset the learning that should take place. Emily's approach to this situation, the offering of juice and crackers, is a fairly common one that visitors usually enjoy.

Inside a K-1 Class

Our final visit is to a rather typical-looking public K-1 class, but it is taught by an experienced teacher who, in recent years, has engaged children in research through using the project approach. She does this while incorporating all three teaching methodologies described in Chapter 1: direct instruction, group work, and play.

CASE STUDY:

Incorporating Direct Instruction, Group Work, and Play into Important Project Learning

Each school year, Peggy begins to develop her young children's investigative capabilities early in the fall. She starts with direct instruction of behavioral expectations and very brief elements of project learning. She also provides large blocks of play during which she can observe the children's evolving interests. Most of the first graders were her students the previous year, so their skills are called upon to help the newer and younger children.

Plastic toy pizza.

©Stockphoto/Thinkstock

Using real-life examples in the classroom curriculum encourages in-depth learning.

Two years ago, one of the new children came from a family that had recently opened a pizza restaurant not far from the school. It was not long before "pizzas" were being served during free play sessions, and Peggy began considering related topics for more in-depth learning through a project. Eventually, the class itself raised the prospect of studying restaurants, specifically pizza restaurants. They believed they knew a lot, but they also had unanswered questions. Such identification of a research project and discussion about what should come next constitutes Phase One.

Phase Two, which includes the actual research, typically takes the majority of a project's time. Working first with the owners of the pizza restaurant, Peggy planned with the children what research questions they wanted answered. Dividing into committees led by the first graders, the class sought answers to such questions as the size of the restaurant, numbers of employees and their feelings about working there, and lists of ingredients. Field research, which came next, found the children inhabiting the entire restaurant during its off hours, busily interviewing employees, taking measurements, and drawing pictures. In preparation, Peggy chose a direct instruction approach, including role play, to set behavioral expectations. This proved highly successful, as no behavior problems arose at all during the field research. A few days after the visit, the owners came to the school to answer any final questions. The breadsticks they brought with them were quite popular.

Phase Three of the project provides time for reflection and sharing. Peggy chose to rely on play for this experience. One end of her classroom was sectioned off to become a pizza restaurant, and children played restaurant for many weeks afterward. Observations of their behavior demonstrated the impressive amount of knowledge the children had gained from their research compared to their initial play periods at the start of the school year.

Here are some connections between this project and the three review sections:

Child Development

The kindergarten children in Peggy's class still retain the characteristics of Piaget's preoperational stage, particularly in the early part of the school year. Their cognitive egocentrism makes it necessary for Peggy to introduce projects in careful stages, beginning with very simple steps. The kindergartners also enjoy having the older children assist them with their work. The first graders, moving into the concrete operational stage in the course of the school year, are increasingly able to take on research that requires committee work while providing opportunities to learn from the concrete and real world.

Model of Teaching and Learning

It may be helpful at this point to return to the original discussion of the project approach, with its description of each of the phases. While Peggy makes each year's project methodology her own, she still looks to the Katz and Chard model for guidance. She also stays attuned to the children's interests, as she did with this pizza project, while making sure that she meets her district's curriculum goals. She finds that her children always score high on standardized reading tests despite the fact that she does not always use the "required" texts. Peggy believes it is because her children read for important meaning most of the time.

Working with Families

At the beginning of every school year, Peggy learns from each family what interests, skills, and availability they might bring to the classroom. Interestingly, the pizza family was sure they could not participate because, like most restaurant owners, they were far too busy. Once they realized that the entire class was excited by their business, however, they somehow found time, energy, and interest to participate. Peggy believes strongly that mutuality is important in family-school relationships.

In the coming chapters, you will have opportunities to plan curricula. As you do, be sure to consider the implications of developmental theory, models with ideas to assist you, and the interests and needs of families.